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Baird. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%;} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} /* all headings centered */ + +p { margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em;} + +p.ind2 {margin-left: 2em; margin-top:1em; font-size: 1.25em;} + +hr { width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both;} + +hr.hr55 {width: 55%; + margin-top: 4em; + margin-bottom: 4em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both;} + +hr.hr40 {width: 40%; + margin-top: 4em; + margin-bottom: 4em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both;} + +.center {text-align: center;} +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +/* table fix part 1 */ + div.centered {text-align: center;} + +/* table fix part 2 */ + div.centered table {margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + text-align: left;} + +td.rn {text-align: right; vertical-align: bottom;} +td.c {text-align: center;} +td.pl {padding-left: 1em;} + +.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ + /* visibility: hidden; */ + position: absolute; + left: 1%; + font-size: smaller; + text-align: left; + vertical-align: bottom; + } /* page numbers */ + +.blockquot { margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%;} + +.sidenote { width: 20%; + padding-bottom: .5em; + padding-top: .5em; + padding-left: .5em; + padding-right: .5em; + margin-left: 1em; + float: right; + clear: right; + margin-top: 1em; + font-size: smaller; + color: black; + background: #eeeeee; + border: dashed 1px; } + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: none; margin-top:3em;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { vertical-align: super; + font-size: .7em; + text-decoration: none; } + +/* Poetry */ +.poem { margin-left:10%; + margin-right:10%; + text-align: left;} + +.poem br {display: none;} + +.poem .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} + +.poem span.i0 { display: block; + margin-left: 0em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; } + +.poem span.i2 { display: block; + margin-left: 2em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; } + +.poem span.i4 { display: block; + margin-left: 4em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; } + +.poem span.i6 { display: block; + margin-left: 6em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em; } + +.poem span.i8 {display: block; + margin-left: 8em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em;} + +.poem span.i10 {display: block; + margin-left: 10em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em;} + +.poem span.i12 {display: block; + margin-left: 12em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em;} + +.poem span.i16 {display: block; + margin-left: 16em; + padding-left: 3em; + text-indent: -3em;} + +.grk {font-style: normal; + font-size: 110%; + font-family: "Palatino Linotype","New Athena Unicode",Gentium,"Lucida Grande", + Galilee,"Arial Unicode MS",sans-serif;} + +.lsoff {list-style-type: none;} +.pad {padding-left: 1em;} + +.tnote {margin-left: 5em; + margin-right: 5em; + margin-bottom: 5em; + padding-left: 1em; + padding-right: 1em; + text-align: justify; + background: #eeeeee;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +Project Gutenberg's History of the Rise of the Huguenots, by Henry Baird + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: History of the Rise of the Huguenots + Volume 2 + +Author: Henry Baird + +Release Date: December 18, 2009 [EBook #30708] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF RISE OF HUGUENOTS VOL 2 *** + + + + +Produced by Paul Dring, Sigal Alon, Daniel J. Mount and +the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at +https://www.pgdp.net + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class='tnote'><h4>Transcribers note:</h4> +The index of this ebook also covers volume 1 of this work (PG etext 22762). +All entries have been hyperlinked. However, no guarantee can be +made that they will work at any/all times in any/all browsers.<br /><br /> +</div> + +<h1>HISTORY OF THE<br /> +RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS.</h1> + +<p><br /><br /></p> + +<h3>BY</h3> + +<h2>HENRY M. BAIRD,</h2> + +<h4>PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.</h4> + +<p><br /><br /></p> + +<h3><i>IN TWO VOLUMES.</i></h3> + +<p><br /><br /></p> + +<h2>VOL. II.</h2> + +<h4><i>FROM THE EDICT OF JANUARY (1562), TO THE<br /> +DEATH OF CHARLES THE NINTH (1574).</i></h4> + +<p><br /><br /></p> + +<h4>London:<br /> +HODDER AND STOUGHTON,<br /> +27, PATERNOSTER ROW.<br /> +MDCCCLXXX.</h4> + +<p class="center"> +<br /> +Hazell, Watson, and Viney, Printers, London and Aylesbury. +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +</p> + +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<h4>OF</h4> + +<h2>VOLUME SECOND.</h2> + +<p><br /><br /></p> + +<h3>BOOK II.</h3> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="CONTENTS"> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XIII.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1562-1563.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='rn' colspan='2'><small>Page</small></td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The First Civil War</span></td><td class='rn'><a href="#THE_FIRST_CIVIL_WAR">3</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Unsatisfactory Character of the Edict of January</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Leaders urge its Observance</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_3">3</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Seditious Sermons</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Opposition of Parliaments</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_6">6</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>New Conference at St. Germain</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Defection of Antoine of Navarre, and its Effects</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He is cheated with Vain Hopes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Jeanne d'Albret constant</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_10">10</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Immense Crowds at Huguenot Preaching</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Canons of Sainte-Croix</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_12">12</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Guises meet Christopher of Würtemberg at Saverne</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_13">13</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Their Lying Assurances</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_15">15</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Guises deceive Nobody</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Throkmorton's Account of the French Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_17">17</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Massacre of Vassy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenots call for the Punishment of the Murderers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_23">23</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Pretence of Want of Premeditation</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Louis of Condé appeals to the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_26">26</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Beza's Remonstrance</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_27">27</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>An Anvil that had worn out many Hammers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Guise enters Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_28">28</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Queen Mother takes Charles to Melun</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_30">30</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Her Letters imploring Condé's Aid</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Revolutionary Measures of the Triumvirs</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_32">32</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé retires to Meaux</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_33">33</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iv" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Noue justifies his Prudence</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_33">33</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenot Summons</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Admiral Coligny's Reluctance to take up Arms</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_34">34</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Guise and Navarre seize the King and bring him to Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montmorency's Exploit at the "Temples"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He earns the Title of "Le Capitaine Brûlebanc"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé throws himself into Orleans</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_38">38</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His "Justification"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_39">39</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Stringent Articles of Association</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_40">40</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenot Nobles and Cities</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_41">41</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Can Iconoclasm be repressed?</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_42">42</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>An Uncontrollable Impulse</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_43">43</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>It bursts out at Caen</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_44">44</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Idol" of the Church of Sainte-Croix</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Massacre of Huguenots at Sens</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_46">46</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Disorders and War in Provence and Dauphiny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>William of Orange and his Principality</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_48">48</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Massacre by Papal Troops from Avignon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Merciless Revenge of the Baron des Adrets</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_50">50</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Grim Pleasantry at Mornas</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Atrocities of Blaise de Montluc</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_51">51</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Massacre at Toulouse</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_52">52</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Centenary celebrated</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_53">53</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Foreign Alliances sought</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_54">54</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Queen Elizabeth's Aid invoked</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_55">55</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cecil's Urgency and Schemes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Divided Sympathies of the English</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_56">56</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Diplomatic Manœuvres</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé's Reply to the Pretended "Petition"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_59">59</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Third National Synod of the Protestants</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_61">61</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Interview of Catharine and Condé at Toury</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Loan" of Beaugency</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_63">63</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Futile Negotiations</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_64">64</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Spasmodic Efforts in Warfare</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_65">65</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Discipline</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_66">66</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Severities of the Parisian Parliament</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_68">68</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Military Successes of the "Triumvirs" at Poitiers and Bourges</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_71">71</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Help from Queen Elizabeth</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Siege of Rouen</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_76">76</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Ferocity of the Norman Parliament</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_80">80</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Death of Antoine, King of Navarre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_81">81</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The English in Havre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé takes the Field and appears before Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_85">85</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Dilatory Diplomacy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_90">90</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Battle of Dreux</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_93">93</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montmorency and Condé Prisoners</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_94">94</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Riotous Conduct of the Parisians</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Orleans Invested</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny again in Normandy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_99">99</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Reverses</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Assassination of Duke François de Guise</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_103">103</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Execution of Poltrot</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_105">105</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Beza and Coligny accused</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>They vindicate Themselves</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_106">106</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Estimates of Guise's Character</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Renée de France at Montargis</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_110">110</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Deliberations for Peace</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_113">113</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Noblesse" in favor of the Terms—the Ministers against them</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_114">114</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Edict of Pacification</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_115">115</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Remonstrance of the English Ambassador</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny's Disappointment</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_116">116</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Results of the First Civil War</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_118">118</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>It prevents France from becoming Huguenot</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_119">119</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'><hr style="width: 15%;" /></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Ballads and Songs</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_120">120</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XIV.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1563-1567.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Peace of Amboise and the Bayonne Conference</span></td><td class='rn'><a href="#THE_PEACE">126</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles demands Havre of the English</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_126">126</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Siege</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_127">127</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>How the Peace was received</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_128">128</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Vexatious Delays in Normandy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_129">129</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Norman Parliament protests and threatens</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_130">130</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A Rude Rebuff</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_131">131</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Commissioners to enforce the Edict</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_132">132</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A Profligate Court alienated from Protestantism</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_132">132</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Profanity a Test of Catholicity</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_134">134</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Admiral Coligny accused of Guise's Murder</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_135">135</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Defence espoused by the Montmorencies</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_135">135</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Petition of the Guises</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_136">136</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The King adjourns the Decision</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Embarrassment of Catharine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles's Majority proclaimed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_138">138</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The King and the Refractory Parisian Parliament</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_139">139</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Pope's Bull against Princely Heretics</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Proceedings against Cardinal Châtillon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Queen of Navarre cited to Rome</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_141">141</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Spirited Reply of the French Council</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_142">142</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine seeks to seduce the Huguenot Leaders</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_144">144</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Weakness of Condé</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Recent Growth of Protestantism</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_146">146</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Milhau-en-Rouergue</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montpellier—Béarn</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Jeanne d'Albret's Reformation</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_148">148</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Attempt to kidnap her</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_150">150</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Close of the Council of Trent</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_152">152</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cardinal Lorraine's Attempt to secure the Acceptance of its Decrees</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_154">154</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Altercation with L'Hospital</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_155">155</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>General Plan for suppressing Heresy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_156">156</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>"Progress" of Charles and his Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_157">157</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Calumnies against the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_159">159</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Their Numbers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_159">159</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine's New Zeal—Citadels in Protestant Towns</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Interpretative Declarations infringing upon the Edict</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Assaults upon Unoffending Huguenots—No Redress</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_162">162</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé appeals to the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_163">163</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Conciliatory Answers to Huguenot Inhabitants of Bordeaux and Nantes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_164">164</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Protestants excluded from Judicial Posts</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_165">165</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Marshal Montmorency checks the Parisian Mob</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_166">166</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Encounter with Cardinal Lorraine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_166">166</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Conference at Bayonne</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_167">167</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>What were its Secret Objects?</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_168">168</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>No Plan of Massacre adopted</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_169">169</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>History of the Interview</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_170">170</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine and Alva</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_172">172</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine rejects all Plans of Violence</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_175">175</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cardinal Granvelle's Testimony</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Festivities and Pageantry</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_176">176</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Henry of Béarn an Actor</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_177">177</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Roman Catholic Confraternities</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_179">179</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Hints of the Future Plot of the "League"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_180">180</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Siege of Malta and French Civilities to the Sultan</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_181">181</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Constable Montmorency defends Cardinal Châtillon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_182">182</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Court at Moulins</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_183">183</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Feigned Reconciliation of the Guises and Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_184">184</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>L'Hospital's Measure for the Relief of the Protestants</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_185">185</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Another Altercation between Cardinal Lorraine and the Chancellor</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_186">186</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Progress of the Reformation at Cateau-Cambrésis</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Insults and Violence</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_192">192</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Pleasantries</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_192">192</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Alarm of the Protestants</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_193">193</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Attempts to murder Coligny and Porcien</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_194">194</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Alva sent to the Netherlands</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_195">195</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Swiss Levy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_196">196</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé and Coligny remonstrate</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_197">197</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Discredited Assurances of Catharine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_198">198</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>"The very Name of the Edict employed to destroy the Edict itself"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_199">199</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'><hr style="width: 15%;" /></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenot Attempts at Colonization in Florida</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_199">199</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The First and Second Expeditions (1562, 1564)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_199">199</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Third Expedition (1565)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_200">200</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Massacre by Menendez</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_200">200</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Indignation of the French Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sincere Remonstrances</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sanguinary Revenge of De Gourgues</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_202">202</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XV.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1567-1568.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Second Civil War and the Short Peace</span></td><td class='rn'><a href="#SECOND_WAR">203</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny's Pacific Counsels</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_203">203</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Rumors of Plots to destroy the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_203">203</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>D'Andelot's Warlike Counsels prevail</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_204">204</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cardinal Lorraine to be seized and King Charles liberated</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_205">205</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Secret slowly leaks out</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_206">206</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Flight of the Court to Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_207">207</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cardinal Lorraine invites Alva to France</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_208">208</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé at Saint Denis</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_209">209</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenot Movement alienates the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Negotiations opened</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_210">210</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenots abate their Demands</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montmorency the Mouthpiece of Intolerance</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_211">211</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Insincerity of Alva's Offer of Aid</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_212">212</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Battle of St. Denis (Nov. 10, 1567)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_213">213</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Constable Montmorency mortally wounded</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_215">215</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Character</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_216">216</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Protestant Princes of Germany determine to send Aid</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenots go to meet it</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_219">219</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Treacherous Diplomacy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_220">220</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine implores Alva's Assistance</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_221">221</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé and John Casimir meet in Lorraine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_222">222</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Generosity of the Huguenot Troops</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_223">223</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The March toward Orleans</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_223">223</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Michelade" at Nismes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_224">224</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Successes in the South and West</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_226">226</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Rochelle secured for Condé</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_226">226</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Spain and Rome oppose the Negotiations for Peace</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_228">228</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Santa Croce demands Cardinal Châtillon's Surrender</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_229">229</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A Rebuff from Marshal Montmorency</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_229">229</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>March of the "Viscounts" to meet Condé</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_230">230</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Siege of Chartres</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_231">231</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Chancellor L'Hospital's Memorial</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_232">232</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Edict of Pacification (Longjumeau, March 23, 1568)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_234">234</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé for and Coligny against the Peace</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_235">235</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé's Infatuation</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_235">235</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Was the Court sincere?</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_236">236</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine short-sighted</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Imprudence of the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_238">238</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Judicial Murder of Rapin at Toulouse</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_239">239</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Seditious Preachers and Mobs</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Treatment of the Returning Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Expedition and Fate of De Cocqueville</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_242">242</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Garrisons and Interpretative Ordinances</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_244">244</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Oppression of Royal Governors</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_245">245</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>"The Christian and Royal League"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Insubordination to Royal Authority</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_247">247</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Admirable Organization of the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_247">247</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Murder runs Riot throughout France</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_248">248</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Rochelle, etc., refuse Royal Garrisons</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_250">250</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny retires for Safety to Tanlay, Condé to Noyers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_251">251</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>D'Andelot's Remonstrance</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_252">252</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine sides with L'Hospital's Enemies</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_254">254</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Remonstrance of the three Marshals</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine's Intrigues</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_255">255</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Court seeks to ruin Condé and Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Téligny sent to remonstrate</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_256">256</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Oath exacted of the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_257">257</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Plot Disclosed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_259">259</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Intercepted Letter from Spain</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_259">259</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Isabella of Spain her Husband's Mouthpiece</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_261">261</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles begs his Mother to avoid War</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_262">262</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Her Animosity against L'Hospital</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Another Quarrel between Lorraine and the Chancellor</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Fall of Chancellor L'Hospital</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_264">264</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Plot</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_265">265</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Marshal Tavannes its Author</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_266">266</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé's Last Appeal to the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_267">267</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Flight of the Prince and Admiral</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_268">268</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Its Wonderful Success</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_269">269</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Third Civil War opens</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='center' colspan="2"><hr style="width: 15%;" /></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The City of La Rochelle and its Privileges</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_270">270</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XVI.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1568-1570.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Third Civil War</span></td><td class='rn'><a href="#THIRD_WAR">274</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Relative Advantages of Huguenots and Roman Catholics</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_274">274</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Enthusiasm of Huguenot Youth</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_274">274</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Enlistment of Agrippa d'Aubigné</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_275">275</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Court proscribes the Reformed Religion</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_275">275</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Impolicy of this Course</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_277">277</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A "Crusade" published at Toulouse</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_278">278</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Fanaticism of the Roman Catholic Preachers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_279">279</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Places of Refuge</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_280">280</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Jeanne d'Albret and D'Andelot reach La Rochelle</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_281">281</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Successes in Poitou, Angoumois, etc.</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_282">282</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Powerful Huguenot Army in the South</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Effects a Junction with Condé's Forces</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_284">284</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Reprisals and Negotiations</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_287">287</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>William of Orange tries to aid the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_288">288</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Declaration in their behalf</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_290">290</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Aid sought from England</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_291">291</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Generously accorded by Clergy and Laity</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_292">292</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Misgivings of Queen Elizabeth</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_294">294</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Her Double Dealing and Effrontery</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_295">295</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Fruitless Sieges and Plots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_297">297</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Growing Superiority of Anjou's Forces</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_298">298</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Armies meet on the Charente</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_299">299</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Battle of Jarnac (March 13, 1569)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_301">301</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Murder of Louis, Prince of Condé</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_302">302</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Prince of Navarre remonstrates against the Perfidy shown</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_305">305</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Exaggerated Bulletins</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_307">307</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Pope's Sanguinary Injunctions</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_308">308</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sanguinary Action of the Parliament of Bordeaux</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_310">310</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Queen Elizabeth colder</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_310">310</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Queen of Navarre's Spirit</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenots recover Strength</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_312">312</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Death of D'Andelot</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_312">312</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>New Responsibility resting on Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_314">314</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Duke of Deux Ponts comes with German Auxiliaries</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_315">315</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>They overcome all Obstacles and join Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_317">317</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Death of Deux Ponts</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_318">318</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Success at La Roche Abeille</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_319">319</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Furlough of Anjou's Troops</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_320">320</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Petition to the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_320">320</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny's Plans overruled</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_324">324</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Disastrous Siege of Poitiers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_324">324</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cruelties to Huguenots in the Prisons of Orleans</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_326">326</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montargis a Safe Refuge</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_327">327</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Flight of the Refugees to Sancerre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_328">328</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Croix de Gastines"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_329">329</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Ferocity of Parliament against Coligny and Others</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_330">330</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A Price set on Coligny's Head</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_330">330</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenots weaker</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_332">332</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Battle of Moncontour (Oct. 3, 1569)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_333">333</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny wounded</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_334">334</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Heavy Losses of the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_335">335</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Roman Catholics exultant</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_336">336</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Mouy murdered by Maurevel</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_337">337</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Assassin rewarded with the Collar of the Order</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Fatal Error committed by the Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Siege of St. Jean d'Angely</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_340">340</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Successes at Vézelay and Nismes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_344">344</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny encouraged</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_347">347</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Withdrawal of the Troops of Dauphiny and Provence</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_348">348</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Admiral's Bold Plan</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_348">348</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He Sweeps through Guyenne</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_349">349</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>"Vengeance de Rapin"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_351">351</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny pushes on to the Rhône</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_351">351</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Singular Success and its Causes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_351">351</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He turns toward Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Illness interrupts Negotiations</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Engagement of Arnay-le-Duc</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_354">354</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny approaches Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_356">356</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Progress of Negotiations</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_356">356</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The English Rebellion affects the Terms offered</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_358">358</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Better Conditions proposed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles and his Mother for Peace</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_360">360</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The War fruitless for its Authors</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_361">361</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Anxiety of Cardinal Châtillon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Royal Edict of St. Germain (Aug. 8, 1570)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_363">363</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Dissatisfaction of the Clergy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_365">365</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>"The Limping and Unsettled Peace"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_366">366</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XVII.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1570-1572.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Peace of St. Germain</span></td><td><a href="#PEACE2">367</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sincerity of the Peace</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_367">367</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Designs of Catharine de' Medici</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_369">369</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles the Ninth in Earnest</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Tears out the Parliament Record against Cardinal Châtillon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_371">371</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Assurances to Walsingham</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_371">371</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Gracious Answer to German Electors</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_372">372</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Infringement on Edict at Orange</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_373">373</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Protestants of Rouen attacked</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_374">374</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Croix de Gastines" pulled down</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_375">375</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Projected Marriage of Anjou to Queen Elizabeth of England</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_377">377</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Machinations to dissuade Anjou</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_379">379</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles indignant at Interference</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_379">379</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Alençon to be substituted as Suitor</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_380">380</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Anjou's new Ardor</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_380">380</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Elizabeth interposes Obstacles</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_381">381</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Papal and Spanish Efforts</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_382">382</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Vexation of Catharine at Anjou's fresh Scruples</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_383">383</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Louis of Nassau confers with the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_384">384</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Admiral Coligny consulted</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_386">386</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Invited to Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_387">387</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Honorable Reception</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_389">389</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Disgust of the Guises and Alva</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_390">390</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles gratified</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_391">391</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Proposed Marriage of Henry of Navarre to the King's Sister</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_392">392</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Anjou Match falls through</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_396">396</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Praise of Alençon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_398">398</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Pius the Fifth Alarmed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_400">400</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Cardinal of Alessandria sent to Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_400">400</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The King's Assurances</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_400">400</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Jeanne d'Albret becomes more favorable to her Son's Marriage</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_403">403</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Her Solicitude</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_403">403</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>She is treated with Tantalizing Insincerity</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_404">404</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>She is shocked at the Morals of the Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_405">405</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Her Sudden Death</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_407">407</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny and the Boy-King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_408">408</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Dispensation delayed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_410">410</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The King's Earnestness</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_411">411</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Mons and Valenciennes captured</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_412">412</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine's Indecision</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_413">413</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Queen Elizabeth inspires no Confidence</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_414">414</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Rout of Genlis</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_415">415</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Determines Catharine to take the Spanish Side</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_416">416</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Loss of the Golden Opportunity</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_416">416</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Admiral does not lose Courage</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_417">417</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles and Catharine at Montpipeau</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_418">418</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Rumors of Elizabeth's Desertion of her Allies</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_419">419</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles thoroughly cast down</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_420">420</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny partially succeeds in reassuring him</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_421">421</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Elizabeth toys with Dishonorable Proposals from the Netherlands</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_422">422</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Fatal Results</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_423">423</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Mémoires inédits de Michel de la Huguerye</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_423">423</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His View of a long Premeditation</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_423">423</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Studied Misrepresentation of Jeanne d'Albret</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_424">424</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XVIII.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1572.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day</span></td><td class='rn'><a href="#MASSACRE">426</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenot Nobles reach Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_426">426</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Betrothal of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_427">427</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Entertainment in the Louvre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_429">429</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny's Letter to his Wife</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_430">430</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Festivities and Mock Combats</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_431">431</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Grievances to be redressed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_432">432</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine and Anjou jealous of Coligny's Influence over the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_433">433</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Duchess of Nemours and Guise</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_434">434</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Was the Massacre long premeditated?</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_435">435</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Salviati's Testimony</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_435">435</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles' Cordiality to Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_436">436</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny wounded</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_437">437</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Agitation of the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_439">439</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Coligny courageous</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_440">440</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Visited by the King and his Mother</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_441">441</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine attempts to break up the Conference</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_443">443</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles writes Letters expressing his Displeasure</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_444">444</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Vidame de Chartres advises the Huguenots to leave Paris</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_445">445</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine and Anjou come to a Final Decision</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_446">446</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>They ply Charles with Arguments</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_447">447</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The King consents reluctantly</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_449">449</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Few Victims first selected</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_450">450</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Religious Hatred</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_452">452</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Precautionary Measures</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_452">452</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Orders issued to the Prévôt des Marchands</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_454">454</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The First Shot and the Bell of St. Germain l'Auxerrois</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_455">455</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Murder of Admiral Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_456">456</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Character and Work</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_460">460</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Murder of Huguenot Nobles in the Louvre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_465">465</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Navarre and Condé spared</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_468">468</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Massacre becomes general</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_470">470</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Rochefoucauld and Téligny fall</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_470">470</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Self-defence of a few Nobles</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_471">471</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Victims of Personal Hatred</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_472">472</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Adventures of young La Force</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_472">472</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Pitiless Butchery</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_474">474</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Shamelessness of the Court Ladies</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_476">476</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Anjou, Montpensier, and others encourage the Assassins</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_476">476</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Wonderful Escapes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_477">477</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Death of the Philosopher Ramus</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_478">478</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>President Pierre de la Place</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_479">479</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Regnier and Vezins</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_480">480</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Escape of Chartres and Montgomery</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_481">481</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles himself fires on them</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_482">482</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Massacre continues</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_484">484</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Pillage of the Rich</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_485">485</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Orders issued to lay down Arms</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_487">487</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Little heeded</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_487">487</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Miracle of the "Cimetière des Innocents"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_488">488</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The King's First Letter to Mandelot</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_490">490</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Guise throws the Responsibility on the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_491">491</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles accepts it on Tuesday morning</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_492">492</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Lit de Justice"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_492">492</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Servile Reply of Parliament</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_493">493</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Christopher De Thou</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_493">493</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Ineffectual Effort to inculpate Coligny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_495">495</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Memory declared Infamous</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_496">496</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Petty Indignities</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_496">496</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A Jubilee Procession</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_498">498</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles declares he will maintain his Edict of Pacification</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_498">498</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Forced Conversion of Navarre and Condé</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_499">499</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XIX.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1572.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Massacre in the Provinces, and the Reception of the Tidings Abroad</span></td><td><a href="#MASSACRE2">501</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Massacre in the Provinces</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_501">501</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Verbal Orders</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_502">502</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Instructions to Montsoreau at Saumur</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_503">503</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Two Kinds of Letters</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_504">504</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Massacre at Meaux</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_505">505</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>At Troyes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_507">507</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Great Bloodshed at Orleans</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_508">508</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>At Bourges</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_511">511</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>At Angers</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_512">512</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Butchery at Lyons</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_513">513</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Responsibility of Mandelot</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_517">517</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Rouen</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_519">519</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Toulouse</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_521">521</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Bordeaux</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_522">522</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Why the Massacre was not Universal</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_524">524</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Policy of the Guises</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_525">525</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv">[Pg xiv]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Spurious Accounts of Clemency</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_525">525</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Bishop Le Hennuyer, of Lisieux</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_525">525</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Kind Offices of Matignon at Caen and Alençon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_526">526</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Of Longueville and Gordes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_526">526</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Of Tende in Provence</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_527">527</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Viscount D'Orthez at Bayonne</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_528">528</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Municipality of Nantes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_529">529</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Uncertain Number of Victims</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_530">530</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>News of the Massacre received at Rome</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_530">530</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Public Thanksgivings</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_532">532</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Vasari's Paintings in the Vatican</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_533">533</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>French Boasts count for Nothing</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_535">535</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine writes to Philip, her son-in-law</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_536">536</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Delight of Philip of Spain</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_537">537</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Charles instigates the Murder of French Prisoners</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_539">539</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Alva jubilant, but wary</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_540">540</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>England's Horror</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_541">541</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Perplexity of La Mothe Fénélon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_541">541</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>His Cold Reception by Queen Elizabeth</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_543">543</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Ambassador disheartened</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_546">546</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sir Thomas Smith's Letter</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_546">546</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine's Unsuccessful Representations</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_547">547</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Briquemault and Cavaignes hung for alleged Conspiracy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_548">548</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The News in Scotland</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_550">550</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>In Germany</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_550">550</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>In Poland</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_552">552</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sympathy of the Genevese</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_554">554</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Their Generosity and Danger</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_557">557</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Impression at Baden</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_558">558</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Medals and Vindications</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_559">559</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Disastrous Personal Effect on King Charles</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_560">560</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>How far was the Roman Church Responsible?</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_562">562</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Gregory probably not aware of the intended Massacre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_564">564</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Paul the Fifth instigates the French Court</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_564">564</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He counsels exterminating the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_565">565</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='center' colspan="2"><hr style="width: 15%;" /></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A New Account of the Massacre at Orleans</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_569">569</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>CHAPTER XX.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'>1572-1574.</td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='c' colspan='2'> </td></tr> +<tr> +<td><span class="smcap">The Sequel of the Massacre, to the Death of Charles the Ninth</span></td><td class='rn'><a href="#SEQUEL">572</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Widespread Terror</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_572">572</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Rochelle and other Cities in Huguenot Hands</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_573">573</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xv" id="Page_xv">[Pg xv]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Nismes and Montauban</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_573">573</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Rochelle the Centre of Interest</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_576">576</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>A Spurious Letter of Catharine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_577">577</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Designs on the City</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_577">577</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Mission of La Noue</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_579">579</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He is badly received</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_580">580</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Royal Proposals rejected</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_581">581</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Marshal Biron appears before La Rochelle</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_582">582</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Beginning of the Fourth Religious War</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_582">582</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Description of La Rochelle</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_582">582</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Resoluteness of the Defenders</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_583">583</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Their Military Strength</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_584">584</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Henry, Duke of Anjou, appointed to conduct the Siege</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_585">585</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Besieged pray and fight</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_585">585</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Bravery of the Women</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_586">586</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Noue retires—Failure of Diplomacy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_587">587</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>English Aid miscarries</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_588">588</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenot Successes in the South</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_589">589</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Sommières and Villeneuve</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_589">589</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Beginning of the Siege of Sancerre</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_589">589</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Incipient Famine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_590">590</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Losses of the Army before La Rochelle</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_591">591</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Roman Catholic Processions</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_592">592</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Election of Henry of Anjou to the Crown of Poland</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_593">593</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Edict of Pacification (Boulogne, July, 1573)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_593">593</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Meagre Results of the War</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_594">594</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Siege and Famine of Sancerre continue</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_595">595</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The City capitulates</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_597">597</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Reception of the Polish Ambassadors</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_598">598</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Discontent of the South with the Terms of Peace</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_599">599</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Assembly of Milhau and Montauban</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_600">600</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Military Organization of the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_600">600</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Petition to the King</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_601">601</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>"Les Fronts d'Airain"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_603">603</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Catharine's Bitter Reply</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_604">604</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Huguenots firm</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_604">604</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Decline of Charles's Health</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_605">605</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Project of an English Match renewed</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_606">606</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Intrigues with the German Princes</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_608">608</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Death of Louis of Nassau</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_610">610</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Anjou's Reception at Heidelberg</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_610">610</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Frankness of the Elector Palatine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_611">611</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Last Days of Chancellor L'Hospital</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_613">613</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Party of the "Politiques"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_615">615</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Hotman's "Franco-Gallia"</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_615">615</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Treacherous Attempt on La Rochelle</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_616">616</a> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_xvi" id="Page_xvi">[Pg xvi]</a></span></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Huguenots reassemble at Milhau</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_617">617</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>They complete their Organization</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_618">618</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The Duke of Alençon</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_619">619</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Glandage Plunders the City of Orange</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_620">620</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montbrun's Exploits in Dauphiny</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_621">621</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>La Rochelle resumes Arms (Beginning of the Fifth Religious War)</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_622">622</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Diplomacy tried in Vain</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_623">623</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>The "Politiques" make an Unsuccessful Rising</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_625">625</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Flight of the Court from St. Germain</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_626">626</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Alençon and Navarre examined</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_627">627</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Execution of La Mole and Coconnas</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_628">628</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Condé retires to Germany</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_629">629</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Reasons for the Success of the Huguenots</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_630">630</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Montgomery lands in Normandy</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_631">631</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>He is forced to Surrender</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_632">632</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Delight of Catharine</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_632">632</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Execution of Montgomery</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_633">633</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Last Days of Charles the Ninth</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_635">635</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Distress of his Young Queen</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_636">636</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Death and Funeral Rites of Charles</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_638">638</a></td></tr> +<tr> +<td class='pl'>Had Persecution, War and Treachery Succeeded?</td><td class='rn'><a href="#Page_639">639</a></td></tr> +</table></div> + +<hr class="hr55" /> + +<h2>BOOK SECOND.</h2> + +<p class='center'> +<i>FROM THE EDICT OF JANUARY (1562)<br /> +TO THE DEATH OF CHARLES<br /> +THE NINTH (1574).</i> +</p> + +<hr class="hr55" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIII.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="THE_FIRST_CIVIL_WAR" id="THE_FIRST_CIVIL_WAR"></a>THE FIRST CIVIL WAR.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Inconsistencies of the Edict of January.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> +The Edict of January was on its very face a compromise, and as such +rested on no firm foundation. Inconsistent with itself, it fully +satisfied neither Huguenot nor Roman Catholic. The latter objected to the +toleration which the edict extended; the former demanded the unrestricted +freedom of worship which it denied. If the existence of two diverse +religions was compatible with the welfare of the state, why ignominiously +thrust the places of Protestant worship from the cities into the suburbs? +If the two were irreconcilable, why suffer the Huguenots to assemble +outside the walls?</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot leaders urge the observance of the edict.</div> + +<p>Yet there was this difference between the attitude assumed by the rival +parties with reference to the edict: while the Roman Catholic leaders +made no secret of their intention to insist upon its repeal, +<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the +Huguenot leaders were urgent in their advice to the churches to conform +strictly to its provisions, restraining the indiscreet +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span>zeal of their +more impetuous members and exhibiting due gratitude to Heaven for the +amelioration of their lot. To the <i>people</i> it was, indeed, a bitter +disappointment to be compelled to give up the church edifices, and to +resort for public service to the outskirts of the town. Less keen was the +regret experienced by others not less sincerely interested in the +progress of the purer doctrines, who, on account of their appreciation of +the violence of the opposition to be encountered, had not been so +sanguine in their expectations. And so Beza and other prominent men of +the Protestant Church, after obtaining from Chancellor L'Hospital some +further explanations on doubtful points, addressed to their brethren in +all parts of France a letter full of wholesome advice. "God," said they, +"has deigned to employ new means of protecting His church in this +kingdom, by placing those who profess the Gospel under the safeguard of +the king, our natural prince, and of the magistrates and governors +established by him. This should move us so much the more to praise the +infinite goodness of our Heavenly Father, who has at length answered the +cry of His children, and lovingly to obey the king, in order that he may +be induced to aid our just cause." The provisional edict, they added, was +not all that might yet be hoped for. As respected the surrender of the +churches, those Huguenots who had seized them on their own individual +authority ought rather to acknowledge their former indiscretion than +deplore the necessity for restitution. In fine, annoyance at the loss of +a few privileges ought to be forgotten in gratitude for the gain of many +signal advantages. +<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> +The letter produced a deep impression, and its +salutary advice was followed scrupulously, if not cheerfully, even in +southern France, where the Huguenots, in some places, outnumbered the +adherents of the Romish Church.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Seditious Sermons.</div> + +<p>The papal party was less ready to acquiesce. The Edict of January was, +according to its representative writers, the most pernicious law for the +kingdom that could have been devised. By forbidding the magistrates from +interfering with the Protestant +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> +conventicles held in the suburbs, by +permitting the royal officers to attend, by conferring upon the ministers +full liberty of officiating, a formal approval was, for the first time, +given to the new sect under the authority of the royal +seal.<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The +pulpits resounded with denunciations of the government. The King of +Navarre and the queen mother were assailed under scriptural names, as +favoring the false prophets of Baal. Scarcely a sermon was preached in +which they did not figure as Ahab and +Jezebel.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> +A single specimen of +the spirited discourses in vogue will suffice. A Franciscan monk—one +Barrier—the same from whose last Easter sermon an extract has already +been given<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>—after +reading the royal ordinance in his church of +Sainte-Croix, in Provins, remarked: "Well now, gentlemen of Provins, what +must I, and the other preachers of France, do? Must we obey this order? +What shall we tell you? What shall we preach? 'The Gospel,' Sir Huguenot +will say.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> +And pray, stating that the errors of Calvin, of Martin Luther, +of Beza, Malot, Peter Martyr, and other preachers, with their erroneous +doctrine, condemned by the Church a thousand years ago, and since then by +the holy œcumenical councils, are worthless and damnable—is not this +preaching the Gospel? Bidding you beware of their teaching, bidding you +refuse to listen to them, or read their books; telling you that they only +seek to stir up sedition, murder, and robbery, as they have begun to do +in Paris and numberless places in the realm—is not this preaching 'the +Gospel?' But some one may say: 'Pray, friar, what are you saying? You are +not obeying the king's edict; you are still talking of Calvin and his +companions; you call them and those who hold their sentiments <i>heretics</i> +and <i>Huguenots</i>; you will be denounced to the courts of justice, you will +be thrown into prison—yes, you will be hung as a seditious person.' I +answer, <i>that</i> is not unlikely, for Ahab and Jezebel put to death the +prophets of God in their time, and gave all freedom to the false prophets +of Baal. 'Stop, friar, you are saying too much, you will be hung.' Very +well, then there will be a gray friar hung! Many others will therefore +have to be hung, for God, by His Holy Spirit, will inspire the pillars of +His church to uphold the edifice, which will never be overthrown until +the end of the world, whatever blows may be struck at +it."<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Opposition of the parliaments.</div> + +<p>The parliaments exhibited scarcely less opposition to the edict than did +the pulpits of the Roman Catholic churches. One—the Parliament of +Dijon—never registered it at +all;<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> +while that of Paris instituted a +long and decided resistance. "<i>Non possumus, nec debemus," "non possumus, +nec debemus pro conscientia</i>," were the words in which it replied when +repeatedly pressed to give formal +sanction.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> +The counsellors were +equally displeased with the contents of the edict, and with the +irregularity committed in sending it first to the provincial parliaments. +Even when the king, yielding to their importunity, by a supplementary +"declaration," interpreted the provision of the edict relative to the +attendance of royal officers +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> +upon the reformed services, as applicable +only to the bailiffs, seneschals, and other minor magistrates, and +strictly prohibited the attendance of the members of parliament and other +high judicatories,<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> the counsellors, instead of proceeding to the +registry of the obnoxious law, returned a recommendation that the +intolerant Edict of <i>July</i> be enforced!<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> It was not possible until +March to obtain a tardy assent to the reception of the January Edict into +the legislation of the country, and then only a few of the judges +vouchsafed to take part in the act.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> The delay served to inflame yet +more the passions of the people.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">New conference.</div> + +<p>Scarcely had the edict which was to adjust the relations of the two +religious parties been promulgated, when a new attempt was made to +reconcile the antagonistic beliefs by the old, but ever unsuccessful +method of a conference between theologians. On the twenty-eighth of +January a select company assembled in the large council-chamber of the +royal palace of St. Germain, and commenced the discussion of the first +topic submitted for their deliberation—the question of pictures or +images and their worship. Catharine herself was present, with Antoine of +Navarre and Jeanne d'Albret, Michel de l'Hospital, and other members of +the council. On the papal side appeared the Cardinals of Bourbon, +Tournon, and Ferrara, and a number of less elevated dignitaries. Beza and +Marlorat were most prominent on the side of the reformed. The discussion +was long and earnest, but it ended leaving all the disputants holding the +same views that they had entertained at the outset. Beza condemned as +idolatrous the practice of admitting statues or paintings into Christian +churches, and urged their entire removal. The Inquisitor De Mouchy, Fra +Giustiniano of Corfu, Maillard, dean of the Sorbonne, and others, +attempted to refute his positions in a style of argument which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> exhibited +the extremes of profound learning and silly conceit. Bishop Montluc of +Valence,<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and four doctors of theology—Salignac, Bouteiller, +D'Espense, and Picherel—not only admitted the flagrant abuses of +image-worship, but drew up a paper in which they did not disguise their +sentiments. They recommended the removal of representations of the Holy +Trinity, and of pictures immodest in character, or of saints not +recognized by the Church. They reprobated the custom of decking out the +portraits of the saints with crowns and dresses, the celebration of +processions in their honor, and the offering of gifts and vows. And they +yielded so far to the demands of the Protestants as to desire that only +the simple cross should be permitted to remain over the altar, while the +pictures should be placed high upon the walls, where they could neither +be kissed nor receive other objectionable marks of adoration.<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> It was +a futile task to reconcile views so discordant even among the Roman +Catholic partisans. Two weeks were spent in profitless discussion, and, +on the eleventh of February, the new colloquy was permitted to dissolve +without having entered upon any of the more difficult questions that +still remained upon the programme marked out for it.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The cardinals +had prevailed upon Catharine de' Medici to refer the settlement to the +Council of Trent.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> The joy of De Mouchy, the inquisitor, and of his +companions, knew no bounds when Chancellor L'Hospital declared the +queen's pleasure, and requested the members to retire to their homes, and +reduce their opinions to writing for future use. They were ready to throw +themselves on Beza's neck in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> their delight at being relieved of the +necessity of debating with him!<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Defection of Antoine and its results.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Constancy of Jeanne.</div> + +<p>But, in truth, the time for the calm discussion of theological +differences, the time for friendly salutation between the champions of +the rival systems of faith, was rapidly drawing to a close. If some rays +of sunshine still glanced athwart the landscape, conveying to the +unpractised eye the impression of quiet serenity, there were also black +and portentous clouds already rising far above the horizon. Those who +could read the signs of the times had long watched their gathering, and +they trembled before the coming of the storm. Although they were +mercifully spared the full knowledge of the overwhelming ruin that would +follow in the wake of that fearful war of the elements, they saw the +angry commotion of the sky, and realized that the air was surcharged with +material for the most destructive bolts of heaven. And yet it is the +opinion of a contemporary, whose views are always worthy of careful +consideration, that, had it not been for the final defection of the King +of Navarre at this critical juncture, the great woes impending over +France might still have been delayed or averted.<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> That unhappy prince +seemed determined to earn the title of the "Julian Apostate" of the +French Reformation. Plied by the arts of his own servants, D'Escars (of +whom Mézeray pithily remarks that he was ready to sell himself for money +to anybody, save his master) and the Bishop of Auxerre; flattered by the +Triumvirate, tempted by the Spanish Ambassador, Cardinal Tournon, and the +papal legate, he had long been playing a hypocritical part. He had been +unwilling to break with the Huguenots before securing the golden fruit +with which he was lured on, and so he was at the same time the agent and +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> object of treachery. Even after he had sent in his submission to the +Pope by the hands of D'Escars, he pretended, when remonstrated with by +his Protestant friends, that "he would take care not to go so far that he +could not easily extricate himself."<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> He did not even show displeasure +when faithfully rebuked and warned.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Yet he had after long hesitation +completely cast in his lot with the papal party. He was convinced at last +that Philip was in earnest in his intention to give him the island of +Sardinia, which was depicted to him as a terrestrial paradise, "worth +four Navarres."<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> It was widely believed that he had received from the +Holy See the promise of a divorce from his heretical consort, which, +while permitting him to retain the possessions which she had justly +forfeited by her spiritual rebellion, would enable him to marry the +youthful Mary of Scots, and add a substantial crown to his titular +claims.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> But we would fain believe that even Antoine of Bourbon had +not sunk to such a depth of infamy. Certain it is, however, that he now +openly avowed his new devotion to the Romish Church, and that the +authority of his name became a bulwark of strength to the refractory +parliament in its endeavor to prevent the execution of the edict of +toleration.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> But he was unsuccessful in dragging with him the wife +whom he had been the instrument of inducing first to declare herself for +the persecuted faith of the reformers. And when Catharine de' Medici, who +cared nothing for religion, tried to persuade her to arrange matters with +her husband, "Sooner," she said, "than ever go to mass, had I my kingdom +and my son in my hand, I would cast them both into the depth of the sea, +that they might<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> not be a hinderance to me."<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Brave mother of Henry +the Fourth! Well would it have been, both for her son and for France, if +that son had inherited more of Jeanne d'Albret's devotion to truth, and +less of his father's lewdness and inconstancy!</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Immense crowds at Huguenot preaching.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The canons of Sainte Croix.</div> + +<p>As early as in February, Beza was of the opinion that the King of Navarre +would not suffer him to remain longer in the realm to which he himself +had invited him so earnestly only six months before. At all events, he +would be publicly dismissed by the first of May, and with him many +others. With this disquieting intelligence came also rumors of an +alliance between the enemies of the Gospel and the Spaniard, which could +not be treated with contempt as baseless fabrications.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> But meanwhile +the truth was making daily progress. At a single gathering for prayer and +preaching, but a few days before, twenty-five thousand persons, it was +computed, had been in attendance, representing all ranks of the +population, among whom were many of the nobility.<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> In the city of +Troyes, a few weeks later, eight or nine thousand persons assembled from +the neighboring country to celebrate the Lord's Supper, and the number of +communicants was so great that they could not all partake on a single +day; so the services were repeated on the morrow.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> Elsewhere there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> +was equal zeal and growth. Indeed, so rapid was the advance of +Protestantism, so pressing the call for ministers, that the large and +flourishing church of Orleans, in a letter written the last day of +February, proclaimed their expectation of establishing a theological +school to supply their own wants and those of the adjacent regions; and +it is no insignificant mark of the power with which the reformatory +movement still coursed on, that the canons of the great church of Sainte +Croix had given notice of their intention to attend the lectures that +were to be delivered!<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> In such an encouraging strain did "the +ministers, deacons, and elders" of the most Protestant city of northern +France write on the day before that deplorable massacre of Vassy, which +was to be the signal for an appeal from argument to arms, upon which the +newly enkindled spirit of religious inquiry was to be quenched in +partisan hatred and social confusion. Within less than two months the +tread of an armed host was to be heard in the city which it had been +hoped would be thronged by the pious students of the gospel of peace, and +frenzied soldiers would be hurling upon the floors of Sainte Croix the +statues of the saints that had long occupied their elevated niches.</p> + +<p>We must now turn to the events preceding the inauspicious occurrence the +fruits of which proved so disastrous to the French church and state.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Guises meet the Duke of Würtemberg at Saverne.</div> + +<p>Having at length made sure of the co-operation of the King of Navarre in +the contest upon which they had now resolved with the view of preventing +the execution of the Edict of January, the Guises desired to strengthen +themselves in the direction of Germany, and secure, if not the +assistance, at least the neutrality of the Protestant princes. Could the +Protestants on the other side of the Rhine be made indifferent spectators +of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> struggle, persuaded that their own creed resembled the faith of +the Roman Catholics much more than the creed of the Huguenots; could they +be convinced that the Huguenots were uneasy and rebellious radicals, whom +it were better to crush than to assist; could, consequently, the +"reiters" and "lansquenets" be kept at home—it would, thought the +Guises, be easy, with the help of the German Catholics, perhaps of Spain +also, to render complete the papal supremacy in France, and to crush +Condé and the Châtillons to the earth. Accordingly, the Guises extended +to Duke Christopher of Würtemberg an invitation to meet them in the +little town of Saverne (or Zabern, as it was called by the Germans), in +Alsace, not far from Strasbourg.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The duke came as he was requested, +accompanied by his theologians, Brentius and Andreä; and the interview, +beginning on the fifteenth of February,<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> lasted four days. Four of the +Guises were present; but the conversations were chiefly with Francis, the +Duke of Guise, and Charles, the Cardinal of Lorraine; the Cardinal of +Guise and the Grand Prior of the Knights of St. John taking little or no +active part. Christopher and Francis had been comrades in arms a score of +years back, for the former had served several years, and with no little +distinction, in the French wars. This circumstance afforded an +opportunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> for the display of extraordinary friendship. And what did +the brothers state, in this important consultation, respecting their own +sentiments, the opinions of the Huguenots, and the condition of France? +Happily, a minute account, in the form of a manuscript memorandum taken +down at the time by Duke Christopher, is still extant in the archives of +Stuttgart.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Little known, but authentic beyond the possibility of +cavil, this document deserves more attention than it has received from +historians; for it places in the clearest light the shameless mendacity +of the Guises, and shows that the duke had nearly as good a claim as the +cardinal, his brother, to the reputation which the Venetian ambassador +tells us that Charles had earned "<i>of rarely telling the truth</i>."</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Lying assurances.</div> + +<p>Duke Christopher made the acquaintance of Charles of Lorraine as a +preacher on the morning after his arrival, when he heard him, in a sermon +on the temptation in the wilderness, demonstrate that no other mediators +or intercessors must be sought for but Jesus Christ, who is our only +Saviour and the only propitiation for our sins. That day Christopher had +a long conversation with Guise respecting the unhappy condition of +France, which the latter ascribed in great part to the Huguenot +ministers, whose unconciliatory conduct, he said, had rendered abortive +the Colloquy of Poissy. Würtemberg corrected him by replying that the +very accounts of the colloquy which Guise had sent him showed that the +unsuccessful issue was owing to the prelates, who had evidently come +determined to prevent any accommodation. He urged that the misfortunes +that had befallen France were much rather to be ascribed to the cruel +persecutions that had been inflicted on so many guiltless victims. "I +cannot refrain from telling you," he added, "that you and your brother +are strongly suspected in Germany of having contributed to cause the +death, since the decease of Henry the Second—and even before, in his +lifetime—of several thousands of persons who have been miserably +executed on account of their faith. As a friend, and as a Christian, I +must<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> warn you. Beware, beware of innocent blood! Otherwise the +punishment of God will fall upon you in this life and in the next." "He +answered me," writes Würtemberg, "<i>with great sighs</i>: 'I know that my +brother and I are accused of that, and of many other things also. But <i>we +are wronged</i>,<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> as we shall both of us explain to you before we +leave.'"</p> + +<p>The cardinal entered more fully than his brother into the doctrinal +conference, talking now with Würtemberg, now with his theologian +Brentius, and trying to persuade both that he was in perfect accord with +them. While pressing his German friends to declare the Zwinglians and the +Calvinists heretics—which they carefully avoided doing—and urging them +to state the punishment that ought to be inflicted on heretics, there +seemed to be no limit to the concessions which Lorraine was willing to +make. He <i>adored</i> and <i>invoked</i> only Christ in heaven. He merely +<i>venerated</i> the wafer. He acknowledged that his party went too far in +calling the mass a sacrifice, and celebrating it for the living and the +dead. The mass was not a sacrifice, but a commemoration of the sacrifice +offered on the altar of the cross ("non sacrificium, sed memoria +sacrificii præstiti in ara crucis"). He believed that the council +assembled at Trent would do no good. When the Romish hierarchy, with the +Pope at its head, as the pretended vicar of God on earth, was objected +to, he replied that that matter could easily be adjusted. As for himself, +"in the absence of a red gown, he would willingly wear a black one."</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Guises deceive no one.</div> + +<p>He was asked whether, if Beza and his colleagues could be brought to +consent to sign the Augsburg confession, he also would sign it. "You have +heard it," he replied, "I take God to witness that I believe as I have +said, and that by God's grace I shall live and die in these sentiments. I +repeat it: I have read the Confession of Augsburg, I have also read +Luther, Melanchthon, Brentius, and others; I entirely approve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> their +doctrines, and I might speedily agree with them in all that concerns the +ecclesiastical hierarchy. <i>But I am compelled still to dissemble for a +time</i>, that I may gain some that are yet weak in the faith." A little +later he adverted to Würtemberg's remarks to Guise. "You informed my +brother," he said, "that in Germany we are both of us suspected of having +contributed to the execution of a large number of innocent Christians +during the reigns of Henry and of Francis the Second. Well! I swear to +you, in the name of God my Creator, and pledging the salvation of my +soul, <i>that I am guilty of the death of no man condemned for religion's +sake</i>. Those who were then privy to the deliberations of state can +testify in my favor. On the contrary, whenever crimes of a religious +character were under discussion, I used to say to King Henry or to King +Francis the Second, that they did not belong to my department, that they +had to do with the secular power, and I went away."<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> He even added +that, although Du Bourg was in orders, he had begged the king to spare +him as a learned man. "In like manner," says Würtemberg, "the Duke of +Guise with great oaths affirmed that he was innocent of the death of +those who had been condemned on account of their faith. 'The attempt,' he +added, 'has frequently been made to kill us, both the cardinal and +myself, with fire-arms, sword, and poison, and, although the culprits +have been arrested, I never meddled with their punishment.'" And when the +Duke of Würtemberg again "conjured them not to persecute the poor +Christians of France, for God would not leave such a sin unpunished," +both the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> cardinal and the Duke of Guise gave him their right hands, +promising on their princely faith, and by the salvation of their souls, +that they would neither openly nor secretly persecute the partisans of +the "new doctrines!" Such were the barefaced impostures which this "par +nobile fratrum" desired Christopher of Würtemberg to publish for their +vindication among the Lutherans of Germany. But the liars were not +believed. The shrewd Landgrave of Hesse, on receiving Würtemberg's +account, even before the news of the massacre of Vassy, came promptly to +the conclusion that the whole thing was an attempt at deception. +Christopher himself, in the light of later events, added to his +manuscript these words: "Alas! It can now be seen how they have kept +these promises! <i>Deus sit ultor doli et perjurii, cujus namque res +agitur.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Throkmorton's account of the French court.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile events of the greatest consequence were occurring at the +capital. The very day after the Saverne conference began, Sir Nicholas +Throkmorton wrote to Queen Elizabeth an account of "the strange issue" to +which affairs had come at the French court since his last despatch, a +little over a fortnight before. His letter gives a vivid and accurate +view of the important crisis in the first half of February, 1562, which +we present very nearly in the words of the ambassador himself. "The +Cardinal of Ferrara," says Throkmorton, "has allured to his devotion the +King of Navarre, the Constable, Marshal St. André, the Cardinal of +Tournon, and others inclined to retain the Romish religion. All these are +bent to repress the Protestant religion in France, and to find means +either to range [bring over to their side] the Queen of Navarre, the +Prince of Condé, the Admiral, and all others who favor that religion, or +to expel them from the court, with all the ministers and preachers. The +queen mother, fearing this conspiracy might be the means of losing her +authority (which is as dear to her as one religion or the other), and +mistrusting that the Constable was going about to reduce the management<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> +of the whole affair into the King of Navarre's hands, and so into his +own, has caused the Constable to retire from the court, as it were in +disgrace, and intended to do the like with the Cardinal of Tournon and +the Marshal St. André. The King of Navarre being offended with these +proceedings, and imputing part of her doings to the advice of the +Admiral, the Cardinal Châtillon, and Monsieur D'Andelot, intended to +compel those personages to retire also from the court. In these garboils +[commotions] the Prince of Condé, being sick at Paris, was requested to +repair to the court and stand her [Catharine] in stead. In this time +there was great working on both sides to win the house of Guise. So the +Queen Mother wrote to them—they being in the skirts of Almain—to come +to the court with all speed. The like means were made [use of] by the +King of Navarre, the Cardinal of Ferrara and the Constable, to ally them +on their part. During these solicitations the Duke D'Aumale arrived at +the court from them, who was requested to solicit the speedy repair to +the court of the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine.</p> + +<p>"The Prince of Condé went from hence in a horse litter to the court of +St. Germain, where he found the Protestant preachers prohibited from +preaching either in the King's house or in the town, and that the King of +Navarre had solemnly vowed to retain and maintain the Romish religion, +and had given order that his son should be instructed in the same. The +Prince, finding the Queen of Navarre and the house of Châtillon ready to +leave the court, fell again dangerously sick. Nevertheless his coming so +revived them, as by the covert aid of the Queen Mother, they attempted to +make the Protestant preachers preach again at the town's end of St. +Germain, and were entreated to abide at the court, where there is an +assembly which is like to last until Easter. The Cardinal of Ferrara +assists daily at these disputes. The King of Navarre persists in the +house of Châtillon retiring from the court, and it is believed the Queen +of Navarre, and they, will not tarry long there."<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> + +<p>Such was the picture drawn by the skilful pencil of the English<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> envoy. +It was certainly dark enough. Catharine and Navarre had sent Lansac to +assure the Pope that they purposed to live in and defend the Roman +Catholic religion. Sulpice had gone on a like mission to Spain. It was +time, Throkmorton plainly told Queen Elizabeth, that she should show as +great readiness in maintaining the Protestant religion as Ferrara and his +associates showed in striving to overthrow it. And in a private despatch +to Cecil, written the same day, he urged the secretary to dissuade her +Majesty from longer retaining candles and cross on the altar of the royal +chapel, at a time when even doctors of the Sorbonne consented to the +removal of images of all sorts from over the altar in places of +worship.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> + +<p>From Saverne the Cardinal of Lorraine returned to his archbishopric of +Rheims, while the duke, accompanied by the Cardinal of Guise, proceeded +in the direction of the French capital. On his route he stopped at +Joinville, one of the estates of the family, recently erected in their +favor into a principality. Here he was joined by his wife, Anne d'Este; +here, too, he listened to fresh complaints made by his mother, Antoinette +of Bourbon, against the insolence of the neighboring town of Vassy, where +a considerable portion of the inhabitants had lately had the audacity to +embrace the reformed faith.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Vassy in Champagne.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Origin of the Huguenot Church.</div> + +<p>Vassy, an important town of Champagne—though shorn of much of its +influence by the removal of many of its dependencies to increase the +dignity of Joinville—and one of the places assigned to Mary of Scots for +her maintenance, had apparently for some time contained a few professors +of the "new doctrines." It was, however, only in October, 1561, after the +Colloquy of Poissy, that it was visited by a Protestant minister, who, +during a brief sojourn, organized a church with elders and deacons. +Notwithstanding the disadvantage of having no pastor, and of having +notoriously incurred the special hatred of the Guises, the reformed +community grew with marvellous rapidity. For the Gospel was preached not +merely in the printed sermons read from the pulpit, but by the lips of +enthusiastic converts.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> When, after a short absence, the founder of the +church of Vassy returned to the scene of his labors, he came into +collision with the Bishop of Châlons, whose diocese included this town. +The bishop, unaccustomed to preach, set up a monk in opposition; but no +one would come to hear him. The prelate then went himself to the +Protestant gathering, and sat through the "singing of the commandments" +and a prayer. But when he attempted to interrupt the services and +asserted his episcopal authority, the minister firmly repelled the +usurpation, taking his stand on the king's edict. Then, waxing warm in +the discussion, the dauntless Huguenot exposed the hypocrisy of the +pretended shepherd, who, not entering the fold by canonical election, but +intruding himself into it without consulting his charge, was more anxious +to secure his own ease than to lead his sheep into green pastures. The +bishop soon retired from a field where he had found more than his match +in argument: but the common people, who had come to witness his triumph +over the Huguenot preacher, remained after his unexpected discomfiture, +and the unequal contest resulted in fresh accessions to the ranks of the +Protestants. Equally unsuccessful was the Bishop of Châlons in the +attempt to induce the king to issue a commission to the Duke of Guise +against the unoffending inhabitants, and Vassy was spared the fate of +Mérindol and Cabrières. At Christmas nine hundred communicants, after +profession of their faith, partook of the Lord's Supper according to the +reformed rites; and in January, 1562, after repeated solicitations, the +church obtained the long-desired boon of a pastor, in the person of the +able and pious Leonard Morel. Thus far the history of Vassy differed +little from that of hundreds of other towns in that age of wonderful +awakening and growth, and would have attracted little attention had not +its proximity to the Lorraine princes secured for it a tragic +notoriety.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Approach of the Duke of Guise.</div> + +<p>On the twenty-eighth of February, Guise, with two hundred armed +retainers, left Joinville. That night he slept at Dommartin-le-Franc. On +Sunday morning, the first of March, he continued his journey. Whether by +accident or from design, it is difficult to say, he drew near to Vassy +about the time when the Huguenots were assembling for worship, and his +ears caught the sound of their bell while he was still a quarter of a +league distant. The ardor of Guise's followers was already at fever-heat. +They had seen a poor artisan apprehended in a town that lay on their +track, and summarily hung by their leader's order, for the simple offence +of having had his child baptized after the reformed rites. When Guise +heard the bell of the Vassy church, he turned to his suite to inquire +what it meant. "It is the Huguenots' preaching," some one replied. "<i>Par +la mort-Dieu</i>," broke in a second, "they will soon be huguenotted after +another fashion!" Others began to make eager calculations respecting the +extent of the plunder. A few minutes later an unlucky cobbler was espied, +who, from his dress or manner, was mistaken for a Huguenot minister. It +was well that he could answer the inquiries of the duke, before whom he +was hurried, by assuring him that he was no clergyman and had never +studied; otherwise, he was told, his case had been an extremely ugly +one.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The massacre.</div> + +<p>On entering Vassy Guise repaired to the monastery chapel to hear mass +said. He was followed by some of the gentlemen of his suite. Meantime, +their valets found their way to the doors of the building in which the +Protestants were worshipping, scarcely more than a stone's throw distant. +This motley crowd was merely the vanguard of the Papists. Soon two or +three gentlemen sent by Guise, according to his own account, to admonish +the Huguenot assembly of their want of due obedience, entered the +edifice, where they found twelve hundred persons quietly listening to the +word of God. They were politely invited to sit down: but they replied by +noisy interruption and threats. "<i>Mort-Dieu</i>, they must all be killed!" +was their exclamation as they returned to report to Guise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> what they had +seen. The defenceless Huguenots were thrown into confusion by these +significant menaces, and hastened to secure the entrance. It was too +late. The duke himself was approaching, and a volley from the arquebuses +of his troop speedily scattered the unarmed worshippers. It is +unnecessary to describe in all its details of horror the scene that +ensued. The door of the sheep-fold was open and the wolf was already upon +his prey. All the pent-up hatred of a band of fanatical and savage +soldiers was vented upon a crowd of men, women, and children, whose +heterodoxy made them pleasing victims, and whose unarmed condition +rendered victory easy. No age, no sex was respected. It was enough to be +a Huguenot to be a fit object for the sword or the gun. To escape from +the doomed building was only possible by running the gauntlet of the +troops that lay in wait. Those who sought to climb from the roof to the +adjacent houses were picked off by the arquebuses of the besieging party. +Only after an hour and a half had elapsed were the soldiers of Guise +called off by the trumpet sounding a joyful note of victory. The evidence +of their prowess, however, remained on the field of contest, in fifty or +sixty dead or dying men and women, and in nearly a hundred more or less +dangerously wounded.<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> + +<p>In a few hours more Guise was resuming his journey toward Paris. He was +told that the Huguenots of Vassy had forwarded their complaints to the +king. "Let them go, let them go!" he exclaimed. "They will find there +neither their Admiral nor their Chancellor."<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> + +<p>Upon whose head rests the guilt of the massacre of Vassy? This was the +question asked by every contemporary so soon as he realized the startling +fact that the blow there struck was a signal that called every man to +take the sword, and stand in defence of his own life. It is the question +which history, more calm and dispassionate, because farther removed from +the agitations of the day, now seeks to solve, as she looks back over the +dreary torrents of blood that sprang from that disastrous source. The +inquiry is not an idle one—for justice ought to find such a vindication +in the records of past generations as may have been denied at the time of +the commission of flagrant crimes.</p> + +<p>The Huguenots declared Guise to be a murderer. Theodore Beza, in eloquent +tones, demanded the punishment of the butcher<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> of the human race. So +imposing was the cry for retribution that the duke himself recognized the +necessity of entering a formal defence, which was disseminated by the +press far and wide through France and Germany. He denied that the +massacre was premeditated. He averred that it was merely an unfortunate +incident brought about by the violence of the Protestants of Vassy, who +had provided themselves with an abundant supply of stones and other +missiles, and assailed those whom he had sent to remonstrate courteously +with them. He stated the deaths at only twenty-five or thirty. Most of +these had been occasioned by the indignant valets, who, on seeing their +masters wounded, had rushed in to defend them. So much against his will +had the affair occurred, that he had repeatedly but ineffectually +commanded his men to desist. When he had himself received a slight wound +from a stone thrown by the Huguenots, the sight of the blood flowing from +it had infuriated his devoted followers.</p> + +<p>The Duke's plea of want of premeditation we may, perhaps, accept as +substantially true—so far, at least, as to suppose that he had formed no +deliberate plan of slaughtering the inhabitants of Vassy who had adopted +the reformed religion.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> It is difficult, indeed, to accept the +argument of Brantôme and Le Laboureur, who conceive that the fortuitous +character of the event is proved by the circumstance that the deed was +below the courage of Guise. Nor, perhaps, shall we give excessive credit +to the asseverations of the duke, repeated, we are told, even on his +death-bed. For why should these be more worthy of belief than the oaths +with which the same nobleman had declared to Christopher of Würtemberg +that he neither had persecuted, nor would persecute the Protestants of +France? But the Duke of Guise admits that he knew that there was a +growing community of Huguenots at Vassy—"scandalous, arrogant, +extremely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> seditious persons," as he styles them. He tells us that he +intended, as the representative of Mary Stuart, and as feudal lord of +some of their number, to admonish them of their disobedience; and that +for this purpose he sent Sieur de la Bresse (or Brosse) with others to +interrupt their public worship. He accuses them, it is true, of having +previously armed themselves with stones, and even of possessing weapons +in an adjoining building; but what reason do the circumstances of the +case give us for doubting that the report may have been based upon the +fact that those who in this terror-stricken assembly attempted to save +their lives resorted to whatever missiles they could lay their hands +upon? If the presence of his wife, and of his brother the cardinal, is +used by the duke as an argument to prove the absence of any sinister +intentions on his part, how much stronger is the evidence afforded to the +peaceable character of the Protestant gathering by the numbers of women +and children found there? But the very fact that, as against the +twenty-five or thirty Huguenots whom he concedes to have been slain in +the encounter, he does not pretend to give the name of a single one of +his own followers that was killed, shows clearly which side it was that +came prepared for the fight. And yet who that knows the sanguinary spirit +generally displayed by the Roman Catholic masses in the sixteenth +century, could find much fault with the Huguenots of Vassy if they had +really armed themselves to repel violence and protect their wives and +children—if, in other words, they had used the common right of +self-preservation?<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span></p><p>The fact is that Guise was only witnessing the fruits of his +instructions, enforced by his own example. He had given the first taste +of blood, and now, perhaps without his actual command, the pack had taken +the scent and hunted down the game. He was avowedly on a crusade to +re-establish the supremacy of the Roman Catholic religion throughout +France. If he had not hesitated to hang a poor pin-dealer for allowing +his child to be baptized according to the forms of Calvin's liturgy; if +he was on his way to Paris to restore the Edict of July by force of arms, +it is idle to inquire whether he or his soldiers were responsible for the +blood shed in peace. "He that sowed the seed is the author of the +harvest."</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé appeals to the king.</div> + +<p>The news quickly flew to Condé that the arch-enemy of the Protestants had +begun the execution of the cruel projects he had so long been devising +with his fanatical associates; that Guise was on his way toward seditious +Paris, with hands yet dripping with the blood of the inhabitants of a +quiet Champagnese town, surprised and murdered while engaged in the +worship of their God. Indignant, and taking in the full measure of the +responsibility imposed upon him as the most powerful member of the +Protestant communion, the prince, who was with the court at the castle of +Monceaux—built for herself by Catharine in a style of regal +magnificence—laid before the king and his mother a full account of the +tragic<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> occurrence. It was a pernicious example, he argued, and should be +punished promptly and severely. Above all, the perpetrators ought not to +be permitted to endanger the quiet of France by entering the capital. +Catharine was alarmed and embarrassed by the intelligence; but, her fear +of a conjunction between Guise and Navarre overcoming her reluctance to +affront the Lorraine family, induced her to consent; and she wrote to the +Duke, who had by this time reached his castle of Nanteuil, forbidding him +to go to Paris, but inviting him to visit the court with a small escort. +At the same time she gave orders to Saint André to repair at once to +Lyons, of which he was the royal governor. But neither of the triumvirs +showed any readiness to obey her orders. The duke curtly replied that he +was too busy entertaining his friends to come to the king; the marshal +promptly refused to leave the king while he was threatened by such +perils.<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Beza's remonstrance.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">An anvil that has worn out many hammers.</div> + +<p>The King of Navarre now came from Paris to Monceaux, to guard the +interests of the party he had espoused. He was closely followed by +Theodore Beza and Francour, whom the Protestants of Paris had deputed, +the former on behalf of the church, the latter of the nobility, to demand +of the king the punishment of the authors of the massacre. The queen +mother, as was her wont, gave a gracious audience, and promised that an +investigation should be made. But Navarre, being present, seemed eager to +display a neophyte's zeal, and retorted by blaming the Huguenots for +going in arms to their places of worship. "True," said Beza, "but arms in +the hands of the wise are instruments of peace, and the massacre of Vassy +has shown the necessity under which the Protestants were laid." When +Navarre exclaimed: "Whoever touches my brother of Guise with the tip of +his finger, touches my whole body!" the reformer reminded him, as one +whom Antoine had himself brought to France, that the way of justice is +God's way, and that kings <i>owe</i> justice to their subjects. Finally, when +he discovered, by Navarre's adoption of all the impotent excuses of +Guise, that the former had sold himself to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> enemies of the Gospel, +Theodore Beza made that noble reply which has become classic as the motto +of the French Reformation: "Sire, it is, in truth, the lot of the Church +of God, in whose name I am speaking, to endure blows and not to strike +them. <i>But also may it please you to remember that it is an anvil that +has worn out many hammers.</i>"<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Guise's entry into Paris.</div> + +<p>At Nanteuil, Guise had been visited by the constable, with two of his +sons, by Saint André, and by other prominent leaders. Accompanied by +them, he now took the decided step of going to Paris in spite of +Catharine's prohibition. His entry resembled a triumphal procession.<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> +In the midst of an escort estimated by eye-witnesses at two thousand +horse, Francis of Guise avoided the more direct gate of St. Martin, and +took that of St. Denis, through which the kings of France were accustomed +to pass. Vast crowds turned out to meet him, and the cries of "<i>Vive +Monsieur de Guise!</i>" sounding much like regal acclammations, were uttered +without rebuke on all sides. The "prévost des marchands" and other +members of the municipal government received him with great +demonstrations of joy, as the defender of the faith. At the same hour the +Prince of Condé, surrounded by a large number of Protestant noblemen, +students, and citizens, was riding to one of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> preaching-places.<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> +The two cavalcades met, but no collision ensued. The Huguenot and the +papist courteously saluted each other, and then rode on. It is even +reported that between the leaders themselves less sincere amenities were +interchanged. Guise sent word to Condé that he and his company, whom he +had assembled only on account of the malevolent, were at the prince's +commands. Condé answered by saying that his own men were armed only to +prevent the populace of Paris from making an attack upon the Protestants +as they went to their place of worship.<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Anxieties of Catharine de' Medici.</div> + +<p>For weeks the position of the queen mother had been one of peculiar +difficulty and anxiety. That she was "well inclined to advance the true +religion," and "well affected for a general reformation in the Church," +as Admiral Coligny at this time firmly believed,<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> is simply +incredible. But, on the other hand, there can be little doubt that +Catharine saw her interest in upholding the Huguenot party, of which +Condé and the three Châtillon brothers were acknowledged leaders. +Unfortunately, the King of Navarre, "hoping to compound with the King of +Spain for his kingdom of Navarre," had become the tool of the opposite +side—he was "<i>all Spanish now</i>"<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>—and Chantonnay, Philip's +ambassador, was emboldened to make arrogant demands. The envoy declared +that, "unless the house of Châtillon left the court, he was ordered to +depart from France." Grave diplomatists shook their heads, and thought +the menace very strange, "the rather that another prince should appoint +what counsellors should remain at court;" and sage men inferred that "to +such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> princes as are afraid of shadows the King of Spain will enterprise +far enough."<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> None the less was Catharine deeply disturbed. She felt +distrust of the heads of the Roman Catholic party, but she feared to +break entirely with them, and was forced to request the Protestant +leaders to withdraw for a time from the vicinity of Paris. That city +itself presented to the eye a sufficiently strange and alarming aspect, +"resembling more a frontier town or a place besieged than a court, a +merchant city, or university." Both sides were apprehensive of some +sudden commotion, and the Protestant scholars, in great numbers, marched +daily in arms to the "sermons," in spite of the opposition of the rector +and his council.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The capital was unquestionably no place for +Catharine and her son, at the present moment.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">She removes the king to Melun.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">and thence to Fontainebleau.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Her painful indecision.</div> + +<p>At length, Catharine de' Medici, apprehensive of the growing power of the +triumvirate, and dreading lest the king, falling into its hands, should +become a mere puppet, her own influence being completely thrown into the +shade, removed the court from Monceaux to Melun, a city on the upper +Seine, about twenty-five miles south-east of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> She hoped +apparently that, by placing herself nearer the strongly Huguenot banks of +the Loire, she would be able at will to throw herself into the arms of +either party, and, in making her own terms, secure future independence. +But she was not left undisturbed. At Melun she received a deputation from +Paris, consisting of the "prévost des marchands" and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> three "échevins," +who came to entreat her, in the name of the Roman Catholic people of the +capital, to return and dissipate by the king's arrival the dangers that +were imminent on account of Condé's presence, and to give the people the +power to defend themselves by restoring to them their arms. Still +hesitating, still experiencing her old difficulty of forming any plans +for the distant future, and every moment balancing in her mind what she +should do the next, she nevertheless pushed on ten miles farther +southward, to the royal palace of Fontainebleau, and found herself not +far from half the way to Orleans. But change of place brought the +vacillating queen mother no nearer to a decision. Soubise, the last of +the avowed Protestants to leave her, still dreamed he might succeed in +persuading her. Day after day, in company with Chancellor L'Hospital, the +Huguenot leader spent two or three hours alone with her in earnest +argument. "Sometimes," says a recently discovered contemporary account, +"they believed that they had gained everything, and that she was ready to +set off for Condé's camp; then, all of a sudden, so violent a fright +seized her, that she lost all heart." At last the time came when the +triumvirs were expected to appear at Fontainebleau on the morrow, to +secure the prize of the king's person. Soubise and the indefatigable +chancellor made a last attempt. Five or six times in one day they +returned to the charge, although L'Hospital mournfully observed that he +had abandoned hope. He knew Catharine well: she could not be brought to a +final resolution.<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> It was even so. Soubise himself was forced to admit +it when, at the last moment—almost too late for his own safety—he +hurriedly left, Catharine still begging him to stand by her, and made his +way to his friends.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">She implores Condé's aid.</div> + +<p>It seems to have been during this time of painful anxiety that Catharine +wrote at least the last of those remarkable letters to Condé which that +prince afterward published in his own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> justification, and respecting the +authenticity of which the queen would have been glad had she been able to +make the world entertain doubts. They breathed a spirit of implicit +confidence. She called herself his "good cousin," that was not less +attached to him than a mother to a son. She enjoined upon him to remember +the protection which he was bound to give to "the children, the mother, +and the kingdom." She called upon him not to desert her. She declared +that, in the midst of so many adverse circumstances, she would be driven +almost to despair, "were it not for her trust in God, and the assurance +that Condé would assist her in preserving the kingdom and service of the +king, her son, in spite of those who wished to ruin everything." More +than once she told him that his kindness would not go unrequited; and she +declared that, if she died before having an opportunity to testify her +gratitude, she would charge her children with the duty.<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> + +<p>In Paris events were rapidly succeeding each other. Marshal Montmorency, +the constable's eldest son, was too upright a man to serve the purposes +of the triumvirs; and, with his father's consent and by Navarre's +authority, he was removed, and Cardinal Bourbon installed in his place as +governor of the city.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> A few days after Antoine himself came to Paris +and lodged in the constable's house. Here, with Guise, Saint André, and +the other chief statesmen who were of the same party, conferences were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> +held to which Condé and his associates were not invited; and to these +irregular gatherings, notwithstanding the absence of the king, the name +of the <i>royal council</i> was given.<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé retires to Meaux.</div> + +<p>There were nine or ten thousand horse—Papist and Huguenot—under arms in +Paris.<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> It was evident that Condé and Guise could not longer remain in +the city without involving it in the most bloody of civil contests. Under +these circumstances the prince offered, through his brother, the Cardinal +of Bourbon, to accede to the wish of Catharine, and leave Paris by one +gate at the same moment that the triumvirs should leave by another. +Indeed, without waiting to obtain their promise, he retired<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> with his +body of Protestant noblesse to Meaux, where he had given a rendezvous to +Admiral Coligny and others whom he had summoned from their homes. This +step has generally been stigmatized as the first of Condé's egregious +mistakes. Beza opposed it at the time, and likened the error to that of +Pompey in abandoning Rome;<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and the "History of the Reformed Churches" +has perpetuated the comparison.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> The same historical parallel was +drawn by Étienne Pasquier.<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> But the judicious François de la Noue, +surnamed <i>Bras-de-Fer</i>, thought very differently; and we must here, as in +many other instances, prefer the opinion of the practical soldier to that +of the eminent theologian or the learned jurist. Parliament, the clergy, +the municipal government, the greater part of the university, and almost +all the low populace, with the partisans and servants of the hostile +princes and noblemen, were intensely Roman Catholic.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> The three +hundred resident Protestant gen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span>tlemen, with, as many more experienced +soldiers, four hundred students, and a few untrained burgesses, were "but +as a fly matched with an elephant." The novices of the convents and the +priests' chambermaids, armed only with sticks, could have held them in +check.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> It were better to lose the advantages of the capital than to +be overwhelmed within its walls by superior forces, being completely cut +off from that part of France where the main strength of the Protestants +lay.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenot summons.</div> + +<p>From Meaux messengers were sent to the Protestant churches in all parts +of France to request their aid, both in money and in men. "Since," said +the letter they bore, "God has brought us to such a point that no one can +disturb our repose without violating the protection it has pleased our +king to accord us, and consequently without declaring himself an enemy of +his Majesty and of this kingdom's peace, there is no law, divine or +human, that does not permit us to take measures for defence, calling for +help on those whom God has given the authority and the will to remedy +these evils."<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Admiral Coligny's reluctance.</div> + +<p>Happily for the Huguenot cause, however, the nobles and gentry that +favored it had not waited to receive this summons, but had, many of them, +already set out to strengthen the forces of the prince. Among others, and +by far more important than all the rest, came Gaspard de Coligny, whose +absence from court during the few previous weeks has been regarded as one +of the most untoward circumstances of the time. At his pleasant castle of +Châtillon-sur-Loing, surrounded by his young family, he received +intelligence, first, of the massacre, then of the ominous events that had +occurred at the capital. Condé sent to solicit his support; his brothers +and many friends urged him to rush at once to the rescue. But still, even +after the threatening clouds had risen so high that they must soon burst +over the devoted heads of the Huguenots,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> the admiral continued to +hesitate. Every instinct of his courageous nature prompted the skilful +defender of St. Quentin to place himself at once at the post of danger. +But there was one fear that seemed likely to overcome all his martial +impulses. <i>It was the fear of initiating a civil war.</i> He could not refer +to the subject without shuddering, for the horrors of such a contest were +so vividly impressed upon his mind that he regarded almost anything as +preferable to the attempt to settle domestic difficulties by an appeal to +the sword. But the tears and sighs of his wife, the noble Charlotte de +Laval, at length overmastered his reluctance. "To be prudent in men's +esteem," she said, "is not to be wise in that of God, who has given you +the science of a general that you might use it for the good of His +children." When her husband rehearsed again the grounds of his +hesitation, and, calling upon her seriously to consider the suffering, +the privations, the anxiety, the bereavements, the ignominy, the death +which would await not only those dearest to her, but herself, if the +struggle should prove unsuccessful, offered her three weeks to make her +decision, with true womanly magnanimity she replied: "The three weeks are +already past; you will never be conquered by the strength of your +enemies. Make use of your resources, and bring not upon your head the +blood of those who may die within three weeks. I summon you in God's name +not to defraud us any more, or I shall be a witness against you at His +judgment." So deep was the impression which these words made upon +Coligny, that, accepting his wife's advice as the voice of heaven, he +took horse without further delay, and joined Condé and the other +Protestant leaders.<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The king seized and brought to Paris.</div> + +<p>It was unfortunate that the prince, for a week after leaving Paris, +should have felt too feeble to make any movement of importance. +Otherwise, by a rapid march, he might, according to his plan,<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> have +reached Fontainebleau in advance of his oppo<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span>nents, and, with the young +king and his mother under his protection, have asserted his right as a +prince of the blood to defend Charles against those who had unjustly +usurped the functions of royalty. As it was, the unlucky delay was turned +to profit by his enemies. These now took a step that put further +deliberation on Catharine's part out of the question, and precluded any +attempt to place the person of the king in Condé's hands. Leaving a small +garrison in Paris, Guise proceeded with a strong body of troops to +Fontainebleau, determined to bring the king and his mother back to Paris. +Persuasion was first employed; but, that failing, the triumvirate were +prepared to resort to force. Navarre, acting at Guise's suggestion, at +length told Catharine distinctly that, as guardian of the minor king, he +must see to it that he did not fall into his brother's hands; as for +Catharine, she might remain or follow him, as she pleased.<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Tears and +remonstrances were of no avail.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Weeping and sad, Charles is said to +have repeatedly exclaimed against being led away contrary to his +will;<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> but the triumvirs would not be balked of their game, and so +brought him with his mother first to Melun, then, after a few days, to +the prison-like castle of Vincennes, and finally to the Louvre.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The constable's exploits at the "temples."</div> + +<div class="sidenote">D'Andelot and Condé throw themselves into Orleans.</div> + +<p>The critical step had been taken to demonstrate that the reign of +tolerance, according to the prescriptions of the Edict of January, was at +an end. The constable, preceding the king to Paris, immediately upon his +arrival instituted a system of arbitrary arrests. On the next morning +(the fourth of April) he visited the "temple of Jerusalem,"<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> one of +the two places which had been accorded to the Huguenots for their worship +outside of the walls. Under his direction the pulpit and the benches of +the hearers were torn up, and a bonfire of wood and Bibles was speedily +lighted, to the great delight of the populace of Paris. In the afternoon +the same exploits were repeated at the other Huguenot church, known from +its situation, outside of the gate of St. Antoine, as "<i>Popincourt</i>." +Here, however, not only the benches, but the building itself was burned, +and several adjacent houses were involved in the conflagration. Having +accomplished these outrages and encouraged the people to imitate his +lawless example, the aged constable returned to the city. He had well +earned the contemptuous name which the Huguenots henceforth gave him of +"Le Capitaine <i>Brûlebanc</i>."<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> If the triumvirate succeeded, it was +plain that all liberty of worship was proscribed. It was even believed +that the Duchess of Guise had been sent to carry a message, in the king's +name, to her mother, the aged Renée of France, to the effect that if she +did not dismiss the Huguenot preachers from Montargis, and become a good +Catholic, he would have her shut up for the rest of her life in a +convent.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Whatever truth there may have been in this story, one thing +was certain: in Paris it would have been as much as any man's life was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> +worth to appear annoyed at the constable's exploit, or to oppose the +search made for arms in suspected houses. Every good Catholic had a piece +of the Huguenots' benches or pulpit in his house as a souvenir; "so +odious," says a contemporary, "is the new religion in this city."<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> +Meantime, on Easter Monday (the thirtieth of March) Condé left Meaux at +the head of fifteen hundred horse, the flower of the French nobility, +"better armed with courage than with corselets"—says François de la +Noue. As they approached the capital, the whole city was thrown into +confusion, the gates were closed, and the chains stretched across the +streets.<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> But the host passed by, and at St. Cloud crossed the Seine +without meeting any opposition. Here the news of the seizure of the +person of Charles by the triumvirs first reached the prince, and with it +one great object of the expedition was frustrated.<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> The Huguenots, +however, did not delay, but, instead of turning toward Fontainebleau, +took a more southerly route directly for the city of Orleans. D'Andelot, +to whom the van had been confided, advanced by a rapid march, and +succeeded by a skilful movement in entering the city, of which he took +possession in the name of the Prince of Condé, acting as lieutenant of +the king unlawfully held in confinement. Catharine de' Medici, who, +having been forced into the party of the triumvirs, had with her usual +flexibility promptly decided to make the most of her position, sent +messengers to Condé hoping to amuse him with negotiations while a +powerful Roman Catholic detachment should by another road reach Orleans +un<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span>observed.<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> But the danger coming to Andelot's knowledge, he +succeeded in warning Condé; and the prince, with the main body of the +Protestant horse, after a breakneck ride, threw himself, on the second of +April, into the city, which now became the headquarters of the religion +in the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> The inhabitants came out to meet him with every +demonstration of joy, and received him between double lines of men, +women, and children loudly singing the words of the French psalms, so +that the whole city resounded with them.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé's justification.</div> + +<p>No sooner had the Prince of Condé established himself upon the banks of +the Loire, than he took measures to explain to the world the necessity +and propriety of the step upon which he had ventured. He wrote, and he +induced the Protestant ministers who were with him to write, to all the +churches of France, urging them to send him reinforcements of troops and +to fill his empty treasury.<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> At the same time he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> published a +"declaration" in justification of his resort to arms. He recapitulated +the successive steps that revealed the violent purposes of the +triumvirs—the retreat of the Guises and of the constable from court, +Nemours's attempt to carry the Duke of Orleans out of the kingdom, the +massacre at Vassy, Guise's refusal to visit the royal court and his +defiant progress to the capital, the insolent conduct of Montmorency and +Saint-André, the pretended <i>royal</i> council held away from the king, the +detention of Charles and of his mother as prisoners. And from all these +circumstances he showed the inevitable inference to be that the triumvirs +had for one of their chief objects the extirpation of the religion "which +they call new," "either by open violence or by the change of edicts, and +the renewal of the most cruel persecutions that have ever been exercised +in the world." It was not party interest that had induced him to take up +arms, he said, but loyalty to God, to his king, and to his native land, a +desire to free Charles from unlawful detention, and a purpose to insist +upon the execution of the royal edicts, especially that of January, and +to prevent new ministers of state from misapplying the sums raised for +the payment of the national debts. He warned all lovers of peace not to +be astonished at any edicts that might emanate from the royal seal so +long as the king remained a prisoner, and he begged Catharine to order +the triumvirs to lay down their arms. If they did so, he declared that he +himself, although of a rank far different from theirs, would consent to +follow their example.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Stringent articles of association.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots had thrown off the shackles which a usurping party about +the king endeavored to fasten upon them; but they had not renounced the +restraints of law. And now, at the very commencement of a great struggle +for liberty, they entered into a solemn compact to banish licentious +excesses from their army. Protesting the purity of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> their motives, they +swore to strive until the king's majority to attain the objects which had +united them in a common struggle; but they promised with equal fervor to +watch over the morals of their associates, and to suffer nothing that was +contrary to God's honor or the king's edicts, to tolerate no idolatrous +or superstitious practices, no blasphemy, no uncleanness or theft, no +violation of churches by private authority. They declared their intention +and desire to hear the Word of God preached by faithful ministers in the +midst of the camps of war.<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot nobles and cities.</div> + +<p>The papal party was amazed at the opposition its extreme measures had +created. In place of the timid weakling whom the triumvirate had +expected, they saw a giant spring from the ground to confront them.<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> +To Orleans flocked many of the highest nobles of the land. Besides +Condé—after Navarre and Bourbon, the prince of the blood nearest to the +crown—there were gathered to the Protestant standard the three +Châtillons, Prince Porcien, Count de la Rochefoucauld, the Sieurs de +Soubise, de Mouy, de Saint Fal, d'Esternay, Piennes, Rohan, Genlis, +Grammont, Montgomery, and others of high station and of large influence +and extensive landed possessions.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> And, what was still more important, +the capture of Orleans was but the signal for a general movement +throughout France. In a few weeks the Huguenots, rising in their +unsuspected strength, had rendered themselves masters of cities in almost +every province. Along the Loire, Beaugency, Blois, Tours, and Angers +declared for the Prince of Condé; in Normandy, Rouen, Havre, Dieppe, and +Caen; in Berry and the neighboring provinces, Bourges, La Rochelle, +Poitiers; along the Saône and Rhône, Châlons, Mâcon, Lyons, Vienne, +Valence, Montélimart, Tournon, Orange; Gap and Grenoble in Dauphiny; +almost the whole of the papal "Comtât Venaissin;" the Vivarais; the +Cevennes; the greater part of Languedoc and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> Gascony, with the important +cities of Montauban, Castres, Castelnaudary, Beziers, Pézénas, +Montpellier, Aiguesmortes, and Nismes.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> In northern France alone, +where the number of Protestants was small, the Huguenots obtained but a +slight foothold.<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Can iconoclasm be repressed?</div> + +<p>In the midst of this universal movement there was one point in the +compact made by the confederates at Orleans, which it was found +impossible to execute. How could the churches, with their altars, their +statues, their pictures, their relics, their priestly vestments, be +guaranteed from invasion? To the Huguenot masses they were the temples +and instruments of an idolatrous worship. Ought Christians to tolerate +the existence of such abominations, even if sanctioned by the government? +It was hard to draw a nice line of distinction between the overthrow of +idolatry by public authority and by personal zeal. If there were any +difference in the merit of the act, it was in favor of the man who +vindicated the true religion at the risk of his own life. Nay, the Church +itself had incontrovertibly given its sanction to this view by placing +among the martyrs those primitive Christians who had upon their own +responsibility entered heathen temples and overthrown the objects of the +popular devotion. In those early centuries there had been manifested the +same reckless exposure of life, the same supreme contempt for the claims +of art in comparison with the demands of religion. The Minerva of Phidias +or Praxiteles was no safer from the iconoclastic frenzy of the new +convert from heathenism than the rude idol of a less cultivated age. The +command, "Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image," had not +excepted from its prohibition the marvellous products of the Greek +chisel.</p> + +<p>It was here, therefore, that the chief insubordination of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> Huguenot +people manifested itself—not in licentious riot, not in bloodshed, not +in pillage. Calvin, with his high sense of law and order, might in his +letters reiterate the warnings against the irregularity which we have +seen him uttering on a previous occasion;<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> the ministers might +threaten the guilty with exclusion from the ordinances of the Church; +Condé might denounce the penalty of death. The people could not restrain +themselves or be restrained. They must remove what had been a +stumbling-block to them and might become a snare to others. They felt no +more compunction in breaking an image or tearing in pieces a picture, +than a traveller, whom a highwayman has wounded, is aware of, when he +destroys the weapons dropped by his assailant in his hurried flight. +Indeed, they experienced a strange satisfaction in visiting upon the +lifeless idol the punishment for the spiritual wrongs received at the +hands of false teachers of religion.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">It bursts out at Caen.</div> + +<p>We have an illustration of the way in which the work of +de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span>molition was +accomplished in events occurring about this time at Caen. Two or three +inhabitants of this old Norman city were at Rouen when the churches were +invaded and sacked by an over-zealous crowd of sympathizers with the "new +doctrines." On their return to their native city, they began at once to +urge their friends to copy the example of the provincial capital. The +news reaching the ears of the magistrates of Caen, these endeavored—but +to no purpose, as the sequel proved—to calm the feverish pulse of the +people. On a Friday night (May eighth), the storm broke out, and it raged +the whole of the next day. Church, chapel, and monastery could testify to +its violence. Quaint windows of stained glass and rich old organs were +dashed in pieces. Saints' effigies, to employ the quaint expression of a +Roman Catholic eye-witness, "were massacred." "So great was the damage +inflicted, without any profit, that the loss was estimated at more than a +hundred thousand crowns." Still less excusable were the acts of vandalism +which the rabble—ever ready to join in popular commotions and always +throwing disgrace upon them—indulged. The beautiful tombs of William, +Duke of Normandy and conqueror of England, and of the Duchess-queen +Mathilda, the pride of Caen, which had withstood the ravages of nearly +five hundred years, were ruthlessly destroyed. The monument of Bishop +Charles of Martigny, who had been ambassador under Charles the Eighth and +Louis the Twelfth, shared the same fate. The zealous Roman Catholic who +relates these occurrences claims to have striven, although to no purpose, +to rescue the ashes of the conqueror from dispersion.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "idol" of Sainte Croix.</div> + +<p>The contagion spread even to Orleans. Here, as in other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> places where the +Huguenots had prevailed, there were but few of the inhabitants that had +not been drawn over to the reformed faith, or at least pretended to +embrace it. Yet Condé, in his desire to convince the world that no +partisan hatred moved him, strictly prohibited the intrusion of +Protestants into the churches, and assured the ecclesiastics of +protection so long as they chose to remain in the city. For a time, +consequently, their services continued to be celebrated in the presence +of the faithful few and with closed doors; but soon, their fears getting +the better of their prudence, the priests and monks one by one made their +retreat from the Protestant capital. On the twenty-first of April, word +was brought to Condé that some of the churches had been broken into +during the preceding night, and that the work of destruction was at that +very moment going forward in others. Hastening, in company with Coligny +and other leaders, to the spacious and imposing church of the Holy Rood +(Sainte Croix), he undertook, with blows and menaces, to check the +furious onslaught. Seeing a Huguenot soldier who had climbed aloft, and +was preparing to hurl from its elevated niche one of the saints that +graced the wall of the church, the prince, in the first ebullition of his +anger, snatched an arquebuse from the hands of one of his followers, and +aimed it at the adventurous iconoclast. The latter had seen the act, but +was in no wise daunted. Not desisting an instant from his pious +enterprise, "Sir," he cried to Condé, "have patience until I shall have +overthrown this idol; and then let me die, if that be your pleasure!"<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> + +<p>The Huguenot soldier's fearless reply sounded the knell of many a sacred +painting and statue; for the destruction was accepted as God's work +rather than man's.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Henceforth little exertion was made to save these +objects of mistaken devotion, while the greatest care was taken to +prevent the robbery of the costly reliquaries and other precious +possessions of the churches,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> of which inventories were drawn up, and +which were used only at the last extremity.<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Massacre of Huguenots at Sens.</div> + +<p>Far different in character from the bloodless "massacres" of images and +pictures in cities where the Huguenots gained the upper hand, were the +massacres of living men wherever the papists retained their superiority. +One of the most cruel and inexcusable was that which happened at Sens—a +city sixty-five or seventy miles toward the south-east from Paris—where, +on an ill-founded and malicious rumor that the reformed contemplated +rising and destroying their Roman Catholic neighbors, the latter, at the +instigation, it is said, of their archbishop, the Cardinal of Guise, and +encouraged by the violent example of Constable Montmorency at Paris,<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> +fell on the Protestants, murdered more than a hundred of both sexes and +of every age, and threw their dead bodies into the waters of the +Yonne.<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> While these victims of a blind bigotry were floating on under +the windows of the Louvre toward the sea, Condé addressed to the queen +mother a letter of warm remonstrance, and called upon her to avenge the +causeless murder of so many innocent men and women; expressing the fear +that, if justice were denied by the king and by herself, the cry of +innocent blood would reach high heaven, and God would be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> moved to +inflict those calamities with which the unhappy realm was every day +threatened.<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> + +<p>A few days before Condé penned this appeal, the English ambassador had +written and implored his royal mistress to seize the golden opportunity +to inspirit the frightened Catharine de' Medici, panic-stricken by the +violent measures of the Roman Catholic party; assuring her that "not a +day passed but that the Spanish ambassador, the Bishop of Rome, or some +other papist prince's minister put terror into the queen mother's +mind."<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> But Throkmorton's words and Cecil's entreaties were alike +powerless to induce Elizabeth to improve her advantage. The opportunity +was fast slipping by, and the calamities foretold by Condé were coming on +apace.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Disorders in Provence and Dauphiny.</div> + +<p>In truth, few calamities could exceed in horror those that now befell +France. In the south-eastern corner of the kingdom, above all other +parts, civil war, ever prolific in evil passions, was already bearing its +legitimate fruits. For several years the fertile, sunny hills of Provence +and Dauphiny had enjoyed but little stable peace, and now both sides +caught the first notes of the summons to war and hurried to the fray. +Towns were stormed, and their inhabitants, whether surrendering on +composition or at the discretion of the conqueror, found little justice +or compassion. The men were more fortunate, in being summarily put to the +sword; the women were reserved for the vilest indignities, and then +shared the fate of their fathers and husbands. The thirst for revenge +caused the Protestant leaders and soldiers to perpetrate deeds of cruelty +little less revolting than those which disgraced the papal cause; but +there was, at least, this to be said in their favor, that not even their +enemies could accuse them of those infamous excesses of lewdness of which +their opponents were notoriously guilty.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Their vengeance was +satisfied with the lives, and did not demand the honor of the vanquished.</p> +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The city of Orange.</div> + +<p>The little city of Orange, capital of William of Nassau's principality, +contained a growing community of Protestants, whom the prince had in vain +attempted to restrain. About a year and a half before the outburst of the +civil war, William the Silent, then a sincere Roman Catholic,<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> on +receiving complaints from the Pope, whose territories about Avignon—the +Comtât Venaissin—ran around three sides of the principality, had +expressed himself "<i>marvellously sorry</i> to see how those <i>wicked +heresies</i> were everywhere spreading, and that they had even penetrated +into his principality of Orange."<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> And when he received tidings that +the Huguenots were beginning to preach, he had written to his governor +and council, "to see to it by all means in the world, that no alteration +be permitted in our true and ancient religion, and in no wise to consent +that those wicked men should take refuge in his principality." As +Protestantism advanced in Orange, he purposed to give instructions to use +persuasion and force, "in order to remedy a disorder so pernicious to all +Christendom."<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> While he was unwilling to call in French troops, lest +he should prejudice his sovereign rights, he declared his desire to be +authorized to employ the pontifical soldiers in the work of +repression.<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> But in spite of these restrictive measures, the reformed +population increased rather than diminished, and the bishop of the city +now called upon Fabrizio Serbelloni, a cousin of Pope Pius the Fourth, +and papal general at Avignon, to assist him by driving out the +Protestants, who, ever since the massacre of Vassy, had feared with good +reason the assault of their too powerful and hostile neighbors, and had +taken up arms in self-defence. They had not, however, apprehended so +speedy an attack as Serbelloni now made (on the fifth of June), and, +taken by surprise,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> were able to make but a feeble resistance. The papal +troops entered the city through the breach their cannon had effected. +Never did victorious army act more insolently or with greater inhumanity. +None were spared; neither the sick on their beds, nor the poor in their +asylums, nor the maimed that hobbled through the streets. Those were most +fortunate that were first despatched. The rest were tortured with painful +wounds that prolonged their agonies till death was rather desired than +dreaded, or were hurled down upon pikes and halberds, or were hung to +pot-hooks and roasted in the fire, or were hacked in pieces. Not a few of +the women were treated with dishonor; the greater part were hung to doors +and windows, and their dead bodies, stripped naked, were submitted to +indignities for which the annals of warfare, except among the most +ferocious savages, can scarcely supply a parallel. That the Almighty +might not seem to be insulted in the persons only of living creatures +formed in His own image, the fresh impiety was perpetrated of derisively +stuffing leaves torn from French Bibles into the gaping wounds of the +dead lying on this field of carnage. Nor did the Roman Catholics of +Orange fare much better than their reformed neighbors. Mistaken for +enemies, they were massacred in the public square, where they had +assembled, expecting rather to receive a reward for their services in +assisting the pontifical troops to enter, than to atone for their +treachery by their own death.<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">François de Beaumont, Baron des Adrets.</div> + +<p>But the time for revenge soon came around. The barbarous warfare +initiated by the adherents of the triumvirate in Dauphiny and Provence +bred or brought forward a leader and soldiers who did not hesitate to +repay cruelty with cruelty. François de Beaumont, Baron des Adrets, was a +merciless general, who affected to believe that rigor and strict +retaliation were indispensable to remove the contempt in which the +Huguenots were held, and who knew how by bold movements to appear where +least expected, and by vigor to multiply the apparent size of his army. +Attached to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> Reformation only from ambition, and breathing a spirit +far removed from the meekness of the Gospel, he soon awakened the horror +of his comrades in arms, and incurred the censure of Condé for his +barbarities; so that, within a few months, becoming disgusted with the +Huguenots, he went over to the papal side, and in the second civil war +was found fighting against his former associates.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> Meantime, his +brief connection with the Huguenots was a blot upon their escutcheon all +the more noticeable because of the prevailing purity;<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> and the injury +he inflicted upon the cause of Protestantism far more than cancelled the +services he rendered at Lyons and elsewhere. At Pierrelate he permitted +his soldiers to take signal vengeance on the garrison for the recent +massacre. At Mornas the articles of the capitulation, by which the lives +of the besieged were guaranteed, were not observed; for the Protestant +soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> from Orange, recognizing among them the perpetrators of the +crimes which had turned their homes into a howling desert, fell upon them +and were not—perhaps could not be—restrained by their leader.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> The +fatal example of Orange was but too faithfully copied, and precipitating +the prisoners from the summit of a high rock became the favorite mode of +execution.<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> Only one of the unfortunates, who happened to break his +fall by catching hold of a wild fig-tree growing cut of the side of the +cliff, was spared by his enemies.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> A number of the naked corpses were +afterward placed in an open boat without pilot or tiller, and suffered to +float down the Rhône with a banner on which were written these words: "O +men of Avignon! permit the bearers to pass, for they have paid the toll +at Mornas."<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Blaise de Montluc.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Massacre at Toulouse.</div> + +<p>The atrocities of Des Adrets and his soldiers in the East were, however, +surpassed by those which Blaise de Montluc inflicted upon the Huguenots +of the West, or which took place under his sanction. His memoirs, which +are among the most authentic materials for the history of the wars in +which he took part, present him to us as a remorseless soldier, dead to +all feelings of sympathy with human distress,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> glorying in having +executed more Huguenots than any other royal lieutenant in France,<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> +pleased to have the people call the two hangmen whom he used to take +about with him his "lackeys."<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> It is not surprising that, under the +auspices of such an officer, fierce passions should have had free play. +At Toulouse, the seat of the most fanatical parliament in France, a +notable massacre took place. Even in this hot-bed of bigotry the reformed +doctrines had made rapid and substantial progress, and the great body of +the students in the famous law-school, as well of the municipal +government, were favorable to their spread.<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> The common people, +however, were as virulent in their hostility as the parliament itself. +They had never been fully reconciled to the publication of the Edict of +January, and had only been restrained from interference with the worship +of the Protestants by the authority of the government. Of late the +Huguenots had discovered on what treacherous ground they stood. A funeral +procession of theirs had been attacked, and several persons had been +murdered. A massacre had been perpetrated in the city of Cahors, not far +distant from them. In both cases the entire authority of parliament had +been exerted to shield the guilty. The Huguenots, therefore, resolved to +forestall disaster by throwing Toulouse into the hands of Condé, and +succeeded so far as to introduce some companies of soldiers within the +walls and to seize the "hôtel de ville." They had, however, miscalculated +their strength. The Roman Catholics were more numerous, and after +repeated con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span>flicts they were able to demand the surrender of the +building in which the Protestants had intrenched themselves. Destitute +alike of provisions and of the means of defence, and menaced with the +burning of their retreat, the latter accepted the conditions offered, +and—a part on the day before Pentecost, a part after the services of +that Sunday, one of the chief festivals of the Reformed Church—they +retired without arms, intending to depart for more hospitable cities. +Scarce, however, had the last detachment left the walls, when the tocsin +was sounded, and their enemies, respecting none of their promises, +involved them in a horrible carnage. It was the opinion of the best +informed that in all three thousand persons perished on both sides during +the riot at Toulouse, of whom by far the greater number were Huguenots. +Even this effusion of blood was not sufficient. The next day Montluc +appeared in the city. And now, encouraged by his support, the Parliament +of Toulouse initiated a system of judicial inquiries which were summary +in their character, and rarely ended save in the condemnation of the +accused. Within three months two hundred persons were publicly executed. +The Protestant leader was quartered. The parliament vindicated its +orthodoxy by the expulsion of twenty-two counsellors suspected of a +leaning to the Reformation; and informers were allured by bribes, as well +as frightened by ecclesiastical menaces, in order that the harvest of +confiscation might be the greater.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> + +<p>Such were the deeds which the Roman Catholics of southern France have up +to our times commemorated by centenary celebrations;<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> such the pious +achievements for which Blaise de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> Montluc received from Pope Pius the +Fourth the most lavish praise as a zealous defender of the Catholic +faith.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Foreign alliances sought.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile, about Paris and Orleans the war lagged. Both sides were +receiving reinforcements. The ban and rear-ban were summoned in the +king's name, and a large part of the levies joined Condé as the royal +representative in preference to Navarre and the triumvirate.<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Charles +the Ninth and Catharine had consented to publish a declaration denying +Condé's allegation that they were held in duress.<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> The Guises had +sent abroad to Spain, to Germany, to the German cantons of Switzerland, +to Savoy, to the Pope. Philip, after the abundant promises with which he +had encouraged the French papists to enter upon the war, was not quite +sure whether he had better answer the calls now made upon him. He was by +no means confident that the love of country of the French might not, +after all, prove stronger than the discord engendered by their religious +differences, and their hatred of the Spaniard than their hatred of their +political rivals.<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> "Those stirrings," writes Sir Thomas Chaloner from +Spain, "have here gevyn matter of great consultation day by day to this +king and counsaile. One wayes they devise howe the Gwisans may be ayded +and assisted by them,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> esteming for religion sake that the prevaylment of +that syde importithe them as the ball of theire eye. Another wayes they +stand in a jelousie whither theis nombers thus assembled in Fraunce, may +not possibly shake hands, and sett upon the Lowe Countries or Navarre, +both peecs, upon confidence of the peace, now being disprovided of +garisons. So ferfurthe as they here repent the revocation of the Spanish +bands owt of Flanders.... So as in case the new bushops against the +people's mynd shall need be enstalled, the Frenche had never such an +opertunyte as they perchauns should fynd at this instant."<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> To the +Duke of Würtemberg the Guises had induced Charles and Catharine to write, +throwing the blame of the civil war entirely upon Condé;<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> but +Christopher, this time at least, had his eyes wide open, and his reply +was not only a pointed refusal to join in the general crusade against the +Calvinists, but a noble plea in behalf of toleration and clemency.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Queen Elizabeth's aid invoked.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots, on the other hand, had rather endeavored to set themselves +right in public estimation and to prepare the way for future calls for +assistance, than made any present requisitions. Elizabeth's ambassador, +Throkmorton, had been carefully instructed as to the danger that overhung +his mistress with all the rest of Protestant Christendom. He wrote to her +that the plot was a general one, including England. "It may please your +Majesty the papists, within these two days at Sens in Normandy, have +slain and hurt two hundred persons—men and women. Your Majesty may +perceive how dangerous it is to suffer papists that be of great heart and +enterprise to lift up their crests so high."<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> In another despatch he +warned her of her danger. "It standeth your Majesty upon, for the +conservation of your realm in the good terms it is in (thanks be to God), +to countenance the Protestants as much as you may, until they be set +afoot again, I mean in this realm; for here dependeth the great sway of +that matter."<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Cecil's urgency and schemes.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Divided sympathies of the English.</div> + +<p>Cecil himself adopted the same views, and urged them upon Elizabeth's +attention. Not succeeding in impressing her according to his wish, he +resorted to extraordinary measures to compass the end. He instructed +Mundt, his agent in Germany, to exert himself to induce the Protestant +princes to send "special messengers" to England and persuade Elizabeth to +join in "a confederacy of all parts professing the Gospel." In fact, the +cunning secretary of state went even farther, and dictated to Mundt just +what he should write to the queen. He was to tell her Majesty "that if +she did not attempt the furtherance of the Gospel in France, and the +keeping asunder of France and Spain, she would be in greater peril than +any other prince in Christendom," for "the papist princes that sought to +draw her to their parts meant her subversion"—a truth which, were she to +be informed of by any of the German princes, might have a salutary +effect.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> But the vacillating queen could not be induced as yet to +take the same view, and needed the offer of some tangible advantages to +move her. No wonder that Elizabeth's policy halted. Every occurrence +across the channel was purposely misrepresented by the emissaries of +Philip, and the open sympathizers of the Roman Catholic party at the +English court were almost more numerous than the hearty Protestants. A +few weeks later, a correspondent of Throkmorton wrote to him from home: +"Here are daily bruits given forth by the Spanish ambassador, as it is +thought, far discrepant from such as I learn are sent from your lordship, +and the papists have so great a voice here as they have almost as much +credit, the more it is to be lamented. I have not, since I came last +over, come in any company where almost the greater part have not in +reasoning defended papistry, allowed the Guisians' proceedings, and +seemed to deface the prince's quarrel and design. How dangerous this is +your lordship doth see."<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> The Swiss Protestant cantons were reluctant +to appear to countenance rebellion. Berne sent a few ensigns to Lyons at +the request of the Protestants of that city, but wished<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> to limit them +strictly to the defensive, and subsequently she yielded to the urgency of +the Guises and recalled them altogether.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> But as yet no effort was +made by Condé to call in foreign assistance. The reluctance of Admiral +Coligny, while it did honor to the patriotism which always moved him, +seems to have led him to commit a serious mistake. The admiral hoped and +believed that the Huguenots would prove strong enough to succeed without +invoking foreign assistance; moreover, he was unwilling to set the first +example of bringing in strangers to arbitrate concerning the domestic +affairs of France.<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> And, indeed, had his opponents been equally +patriotic, it is not improbable that his expectation would have been +realized. For, if inferior to the enemy in infantry, the Huguenots, +through the great preponderance of noblemen and gentlemen in their army, +were at first far superior in cavalry.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Diplomatic manœuvres.</div> + +<p>The beaten path of diplomatic manœuvre was first tried. Four times +were messengers sent to Condé, in the king's name, requiring his +submission. Four times he responded that he could not lay down his arms +until Guise should have retired from court and been punished for the +massacre of Vassy, until the constable and Saint André should have +returned to their governments, leaving the king his personal liberty, and +until the Edict of January should be fully re-established.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> These +demands the opposing party were unwilling to concede. It is true that a +pretence was made of granting the last point, and, on the eleventh of +April, an edict, ostensibly in confirmation of that of January, was +signed by Charles, by the advice of Catharine, the King of Navarre, the +Cardinals of Bourbon and Guise, the Duke of Guise, the constable, and +Aumale. But there was a glaring contradiction between the two laws, for +Paris was ex<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span>pressly excepted from the provisions. In or around the +capital no exercises of the reformed religion could be celebrated.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> +Such was the trick by which the triumvirs hoped to take the wind out of +the confederates' sails. Though the concession could not be accepted by +the Protestants, it might be alleged to show foreigners the +unreasonableness of Condé and his supporters. Meantime, in reply to the +prince's declaration as to the causes for which he had taken up arms, the +adherents of Guise published in their own vindication a paper, wherein +they gravely asserted that, but for the duke's timely arrival, fifteen +hundred Huguenots, gathered from every part of the kingdom, would have +entered Paris, and, with the assistance of their confederates within the +walls, would have plundered the city.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a></p> + +<p>The month of May witnessed the dreary continuation of the same state of +things. On the first, Condé wrote to the queen mother, reiterating his +readiness to lay down the arms he had assumed in the king's defence and +her's, on the same conditions as before. On the fourth, Charles, +Catharine, and Antoine replied, refusing to dismiss the Guises or to +restore the Edict of January in reference to Paris, but, at the same +time, inviting the prince to return to court, and promising that, after +he should have submitted, and the revolted cities should have been +restored to their allegiance, the triumvirs would retire to their +governments.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> + +<p>On the same day two petitions were presented to Charles. Both were signed +by Guise, Montmorency, and Saint André. In the first they prayed his +Majesty to interdict the exercise of every other religion save the "holy +Apostolic and Roman," and require that all royal officers should conform +to that religion or forfeit their positions; to compel the heretics to +restore the churches which had been destroyed; to punish the +sacrilegious; to declare rebels all who persisted in retaining arms +without<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> permission of the King of Navarre. Under these conditions they +would consent, they said, to leave France—nay, to go to the ends of the +world. In the second petition they demanded the submission of the +confederates of Orleans, the restitution of the places which had been +seized, the exaction of an oath to observe the royal edicts, both new and +old, and the enforcement of the sole command of Navarre over the French +armies.<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé's reply to the pretended petition.</div> + +<p>Condé's reply (May twentieth) was the most bitter, as well as the ablest +and most vigorous paper of the initiatory stage of the war. It well +deserves a careful examination. The pretended <i>petition</i>, Louis of +Bourbon wrote to the queen mother, any one can see, even upon a cursory +perusal, to be in effect nothing else than a <i>decree</i> concocted by the +Duke of Guise, Constable Montmorency, and Marshal Saint André, with the +assistance of the papal legate and nuncio and the ministers of foreign +states. Ambition, not zeal for the faith, is the motive. In order to have +their own way, not only do the signers refuse to have a prince of the +blood near the monarch, but they intend removing and punishing all the +worthy members of the royal privy council, beginning with Michel de +l'Hospital, the chancellor. In point of fact, they have already made a +ridiculous appointment of six new counsellors. The queen mother is to be +banished to Chenonceaux, there to spend her time in laying out her +gardens. La Roche-sur-Yon will be sent elsewhere. New instructors are to +be placed around the king to teach him riding, jousting, the art of +love—anything, in short, to divert his mind from religion and the art of +reigning well. The conspiracy is more dangerous than the conspiracy of +Sulla or Cæsar, or that of the Roman triumvirs. Its authors point to +their titles, and allege the benefits they have conferred; but their +boasts may easily be answered by pointing to their insatiable avarice, +and to the princely revenues they have accumulated during their long +connection with the public administration. They speak of the present +dangerous state of the country. What was it before the massacre of Vassy? +After the publication of the Edict of January universal peace prevailed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> +That peace these very petitioners disturbed. What means the coalition of +the constable and Marshal Saint André? What mean the barbarities lately +committed in Paris, but that the peace was to be broken by violent means? +As to the obedience the petitioners profess to exhibit to the queen, they +showed her open contempt when they refused to go to the provinces which +they governed under the king's orders; when they came to the capital +contrary to her express direction, and that in arms; when by force they +dragged the king, her son, and herself from Fontainebleau to the Louvre. +They have accused the Huguenots of treating the king as a prisoner, +because these desire that the decree drawn up by the advice of the three +estates of the realm should be made irrevocable until the majority of +Charles the Ninth; but how was it when three persons, of whom one is a +foreigner and the other two are servants of the crown, dictate a <i>new</i> +edict, and wish that edict to be absolutely irrevocable? There is no need +of lugging the Roman Catholic religion into the discussion, and +undertaking its defence, for no one has thought of attacking it. The +demand made by the petitioners for a compulsory subscription to certain +articles of theirs is in opposition to immemorial usage; for no +subscription has ever been exacted save to the creed of the Apostles. It +is a second edict, and in truth nothing else than the introduction of +that hateful Spanish inquisition. Ten thousand nobles and a hundred +thousand soldiers will not be compelled either by force or by authority +to affix their signatures to it. But, to talk of enforcing submission to +a Roman Catholic confession is idle, so long as the Duke of Guise and the +Cardinal of Lorraine do not retract their own adhesion to the Augsburg +Confession lately given in with such protestations to a German prince. +The charge of countenancing the breaking of images the prince would +answer by pointing to the penalties he has inflicted in order to repress +the irregularity. And yet, if it come to the true desert of punishment, +what retribution ought not to be meted out for the crimes perpetrated by +the petitioners, or under their auspices and after their examples, at +Vassy, at Sens, at Paris, at Toulouse, and in so many other places? For +the author of the petition should have remembered that it is nowhere +written that a dead image<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> ever cried for vengeance; but the blood of +man—God's living image—demands it of heaven, and draws it down, though +it tarry long. As for the accusation brought against Condé and the best +part of the French nobility, that they are rebels, the prince hopes soon +to meet his accusers in the open field and there decide the question +whether a foreigner and two others of such a station as they are shall +undertake to judge a prince of the blood. To allege Navarre's authority +comes with ill-grace from men who wronged that king so openly during the +late reign of Francis the Second. Finally, the Prince of Condé would set +over against the petition of the triumvirate, one of his own, containing +for its principal articles that the Edict of January, which his enemies +seek to overturn, shall be observed inviolate; that all the king's +subjects of every order and condition shall be maintained in their rights +and privileges; that the professors of the reformed faith shall be +protected until the majority of Charles; that arms shall be laid down on +either side; above all, that <i>foreign</i> arms, which he himself, so far +from inviting to France, has, up to the present moment, steadfastly +declined when voluntarily offered, and which he will never resort to +unless compelled by his enemies, shall be banished from the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Third National Synod.</div> + +<p>While the clouds of war were thus gathering thick around Orleans, within +its walls a synod of the reformed churches of France had assembled on the +twenty-fifth of April, to deliberate of matters relating to their +religious interests. Important questions of discipline were discussed and +settled, and a day of public fasting and prayer was appointed in view of +the danger of a declared civil war.<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Interview of Catharine and Condé.</div> + +<p>The actual war was fast approaching. The army of the Guises, under the +nominal command of the King of Navarre, was now ready to march in the +direction of Orleans. Before setting out, however, the triumvirs resolved +to make sure of their hold upon the capital, and royal edicts (of the +twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh of May) were obtained ordering the +expulsion from Paris of all known Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> Then, with an army of +four thousand foot and three thousand horse, the King of Navarre marched +toward the city of Châteaudun.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> On hearing of the movement of his +brother's forces, the Prince of Condé advanced to meet him at the head of +six thousand foot and two thousand horse. There were those, however, who +still believed it to be possible to avert a collision and settle the +matters in dispute by amicable discussion. Of this number was Catharine +de' Medici. Hastily leaving the castle of Vincennes, she hurried to the +front, and at the little town of Toury, between the two armies, she +brought about an interview between Condé, the King of Navarre, and +herself. Such was the imbittered feeling supposed to animate both sides, +that the escorts of the two princes had been strictly enjoined to avoid +approaching each other, lest they should be tempted to indulge in +insulting remarks, and from these come to blows. But, to the great +surprise of all, they had no sooner met than papist and Huguenot rushed +into each other's arms and embraced as friends long separated. While the +principals were discussing the terms of union, their followers had +already expressed by action the accord reigning in their hearts, and the +white cloaks of Condé's attendants were to be seen indiscriminately +mingled with the crimson cloaks of his brother's escort. Yet, after all, +the interview came to nothing. Neither side could accept the only terms +the other would offer, and Catharine returned disappointed to Paris, to +be greeted by the populace with the most insulting language<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> for +imperilling the orthodoxy of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> Not, however, altogether +despairing of effecting a reconciliation, Condé addressed a letter to the +King of Navarre, entreating him, before it should be too late, to listen +to his brotherly arguments. The answer came in a new summons to lay down +his arms.<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "loan" of Beaugency.</div> + +<p>Yet, while they had no desire for a reconciliation on any such terms as +the Huguenots could accept, there were some substantial advantages which +the Roman Catholic leaders hoped to reap under cover of fresh +negotiations. All the portion of the valley of the Loire lying nearest to +Paris was in the hands of the confederates of Orleans. It was impossible +for Navarre to reach the southern bank, except by crossing below Amboise, +and thus exposing the communications of his army with Paris to be cut off +at any moment. To attain his end with less difficulty, Antoine now sent +word to his brother that he was disposed to conclude a peace, and +proposed a truce of six days. Meanwhile, he requested Condé to gratify +him by the "loan" of the town of Beaugency, a few miles below Orleans, +where he might be more comfortably lodged than in his present +inconvenient quarters. The request was certainly sufficiently novel, but +that it was granted by Condé may appear even more strange.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Futile negotiations.</div> + +<p>This was not the only act of folly in which the Huguenot leaders became +involved. Under pretence of showing their readiness to contribute their +utmost to the re-establishment of peace, the constable, Guise, and Saint +André, after obtaining a declaration from Catharine and Antoine that +their voluntary retreat would do no prejudice to their honor,<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> +retired from the royal court, but went no farther than the neighboring +city of Châteaudun. The Prince of Condé, swallowing the bait, did not +hesitate a moment to place himself, the very next day, in the hands of +the queen mother and his brother, and was led more like a captive than a +freeman from Beaugency to Talsy,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> where Catharine was staying. Becoming +alarmed, however, at his isolated situation, he wrote to his comrades in +arms, and within a few hours so goodly a company of knights appeared, +with Coligny, Andelot, Prince Porcien, La Rochefoucauld, Rohan, and other +distinguished nobles at their head, that any treacherous plans that may +have been entertained by the wily Italian princess were rendered entirely +futile. She resolved, therefore, to entrap them by soft speeches. With +that utter disregard for consistency so characteristic both of her +actions and of her words, Catharine publicly<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> thanked the Huguenot +lords for the services they had rendered the king, who would never cease +to be grateful to them, and recognized, for her own part, that her son +and she herself owed to them the preservation of their lives. But, after +this flattering preamble, she proceeded to make the unpalatable +proposition that they should consent to the repeal of the edict so far as +Paris was concerned, under the guarantee of personal liberty, but without +permission to hold public religious worship. The prince and his +associates could listen to no such terms. Indeed, carried away by the +fervor of their zeal, they protested that, rather than surrender the +rights of their brethren, they would leave the kingdom. "We shall +willingly go into exile," they said, "if our absence will conduce to the +restoration of public tranquillity." This assurance was just what +Catharine had been awaiting. To the infinite surprise of the speakers +themselves, she told them that she appreciated their disinterested +motives, and accepted their offer; that they should have safe-conducts to +whatever land they desired to visit, with full liberty to sell their +goods and to receive their incomes; but that their voluntary retirement +would last only until the king's majority, which would be declared so +soon as he had completed his fourteenth year!<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> It needs scarcely be +said that, awkward as was the pre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span>dicament in which they had placed +themselves, the prince and his companions had little disposition to +follow out Catharine's plan. On their return to the Protestant camp, the +clamor of the soldiers against any further exposure of the person of +their leader to peril, and the opportune publication of an intercepted +letter said to have been written by the Duke of Guise to his brother, the +Cardinal of Lorraine, on the eve of his departure for Châteaudun, and +disclosing treacherous designs,<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> decided the Huguenot leaders to +break off the negotiations.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> + +<p>The long period of comparative inaction was now succeeded by a spasmodic +effort at energetic conduct. The six days' truce had scarcely expired +when the prince resolved to throw himself unexpectedly upon the +neighboring camp of the Roman Catholics, before Montmorency, Guise, and +Saint André had resumed their accustomed posts. One of those nocturnal +attacks, which, under the name of <i>camisades</i>, figure so frequently in +the military history of the period, was secretly organized, and the +Protestant soldiers, wearing white shirts over their armor, in order that +they might easily recognize each other in the darkness of the night, +started with alacrity, under D'Andelot's command, on the exciting +adventure. But their guides were treacherous, or unskilful, and the +enterprise came to naught.<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> Disappointed in this attempt, and unable +to force the enemy to give battle,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> Condé turned his attention to +Beaugency, which the King of Navarre had failed to restore, and carried +it by storm. He would gladly have followed up the advantage by laying +siege to Blois and Tours, which the triumvirate had taken and treated +with the utmost cruelty; but heavy rains, and the impossibility of +carrying on military operations on account of the depth of the mud, +compelled him to relinquish his project, and reduced the main army to +renewed inactivity.<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a></p> + +<p>The protracted delays and inexcusable sluggishness of the leaders had +borne their natural fruits. Many of the Protestant gentlemen had left the +camp in disgust at the mistakes committed; others had retired to their +homes on hearing that their families were exposed to the dangers of war +and stood in need of their protection; a few had been corrupted by the +arts of the enemy. For it was a circumstance often noticed by +contemporaries, that no envoy was ever sent from Orleans to the court who +did not return, if not demoralized, yet so lukewarm as to be incapable of +performing any good service in future.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Yet the dispersion of the +higher rank of the reformed soldiers, and the consequent weakening of +Condé's army in cavalry, were attended with this incidental advantage, +that they contributed greatly to the strengthening of the party in the +provinces, and necessitated a similar division of the opposing +forces.<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot discipline.</div> + +<p>Never, perhaps, was there an army that exhibited such excellent +discipline as did the army of the Protestants in this the first stage of +its warfare. Never had the morals and religion of soldiers been better +cared for. It was the testimony of a soldier, one of the most +accomplished and philosophical writers of his times—the brave "Bras de +Fer"—that the preaching of the Gospel was the great instrument of +imbu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span>ing the army with the spirit of order. Crimes, he tells us, were +promptly revealed; no blasphemy was heard throughout the camp, for it was +universally frowned upon. The very implements of gambling—dice and +cards—were banished. There were no lewd women among the camp-followers. +Thefts were unfrequent and vigorously punished. A couple of soldiers were +hung for having robbed a peasant of a small quantity of wine.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Public +prayers were said morning and evening; and, instead of profane or +indelicate songs, nothing was heard but the psalms of David. Such were +the admirable fruits of the careful discipline of Admiral Coligny, the +true leader of the Protestant party; and they made a deep impression upon +such enthusiastic youths as François de la Noue and Téligny. Their more +experienced author, however, was not imposed upon by these flattering +signs. "It is a very fine thing," he told them, "if only it last; but I +much fear that these people will spend all their goodness at the outset, +and that, two months hence, nothing will remain but malice. I have long +commanded infantry, and I know that it often verifies the proverb which +says: '<i>Of a young hermit, an old devil!</i>' If this army does not, we +shall give it a good mark."<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> The prediction was speedily realized; +for, although the army of the prince never sought to rival the papal +troops in the extent of its license, the standard of soldierly morality +was far below that which Coligny had desired to establish.<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Severities of the parliament.</div> + +<p>So far as cruelty was concerned, everything in the conduct of their +antagonists was calculated to provoke the Protestants to bitter +retaliation. The army of Guise was merciless. If the infuriated Huguenots +selected the priests that fell into their hands for the especial +monuments of their retribution, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> was because the priesthood as a body +had become the instigators of savage barbarity, instead of being the +ministers of peace; because when they did not, like Ronsard the poet, +themselves buckle on the sword, or revel in blood, like the monks of +Saint Calais,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> they still fanned, as they had for years been fanning, +the flame of civil war, denouncing toleration or compromise, wielding the +weapons of the church to enforce the pious duty of exterminating every +foul calumny invented to the disadvantage of the reformers. No wonder, +then, that the ecclesiastical dress itself became the badge of deadly and +irreconcilable hostility, and that in the course of this unhappy war many +a priest was cut down without any examination into his private views or +personal history. Parliament, too, was setting the example of cruelty by +reckless orders amounting almost to independent legislation. By a series +of "arrêts" succeeding each other rapidly in the months of June and July, +the door was opened wider and wider for popular excess. When the churches +of Meaux were visited by an iconoclastic rabble on the twenty-sixth of +June, the Parisian parliament, on the thirtieth of June, employed the +disorder as the pretext of a judicial "declaration" that made the +culprits liable to all the penalties of treason, and permitted any one to +put them to death without further authorization. The populace of Paris +needed no fuller powers to attack the Huguenots, for, within two or three +days, sixty men and women had been killed, robbed, and thrown into the +river. Parliament, therefore, found it convenient to terminate the +massacre by a second order restricting the application of the declaration +to persons taken in the very act.<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> A few days later (July, 1562), +other arrêts empowered all inhabitants of towns and villages to take up<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +arms against those who molested priests, sacked churches, or "held +conventicles and unlawful assemblies," whether public or secret; and to +arrest the ministers, deacons, and other ecclesiastical functionaries for +trial, as guilty of treason against God as well as man.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> Not content +with these appeals to popular passion,<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> however, the Parisian judges +soon gave practical exemplifications of their intolerant principles; for +two royal officers—the "lieutenant general" of Pontoise, and the +"lieutenant" of Senlis—were publicly hung; the former for encouraging +the preaching of God's word "in other form than the ancient church" +authorized, the latter for "celebrating the Lord's Supper according to +the Genevese fashion." These were, according to the curate of St. +Barthélemi, the first executions at Paris for the simple profession of +"Huguenoterie" since the pardon proclaimed by Francis the Second at +Amboise.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> A few days later,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> a new and more explicit declaration +pronounced all those who had taken up arms, robbed churches and +monasteries, and committed other sacrilegious acts at Orleans, Lyons, +Rouen, and various other cities mentioned by name, to be rebels, and +deprived them of all their offices. Yet, by way of retaliation upon Condé +for maintaining that he had entered upon the war in order to defend the +persons of the king and his mother, unjustly deprived of their liberty, +parliament pretended to regard the prince himself as an unwilling captive +in the hands of the confederates; and, consequently, excepted him alone +from the general attainder.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> But the legal fiction does not seem to +have been attended with the great success its projectors +anticipated.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> The people could scarcely credit the statement that the +war was waged by the Guises simply for the liberation of their mortal +enemy, Condé, especially when Condé himself indignantly repelled the +attempt to separate him from the associates with whom he had entered into +common engagements, not to add that the reputation of the Lorraine +family, whose mouthpiece parliament might well be supposed to be, was not +over good for strict adherence to truth.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile the triumvirs were more successful in their military operations +than the partisans of the prince. Their auxiliaries came in more +promptly, for the step which Condé now saw himself forced to take, in +consequence of his opponents' course, they had long since resolved upon. +They had received reinforcements from Germany, both of infantry and +cavalry,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> under command of the Rhinegrave Philip of Salm and the Count of +Rockendorf; while Condé had succeeded in detaching but few of the +Lutheran troopers by a manifesto in which he endeavored to explain the +true nature of the struggle. Soldiers from the Roman Catholic cantons had +been allowed a free passage through the Spanish Franche-Comté by the +regent of the Low Countries, Margaret of Parma. The Pope himself +contributed liberally to the supply of money for paying the troops.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> +But the Protestant reinforcements from the Palatinate and Zweibrücken +(Deux-Ponts), and from Hesse, which D'Andelot, and, after him, Gaspard de +Schomberg, had gone to hasten, were not yet ready; while Elizabeth still +hesitated to listen to the solicitations of Briquemault and Robert +Stuart, the Scotchman, who had been successively sent to her court.<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Military successes of the triumvirs.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Fall of Bourges.</div> + +<p>After effecting the important capture of the city of Poitiers, Marshal +Saint André, at the head of a Roman Catholic army, had marched, about the +middle of August, toward Bourges, perhaps the most important place held +by the Protestants in central France. Beneath the walls of this city he +joined the main army, under Navarre's nominal command, but really led by +the Duke of Guise. The siege was pressed with vigor, for the king was +present in person with the "Guisards." To the handful of Huguenots their +assailants appeared to be "a marvellous army of French, Germans, reiters, +Spaniards, and other nations, numbering in all eighty or a hundred +thousand men, with the bravest cavalry that could be seen."<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> And, +when twenty or twenty-five cannon opened upon Bourges with balls of forty +or fifty pounds' weight, and when six hundred and forty discharges were +counted on a single day, and every building in the town was shaken to its +very foundations, the besieged, numbering only a few hundred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> men, would +have been excusable had they lost heart. Instead of this, they +obstinately defended their works, repaired the breach by night, and +inflicted severe injury on the enemy by nocturnal sallies. To add to the +duke's embarrassment, Admiral Coligny, issuing from Orleans, was +fortunate enough to cut off an important convoy of provisions and +ammunition coming from Paris to the relief of the besiegers.<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> +Despairing of taking the city by force, they now turned to negotiation. +Unhappily, M. d'Ivoy, in command of the Huguenot garrison, was not proof +against the seductive offers made him. Disregarding the remonstrances of +his companions in arms, who pointed to the fact that the enemy had from +day to day, through discouragement or from sheer exhaustion, relaxed +their assaults, he consented (on the thirty-first of August) to surrender +Bourges to the army that had so long thundered at its gates. D'Ivoy +returned to Orleans, but Condé, accusing him of open perfidy, refused to +see him; while the Protestants of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> Bourges shared the usual fate of those +who trusted the promises of the Roman Catholic leaders, and secured few +of the religious privileges guaranteed by the articles of +capitulation.<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p> + +<p>With the fall of Bourges, the whole of central France, as far as to the +gates of Orleans, yielded to the arms of Guise. Everywhere the wretched +inhabitants of the reformed faith were compelled to submit to gross +indignities, or seek safety in flight. To many of these homeless +fugitives the friendly castle of Montargis, belonging to the Duchess of +Ferrara, to which reference will shortly be made, afforded a welcome +refuge.<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Help from Queen Elizabeth.</div> + +<p>The necessity of obtaining immediate reinforcements had at length brought +Condé and the other great Huguenot lords to acquiesce in the offer of the +only terms upon which Elizabeth of England could be persuaded to grant +them actual support. As the indispensable condition to her interference, +she demanded that the cities of Havre and Dieppe should be placed in her +hands. These would be a pledge for the restoration of Calais, that old +English stronghold which had fallen into the power of the French during +the last war, and for whose restoration within eight years there had been +an express stipulation in the treaties Cateau-Cambrésis. This humiliating +concession the Huguenots reluctantly agreed to make. Elizabeth in turn +promised to send six thousand English troops (three thousand to guard +each of the cities), who should serve<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> under the command of Condé as the +royal lieutenant, and pledged her word to lend the prince and his +associates one hundred and forty thousand crowns toward defraying the +expenses of the war.<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> On the twentieth of September the Queen of +England published to the world a declaration of the motives that led her +to interfere, alleging in particular the usurpation of the royal +authority by the Guises, and the consequent danger impending over the +Protestants of Normandy through the violence of the Duke of Aumale.<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p> + +<p>The tidings of the alliance and of some of its conditions had already +reached France, and they rather damaged than furthered the Protestant +cause. As the English queen's selfish determination to confine her +assistance to the protection of the three cities became known, it alarmed +even her warmest friends among the French Protestants. Condé and Coligny +earnestly begged the queen's ambassador to tell his mistress that "in +case her Majesty were introduced by their means into Havre, Dieppe, and +Rouen with six thousand men, only to keep those places, it would be unto +them a great note of infamy." They would seem wantonly to have exposed to +a foreign prince the very flower of Normandy, in giving into her hands +cities which they felt themselves quite able to defend without +assistance. So clearly did Throkmorton foresee the disastrous +consequences of this course, that, even at the risk of offending the +queen by his presumption, he took the liberty to warn her that if she +suffered the Protestants of France<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> to succumb, with minds so alienated +from her that they should consent to make an accord with the opposite +faction, the possession of the cities would avail her but little against +the united forces of the French. He therefore suggested that it might be +quite as well for her Majesty's interests, "that she should serve the +turn of the Huguenots as well as her own."<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> Truly, Queen Elizabeth +was throwing away a glorious opportunity of displaying magnanimous +disinterestedness, and of conciliating the affection of a powerful party +on the continent. In the inevitable struggle between Protestant England +and papal Spain, the possession of such an ally as the best part of +France would be of inestimable value in abridging the contest or in +deciding the result. But the affection of the Huguenots could be secured +by no such cold-blooded compact as that which required them to appear in +the light of an unpatriotic party whose success would entail the +dismemberment of the kingdom. To make such a demand at the very moment +when her own ambassador was writing from Paris that the people "did daily +most cruelly use and kill every person, no age or sex excepted, that they +took to be contrary to their religion," was to show but too clearly that +not religious zeal nor philanthropic tenderness of heart, so much as pure +selfishness, was the motive influencing her.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> And yet the English +queen was not uninformed of, nor wholly insensible to, the calls of +humanity. She could in fact, on occasion, herself set them forth with +force and pathos. Nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> could surpass the sympathy expressed in her +autograph letter to Mary of Scots, deprecating the resentment of the +latter at Elizabeth's interference—a letter which, as Mr. Froude +notices, was not written by Cecil and merely signed by the queen, but was +her own peculiar and characteristic composition. "Far sooner," she wrote, +"would I pass over those murders on land; far rather would I leave +unwritten those noyades in the rivers—those men and women hacked in +pieces; but the shrieks of the strangled wives, great with child—the +cries of the infants at their mothers' breasts—pierce me through. What +drug of rhubarb can purge the bile which these tyrannies engender?"<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p> + +<p>The news of the English alliance, although not unexpected, produced a +very natural irritation at the French court. When Throkmorton applied to +Catharine de' Medici for a passport to leave the kingdom, the queen +persistently refused, telling him that such a document was unnecessary in +his case. But she significantly volunteered the information that "some of +his nation had lately entered France without asking for passports, who +she hoped would speedily return without leave-taking!"<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Siege of Rouen, October.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile the English movement rather accelerated than retarded the +operations of the royal army. After the fall of Bourges, there had been a +difference of opinion in the council whether Orleans or Rouen ought first +to be attacked. Orleans was the centre of Huguenot activity, the heart +from which the currents of life flowed to the farthest extremities of +Gascony and Languedoc; but it was strongly fortified, and would be +defended by a large and intrepid garrison. A siege was more likely to +terminate disastrously to the assailants than to the citizens and +Protestant troops. The admiral laughed at the attempt to attack a city +which could throw three thousand men into the breach.<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> Rouen, on the +contrary, was weak, and, if attacked before reinforcements were received +from England,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> but feebly garrisoned. Yet it was the key of the valley of +the Seine, and its possession by the Huguenots was a perpetual menace of +the capital.<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> So long as it was in their hands, the door to the heart +of the kingdom lay wide open to the united army of French and English +Protestants. Very wisely, therefore, the Roman Catholic generals +abandoned their original design<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> of reducing Orleans so soon as +Bourges should fall, and resolved first to lay siege to Rouen. Great +reason, indeed, had the captors of such strongholds as Marienbourg, +Calais, and Thionville, to anticipate that a place so badly protected, so +easily commanded, and destitute of any fortification deserving the name, +would yield on the first alarm.<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> It was true that a series of attacks +made by the Duke of Aumale upon Fort St. Catharine, the citadel of Rouen, +had been signally repulsed, and that, after two weeks of fighting, on the +twelfth of July he had abandoned the undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> But, with the more +abundant resources at their command, a better result might now be +expected. Siege was, therefore, a second time laid, on the twenty-ninth +of September, by the King of Navarre.</p> + +<p>The forces on the two sides were disproportionate. Navarre,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> Montmorency, +and Guise were at the head of sixteen thousand foot and two thousand +horse, in addition to a considerable number of German mercenaries. +Montgomery,<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> who commanded the Protestants, had barely eight hundred +trained soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> The rest of the scanty garrison was composed of +those of the citizens who were capable of bearing arms, to the number of +perhaps four thousand more. But this handful of men instituted a stout +resistance. After frequently repulsing the assailants, the double fort of +St. Catharine, situated near the Seine, on the east of the city, and +Rouen's chief defence, was taken rather by surprise than by force. Yet, +after this unfortunate loss, the brave Huguenots fought only with the +greater desperation. Their numbers had been reinforced by the accession +of some five hundred Englishmen of the first detachment of troops which +had landed at Havre on the third of October, and whom Sir Adrian Poynings +had assumed the responsibility of sending to the relief of the +beleaguered capital of Normandy.<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> With Killigrew of Pendennis for +their captain, they had taken advantage of a high tide to pass the +obstructions of boats filled with stone and sand that had been sunk in +the river opposite Caudebec, and, with the exception of the crew of one +barge that ran ashore, and eleven of whom were hung by the Roman +Catholics, "for having entered the service of the Huguenots contrary to +the will of the Queen of England," they succeeded in reaching Rouen.<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p> + +<p>These, however, were not the only auxiliaries upon whom the Huguenot +chief could count. The women were inspired<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> with a courage that equalled, +and a determination that surpassed, that of their husbands and brothers. +They undertook the most arduous labors; they fought side by side on the +walls; they helped to repair at night the breaches which the enemy's +cannon had made during the day; and after one of the most sanguinary +conflicts during the siege, it was found that there were more women +killed and wounded than men. Yet the courage of the Huguenots sustained +them throughout the unequal struggle. Frequently summoned to surrender, +the Rouenese would listen to no terms that included a loss of their +religious liberty. Rather than submit to the usurpation of the Guises, +they preferred to fall with arms in their hands.<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> For fall they must. +D'Andelot was on his way with the troops he had laboriously collected in +Germany; another band of three thousand Englishmen was only detained by +the adverse winds; Condé himself was reported on his way northward to +raise the siege—but none could arrive in time. The King of Navarre had +been severely wounded in the shoulder, but Guise and the constable +pressed the city with no less decision. At last the walls on the side of +the suburbs of St. Hilaire and Martainville were breached by the +overwhelming fire of the enemy. The population of Rouen and its motley +garrison, reduced in numbers, worn out with toils and vigils, and +disheartened by a combat which ceased on one day only to be renewed under +less favorable circumstances on the next, were no longer able to continue +their heroic and almost superhuman exertions.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Fall of Rouen.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The Norman parliament.</div> + +<p>On Monday, the twenty-sixth of October, the army of the triumvirate +forced its way over the rubbish into Rouen, and the richest city of +France, outside of Paris, fell an unresisting prey to the cupidity of an +insubordinate soldiery. Rarely had so tempting a prize fallen into the +hands of a conquering army; rarely were the exactions of war more +remorsely inflicted.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> But the barbarities of a licentious army<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> were +exceeded in atrocity by the cooler deliberations of the Norman +parliament. That supreme court, always inimical to the Protestants, had +retired to the neighboring city of Louviers, in order to maintain itself +free from Huguenot influence. It now returned to Rouen and exercised a +sanguinary revenge. Augustin Marlorat, one of the most distinguished +among the reformed ministers of France, and the most prominent pastor of +the church of Rouen, had been thrown into prison; he was now brought +before the parliament, and with others was sentenced to death as a +traitor and a disturber of the public repose, then dragged on a hurdle to +the place of execution and ignominiously hung.<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> + +<p>The ferocity of the Norman parliament alarming the queen mother, she +interfered to secure the observance of the edict of amnesty she had +recently prepared. But serious results followed in the case of two +prominent partisans of Guise who had fallen into Condé's hands, and were +in prison when the tidings reached Orleans. On the recommendation of his +council, the prince retaliated by sending to the gallows Jean Baptiste +Sapin, a member of the Parisian parliament, and the Abbé de Gastines, who +had been captured while travelling in company with an envoy whom the +court were sending to Spain.<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Antoine de Bourbon, King of Navarre.</div> + +<p>The fall of Rouen was followed within a few weeks by the death of the +King of Navarre. His painful wound was not, perhaps, necessarily mortal, +but the restless and vainglorious prince would not remain quiet and allow +it to heal. He insisted on being borne in a litter through the breach +into the city which had been taken under his nominal command. It was a +sort of triumphal procession, marching to the sound of cymbals, and with +other marks of victory. But the idle pageant only increased the +inflammation in his shoulder. Even in his sick-room he allowed himself no +time for serious thought; but, prating of the orange-groves of Sardinia +which he was to receive from the King of Spain, and toying with Rouhet, +the beautiful maid of honor by whom Catharine had drawn him into her net, +he frittered away the brief remnant of an ignoble life. When visibly +approaching his end, he is said, at the suggestion of an Italian +physician, to have confessed himself to a priest, and to have received +the last sacraments of the Romish Church. Yet, with characteristic +vacillation he listened, but a few hours later, with attention and +apparent devoutness, to the reading of God's Word, and answered the +remonstrances of his faithful Huguenot physician by the assurance that, +if he recovered his health, he would openly espouse the Augsburg +Confession, and cause the pure Gospel to be preached everywhere +throughout France.<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> His death occurred<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> on the seventeenth of +November, 1562, at Les Andelys, a village on the Seine. He had insisted, +contrary to his friends' advice, upon being taken by boat from Rouen to +St. Maur-des-Fossés, where, within a couple of leagues of Paris, he hoped +to breathe a purer air; but death overtook him before he had completed +half his journey.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> + +<p>Had Antoine embraced with sincerity and steadfastly maintained either of +the two phases of religious belief which divided between them the whole +of western Christendom, his death would have left a void which could have +been filled with difficulty. He was the first prince of the blood, and +entitled to the regency. His appearance was prepossessing, his manners +courteous. He was esteemed a capable general, and was certainly not +destitute of administrative ability. If, with hearty devotion, he had +given himself to the reformed views, the authority of his great name and +eminent position might have secured for their adherents, if not triumph, +at least toleration and quiet. But two capital weaknesses ruined his +entire course. The love of empty glory blinded him to his true interests; +and the love of sensual pleasure made him an easy dupe. He was robbed of +his legitimate claims to the first rank in France by the promise of a +shadowy sceptre in some distant region, which every sensible statesman of +his time knew from the first that Philip the Second never had entertained +the slightest intention of conferring; while, by the siren voices of her +fair maids of honor, Catharine de' Medici was always sure of being able +to lure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> him on to the most humiliating concessions. Deceived by the +emissaries of the Spanish king and the Italian queen mother, Antoine +would have been an object rather of pity than of disgust, had he not +himself played false to the friends who supported him. As it was, he +passed off the stage, and scarcely left a single person to regret his +departure. Huguenots and papists were alike gratified when the world was +relieved of so signal an example of inconstancy and perfidy.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Antoine +left behind him his wife, the eminent Jeanne d'Albret, and two +children—a son, the Prince of Béarn, soon to appear in history as the +leader of the Huguenot party, and, on the extinction of the Valois line, +to succeed to the throne as Henry the Fourth; and a daughter, Catharine, +who inherited all her mother's signal virtues. The widow and her children +were, at the time of Antoine's death, in Jeanne's dominions on the +northern slopes of the Pyrenees, whither they had retired when he had +first openly gone over to the side of the Guises. There, in the midst of +her own subjects, the Queen of Navarre was studying, more intelligently +than any other monarch of her age, the true welfare of her people, while +training her son in those principles upon which she hoped to see him lay +the foundations of a great and glorious career.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The English in Havre.</div> + +<p>The sagacity of the enemy had been well exhibited in the vigor with which +they had pressed the siege of Rouen. Condé, with barely seven thousand +men, had several weeks before shut himself up in Orleans, after +despatching the few troops at his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> disposal for the relief of Bourges and +Rouen, and could do nothing beyond making his own position secure, while +impatiently awaiting the long-expected reinforcements from England and +Germany.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> The dilatoriness that marked the entire conduct of the war +up to this time had borne its natural fruit in the gradual diminution and +dispersion of his forces, in the loss of one important city after +another, and almost of entire provinces, and, worst of all, in the +discouragement pervading all classes of the Huguenot population.<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> +Now, however, he was on the eve of obtaining relief. Two days after the +fall of Rouen, on the twenty-eighth of October, a second detachment of +the English fleet succeeded in overcoming the contrary winds that had +detained them ten days in crossing the channel, and landed three thousand +troops at the port of Havre.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> D'Andelot had finally been able to +gather up his German "reiters" and "lansquenets,"<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> and was making a +brilliant march through Alsace, Lorraine, Burgundy, and Champagne, +skilfully avoiding the enemy's forces sent out to watch and intercept +him.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> On the sixth of November, he presented himself before the +gates of Orleans, and was received with lively enthusiasm by the prince +and his small army.<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> + +<p>Now at length, on the seventh of November, Condé could leave the walls +which for seven months had sheltered him in almost complete inaction, and +within which a frightful pestilence had been making havoc among the +flower of the chivalry of France; for, whilst fire and sword were +everywhere laying waste the country, heaven had sent a subtle and still +more destructive foe to decimate the wretched inhabitants. Orleans had +not escaped the scourge. The city was crowded with refugees from Paris +and from the whole valley of the Loire. Among these strangers, as well as +among the citizens, death found many victims. In a few months it was +believed that ten thousand persons perished in Orleans alone; while in +Paris, where the disease raged more than an entire year, the number of +deaths was much larger.<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé takes the field.</div> + +<p>With the four thousand lansquenets and the three thousand reiters brought +him from Germany,<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Condé was able to leave a force, under command of +D'Andelot, sufficient to defend the city of Orleans, and himself to take +the field with an army of about fifteen thousand men.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> "Our +enemies,"<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> he said, "have inflicted two great losses upon us in taking +our castles"—meaning Bourges and Rouen—"but I hope that now we shall +have their knights, if they move out upon the board."<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p> + +<p>As he was leaving Orleans, he was waited upon by a deputation of fifty +reformed ministers, who urged him to look well to the discipline and +purity of the army. They begged him, by salutary punishment, to banish +from the camp theft and rapine, and, above all, that more insidious and +heaven-provoking sin of licentiousness, which, creeping in, had doubtless +drawn down upon the cause such marked signs of the Lord's displeasure, +that, of all the congregations in France, only the churches of a few +islands on the coasts, and the churches of Montauban, Havre, Orleans, +Lyons, and of the cities of Languedoc<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> and Dauphiny, continued to +rear their heads through the storm that had prostrated all the rest; and, +to this end, they warned him by no means to neglect to afford his +soldiers upon the march the same opportunities of hearing God's Word and +of public prayer which they had enjoyed in Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span></p><p>The Huguenot army directed its course northward, and the different +divisions united under the walls of Pluviers, or Pithiviers, a weak +place, which surrendered after six hours of cannonading, with little loss +to the besieging party. The greater part of the garrison was dismissed +unharmed, after having been compelled to give up its weapons. Two of the +officers, as guilty of flagrant breach of faith and other crimes, were +summarily hung.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> And here the Huguenot cause was stained by an act of +cruelty for which no sufficient excuse can be found. Several Roman +Catholic priests, detected, in spite of their disguise, among the +prisoners, were put to death, without other pretext save that they had +been the chief instigators of the resistance which the town had offered. +Unhappily, the Huguenot regarded the priest, and the Roman Catholic the +reformed minister, as the guilty cause of the civil war, and thought it +right to vent upon his head the vengeance which his own religion should +have taught him to leave to the righteous retribution of a just God. +After the fall of Pithiviers, no resistance was attempted by Étampes and +other slightly garrisoned places of the neighborhood, the soldiers and +the clergy taking refuge, before the approach of the army, in the +capital.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The prince appears before Paris.</div> + +<p>The prince was now master of the country to the very gates of Paris, and +it was the opinion of many, including among them the reformer, Beza, that +the city itself might be captured by a sudden advance, and the war thus +ended at a blow.<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> They therefore recommended that, without delay, the +army should hasten forward and attack the terrified inhabitants before +Guise and the constable should have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> time to bring the army and the king +back from Normandy, where they still lingered. The view was so plausible, +indeed, that it was adopted by most of the reformed historians, and, +being indorsed by later writers, has caused the failure to march directly +against the capital to be regarded as a signal error of Condé in this +campaign. But it would certainly appear hazardous to adopt this +conclusion in the face of the most skilful strategists of the age. It has +already been seen that François de la Noue, one of the ablest generals of +whom the Huguenots could ever boast, regarded the idea of capturing Paris +at the beginning of the struggle, with the comparatively insignificant +forces which the prince could bring to the undertaking, as the most +chimerical that could be entertained. Was it less absurd now, when, if +the Protestant army had received large accessions, the walls of Paris +could certainly be held by the citizens for a few days, until an army of +fully equal size, under experienced leaders, could be recalled from the +lower Seine? Such, at least, was the conclusion at which Admiral Coligny, +the commanding spirit in the council-chamber and the virtual head of the +Huguenot army, arrived, when he calmly considered the perils of +attacking, with twelve or fifteen thousand men and four pieces of +artillery, the largest capital of continental Europe—a city whose +population amounted to several hundred thousand souls, among whom there +was now not a single avowed Protestant, and whose turbulent citizens were +not unaccustomed to the use of arms. He resolved, therefore, to adopt the +more practicable plan of making the city feel the pressure of the war by +cutting off its supplies of provisions and by ravaging the surrounding +country. Thus, Paris—"the bellows by whose blasts the war was kept in +flames," and "the kitchen that fed it"—would at last become weary of +sustaining in idleness an insolent soldiery, and of seeing its villages +given over to destruction, and compel the king's advisers to offer just +terms of peace, or to seek a solution of the present disputes on the open +field.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span></p><p>But, whatever doubt may be entertained respecting the propriety of the +plan of the campaign adopted by the Prince of Condé, there can be none +respecting the error committed in not promptly carrying that plan into +execution. The army loitered about Étampes instead of pressing on and +seizing the bridges across the Seine. Over these it ought to have +crossed, and, entering the fruitful district of Brie, to have become +master of the rivers by which the means of subsistence were principally +brought to Paris. With Corbeil and Lagny in his possession, Condé would +have held Paris in as deadly a grasp as Henry the Fourth did twenty-eight +years later, when Alexander of Parma was forced to come from Flanders to +its assistance.<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> When, at last, the Huguenot army took the direction +of Corbeil, commanding one of the bridges, the news arrived of the death +of Antoine of Navarre. And with this intelligence came fresh messengers +from Catharine, who had already endeavored more than once by similar +means to delay the Huguenots in their advance. She now strove to amuse +Condé with the hope of succeeding his brother as lieutenant-general of +the kingdom during Charles's minority.<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p> + +<p>In vain did the soldiers chafe at this new check upon their en<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span>thusiasm, +in vain did prudent counsellors remonstrate. There was a traitor even in +the prince's council, in the person of Jean de Hangest, sieur de Genlis +(brother of D'Ivoy, the betrayer of Bourges), whose open desertion we +shall soon have occasion to notice, and this treacherous adviser was +successful in procuring a delay of four days.<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> The respite was not +thrown away. Before the Huguenots were again in motion, Corbeil was +reinforced and rendered impregnable against any assaults which, with +their feeble artillery, they could make upon it. Repulsed from its walls, +after several days wasted in the vain hope of taking it, the prince moved +down the left bank of the Seine, and, on the twenty-eighth of November, +encamped opposite to Paris in the villages of Gentilly and Arcueil.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> +New proffers came from Catharine; there were new delays on the road. At +Port à l'Anglais a conference with Condé had been projected by the queen +mother, resulting merely in one between the constable and his nephew +Coligny—as fruitless as any that had preceded; for Montmorency would not +hear of tolerating in France another religion besides the Roman Catholic, +and the Admiral would rather die a thousand deaths than abandon the +point.<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></p> + +<p>Under the walls of Paris new conferences took place. The Parisians worked +night and day, strengthening their defences, and making those +preparations which are rarely completed except under the spur of an +extraordinary emergency. Meanwhile, every day brought nearer the arrival +of the Spanish and Gascon auxiliaries whom they were expecting. At a +windmill near the suburb of St. Marceau, the Prince of Condé, Coligny, +Genlis, Grammont, and Esternay met the queen mother, the Prince of La +Roche-sur-Yon, the constable, his son Marshal Montmorency, and Gonnor, at +a later time known as Marshal Cossé. On both sides there were professions +of the most ardent desire for peace, and "Huguenot" and "papist" embraced +each other cordially at parting. But the dangerous intimacy soon bore the +bitter fruit of open treachery. A <i>camisade</i> had been secretly planned by +the Huguenots, and the attack was about to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> be made on the enemy's works, +when word was brought that one of the chiefs intrusted with the knowledge +of all their plans—the same Genlis, who had been the principal advocate +of the delays upon the route—had gone over to the enemy, and the +enterprise was consequently abandoned.<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p> + +<p>The deliberations being set on foot by the one party, at least, only in +order to gain time, it is not surprising that they accomplished nothing. +The court would concede none of the important demands of the prince. It +was resolved to exclude Protestantism not only from Paris, but from +Lyons, from all the seats of parliaments, from frontier towns, and from +cities which had not enjoyed the right of having preaching according to +the Edict of January. The exercises of the reformed worship could not be +tolerated in any place where the court sojourned—a cunning provision +which would banish from the royal presence all the princes and high +nobility, such as Renée of France, Condé, and the Châtillons, since these +could not consent to live without the ordinances of their faith for +themselves and their families and retainers. The triumvirs would not +agree to the recall of those who had been exiled. They were willing to +have all proceedings against the partisans of Condé suspended; but they +would neither consent that all edicts, ordinances, and sentences framed +against the Huguenots be declared null and void, nor assent to the +restoration of those dignities which had been taken from them. In other +words, as the prince remarked, the Protestant lords were to put a halter +about their own necks for their enemies to tighten whenever the fancy +should take them so to do.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p> + +<p>At last the Parisian defences were completed, and the Spanish and Gascon +troops, to the number of seven thousand men, arrived. Then the mask of +conciliation was promptly laid<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> aside. Two weeks of precious time had +been lost, the capital was beyond doubt impregnable, and the unpleasant +fact stared the prince in the face that, after leaving a sufficient force +to garrison it, the constable and Guise might still march out with an +army outnumbering his own.<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> On the tenth of December the Huguenot +army broke up its encampment, and moved in the direction of Chartres, +hesitating at first whether to lay siege to that city or to press on to +Normandy in order to obtain the needed funds and support of the English. +The decision was made in a few days to adopt the latter course, and Condé +had proceeded as far as the vicinity of Dreux on the river Eure, when he +found himself confronted by the enemy, who, enjoying the advantage of +possessing the cities and bridges on the route, could advance with +greater ease by the principal roads. The triumvirs, so lately declining +battle in front of Paris, were now as eager as they had before been +reluctant to try their fortunes in the open field. No longer having the +King of Navarre behind whose name and authority to take shelter, they +desired to cover their designs by the queen mother's instructions. So, +before bringing on the first regular engagement, in which two armies of +Frenchmen were to undertake each other's destruction, they had sent +Michel de Castelnau, the well-known historian, on the fifteenth of +December, to inquire of Catharine de' Medici whether they should give the +Huguenots battle. But the queen was too timid, or too cunning, to assume +the weighty responsibility which they would have lifted from their own +shoulders.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> "Nurse," she jestingly exclaimed, when Castelnau announced +his mission, calling to the king's old Huguenot foster-mother who was +close at hand, "the generals have sent to ask a woman's advice about +fighting; pray, what is your opinion?" And the envoy could get no more +satisfactory answer than that the queen mother referred the whole matter +to themselves, as experienced military men.<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The battle of Dreux, December 19, 1562.</div> + +<p>On the nineteenth of December, 1562, the armies met. The enemy had that +morning crossed the Eure, and posted himself with sixteen thousand foot +and two thousand horse, and with twenty-two cannon, between two villages +covering his wings, and with the city of Dreux and the village of Tréon +behind him as points of refuge in case of defeat. The constable commanded +the main body of the army. Guise, to rebut the current charge of being +the sole cause of the war, affected to lead only his own company of horse +in the right wing, which was under Marshal Saint André. The prince's army +was decidedly inferior in numbers; for, although he had four thousand +horse,<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> his infantry barely amounted to seven thousand or eight +thousand men, and he had only five pieces of artillery. Yet the first +movements of the Huguenots were brilliant and effective. Condé, with a +body of French horse, fell upon the battalion of Swiss pikes. It was a +furious onset, long remembered as one of the most magnificent cavalry +charges of the age.<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Nothing could stand before it. The solid phalanx +was pierced through and through, and the German reiters, pouring into the +way opened by the French, rode to and fro, making havoc of the brave but +defenceless mountaineers. They even penetrated to the rear, and plundered +the camp of the enemy, carrying off the plate from Guise's tent. +Meanwhile Coligny was even more successful than the prince. With a part +of the Huguenot right he attacked and scattered the troops<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> surrounding +his uncle, the constable. In the mêlée Montmorency himself, while +fighting with his usual courage, had his jaw fractured by a pistol-shot, +and was taken prisoner. But now the tide turned. The Swiss, never for a +moment dreaming of retreat or surrender, had promptly recovered from +their confusion and closed their ranks. The German infantry, or +lansquenets, were brought up to the attack, but first hesitated, and then +broke before the terrible array of pikes. D'Andelot, ill with fever, had +thus far been forced to remain a mere spectator of the contest. But now, +seeing the soldiers whom he had been at such pains to bring to the scene +of action in ignominious retreat, he threw himself on his horse and +labored with desperation to rally them. His pains were thrown away. The +lansquenets continued their course, and D'Andelot, who scarcely escaped +falling into the enemy's hands, probably concurred in the verdict +pronounced on them by a contemporary historian, that no more cowardly +troops had entered the country in fifty years.<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> It was at this moment +that the Duke of Guise, who had with difficulty held his impatient horse +in reserve on the Roman Catholic right, gave the signal to his company to +follow him, and fell upon the French infantry of the Huguenots, +imprudently left unprotected by cavalry at some distance in the rear. The +move was skilfully planned and well executed. The infantry were routed. +Condé, coming to the rescue, was unable to accomplish anything. His horse +was killed under him, and, before he could be provided with another, he +was taken prisoner by Damville, a son of the constable. The German +reiters now proved to be worth little more than the lansquenets. +Returning from the pursuit of the fugitives of the constable's division, +and perceiving the misfortunes of the infantry, they retired to the cover +of a wood, and neither the prayers nor the expostulations of the admiral +could prevail on them to face the enemy again that day.<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> But Guise +could not follow up his advantage.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> The battle had lasted five hours. +Almost the whole of the Huguenot cavalry and the remnants of the infantry +had been drawn up by Coligny in good order on the other side of a ravine; +and the darkness would not allow the Duke, even had he been so disposed, +to renew the engagement.<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> + +<p>On either side the loss had been severe. Marshal Saint André, +Montbéron—one of the constable's sons—and many other illustrious Roman +Catholics, were killed. Montmorency was a prisoner. The Huguenots, if +they had lost fewer prominent men and less common soldiers, were equally +deprived of their leading general. What was certain was, that the +substantial fruits of victory remained in the hands of the Duke of Guise, +to whom naturally the whole glory of the achievement was ascribed. For, +although Admiral Coligny thought himself sufficiently strong to have +attacked the enemy on the following day,<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> if he could have persuaded +his crestfallen German auxiliaries to follow him, he deemed it advisable +to abandon the march into Normandy—difficult under any circumstances on +account of the lateness of the season—and to conduct his army back to +Orleans. This, Coligny—never more skilful than in conducting the most +difficult of all military operations, a retreat in the presence of an +enemy—successfully accomplished.<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p><p>The first tidings of the battle of Dreux were brought to Paris by +fugitives from the constable's corps. These announced the capture of the +commanding general, and the entire rout of the Roman Catholic army. The +populace, intense in its devotion to the old form of faith, and +recognizing the fatal character of such a blow,<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> was overwhelmed with +discouragement. But Catharine de' Medici displayed little emotion. "Very +well!" she quietly remarked, "<i>then we shall pray to God in +French</i>."<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> But the truth was soon known, and the dirge and the +<i>miserere</i> were rapidly replaced by the loud <i>te deum</i> and by jubilant +processions in honor of the signal success of the Roman Catholic +arms.<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Riotous conduct of the Parisian mob.</div> + +<p>Recovering from their panic, the Parisian populace continued to testify +their unimpeachable orthodoxy by daily murders. It was enough, a +contemporary writer tells us, if a boy, seeing a man in the streets, but +called out, "Voylà ung Huguenot," for straightway the idle vagabonds, the +pedlers, and porters would set upon him with stones. Then came out the +handicraftsmen and idle apprentices with swords, and thrust him through +with a thousand wounds. His dead body, having been robbed of clothes, was +afterward taken possession of by troops of boys, who asked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> nothing +better than to "trail" him down to the Seine and throw him in. If the +victim chanced to be a "town-dweller," the Parisians entered his house +and carried off all his goods, and his wife and children were fortunate +if they escaped with their lives. With the best intentions, Marshal +Montmorency could not put a stop to these excesses; he scarcely succeeded +in protecting the households of foreign ambassadors from being involved +in the fate of French Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> Yet the same men that were ready +at any time to imbue their hands in the blood of an innocent Huguenot, +were full of commiseration for a Roman Catholic felon. A shrewd murderer +is said to have turned to his own advantage the religious feeling of the +people who had flocked to see him executed. "Ah! my masters," he +exclaimed when already on the fatal ladder, "I must die now for killing a +Huguenot who despised our Lady; but as I have served our Lady always +truly, and put my trust in her, so I trust now she will show some miracle +for me." Thereupon, reports Sir Thomas Smith, the people began to murmur +about his having to die for a Huguenot, ran to the gallows, beat the +hangman, and having cut the fellow's cords, conveyed him away free.<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Orleans invested.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny returns to Normandy.</div> + +<p>Of the triumvirs, at whose instigation the war had arisen, one was +dead,<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> a second was a prisoner in the hands of the enemy, the +third—the Duke of Guise—alone remained. Navarre had died a month +before. On the other hand, the Huguenots had lost their chief. Yet the +war raged without cessation. As soon as the Duke of Guise had collected +his army and had, at Rambouillet, explained to the king and court, who +had come out to meet him, the course of recent events, he followed the +Admiral toward Orleans. Invested by the king with the supreme command +during the captivity of the constable, and leading a victorious army, he +speedily reduced Étampes and Pithiviers, cap<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span>tured by Condé on his march +to Paris. Meantime, Coligny had taken a number of places in the vicinity +of Orleans, and his "black riders" had become the terror of the papists +of Sologne.<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> Not long after Guise's approach, fearing that his design +was to besiege the city of Orleans, Coligny threw himself into it. His +stay was not long, however. His German cavalry could do nothing in case +of a siege, and would only be a burden to the citizens. Besides, he was +in want of funds to pay them. He resolved, therefore, to strike boldly +for Normandy.<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> Having persuaded the reiters to dispense with their +heavy baggage-wagons,<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> which had proved so great an incumbrance on +the previous march, he started from Orleans on the first of February with +four thousand troopers, leaving his brother D'Andelot as well furnished +as practicable to sustain the inevitable siege. The lightness of his +army's equipment precluded the possibility of pursuit; its strength +secured it an almost undisputed passage.<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> In a few days it had passed +Dreux and the scene of the late battle, and at Dives, on the opposite +side of the estuary of the Seine from Havre, had received from the +English the supplies of money which they had long been desirous of +finding means to convey<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> to the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> The only considerable +forces of the Guise faction in Normandy were on the banks of the river, +too busy watching the English at Havre to be able to spare any troops to +resist Coligny. Turning his attention to the western shores of the +province, he soon succeeded in reducing Pont-l'Evêque, Caen, Bayeux, +Saint Lo, and the prospect was brilliant of his soon being able, in +conjunction with Queen Elizabeth's troops, to bring all Normandy over to +the side of the prince.<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> Meanwhile, however, there were occurring in +the centre of the kingdom events destined to give an entirely different +turn to the relations of the Huguenots and papists in France. To these we +must now direct our attention.</p> + +<p>François de Guise, relieved of the admiral's presence, had begun the +siege of Orleans four days after the departure of the latter for Normandy +(on the fifth of February), and manifested the utmost determination to +destroy the capital city, as it might be regarded, of the confederates. +Indeed, when the court, then sojourning at Blois, in alarm at the reports +sent by Marshal de Brissac from Rouen, respecting Coligny's conquests and +his own impotence to oppose him, ordered Guise to abandon his undertaking +and employ his forces in crushing out the flames that had so unexpectedly +broken forth in Normandy, the duke declined to obey until he should have +received further orders, and gave so cogent reasons for pursuing the +siege, that the king and his council willingly acquiesced in his +plan.<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> From his independent attitude, however, it is evident that +Guise was of Pasquier's mind, and believed he had gained as much of a +victory in the capture of the constable, his friend in arms, but +dangerous rival at court, taken by the Huguenots at Dreux, as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> by the +capture of the Prince of Condé, his enemy, who had fallen into his hands +in the same engagement.<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Capture of the Portereau.</div> + +<p>The city of Orleans, on the north bank of the Loire, was protected by +walls originally of no great worth, but considerably strengthened since +the outbreak of the civil war. On the opposite side of the river, a +suburb, known as the <i>Portereau</i>, was fortified by weaker walls, in front +of which two large bastions had recently been erected. The suburb was +connected with Orleans by means of a bridge across the Loire, of which +the end toward the Portereau was defended by two towers of the old +mediæval construction, known as the "tourelles," and that toward the city +by the city wall and a large square tower.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> Against the Portereau the +duke directed the first assault, hoping easily to become master of it, +and thence attack the city from its weakest side. His plan proved +successful beyond his expectations. While making a feint of assailing +with his whole army the bastion held by the Gascon infantry, he sent a +party to scale the bastion guarded by the German lansquenets, who, being +taken by surprise, yielded an entrance almost without striking a blow. In +a few minutes the Portereau was in the hands of Guise, and the bridge was +crowded with fugitives tumultuously seeking a refuge in the city. Orleans +itself was nearly involved in the fate of its suburb; for the enemy, +following close upon the heels of the fleeing host, was at the very +threshold of the "tourelles," when D'Andelot, called from his sick-bed by +the tumult, posting himself at the entrance with a few gentlemen in full +armor, by hard blows beat back the troops, already sanguine of complete +success.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> A few days later the "tourelles" themselves were scaled and +taken.<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a></p> + +<p>After so poor a beginning, the small garrison of Orleans had sufficient +reason to fear the issue of the trial to which they +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> were subjected. But, +so far from abandoning their courage, they applied themselves with equal +assiduity to their religious and to their military duties. "In addition +to the usual sermons and the prayers at the guard-houses, public +extraordinary prayers were made at six o'clock in the morning; at the +close of which the ministers and the entire people, without exception, +betook themselves to work with all their might upon the fortifications, +until four in the evening, when every one again attended prayers." +Everywhere the utmost devotion was manifested, women of all ranks sharing +with their husbands and brothers in the toils of the day, or, if too +feeble for these active exertions, spending their time in tending the +sick and wounded.<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">"A new and very terrible device."</div> + +<p>Not only did the Huguenots, when they found their supply of lead falling +short, make their cannon-balls of bell-metal—of which the churches and +monasteries were doubtless the source—and of brass, but they turned this +last material to a use till now, it would appear, unheard of. "I have +learned this day, the fifteenth instant, of the Spaniards," wrote the +English ambassador from the royal court, which was at a safe distance, in +the city of Blois, "that they of Orleans shoot brass which is hollow, and +so devised within that when it falls it opens and breaks into many pieces +with a great fire, and hurts and kills all who are about it. Which is a +new device and very terrible, for it pierces the house first, and breaks +at the last rebound. Every man in Portereau is fain to run away, they +cannot tell whither, when they see where the shot falls."<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot reverses.</div> + +<p>It could not, however, be denied that there was much reason for +discouragement in the general condition of the Protestant cause +throughout the country. Of the places so brilliantly acquired in the +spring of the preceding year, the greater part had been lost. Normandy +and Languedoc<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> were the only bright spots on the map of France. Lyons +still remained in the power of the Huguenots, in the south-east; but, +though repeated assaults of the Duke of Nemours had been repulsed, it was +threatened with a siege, for which it was but indifferently +prepared.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> Des Adrets, the fierce chieftain of the lower Rhône, had +recently revealed his real character more clearly by betraying the cause +he had sullied by his barbarous advocacy, and was now in +confinement.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> Indeed, everything seemed to point to a speedy and +complete overthrow of an undertaking which had cost so much labor and +suffering,<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> when an unexpected event produced an entire revolution in +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> attitude of the contending parties and in the purposes of the +leaders.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Assassination of François de Guise.</div> + +<p>This event was the assassination of François de Guise. On the evening of +the eighteenth of February, 1563, in company with a gentleman or two, he +was riding the round of his works, and arranging for a general attack on +the morrow. So confident did he feel of success, that he had that morning +written to the queen mother, it is said, that within twenty-four hours he +would send her news of the capture of Orleans, and that he intended to +destroy the entire population, making no discrimination of age or sex, +that the very memory of the rebellious city might be obliterated.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> At +a lonely spot on the road, a man on horseback, who had been lying in wait +for him, suddenly made his appearance, and, after discharging a pistol at +him from behind, rode rapidly off, before the duke's escort, taken up +with the duty of assisting him, had had time to make any attempt to +apprehend the assassin. Three balls, with which the pistol was loaded, +had lodged in Guise's shoulder, and the wound, from the first considered +dangerous, proved mortal within six days. The murderer had apparently +made good his escape; but a strange fatality seemed to attend him. During +the darkness he became so confused that, after riding all night, he found +himself almost at the very place where the deed of blood had been +committed, and was compelled to rest himself and his jaded horse at a +house, where he was arrested on suspicion by some of Guise's soldiers. +Taken before their superior officers, he boldly avowed his guilt, and +boasted of what he had done. His name he gave as Jean Poltrot, and he +claimed to be lord of Mérey, in Angoumois; but he was better known, from +his dark complexion and his familiarity with the Spanish language, by the +sobriquet of "L'Espagnolet."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> He was an excitable, melancholy man, whose +mind, continually brooding over the wrongs his country and faith had +experienced at the hands of Guise, had imbibed the fanatical notion that +it was his special calling of God to rid the world of "the butcher of +Vassy," of the single execrable head that was accountable for the +torrents of blood which had for a year been flowing in every part of +France.</p> + +<p>After having been a page of M. d'Aubeterre, father-in-law of the Huguenot +leader Soubise, Mérey, at the beginning of the civil war, had been sent +by the daughter of D'Aubeterre to her husband, then with Condé at +Orleans. Subsequently he had accompanied Soubise on his adventurous ride +with a few followers from Orleans to Lyons, when the latter assumed +command in behalf of the Huguenots. Soubise appears to have valued him +highly as one of those reckless youths that court rather than shun +personal peril, while he shared the common impression that the lad was +little better than a fool. True, for years—ever since the tumult of +Amboise, where his kinsman, La Renaudie and another relative had been +killed—Mérey had been constantly boasting to all whom he met that he +would kill the Duke of Guise; but those who heard him "made no more +account of his words than if he had boasted of his intention to obtain +the imperial crown."<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></p> + +<p>He had given expression to his purpose at Lyons, in the presence of M. de +Soubise, the Huguenot governor, and again to Admiral Coligny before he +started on his expedition to Normandy. But the Huguenot generals +evidently imagined that there was nothing in the speech beyond the +prating of a silly braggart. Soubise, indeed, advised him to attend to +his own duties, and to leave the deliverance of France to Almighty God; +but neither the admiral nor the soldiers, to whom he often repeated the +threat, paid any attention to it. In short, he was regarded as one of +those frivolous characters, of whom there is an abundance in every camp, +who expect to acquire a cheap notoriety by extravagant stories of their +past or prospective achievements, but never succeed in earning more,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> +with all their pains, than the contempt or incredulity of their +listeners. Still, Poltrot was a man of some value as a scout, and Coligny +had employed him<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> for the purpose of obtaining information respecting +the enemy's movements, and had furnished him at one time with twenty +crowns to defray his expenses, at another with a hundred, to procure +himself a horse. The spy had made his way to the Roman Catholic camp, +and, by pretending to follow the example of others in renouncing his +Huguenot associations, had conciliated the duke's favor to such an extent +that he excited no suspicion before the commission of the treacherous +act.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Execution of Poltrot.</div> + +<p>But, if Poltrot was a fanatic, he was not of the stuff of which martyrs +are made. When questioned in the presence of the queen and council to +discover his accomplices, his constancy wholly forsook him, and he said +whatever was suggested. In particular he accused the admiral of having +paid him to execute the deed, and Beza of having instigated him by +holding forth the rewards of another world. La Rochefoucauld, Soubise, +and others were criminated to a minor degree. During his confinement in +the prisons of the Parisian parliament, to which he was removed, he +continually contradicted himself. But his weakness did not save him. He +was condemned to be burned with red-hot pincers, to be torn asunder by +four horses, and to be quartered. Before the execution of this frightful +sentence, he was, by order of the court, put to torture. But, instead of +reiterating his former accusations, he retracted almost every point.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> +To purchase a few moments' reprieve, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> sought an interview with the +first president of the parliament, Christopher de Thou; and we have it +upon the authority of that magistrate's son, the author of an +imperishable history of his times, that, entering into greater detail, +Poltrot persisted constantly in exculpating Soubise, Coligny, and Beza. A +few minutes later, beside himself with terror and not knowing what he +said in his delirium, he declared the admiral to be innocent; then, at +the very moment of execution, he accused not only him, but his brother, +D'Andelot, of whom he had said little or nothing before.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Beza and Coligny are accused, but vindicate themselves.</div> + +<p>Coligny heard in Normandy the report of the atrocious charges that had +been wrung from Poltrot. Copies of the assassin's confession were +industriously circulated in the camp, and he thus became acquainted with +the particulars of the accusation. With Beza and La Rochefoucauld, who +were with him at Caen, he published, on the twelfth of March, a long and +dignified defence. The reformer for himself declared, that, although he +had more than once seen persons ill-disposed toward the Duke of Guise +because of the murders perpetrated by him at Vassy, he had never been in +favor of proceeding against him otherwise than by the ordinary methods of +law. For this reason he had gone to Monceaux to solicit justice of +Charles, of his mother, and of the King of Navarre. But the hopes which +the queen mother's gracious answer had excited were dashed to the earth +by Guise's violent resort to arms. Holding the duke to be the chief +author and promoter of the present troubles, he admitted that he had a +countless number of times prayed to God that He would either change his +heart or rid the kingdom of him. But he appealed to the testimony of +Madame de Ferrare (Renée de France, the mother-in-law of Guise), and all +who had ever heard him, when he said<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> that never had he publicly +mentioned the duke by name. As for Poltrot himself, he had never met him.</p> + +<p>The admiral himself was not less frank. Ever since the massacre of Vassy +he had regarded Guise and his party as common enemies of God, of the +king, and of the public tranquillity; but never, upon his life and his +honor, had he approved of such attacks as that of Poltrot. Indeed, he had +steadfastly employed his influence to deter men from executing any plots +against the life of the duke; until, being duly informed that Guise and +Saint André had incited men to undertake to assassinate Condé, D'Andelot, +and himself, he had desisted from expressing his opposition. The +different articles of the confession he proceeded to answer one by one; +and he forwarded his reply to the court with a letter to Catharine de' +Medici, in which he earnestly entreated her that the life of Poltrot +might be spared until the restoration of peace, that he might be +confronted with him, and an investigation be made of the entire matter +before unsuspected judges. "But do not imagine," he added, "that I speak +thus because of any regret for the death of the Duke of Guise, which I +esteem the greatest of blessings to the realm, to the Church of God, to +myself and my family, and, if improved, the means of giving rest to the +kingdom."<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p> + +<p>The admiral's frankness was severely criticised by some of his friends. +He was advised to suppress those expressions that were liable to be +perverted to his injury, but he declared his resolution to abide by the +consequences of a clear statement of the truth. And indeed, while the +worldly wisdom of Coligny's censors has received a species of +justification in the avidity with which his sincere avowals have been +employed as the basis of graver accusations which he repelled, the candor +of his defence has set upon his words the indelible impress of veracity +which following ages can never fail to read aright. That Catharine +recognized his innocence is evident from the very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> act by which she +endeavored to make him appear guilty. He had begged that Poltrot might be +spared till after the conclusion of peace, that he might himself have an +opportunity to vindicate his innocence by confronting him in the presence +of impartial judges. It was Catharine's interest, she thought, to confirm +her own power by attaching a stigma to the honor of the Châtillons, and +so depriving them of much of their influence in the state.<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> +Accordingly, on Thursday, the eighteenth of March, Poltrot was put to +death and his mouth sealed forever to further explanations. <i>The next day +the Edict of Pacification was signed at Amboise.</i><a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> After all, it is +evident that Coligny's innocence or guilt, in this particular instance, +must be judged by his entire course and his well-known character. If his +life bears marks of perfidy and duplicity, if the blood of the innocent +can be found upon his skirts, then must the verdict of posterity be +against him. But if the careful examination of his entire public life, as +well as the history of his private relations, reveals a character not +only above reproach, but the purest, most beneficent, and most patriotic +of all that France can boast in political stations in the sixteenth +century, the confused and contradictory allegations of an enthusiast who +had not counted the cost of his daring attempt—allegations wrung from +him by threats and torture—will not be allowed to weigh for an instant +against Coligny's simple denial.<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Various estimates of Guise.</div> + +<p>Of the Duke of Guise the estimates formed by his contemporaries differed +as widely as their political and religious views. With the Abbé Bruslart +he was "the most virtuous, heroic, and magnanimous prince in Europe, who +for his courage was dreaded by all foreign nations." To the author of the +history of the reformed churches his ambition and presumption seemed to +have obscured all his virtues.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> The Roman Catholic preachers regarded +his death as a stupendous calamity, a mystery of Divine providence, which +they could only interpret by supposing that the Almighty, jealous of the +confidence which His people reposed rather in His creature than in +Himself, had removed the Duke of Guise in order to take the cause of His +own divinity, of His spouse the Church, of the king and kingdom, under +His own protection.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> The Bishop of Riez wrote and published a highly +colored account of the duke's last words and actions, in the most +approved style of such posthumous records, and introduced edifying +specimens of a theological learning, which, until the moment of his +wounding, Guise had certainly never possessed, making him, of course, +persist to the end in protesting his innocence of the guilt of +Vassy.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> The Protestants, while giving him credit for some +compunctions of conscience for his persecuting career, and willingly +admitting that, but for his pernicious brother, the Cardinal of Lorraine, +he might have run a far different course, were compelled to view his +death as a great blessing to France.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Renée de France at Montargis.</div> + +<p>A famous incident, illustrating the perils to which the Huguenots of the +central provinces were subjected during the siege, is too characteristic +to be passed over in silence. More than once, in the course of the war, +the town and castle of Montargis, the Duchess of Ferrara's residence, had +been threatened on account of the asylum it afforded to defenceless +Protestants flocking thither from all quarters. When the minds of the +Roman Catholics had become exasperated by nine or ten months of civil +war, they formed a settled determination to break up this "nest of +Huguenots." Accordingly the Baron de la Garde—Captain Poulain, of +Mérindol memory—brought an order, in the king's name, from the Duke of +Guise, at that time before the walls of Orleans, commanding Renée to +leave Montargis, which had become important for military purposes, and to +take up her abode at Fontainebleau, St. Germain,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> or Vincennes. The +duchess replied that it was idle to say that so weak a place as Montargis +could, without extensive repairs, be of any military importance; and that +to remove to any place in the vicinity of Paris would be to expose +herself to assassination by the fanatical populace. She therefore sent +Poulain back to the king for further instructions. Meantime, Poulain was +followed by Malicorne, a creature of the duke's, at the head of some +partisan troops. This presumptuous officer had the impertinence to demand +the immediate surrender of the castle, and went so far as to threaten to +turn some cannon against it, in case of her refusal. But he little +understood the virile courage of the woman with whom he had to do. +"Malicorne," she answered him, "take care what you undertake. There is +not a man in this kingdom that can command me but the king. If you +attempt what you threaten, I shall place myself first upon the breach, +that I may find out whether you will be audacious enough to kill a king's +daughter. Moreover, I am not so ill-connected, nor so little loved, but +that I have the means of making the punishment of your temerity felt by +you and your offspring, even to the very babes in the cradle." The +upstart captain was not prepared for such a reception, and, after +alleging his commission as the excuse for the insolence of his conduct, +delayed an enterprise which the wound and subsequent death of Guise +entirely broke off.<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> Montargis continued during this and the next +civil wars to be a safe refuge for thousands of distressed Protestants.</p> + +<p>A great obstacle to the conclusion of peace was removed by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> Guise's +death. There was no one in the Roman Catholic camp to take his place. The +panegyric pronounced upon the duke by the English ambassador, Sir Thomas +Smith, may perhaps be esteemed somewhat extravagant, but has at least the +merit of coming from one whose sympathies were decidedly adverse to him. +"The papists have lost their greatest stay, hope, and comfort. Many +noblemen and gentlemen did follow the camp and that faction, rather for +the love of him than for any other zeal or affection. He was indeed the +best captain or general in all France, some will say in all Christendom; +for he had all the properties which belong [to], or are to be wished in a +general: a ready wit and well advised, a body to endure pains, a courage +to forsake no dangerous adventures, use and experience to conduct any +army, much courtesy in entertaining of all men, great eloquence to utter +all his mind. And he was very liberal both of money and honor to young +gentlemen, captains, and soldiers; whereby he gat so much love and +admiration amongst the nobility and the soldiers in France, that I think, +now he is gone, many gentlemen will forsake the camp; and they begin to +drop away already. Then he was so earnest and so fully persuaded in his +religion, that he thought nothing evil done that maintained that sect; +and therefore the papists again thought nothing evil bestowed upon him; +all their money and treasure of the Church, part of their lands, even the +honor of the crown of France, they could have found in their hearts to +have given him. And so all their joy, hope, and comfort one little stroke +of a pistolet hath taken away! Such a vanity God can show men's hope to +be, when it pleaseth Him."<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a></p> + +<p>Of the four generals on the Roman Catholic side under whose auspices the +war began, three were dead and the fourth was in captivity. The treasury +was exhausted. The interest of old debts was left unpaid; new debts had +been contracted.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> Less than half the king's revenues were available on +account of the places which the Huguenots held or threatened. The +alienation of one hundred thousand livres of income from ecclesiastical +property had been recently ordered, greatly to the annoyance of the +clergy. The admiral's progress had of late been so rapid that but two or +three important places of lower Normandy remained in friendly hands. +After the reduction of these he would move down through Maine and Anjou +to Orleans, with a better force than had been marshalled at Dreux;<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> +the English would gain such a foothold on French soil as it would be +difficult to induce them to relinquish. And where could competent +generals be secured for the prosecution of hostilities? The post of +lieutenant-general, now vacant, had, indeed, been offered to the Duke +Christopher of Würtemberg; but what prospect was there that a Protestant +would consent to conduct a war against Protestants?<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Deliberations for peace.</div> + +<p>Catharine was urgent for an immediate conclusion of peace. For the +purpose of fixing its conditions, Condé was brought, under a strong +guard, to the camp of the army before Orleans, and, on the small "Isle +aux Bouviers" in the middle of the Loire, he and the constable, released +on their honor, held a preliminary interview on Sunday, the seventh of +March, 1563.<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> At first there seemed little prospect of harmonizing +their discordant pretensions; for, if the question of the removal of the +triumvirs had lost all its practical importance, the old bone of +contention remained in the re-establishment of the Edict of January. On +this point Montmorency was inflexible. He had been the prime instrument +in expelling Prot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span>estantism from Paris, and had distinguished himself by +burning the places of worship. It could hardly be expected that he should +rebuild what he had so laboriously torn down. And, whatever had been his +first intentions, Condé proved less tenacious than might have been +anticipated from his previous professions. The fact was, that the younger +Bourbon was not proof against the wiles employed with so much success +against his elder brother. Flattered by Catharine, he was led to suppose +that after all it made little difference whether the full demands of the +Huguenots were expressly granted in the edict of pacification or not. The +queen mother was resolved, so he was assured, to confer upon him the +dignity and office of lieutenant-general, left vacant by Navarre's death. +When this should be his, it would be easy to obtain every practical +concession to which the Huguenots were entitled. So much pleased was the +court with the ardor he displayed, that he was at last permitted to go to +Orleans on his own princely parole, in order to consult his confederates.</p> + +<p>The Huguenot ministers whose advice he first asked, seeing his +irresolution, were the more decided in opposing any terms that did not +expressly recognize the Edict of January. Seventy-two united in a letter +(on the ninth of March, 1563), in which they begged him not to permit the +cause to suffer disaster at his hands, and rather to insure an extension, +than submit to an abridgment of the liberty promised by the royal +ordinance.<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> From the ministers, however, Condé went to the Huguenot +"noblesse," with whom his arguments of expediency had more weight, and +who, weary of the length and privations of the war, and content with +securing their own privileges, readily accepted the conditions reprobated +by the ministers. The pacification was accordingly agreed upon, on the +twelfth of March, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> officially published in the form of a royal edict, +dated at Amboise, on the nineteenth of March, 1563.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Edict of Pacification, March 12, 1563.</div> + +<p>Charles the Ninth, by advice of his mother, the Cardinal of Bourbon, the +Princes of Condé and La Roche-sur-Yon, the Dukes of Montmorency, Aumale, +and Montpensier, and other members of his privy council, grants, in this +document, to all barons, châtellains, and gentlemen possessed of the +right to administer "haute justice," permission to celebrate in their own +houses the worship of "the religion which they call reformed" in the +presence of their families and retainers. The possessors of minor fiefs +could enjoy the same privilege, but it extended to their families only. +In every bailiwick or sénéchaussée, the Protestants should, on petition, +receive one city in whose suburbs their religious services might be held, +and in all cities where the Protestant religion was exercised on the +seventh of March of the present year, it should continue in one or two +places <i>inside</i> of the walls, to be designated hereafter by the king. The +Huguenots, while secured in their liberty of conscience, were to restore +all churches and ecclesiastical property which they might have seized, +and were forbidden to worship according to their rites in the city of +Paris or its immediate neighborhood. The remaining articles of the peace +were of a more personal or temporary interest. Foreign troops were to be +speedily dismissed; the Protestant lords to be fully reinstated in their +former honors, offices, and possessions; prisoners to be released; +insults based upon the events of the war to be summarily punished. And +Charles declared that he held his good cousin, the Prince of Condé, and +all the other lords, knights, gentlemen, and burgesses that had served +under him, to be his faithful subjects, believing that what they had done +was for good ends and for his service.<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Sir Thomas Smith's remonstrance.</div> + +<p>Such was the Edict of Amboise—a half-way measure, very different from +that which was desired on either side. The English ambassador declared he +could find no one, whether Protestant or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> papist, that liked the +"accord," or thought it would last three weeks. And he added, by way of +warning to Coligny and Condé: "What you, who are the heads and rulers, +do, I cannot tell; but every man thinketh that it is but a traine and a +deceipt to sever the one of you from another, and all of you from this +stronghold [Orleans], and then thei will talke with you after another +sorte."<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> He urged the Huguenots to learn a lesson from the fate of +Bourges, Rouen, and other cities which had admitted the "papists," and to +consider that these fine articles came from the queen mother, the +Cardinals of Bourbon, Ferrara, and Guise, and others like them, who +desired to take the Protestants like fish in a net. And he gave D'Andelot +the significant hint—very significant it was, in view of what afterwards +befell his brother Gaspard—that the report spread by the enemy +respecting Poltrot's confession was only a preparation that, <i>in case any +of the Huguenot noblemen should be assassinated, it might be said that +the deed had been done in just revenge by the Guises</i>, who would not +hesitate to sacrifice them either by force or by treason.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny's disappointment.</div> + +<p>Of the other party, Catharine de' Medici alone was jubilant over the +edict. On the contrary, the Roman Catholic people of Paris regarded it as +an approval of every sort of impiety and wicked action, and the +parliament would register it only after repeated commands (on the +twenty-seventh of March), and then with a formal declaration of its +reluctance.<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> But no one was so much disappointed as the admiral. +Hastening from Normandy to Orleans, he reached that city on the +twenty-third of March, only to find that the peace had been fully +concluded several days before. In the council of the confederates, the +next day, he spoke his mind freely. He reminded Condé that, from the very +commencement of hostilities, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> triumvirs had offered the restoration +of the Edict of January with the exclusion of the city of Paris; and that +never had affairs stood on a better footing than now,<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> when two of +the three chief authors of the war were dead, and the third was a +prisoner. But the poor had surpassed the rich in devotion; the cities had +given the example to the nobles. In restricting the number of churches to +one in a bailiwick, the prince and his counsellors had ruined more +churches by a single stroke of the pen than all the forces of their +enemies could have overthrown in ten years. Coligny's warm remonstrance +was heard with some regret for the precipitancy with which the +arrangement had been made; but it was too late. The peace was signed. +Besides, Condé was confident that he would soon occupy his brother's +place, when the Huguenots would obtain all their demands.</p> + +<p>But while the prince refused to draw back from the articles of peace to +which he had pledged himself, he consented to visit the queen mother in +company with the admiral, and endeavor to remove some of the restrictions +placed upon Protestant worship. And Catharine was too well satisfied with +her success in restoring peace, to refuse the most pressing of the +admiral's requests. However, she took good care that none of her promises +should be in writing, much less be incorporated in the Edict of +Pacification. "The prince and the admyrall," wrote the special envoy +Middlemore to Queen Elizabeth, "have bene twice with the quene mother +since my commynge hyther, where the admirall hath bene very earnest for a +further and larger lybertye in the course of religion, and so hath +obtayned that there shall be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> preachings within the townes in every +balliage, wheras before yt was accordyd but in the suburbs of townes +only, and that the gentylmen of the visconte and provoste of Parys shall +have in theyr houses the same libertye of religion as ys accordyd +elzwhere. So as the sayd admyrall doth now seame to lyke well inoughe +that he shewyd by the waye to mislyke so muche, which was the harde +articles of religion concludyd upon by the prince in his absence."<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> + +<p>On Sunday, the twenty-eighth of March, 1563—the anniversary of that +Sunday which they had kept with so much solemnity at Meaux, on the eve of +their march to Orleans—the Huguenot nobles and soldiers celebrated the +Lord's Supper, in the simple but grand forms of the Geneva liturgy, +within the walls of the church of the Holy Rood, long since stripped of +its idolatrous ornaments, and on the morrow began to disperse to the +homes from which for a year they had been separated.<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> The German +reiters, at the same time, set out on their march toward Champagne, +whence they soon after retired to their own country.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Results of the war.</div> + +<p>The war that had just closed undoubtedly constituted a turning-point in +the Huguenot fortunes. The alliance between the persecuted reformers, on +the one hand, and the princes of the blood and the nobility of France, on +the other, had borne fruit, and it was not altogether good fruit. The +patient confessors, after manfully maintaining their faith through an +entire generation against savage attack, and gaining many a convert from +the witnesses of their constancy, had grasped the sword thrust into their +hands by their more warlike allies. In truth, it would be difficult to +condemn them; for it was in self-defence, not against rightful authority, +but against the tyranny of a foreign and hostile faction. Candidly +viewing their circum<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span>stances at the distance of three centuries, we can +scarcely see how they could have acted otherwise than as they did. Yet +there was much that, humanly speaking, was unfortunate in the +conjuncture. War is a horrible remedy at any time. Civil war super-adds a +thousand horrors of its own. And a civil war waged in the name of +religion is the most frightful of all. The holiest of causes is sure to +be embraced from impure motives by a host of unprincipled men, determined +in their choice of party only by the hope of personal gain, the lust of +power, or the thirst for revenge—a class of auxiliaries too powerful and +important to be altogether rejected in an hour when the issues of life or +death are pending, even if by the closest and calmest scrutiny they could +be thoroughly weeded out—a process beyond the power of mortal man at any +time, much more in the midst of the tumult and confusion of war. The +Huguenots had made the attempt at Orleans, and had not shrunk from +inflicting the severest punishments, even to death, for the commission of +theft and other heinous crimes. They had endeavored in their camp to +realize the model of an exemplary Christian community. But they had +failed, because there were with them those who, neither in peace nor in +war, could bring themselves to give to so strict a moral code any other +obedience than that which fear exacts. Such was the misery of war. Such +the melancholy alternative to which, more than once, the reformed saw +themselves reduced, of perishing by persecution or of saving themselves +by exposing their faith to reproach through alliance with men of as +little religion or morality as any in the opposite camp.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">It prevents France from becoming Huguenot.</div> + +<p>The first civil war prevented France from becoming a Huguenot country. +This was the deliberate conclusion of a Venetian ambassador, who enjoyed +remarkable opportunities for observing the history of his times.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> The +practice of the Christian virtue of patience and submission under +suffering and insult had made the reformers an incredible number of +friends. The waging of war, even in self-defence, and the reported acts +of wanton destruction, of cruelty and sacrilege—it mattered little +whether they were true<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> or false, they were equally credited and produced +the same results—turned the indifference of the masses into positive +aversion. It availed the Huguenots little in the estimate of the people +that the crimes that were almost the rule with their opponents were the +exception with them; that for a dozen such as Montluc, they were cursed +with but one Baron des Adrets; that the barbarities of the former +received the approbation of the Roman Catholic priesthood, while those of +the latter were censured with vehemence by the Protestant ministers. +Partisan spirit refused to hold the scales of justice with equal hand, +and could see no proofs of superior morality or devotion in the adherents +of the reformed faith.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<blockquote><div class="sidenote">Huguenot ballads and songs.</div> + +<p>Besides their psalms, hallowed by so many thrilling +associations, the Huguenots possessed a whole cycle of song. +The meagre portion of this that has come down to us is among +the most valuable of the monuments illustrative of their modes +of thought and their religious and political aspirations. At +the same time it brings vividly before us the great crises of +their history. M. Henri Bordier has done a service not easily +estimated at its full worth, by the publication of a +considerable collection of the popular songs of the +Protestants, under the title, "Le Chansonnier Huguenot du +XVI<sup>e</sup> Siècle" (Paris, 1871). These songs are grouped in four +divisions: religious songs, polemic and satirical songs, songs +of war, and songs of martyrdom.</p> + +<p>The three oldest Huguenot songs known to exist belong to the +first two divisions, and have been saved from destruction by +the enemies of their authors, in the very attempt to secure +their suppression. They have recently been found upon the +records of the Parliament of Paris, where they obtained a +place, thanks to the zeal of the "lieutenant général" of Meaux +in endeavoring to ferret out the composers of anti-papal +ballads. They were entered, without regard to metre, as so +much prose. A stanza or two of the song entitled <i>Chanson +nouvelle sur le chant: "N'allez plus au bois jouer,"</i> and +evidently adapted to the tune of a popular ballad of the day, +may suffice to indicate the character of the most vigorous of +these compositions. It is addressed to Michel d'Arande, a +friend of Farel, whom Bishop Briçonnet had invited to preach +the Gospel in his diocese of Meaux, and begins:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Ne preschez plus la vérité,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Maistre Michel!<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Contenue en l'Evangille,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Il y a trop grand danger<br /></span> +<span class="i2">D'estre mené<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Dans la Conciergerie.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Lire, lire, lironfa.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> +<span class="i0">Il y a trop grand danger<br /></span> +<span class="i2">D'estre mené<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Dans la Conciergerie<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Devant les chapperons fourrez<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Mal informez<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Par gens plains de menterie.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Lire, lire, lironfa.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The "chants religieux," of which M. Bordier's collection +reproduces twenty-five, are partly poetical paraphrases of the +Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, etc., and partly original +compositions on a variety of themes, such as patient endurance +of insult, etc. They display great familiarity with the Holy +Scriptures, and sometimes not a little poetic fire.</p> + +<p>The "chants polémiques" treat of a number of subjects, +prominent among which are the monks and nuns, and the +doctrines of the papal church. In one the expiring papacy is +represented as summoning to her bedside cardinals, bishops, +and other members of the clergy, to witness her last +struggles. In another the Sorbonne is held up to ridicule, in +company with all the mediæval doctors of theology. In a third +the poet more seriously combats the belief in purgatory as +unscriptural. But it is the mass that bears the brunt of +attack. The Host figures under the designation, current in the +literature of the sixteenth century,<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> of <i>Le Dieu de +Pâte</i>, or <i>Le Dieu de Farine</i>. The pompous and complicated +ceremonial, with its repetitions devoid of meaning for the +illiterate spectator, is, on the whole, the favorite object of +satire. In strict accordance with the spirit of the rough +controversy of the times, little mercy is shown to religious +antagonists. There is a good specimen of this style of +treatment in an interesting song dating from about 1564, +entitled "Noel nouveau de la description ou forme et manière +de dire la Messe, sur ce chant: Hari, bouriquet." Of the +fifteen stanzas of which it is composed, two or three may +serve as samples. The preliminary service over, the priest +comes to the consecration of the wafer:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">Un morceau de paste<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Il fait adorer;<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Le rompt de sa patte<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Pour le dévorer,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Le gourmand qu'il est.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Hari, hari l'asne, le gourmand qu'il est,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hari bouriquet!<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">Le Dieu qu'il faict faire,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">La bouche le prend;<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Le cœur le digère,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Le ventre le rend,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Au fond du retrait!<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Hari, hari l'asne, au fond du retrait,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hari bouriquet!<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> +<span class="i2">Le peuple regarde<br /></span> +<span class="i2">L'yvrongne pinter<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Qui pourtant n'a garde<br /></span> +<span class="i2">De luy présenter<br /></span> +<span class="i2">A boire un seul traict.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Hari, hari l'asne, à boire un seul traict,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hari bouriquet!<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i2">Achève et despouille<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Tous ses drapeaux blancs,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">En sa bourse fouille<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Et y met six blancs.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">C'est de peur du frais.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Hari, hari l'asne, c'est de peur du frais,<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hari bouriquet!<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>A somewhat older song (written before 1555) purports to be the +dirge of the Mass uttered by itself—<i>Désolation de la Messe +expirant en chantant</i>. The Mass in perplexity knows not how to +begin the customary service:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0"><i>Spiritus</i>, <i>Salve</i>, <i>Requiem</i>,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Je ne sçay si je diray bien.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Quel <i>Introite</i>, n' <i>Oremus</i><br /></span> +<span class="i0">Je prenne; <i>Sancti</i>, <i>Agimus</i>.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Feray-je des Martyrs ou Vierges?<br /></span> +<span class="i0"><i>De ventre ad te clamamus!</i><br /></span> +<span class="i0">Sonnez là, allumez ces cierges:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Y a-t-il du pain et du vin?<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Où est le livre et le calice<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Pour faire l'office divin?<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ça, cest autel, qu'on le tapisse!<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Hélas, la piteuse police.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ame ne me vient secourir.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Sans Chapelain, Moine, Novice,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Me faudra-il ainsi périr?<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Pope and cardinals are summoned in vain. No one comes, no one +will bring reliquary or consecrated wafer. The Mass must +finally resign all hope and die:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Hélas chantant, brayant, virant,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Tant que le crime romp et blesse<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Puis que voy tost l'ame expirant,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Dites au moins adieu la Messe.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">A tous faisant mainte promesse<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ore ai-je tout mon bien quitté<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Veu qu'a la mort tens et abaisse<br /></span> +<span class="i0"><i>Ite Missa est</i>; donc <i>Ite</i>,<br /></span> +<span class="i2"><i>Ite Missa est</i>.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> +The "chants de guerre" furnish a running commentary upon the +military events of the last forty years of the sixteenth +century, which is not devoid of interest or importance. The +hopeful spirit characterizing the earlier ballads is not lost +even in the latest; but the brilliant anticipations of a +speedy triumph of the truth, found before the outbreak of the +first civil war, or immediately thereafter, are lacking in +other productions, dating from the close of the reign of Henry +the Third. In a spirited song, presumably belonging to 1562, +the poet, adopting the nickname of Huguenots given to the +Protestants by their opponents, retaliates by applying an +equally unwelcome term to the Roman Catholics, and forecasting +the speedy overthrow of the papacy:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Vous appellez Huguenots<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ceux qui Jesus veullent suivre,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et n'adorent vos marmots<br /></span> +<span class="i0">De boys, de pierre et de cuyvre.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hau, Hau, Papegots,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Faictes place aux Huguenots.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Nostre Dieu renversera<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Vous et vostre loy romaine,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et du tout se mocquera<br /></span> +<span class="i0">De vostre entreprise vaine.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hau, Hau, Papegots,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Faictes place aux Huguenots.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Vostre Antechrist tombera<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Hors de sa superbe place<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et Christ partout règnera<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et sa loy pleine de grâce.<br /></span> +<span class="i2">Hau, Hau, Papegots,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Faictes place aux Huguenots.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>The current expectation of the Protestants is attested in a +long narrative ballad by Antoine Du Plain on the siege of +Lyons (1563), in which Charles the Ninth figures as another +Josiah destined to abolish the idolatrous mass:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Ce Roy va chasser l'Idole<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Plain de dole<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Cognoissant un tel forfait:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Selon la vertu Royale,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et loyale,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Comme Iosias a fait.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>It is noticeable that the words "va chasser l'Idole" are an +anagram of the royal title <i>Charles de Valois</i>—an anagram +which gave the Huguenots no little comfort. The same play upon +words appears with a slight variation in a "Huictain au Peuple +de Paris, sur l'anagrammatisme du nom du tres-Chrestien Roy de +France, Charles de Valois IX. de ce nom" (Recueil des Choses +Mémorables, 1565, p. 367), of which the last line is,</p> + +<p class='center'>"O Gentil Roy qui <i>chassa leur idole</i>."</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> +But after the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day the hopes of +the Huguenots were blighted. If the king is not referred to by +name, his mother figures as the guilty cause of all the +misfortune of France. She is a second Helen born for the ruin +of her adopted country, according to Étienne de Maisonfleur.</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Hélène femme estrangère<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Fut la seule mesnagère<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui ruina Ilion,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et la reine Catherine<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Est de France la ruine<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Par l'Oracle de Léon.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>"Léon" is Catharine's uncle, Pope Leo the Tenth, who was said +to have predicted the total destruction of whatever house she +should be married into. See also the famous libel "Discours +merveilleux de la vie de Catherine de Medicis" (Ed. of +Cologne, Pierre du Marteau, 1693), p. 609.</p> + +<p>The massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day naturally contributes a +considerable fund of laments, etc., to the Huguenot popular +poetry of the century. A poem apparently belonging to a more +remote date, discovered by Dr. Roullin, and perhaps the only +Breton song of the kind that has come down to us, is as simple +and unaffected a narrative as any of the modern Greek +<i>mœrologia</i> (Vaurigaud, Essaie sur l'hist. des églises réf. +de Bretagne, 1870, i. 6). It tells the story of a Huguenot +girl betrayed to the executioner by her own mother. In spite +of a few dialectic forms, the verses are easily understood.</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Voulz-vous ouir l'histoire<br /></span> +<span class="i0">D'une fille d'espit<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui n'a pas voulu croire<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Chose que l'on lui dit.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">—Sa mère dit: "Ma fille,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">A la messe allons donc!"<br /></span> +<span class="i0">—"Y aller à la messe,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ma mère, ce n'est qu'abus.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Apportez-moi mes livres<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Avec mes beaux saluts.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">J'aimerais mieux être brûlée<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et vantée au grand vent<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Que d'aller à la messe<br /></span> +<span class="i0">En faussant mon serment."<br /></span> +<span class="i0">—Quand sa très-chère mère<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Eut entendu c' mot là,<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Au bourreau de la ville<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Sa fille elle livra.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">"Bourreau, voilà ma fille!<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Fais à tes volontés;<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> +<span class="i0">Bourreau, fais de ma fille<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Comme d'un meurtrier."<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Quand elle fut sur l'échelle,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Trois rollons jà montée,<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Elle voit sa mère<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui chaudement pleurait.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">"Ho! la cruelle mère<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui pleure son enfant<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Après l'avoir livrée<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Dans les grands feux ardents.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Vous est bien fait, ma mère,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">De me faire mourir.<br /></span> +</div><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Je vois Jesus, mon père,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui, de son beau royaume,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Descend pour me quérir.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Son royaume sur terre<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Dans peu de temps viendra,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et cependant mon âme<br /></span> +<span class="i0">En paradis ira."<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> +</blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The nuncio alone seems to have thought that the edict would +work so well, that "in six months, or a year at farthest, there would not +be a single Huguenot in France!" His ground of confidence was that many, +if not most of the reformed, were influenced, not by zeal for religion, +but by cupidity. Santa Croce to Card. Borromeo, Jan. 17, 1562, Aymon, i. +44; Cimber et Danjou, vi. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 428, 429. The letter is +followed by an examination of the edict, article by article, as affecting +the Protestants. Ib. i. 429-431.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Abbé Bruslart, Mém. de Condé. i. 70. Barbaro spoke the +universal sentiment of the bigoted wing of the papal party when he +described "the decree" as "full of concealed poison," as "the most +powerful means of advancing the new religion," as "an edict so +pestiferous and so poisonous, that it brought all the calamities that +have since occurred." Tommaseo, Rel. des Amb. Vén., ii. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Claude Haton, 211. "Et longtemps depuis ne faisoient sermon +qu'ilz <i>Acab</i> et <i>Hiésabel</i> et leurs persécutions ne fussent mis par eux +en avant," etc. In fact, Catharine seemed fated to have her name linked +to that of the infamous Queen of Israel. A Protestant poem, evidently of +a date posterior to the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, is still extant in +the National Library of Paris, in which the comparison of the two is +drawn out at full length. The one was the ruin of Israel, the other of +France. The one maintained idolatry, the other papacy. The one slew God's +holy prophets, the other has slain a hundred thousand followers of the +Gospel. Both have killed, in order to obtain the goods of their victims. +But the unkindest verses are the last—even the very dogs will refuse to +touch Catharine's "carrion."</p> + +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i4">"En fin le jugement fut tel<br /></span> +<span class="i4">Que les chiens mengent Jhésabel<br /></span> +<span class="i4">Par une vangeance divine;<br /></span> +<span class="i4">Mais la charongne de Catherine<br /></span> +<span class="i4">Sera différente en ce point,<br /></span> +<span class="i4">Car les chiens ne la vouldront point."<br /></span> +</div></div> +<p>Appendix to Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. 1, 110.</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, i. 477.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Mém. de Claude Haton, 211, 212.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 431.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Abbé Bruslart, Mém. de Condé. i. 70, 71.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Declaration of Feb. 14, 1561/2, Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, +v. 91, 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> And, indeed, with modifications which were to render it +still more severe. Letter of Beza to Calvin, Feb. 26, 1562, Baum, ii., +App., 167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The registry took place on Friday, March 6th. Isambert, +xiv. 124; La Fosse, 45, who says "Ledict édict fut publié en la salle du +palais en ung vendredy, 5<sup>e</sup> [6<sup>e</sup>] de ce moys, <i>là où il y eut bien peu de +conseillers et le président Baillet qui signèrent</i>."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The same prelate to whom Cardinal Lorraine doubtless +referred in no complimentary terms, when, at the assembly of the clergy +at Poissy, he said, "qu'il estoit contrainct de dire, <i>Duodecim sumus, +sed unus ex nobis Diabolus est</i>, et passant plus outre, qu'il y avoit ung +evesque de la compagnie ... qui avoit revelé ce qui se faisoit en laditte +assemblée," etc. Journal de Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> See the document in Schlosser, Leben des Theodor de Beze, +App., 359-361; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 436, 437.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 436-450; Baum, ii. 512-545. +In connection with Prof. Baum's long and thorough account of the +colloquy, Beza's correspondence, printed in the appendix, is unusually +interesting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> "Cardinalium intercessione ac precibus mox soluta sunt +omnia." Beza to Bullinger, March 2, 1562. Baum, ii., App., 169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> "Nihil hoc consilio gratius accidere potuit nostris +adversariis quibus iste ludus minime placebat, adeo ut <i>ipse Demochares +... pene sui oblitus in meos amplexus rueret</i>, et ejus sodales honorifice +me salutarent!" Beza to Calvin, Feb. 26, 1562, ibid., 165. The Venetian +Barbaro represents this second conference as an extremely efficient means +of spreading heresy: "La qual [in San Germano] apportò un grandissimo +scandalo e pregiudizio alla religion nostra, e diede alla loro, +reputazione e fomento maggiore." Rel. des Amb. Vén., ii. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 432.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> "Qu'il ne s'y mettroit si avant qu'il ne s'en pust aisement +tirer." Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> See the frank letter of Calvin, written to him about this +time, in Bonnet, Lettres franç., ii. 441; Calvin's Letters, Amer. ed., +iv. 247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> "That pestilent yle of Sardigna!" exclaimed Sir Thomas +Smith, a clever diplomatist and a nervous writer, "that the pore crowne +of it should enter so farre into the pore Navarrian hed (which, I durst +warraunt, shall never ware it), [as to] make him destroy his owen +countrey, and to forsake the truth knowen!" Forbes, State Papers, ii. +164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., <i>ubi supra</i>; De Thou, iii. +(liv. xxviii.), 96-99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Letter of Beza to Calvin, Feb. 1, 1562, Baum, ii., App., +163.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., i. 433.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Letter to Calvin, Feb. 26, 1562, <i>apud</i> Baum, ii., App., +167, 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Recordon, Le protestantisme en Champagne (Paris, 1863), +from MSS. of Nicholas Pithou, p. 105. This learned jurist, the equal of +his more celebrated brothers in ability, and their superior in moral +courage, has left his testimony respecting the beneficent influence of +the reformed doctrines upon his fellow-citizens: "A la verité la ville de +Troyes en général fit une perte incroyable en la rupture de cette Église. +Car c'était une grande beauté et chose plus que émerveillable de la voir +si bien fleurie. Il se voyoit en la jeunesse, touchée par la prédication +de la parole de Dieu, qui auparavant était si dépravée que rien plus, un +changement si subit et si étrange que les catholiques mêmes en étoient +tout étonnés. Car, tels qui au précédent se laissaient aller du tout à +leurs voluptez et s'étaient plongez en gourmandises, yvrogneries et jeux +défendus, tellement qu'ils y passaient la plus grande et meilleure partie +du temps, et faisaient un fort mauvais ménage, depuis qu'ils étaient +entrés dans l'Église quittaient du tout leur vie passée et la +détestaient, se rangeant et se soumettant allègrement à la discipline +ecclésiastique, ce qui était si agréable aux parents de tels personnages, +que, quoiqu'ils fussent catholiques, ils en louaient Dieu." Ibid., pp. +107, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> "Nous avons espérance que non seulement la jeunesse d'icy +se façonnera par la main d'un si excellent ouvrier qui nous est venu; +mais que les chanoines mesmes de Sainte-Croix le viendront ouyr en ses +leçons, ce qu'ils ont desja déclaré. De quoy sortiront des fruicts +surmontant toute expectation." Gaberel, Hist. de l'égl. de Genève, i., +Pièces justificatives, 168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> The archives of Stuttgart contain the instructive +correspondence which the Duke of Guise had, ever since the previous +summer, maintained with the Duke of Würtemberg. From the letters +published in the Bulletin of the French Protestant Historical Society +(February and March, 1875), we see that François endeavored to alienate +Christopher from the Huguenots by representing the latter as bitter +enemies of the Augsburg Confession, and as speaking of it with +undisguised contempt. (Letter of July 2, 1561, Bull., xxiv. 72.) +Christopher made no reply to these statements, but urged his +correspondent to a candid examination of religious truth, irrespective of +age or prescription, reminding him (letter of Nov. 22, 1561) that our +Lord Jesus Christ "did not say 'I am the <i>ancient custom</i>,' but 'I am the +<i>Truth</i>.'" (Ibid., xxiv. 114.) And he added, sensibly enough, that, had +the pagan ancestors of both the French and the Germans followed the rule +of blind obedience to custom, they would certainly never have become +Christians.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Guise's original invitation was for Saturday, January 31st, +but Christopher pleaded engagements, and named, instead, Sunday, Feb. +15th. (Ibid., xxiv. 116, 117.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> The relation was first noticed and printed by Sattler, in +his Geschichte von Würtemberg unter den Herzögen. I have used the French +translation by M. A. Muntz, in the Bulletin, iv. (1856) 184-196.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> In a letter of Würtemberg to Guise, written subsequently to +the massacre of Vassy, he reminds him of the advice he had given him, and +of Guise's assurances: "Vous savez aussi avec quelle asseurance vous +m'avez respondu <i>que l'on vous faisoit grand tort</i> de ce que l'on vous +vouloit imposer estre cause et autheur de la mort de tant de povres +chrestiens qui ont espandu leur sang par ci-devant," etc. Mémoires de +Guise, 494.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> There are some characters with whom mendacity has become so +essential a part of their nature, that we cease to wonder at any possible +extreme of lying. It was, however, no new thing with the cardinal to +assume immaculate innocence. Over two years before this time, at the +beginning of the reign of Francis II., when bloody persecution was at its +height, Sir Nicholas Throkmorton wrote to Queen Elizabeth, Sept. 10, +1559: "I am enformed that they here begin to persecute againe for +religion more than ever they did; and that at Paris there are three or +four executed for the same, and diverse greate personages threatened +shortly to be called to answer for their religion. Wherin the Cardinal of +Lorraine having bene spoken unto, within these two daies, hathe said, +<i>that it is not his faulte; and that there is no man that more hateth +extremités, then he dothe</i>; and yet it is knowne that it is, +notwithstanding, <i>alltogither by his occasion</i>." Forbes, State Papers, i. +226, 227.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Bulletin, iv. 196. De Thou's account of the Saverne +conference (iii. (liv. xxix.) 127, 128) is pretty accurate so far as it +goes, but has a more decidedly polemic tone than the Duke of Würtemberg's +memorandum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Throkmorton to the Queen, Paris, Feb. 16, 1562. State Paper +Office. I have followed closely the condensation in the Calendars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Same to Cecil, of same date. State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Discours entier de la persécution et cruauté exercée en la +ville de Vassy, par le duc de Guise, le 1. de mars, 1562; reprinted in +Mémoires de Condé, iii. 124-149, and Cimber et Danjou, iv. 123-156. This +lengthy Huguenot narrative enters into greater details respecting the +early history of the church of Vassy than any of the other contemporary +relations. The account bears every mark of candor and accurate +information.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> "Que son cas estoit bien sale s'il eust esté ministre."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> The "Destruction du Saccagement" has preserved the names of +forty-five persons who died by Tuesday, March 3d; the "Discours entier" +has a complete list of forty-eight that died within a month, and refers +to others besides. A contemporary engraving is extant depicting in quaint +but lively style the murderous affair. Montfaucon reproduces it. So does +also M. Horace Gourjon in a pamphlet entitled "Le Massacre de Vassy" +(Paris, 1844). He gives, in addition, an exterior view of the barn in +which the Huguenots were worshipping.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Besides a brief Latin memoir of minor importance, there +were published two detailed accounts of the massacre written by +Huguenots. The one is entitled "Destruction du Saccagement, exerce +cruellement par le Duc de Guise et sa cohorte, en la ville de Vassy, le +premier jour de Mars, 1561. À Caens. M.D.LXII.," and having for its +epigraph the second verse of the 79th psalm in Marot's poetical version, +"The dead bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat unto the +fowls of the heaven, the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the +earth." (The year 1562, it will be remembered, did not commence in France +until Easter Sunday, March 29th.) The account seems to have been composed +on the spot and within a very few days of the occurrence. This may be +inferred from the list of those who died being given only up to Tuesday, +March 3d. The other narrative: "Discours entier de la persecution et +cruauté exercée en la ville de Vassy," etc., enters into much greater +detail, and is preceded by a full account of the early history of the +Church. It was written and published a little later in the spring of +1562. Both memoirs are reprinted in the invaluable Archives curieuses of +Messrs. Cimber et Danjou, iv. 103-110, and 123-156, as well as in the +Mémoires de Condé, iii. 111-115, 124-149 (the former document with the +title "Relation de l'occasion"), etc. Another contemporary account was +written in Guise's interest, and contains a long extract of a letter of +his to the Duke of Würtemberg: "Discours au vray et en abbregé de ce qui +est dernièrement aduenu à Vassi, y passant Monseigneur le Duc de Guise. A +Paris. M.D.LXII.... Par priuilege expres dudict Seigneur." (Cimber, iv. +111-122; Mém. de Condé, iii. 115-122). To these authorities must be added +Guise's vindication in parliament (Cimber, iv. 157, etc., from Reg. of +Parl.; Mém. de Guise, 488, etc.), and his letter and that of the Cardinal +of Lorraine to Christopher of Würtemberg, March 22 (Ib. 491, 492). +Compare J. de Serres, De statu rel. et reip. (1571), ii. 13-17; De Thou, +iii. 129, etc.; Jehan de la Fosse, 45. Davila, bk. iii. in init., is more +accurate than Castelnau, iii., c. 7. Claude Haton's account (Mémoires, i. +204-206) may be classed with the curiosities of literature. This +veracious chronicler would have it that a crowd of Huguenots, with stones +in their hands, and singing at the top of their voices, attempted to +prevent the passage of the duke and his company through the outskirts of +Vassy, where they were apparently worshipping in the open air! Of course +they were the aggressors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> And yet there is great force in M. Sismondi's observation +(Hist. des Français, xviii. 264): "Malgré leur assertion, il est +difficile de ne pas croire qu'au moment où ils se réunissoient en armes +pour disputer aux protestans l'exercise public de leur culte que leur +accordoit l'édit de janvier, c'etoit un coup prémédité que l'attaque du +duc de Guise contre une congrégation de huguenots, composée, à ce qu'il +assure, en partie de ses vassaux, et qui se trouvoit la première sur son +passage à peu de distance de ses terres."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> It is extremely unfortunate that Mr. Froude should have +based his account of French affairs at this important point upon so +inaccurate and prejudiced a writer as Varillas. To be correct in his +delineation of these transactions was almost as important for his object, +as to be correct in the narration of purely English occurrences. If he +desired to avoid the labor, from which he might well wish to be excused, +of mastering the great accumulation of contemporary and original French +authorities, he might have resorted with propriety, as he has done in the +case of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, to Henri Martin's noble +history, or to the history of Sismondi, not to speak of Soldan, Von +Polenz, and a host of others. Varillas wrote, about a century after the +events he described, a number of works of slender literary, and still +slighter historical value. His "Histoire de Charles IX." (Cologne, +1686)—the work which Mr. Froude has but too often followed—begins with +an adulatory dedication to Louis XIV., the first sentence of which +sufficiently reveals the author's prepossessions: "Sire, it is impossible +to write the history of Charles IX. without beginning the panegyric of +your Majesty." No wonder that Mr. Froude's account of the massacre of +Vassy (History of England, vii. 401, 402), derived solely from this +source (Hist. de Charles IX., i. 126, etc.), is as favorable to Guise as +his most devoted partisan could have desired. But where in the +world—even in Varillas—did the English historian ever find authority +for the statement (vii. 402) that, in consequence of the necessity felt +by Guise for temporizing, a little later "<i>the affair at Vassy was +censured in a public decree</i>"? To have allowed <i>that</i> would have been for +Guise to admit that he was guilty of murder, and that his enemies had not +slandered him when they styled him a "butcher of the human race." The +duke <i>never did</i> make such an acknowledgment; on the contrary, he +asseverated his innocence in his last breath. What was really done on the +occasion referred to was to try to shift the responsibility of the war +from the shoulders of the papists to those of the Huguenots, by +pretending to re-enact the edict of January with restrictions as to the +capital.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Jean de Serres, ii. 17, 18; De Thou, iii. 132, 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> "Sire, c'est à la vérité à l'Église de Dieu, au nom de +laquelle je parle, d'endurer les coups, et non pas d'en donner. Mais +aussi vous plaira-t-il vous souvenir que <i>c'est une enclume qui a usé +beaucoup de marteaux</i>." Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 1, 2; Pierre de +Lestoile, Journal de Henri III. (ed. Petitot), i. 55; De Thou, iii. 132, +133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 45, 46; Santa Croce to +Borromeo, Aymon, i. 96, 97; Jean de Serres, ii. 18; Chantonnay, <i>ubi +supra</i>, ii. 27; Hist, ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 2, 3; Throkmorton to the +Queen, March 20th, State Paper Office; De Thou, iii. 133; etc. The date +was the 15th of March, according to La Fosse; the 16th, according to +Languet (ii. 212) and Throkmorton; the 18th, according to Santa Croce; +the 20th, according to J. de Serres. I prefer to all the authority of a +letter of one Chastaigner, written from Paris to a friend in Poitou on +the very day of Guise's entry. It is dated March 17th. "Quant aux +nouvelles de Monsieur de Guyse, il est arrivé ce soir en ceste ville, +Monsieur le connestable et Monsieur le maréchal de Saint-André avec luy, +et en tout avoient bien deux mil chevaulx, les ungs disent plus." +(Archives of Poitiers, and printed in Bulletin, xiii. (1864), 15, 16.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> This was not by accident. It had been planned by Condé, to +show that the Huguenots were brave and determined, and it succeeded so +well that it not only made an impression on the party of Guise, but also +largely augmented the courage of his own men. Letter of Beza to Calvin, +March 22, 1562, <i>apud</i> Baum, ii., App., 171. Condé had returned to Paris +by the urgent request of the Protestants. Jean de Serres, ii. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Letter of Chastaigner, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Throkmorton to the queen, March 6th, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> "The King of Navarre was never so earnest on the Protestant +side as he is now furious on the papists' part, insomuch as men suspect +he will become a persecutor." Throkmorton to Cecil, March 9th, State +Paper Office. Summary in Calendar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Throkmorton to the queen, March 6, 1562, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> The same to Cecil, same date, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> "Whilst these assemblies were in the town, the queen mother +conceived great jealousy (the King of Navarre being allied to the said +duke [Guise]), lest she should be put from the government and the king +taken from her hands, to prevent which she left Monceaux, her own house, +<i>for Orleans</i>, thinking they were secure there, because the Prince of +Rochesurion (being governor of the king's person and also of Orleans) was +not conjoined with the King of Navarre, the Duke of Guise, and the +constable, in their purposes. The King of Navarre, perceiving this, would +not consent to the king going to Orleans, and, after great disputes +betwixt the queen mother and him, she, with the king, were constrained to +reside all this Easter at Fontainebleau." Throkmorton to the queen, +March, 20, 1562, State Paper Office, Summary in Calendar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> "Combien que le Chancelier luy dict, qu'il n'y espéroit +plus rien, qu'elle n'avoit point de résolution, qu'il la congnoissoit +bien." Mémoires de la vie de Jehan l'Archevesque, Sieur de Soubise, +printed from the hitherto unknown MS. in the Bulletin, xxiii. (1874), +458, 459.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Four of the seven letters that constituted the whole +correspondence are printed in the Mém. de Condé, iii. 213-215. Jean de +Serres gives two of them in his Comment. de statu rel. et reip., ii. 38, +39. They were laid by Condé's envoy before the princes of Germany, as +evidence that he had not taken up arms without the best warrant, and that +he could not in any way be regarded as a rebel. They contain no allusion +to any promise to lay down his arms so soon as she sent him word—the +pretext with which she strove at a later time to palliate, in the eyes of +the papal party at home and abroad, a rather awkward step. The curé of +Mériot, while admitting the genuineness of the letters, observes: "La +cautelle et malice de la dame estoit si grande, qu'elle se délectoit de +mettre les princes en division et hayne les ungs contre les aultres, +affin qu'elle régnast et qu'elle demeurast gouvernante seulle de son filz +et du royaume." Mém. de Cl. Haton, i. 269. The queen mother's exculpatory +statements may be examined in Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, +i. 763, 764.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Bruslart, in Mém. de Condé, i. 75, 76; J. de Serres, ii. +20; La Fosse, 46; De Thou, iii. 134. The date is variously given—March +17th or 18th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 21; De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>; the Prince of +Condé's declaration of the causes which have constrained him to undertake +the defence of the royal authority, etc., <i>ap.</i> Mém. de Condé, iii. 222, +etc.; same in Latin in J. de Serres, ii. 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Throkmorton to the queen, March 20, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> March 23d. "Ce même jour (lundi xxiii.) le Prince de Condé +s'en partit de Paris pour s'en aller à une sienne maison, combien qu'il +avoit dict qu'il ne bougeroit de Paris que M. de Guise ne s'en fut +parti." Journal anonyme de l'an 1562, <i>ap.</i> Baum, iii. App., 175, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Letter of March 28th, Baum, ii., App., 175, 176.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Letter to Fonssomme, Œuvres choisies, ii. 248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> One of the latest exploits of the populace was the +disinterring of a Huguenot buried in the cemetery of the Holy Innocents, +and throwing his body into a public sewer! March 15th, Journal de Jehan +de la Fosse, 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> "Je cuide que si les novices des couvens et les chambrières +des prestres seulement se fussent presentez à l'impourveue avec des +bastons de cotterets (cotrets) ès mains, que cela leur eust fait tenir +bride." Mém. de la Noue, c. ii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> +Circular letter dated Paris, March 25th, <i>apud</i> Baum, ii., +App., 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 132, 133 (liv. iii., c. 2). This +striking incident rests on the sole authority of Agrippa d'Aubigné, who +claims to have learned it "de ceux qui estoient de la partie." Hotman, +who wrote his <i>Gasparis Colinii Vita</i> (1575) at the earnest request of +the admiral's <i>second</i> wife, makes no allusion to a story throwing so +much lustre upon the <i>first</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Throkmorton to the queen, April 10, 1562, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> "Ou il faut que venez avec nous, ou nous emmenerons le Roy +sans vous." Letter of Condé to the Emperor Ferdinand, April 20th, Mém. de +Condé, iii. 305, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> "Alors Leurs Majestez, ne pouvant mieux, eurent recours à +quelques larmes." Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iii., c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> "Le Roy enfant de bonne nature et grande espérance, +tesmoignoit non seulement par paroles, mais aussi avec abondance de +larmes, extrême dueil et tristesse; et souventefois s'escriant, déploroit +sa condition par telles paroles: 'Pourquoy ne me laissez-vous? Pour +quelle raison me voy-je circuy et environné de gens armez? Pourquoy +contre ma volonté me tirez-vous du lieu où je prenoye mon plaisir? +Pourquoy deschirez-vous ainsi mon estat en ce mien aage?'" Letter of +Condé, <i>ubi supra</i>, iii. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Charles the Ninth's entry into Paris was a sorry pageant +compared with that of Guise only a few weeks earlier. "Only the merchants +and a few counsellors of the city were present," says Jehan de la Fosse +(p. 47). The king rode between the queen mother and the King of Navarre. +According to Chamberlain, it was a <i>sober</i>, but not a <i>solemn</i> entry (C. +to Chaloner, April 7, 1562, State Paper Office). Either when Guise +returned to Paris from Fontainebleau, or on his previous entry into the +city—it is difficult from Claude Haton's confused narrative to determine +which was intended—the people sang: "Blessed is he that cometh in the +name of the Lord." Mémoires, i. 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> The singular name of this building is explained by the sign +that hung before it. "Apvril. En ung samedy. M. Anne de Montmorenssy, +connétable de France, fut devant brasque <i>en la maison où pendoit pour +enseigne la ville de Jérusalem</i>, où preschoient les huguenots, et fist +mettre le feu dedans la maison." Journal de J. de la Fosse, 46.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> La Fosse, <i>ubi supra</i>; J. de Serres, ii. 27; Hist. ecclés. +des égl. réf., ii. 8; De Thou, iii. 136, 137; Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. +80; Santa Croce to Borromeo, April 5 (Aymon, i. 125); Throkmorton to the +queen, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Santa Croce to Borromeo, April 5th, Aymon, i. 126, and +Cimber et Danjou, vi. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Chantonnay, <i>ubi supra</i>, ii. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 46. The "Porte St. Honoré," +before which the Huguenots, after passing north of the city, presented +themselves (Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 78), was in Francis I.'s time +near the present "Palais Royal," in the time of Louis XIII. near the +"Madeleine." See the map in Dulaure, Histoire de Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Mém de la Noue, c. i. The letter of Beza to Calvin from +Meaux, March 28, 1562, shows, however, that even before the prince left +that city it was known that the triumvirs had set out for Fontainebleau. +Beza, not apparently without good reason, blamed the improvidence of +Condé in not forestalling the enemy. "Hostes, relicto in urbe non magno +præsidio, in aulam abierunt quod difficile non erat et prospicere et +impedire. Sed aliter visum est certis de causis, quas tamen nec satis +intelligo nec probo." Baum, ii., App., 176.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Yet, if we may credit the unambiguous testimony of Jean de +Tavannes, Catharine did not cease to endeavor to favor the Huguenots. He +assures us that, a few months later, during the summer, his father, +Gaspard de Tavannes, intercepted at Châlons a messenger whom Catharine +had despatched to her daughter the Duchess of Savoy ("qui agréoit ces +nouvelles opinions") ostensibly as a lute-player. Among his effects the +prying governor of Burgundy found letters signed by the queen mother, +containing some rather surprising suggestions. "La Royne luy escrivoit +qu'elle estoit resolue de favoriser les Huguenots, d'où elle espéroit son +salut contre le gouvernement du triumvirat ... qu'elle soupçonnoit +vouloir oster la couronne à ses enfans; et prioit madame de Savoye +d'aider lesdits Huguenots de Lyon, Dauphiné et Provence, et qu'elle +persuadast son mary d'empescher les Suisses et levée d'Italie des +Catholiques." Mém. de Tavannes (Petitot ed.), ii. 341, 342. Tavannes did +not dare to detain the messenger, nor to take away his letters; and if, +as his son asserts, the enmity of Catharine, which the discovery of her +secret gained for him, delayed his acquisition of the marshal's baton for +ten years, he certainly had some reason to remember and regret his +ill-timed curiosity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Mém. de la Noue, c. iii.; De Thou, iii. 138; Letter of +Beza, of April 5th, Baum, ii., App., 177; Jean de Serres, ii. 24, 25; +Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 79. Chamberlain (to Chaloner, April 7, 1562), +who on his way from Orleans met the first detachment within a mile of +that city—"a thousand handsome gentlemen, well mounted, each having two +or three daggs, galloping towards him." State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> April 7th. Mém. de Condé, iii. 221; Hist. ecclés. des égl. +réf., ii., 9; J. de Serres, ii. 58, 59; De Thou, iii. 139. The historian +of the reformed churches, as well as Beza in his letter of March 28th +(Baum, ii., App., 176), complains bitterly of the slowness and parsimony +of the Parisian Protestants, who seemed to be unable to understand that +war was actually upon them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> April 8th. "Déclaration faicte par M. le prince de Condé, +pour monstrer les raisons qui l'ont contraint d'entreprendre la défence +de l'authorité du Roy," etc. Mém. de Condé, iii. 222-235; Jean de Serres, +ii. 42-57; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 9, 10; De Thou, iii. +139-141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Traicté d'association, etc., April 11th. Mém. de Condé, +iii. 258-262; J. Serres, ii. 31-37; De Thou, iii. 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> See Pasquier's letter to Fonssomme, already referred to, +which contains a vivid picture of the confusion reigning in Paris, the +surprise of the papal party, and the delight of the untrained populace at +the prospect of war. Œuvres (ed. Feugère), ii. 246-250.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iii., c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Ibid., liv. iii., c. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Even so late as May 8, 1562, the English minister resident +at the court, than whom probably no other person in France felt obliged +to keep himself better informed, wrote to Cecil respecting the Prince of +Condé's strength: "I can assur you att thys dyspatche <i>he ys the +strongest partie</i>, and in suche state his matter standeth, that <i>these +men</i> [the court] <i>wold fayne have a reasonable end, thoughe yt were with +some dishonnour</i>." MSS. State Paper Office, Duc d'Aumale, Princes de +Condé, Pièces justif., i. 370.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> It is strange that a historian at once so conscientious and +generally so well-informed as M. Rosseeuw Saint-Hilaire should, in his +Histoire d'Espagne, ix. 60, 61, have made the grave mistake of holding +Calvin responsible for the excesses of the iconoclasts. See the Bulletin, +xiv. 127, etc., for a complete refutation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> +Like the undeceived dupe in the old Athenian comedy, who +mournfully laments that he had been led to worship a bit of earthenware +as a god:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="100%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="grk"> +<span class="i10">Οἴμοι δείλαιος,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ὅτε καὶ σὲ χυτρεοῦν +ὄντα θεὸν +ἡγησάμην.<br /></span></span> +<span class="i12">(<span class="smcap">Aristophanes, Clouds</span>, 1473, 1474.)</span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>On the other hand, the zealous Roman Catholic had his arguments for the +preservation and worship of images, some of which may strike us as +sufficiently whimsical. "I confess," says one, "that God has forbidden +idols and idolatry, but He has not forbidden the images (or pictures) +which we hold for the veneration of the saints. For if that were so, <i>He +would not have left us the effigy of his holy face</i> painted in His +likeness, on the cloth which that good lady Veronica presented Him, which +yet to-day is looked upon with so much devotion in the church of St. +Peter at Rome, nor the impression of His holy body represented in the +'saint suaire' which is at Chambéry. Is it not found that Saint Luke +thrice made with his own hand the portrait of Our Lady?... That holy +evangelist ought certainly to have known the will of his Lord and Master +better than you, my opponent, who wish to interpret the Scripture +according to your sensuality." Discours des Guerres de Provence (Arch. +curieuses, iv. 501, 502). Of course, the author never dreamed that his +<i>facts</i> might possibly be disputed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Les Recherches et Antiquitez de la ville de Caen, par +Charles de Bourgueville, sieur du lieu, de Bras, et de Brucourt. À Caen, +1588. Pt. ii. 170-172. From page 76 onward the author gives us a record +of notable events in his own lifetime. So also at Cléry, it is to be +regretted that, not content with greatly injuring the famous church of +Our Lady, the Huguenot populace, inflamed by the indiscretion of the +priests, desecrated the monuments of the brave Dunois, and of Louis the +Eleventh and his queen. Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 23. According to +the author of the "Horribles cruautés des Huguenots en France" (Cimber et +Danjou, vi. 304), they even burned the bones of Louis; nor did they +respect those of the ancestors of the Prince of Condé.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> "Monsieur, ayez patience que j'aie abattu cette idole, et +puis que je meure, s'il vous plaît."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> "Comme étant ce fait plutôt œuvre de Dieu que des +hommes." Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 20. "L'impétuosité des peuples +était telle contre les images, qu'il n'était possible aux hommes d'y +résister." Ibid. ii. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 20-22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> "Ledict moys," says Jehan de la Fosse in his journal (p. +47), "des citoyens de Sens tuèrent beaucoup de huguenots, voyant que +monsieur le connétable avoict faict brûler Popincourt."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 242-245; Jean de Serres, +ii. 40; De Thou, iii. 144. The massacre commenced on Sunday, April 12th +(not 14th, as the Hist. ecclés. states), and was continued the next day +or two. According to De Serres, the horrors of Sens seemed to efface +those of Vassy itself. Read the really terrible paragraph on the subject +in the contemporary "Remonstrance au Roy sur le faict des Idoles abbatues +et déjettées hors des Temples" (Mém. de Condé, iii. 355-364), beginning +"Où sont les meurtres, les boucheries des hommes passés au fil de +l'espée, par l'espace de neuf jours en la ville de Sens?" The address to +the Cardinal of Guise is not less severe than the address to his brother +in the famous "<i>Tigre</i>": "Te suffisoit-il pas, Cardinal, que le monde +sceust que tu es Atheiste, Magicien, Nécromantien, sans le publier +davantage, et faire ouvrir en pleine rue les femmes grosses pour voir le +siége de leurs enfans?" P. 360. White (Mass. of St. Bartholomew, 200) +confounds in his account the two brother cardinals, and makes <i>Lorraine</i> +to have been Archbishop of Sens.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Letter of Condé of April 19th, Mém. de Condé, iii. 300, +301; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 246, 247; J. de Serres, ii. 40-42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Throkmorton to Cecil, April 10, 1562. State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> I will not sully these pages even by a reference to the +unnatural and beastly crimes which De Thou and other trustworthy +historians ascribe to the Roman Catholic troops, especially the Italian +part.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> So late as January, 1561, he wrote: "Quant à la religion, +que sa Majesté se peult asseuré que je viveray et moreray en icelle." +Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, ii. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> "Et suis mervilleusement mari de veoir comme ces méchantes +hérésies se augmente partout," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> "Qu'il fasse tout debvoir du monde, tant par puplication, +comme par force (autant qui j'en porrois la avoir) de remédier à telle +désordre, qui est si domagable à tout la christienté."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Letter to Card. Granvelle, Oct. 21, 1560, Gachard, i. +461-463.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> De Thou (whose graphic account I have principally +followed), iii. 226-228; J. de Serres, ii. 183, 184; Hist. ecclés. des +égl. réf., iii. 164-167.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné has inserted in his history (i. 154-156) +an interesting conversation which he held with the Baron des Adrets, then +an old man, a dozen years later, in the city of Lyons. In answer to the +question, Why he had resorted to acts of cruelty unbecoming to his great +valor? the baron replied that no one commits cruelty in avenging cruelty; +for, if the first measures are <i>cruelty</i>, the second are <i>justice</i>. His +severities, he urged, were needed in order to show proper spirit in view +of the past, and proper regard for the future. His soldiers must be +forced to commit themselves beyond hope of pardon—they must, especially +in a war in which their opponents cloaked themselves with the royal +authority, fight without respect of persons. "The soldier cannot be +taught," said he with characteristic bluntness, "to carry his sword and +his hat in his hand at the same time." When asked what motive he had in +subsequently leaving his old comrades in arms, he explained that it was +neither fear nor avarice, but disgust at their timid policy and at seeing +himself superseded. And to D'Aubigné's third question—a somewhat bold +one, it must be confessed—Why success had never attended his recent +undertakings, he answered "with a sigh": "<i>Mon enfant</i>, nothing is too +warm for a captain who has no greater anxiety for victory than have his +soldiers. With the Huguenots I had <i>soldiers</i>; since then I have had only +<i>hucksters</i>, who cared for nothing but money. The former were moved by +apprehension unmingled with fear, and revenge, passion, and honor were +the wages they fought for. I could not give those Huguenot soldiers +<i>reins</i> enough; the others have worn out my <i>spurs</i>."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> And yet I agree with Von Polenz, Gesch. des Franz. +Calvinismus (Gotha, 1859), ii. 188, 189, note, in regarding the Roman +Catholic accounts of Des Adrets's cruelties and perfidy as very much +exaggerated, and in insisting upon the circumstance that the barbarity +practised at Orange had furnished him not only the example, but the +incentive.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> According to Jean de Serres, this leader was the Baron des +Adrets in person; according to De Thou, Montbrun commanded by the baron's +appointment. So also Histoire ecclés., iii. 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> So at Montbrison, the Baron des Adrets reserved thirty +prisoners from the common slaughter to expiate the massacre of Orange by +a similar method. One of them was observed by Des Adrets to draw back +twice before taking the fatal leap. "What!" said the chief, "do you take +<i>two springs</i> to do it?" "I will give you <i>ten</i> to do it!" the witty +soldier replied; and the laugh he evoked from those grim lips saved his +life. De Thou (iii. 231, 232) and others.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 188; Castelnau, liv., iv. c. ii. But the +"Discours des Guerres de la comté de Venayscin et de la Prouence ... par +le seigneur Loys de Perussiis, escuyer de Coumons, subiect uassal de sa +saincteté" (dedicated to "Fr. Fabrice de Serbellon, cousin-germain de N. +S. P. et son général en la cité d'Avignon et dicte comté,") Avignon, +1563, and reprinted in Cimber (iv. 401, etc.), makes no mention of the +fig-tree, and regards the preservation as almost miraculous. There is a +faithful representation of the ruined Château of Mornas above the +frightful precipice, in Count Alexander de Laborde's magnificent work, +Les Monuments de la France (Paris, 1836), plate 179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Discours des Guerres de la comté de Venayscin, etc., 453; +De Thou, iii. 240.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Mém. de Blaise de Montluc, iii. 393 (Petitot ed.): +"pouvant dire avec la vérité qu'il n'y a lieutenant de Roy en France qui +ait plus faict passer d'Huguenots par le cousteau ou par la corde, que +moy."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> "Me deliberay d'user de toutes les cruautez que je +pourrois." Ib., iii. 20. "Je recouvray secrettement deux bourreaux, +lesquels on appella depuis mes laquais, parce qu'ils estoient souvent +après moy." Ib., iii., 21. Consult the succeeding pages for an account of +Montluc's brutality, which could scarcely be credited, but that Montluc +himself vouches for it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Since the publication of the Edict of January at Toulouse +(on the 6th of February), the Protestant minister had sworn to observe +its provisions before the seneschal, viguier, and capitouls, and, when he +preached, these last had been present to prevent disturbance. A place of +worship, twenty-four cannes long by sixteen in width (174 feet by 116), +had been built on the spot assigned by the authorities. Hist. ecclés. des +égl. réf., iii. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 294; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., iii. +1-32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> Even in 1762, Voltaire remonstrated against a jubilee to +"thank God for four thousand murders." Yet a century later, in 1862, +Monseigneur Desprez, Archbishop of Toulouse, gave notice of the +recurrence of the celebration in these words: "The Catholic Church always +makes it a duty to recall, in the succession of ages, the most remarkable +events of its history—particularly those which belong to it in a special +manner. It is thus that we are going to celebrate this year the jubilee +commemorative of a glorious act accomplished among you three hundred +years ago." The archbishop was warm in his admiration of the last +centennial procession, "at which were present all the persons of +distinction—the religious orders, the officiating minister under his +canopy, the red robes, and the members of parliament pressing behind the +university, the seneschal, the <i>bourgeoisie</i>, and finally a company of +soldiers." But the French government, not agreeing with the prelate in +the propriety of perpetuating the reminiscence, forbade the procession +and all out-door solemnities, and declared "the celebration of a jubilee +of the 16th to the 23d of May next, enjoined by the Archbishop of +Toulouse, to be nothing less than the commemoration of a mournful and +bloody episode of our ancient religious discords." See a letter from a +correspondent of the New York Evening Post, Paris, April 10, 1862.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Papal brief of April 23, 1562: "Ista sunt vere catholico +viro digna opera, ista haud dubie divina sunt beneficia. Agimus +omnipotenti Deo gratias, qui tam præclaram tibi mentem dedit," etc. +Soldan, ii. 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 149-151.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Ibid., iii. 143, April 7th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Catharine de' Medici stated to Sir Harry Sydney, the +special English envoy, in May, 1562, that her son-in-law, the King of +Spain, had offered Charles thirty thousand foot and six thousand horse +"payd of his owne charge," besides what the Duke of Savoy and others were +ready to furnish. Letter of Sidney and Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, +May 8, 1562, MSS. State Paper Office. Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, +Pièces justif., i. 363.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Sir T. Chaloner, ambassador in Spain, to Sir Nicholas +Throkmorton, May 1, 1562, Haynes, State Papers, 382, 383.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> April 17th. Mém. de Condé, iii. 281-284.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> May 15th and 16th, Mém. de Condé, iii. 284-287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Froude, History of England, vii. 404.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Throkmorton to the queen, April 1, 1562, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Cecil to Mundt, March 22, 1562, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Wm. Hawes to Throkmorton, July 15, 1562, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Hist. ecclés., iii. 143-145; De Thou, iii. 233, 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Almost all the members of Condé's council favored a call +upon the German Protestant princes for prompt support. But "the admiral +broke off this plan of theirs, saying that he would prefer to die rather +than consent that those of the religion should be the first to bring +foreign troops into France." It was, therefore, concluded to send two +gentlemen to Germany, to remain there until the conclusion of the war, in +order to explain the position of the Huguenots. Hist. ecclés. des égl. +réf., ii. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Mém. de Condé, i. 79, 80. Cf. Baum, ii., App., 177.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 14; Mém. de Condé, i. +81-83, and iii. 256; De Thou, iii. 143.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> "Que sans sa venue à Paris, il fust arrivé vers les +Pasques, plus de quinze centz chevaulx de tous costez du royaume, pour +saccager la ville," etc. Response à la Déclaration que faict le Prince de +Condé, etc. Mém. de Condé, iii. 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Mém. de Condé, iii. 388-391; Hist, ecclés. des égl. réf., +ii. 30, 31; Jean de Serres, ii. 63; De Thou, iii. 152.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 112-117; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., +ii. 27-29; Mém. de Condé, iii. 392, 393; De Thou, iii. 153, 154.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Jean de Serres, ii. 118-150; Mém. de Condé, iii. 395-416; +Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 32-46; De Thou, iii. 154-157. It is +incredible that, as De Thou suggests, this answer should have been penned +by Montluc, Bishop of Valence. On the other hand, it bears every mark of +having proceeded from the pen of that learned, eloquent, and sprightly +writer, Theodore Beza. As a literary production it fully deserves the +warm encomium passed upon it by Professor Baum: "It is a masterpiece in +respect both to the arrangement and to the treatment of the matter; and, +with its truly Demosthenian strength, may, with confidence, be placed by +the side of the most eloquent passages to which the French language can +point." Baum, Theodor Beza, ii. 642.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 93, etc.; De Thou, iii. 158. See the +acts of the third National Synod in Aymon, Tous les Synodes, i. 23-31. +The Second National synod had been held at Poitiers, on the tenth of +March, 1561. Its acts are in Aymon, i. 13-22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 170; De Thou, iii. 160; Jehan de la +Fosse, 50; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf. ii. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> Journal de Bruslart, Mémoires de Condé, i. 87; Claude +Haton, i. 284; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf. ii. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> See the prince's affectionate letter to Antoine, June +13th, Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf. ii. 49; De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>; J. de +Serres, ii. 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Mém. de Guise, 495.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> It was in the presence of seven knights of the order of +St. Michael, of the secretaries of state, etc. See Condé's long +remonstrance against the judgment of the Parisian parliament, Aug. 8, +1562. Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 71; Mém. de Condé, iii. 587.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Unlucky Bishop Montluc has received the doubtful credit of +having laid this pretty snare for the Huguenot chiefs, but with what +reason it is beyond my ability to conjecture. The same brain could +scarcely have indited the bitter reply to the petition of the triumvirs, +and devised the cunning project of entangling their opponents. Evidently +the Bishop of Valence has received some honors to which he is not +entitled.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Mém. de Guise, 494; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 59. +"Conclusion," says the duke in his confidence in the success of his +project, "la religion réformée, en nous conduisant et tenant bon, comme +nous ferons jusques au bout, s'en va aval l'eau, et les admiraux, mal ce +qui est possible: toutes nos forces entièrement demeurent, les leurs +rompues, les villes rendues sans parler d'édits ne de presches et +administration de sacremens à leur mode." A memorandum of eight articles +from the triumvirs to Navarre, seized at the same time, showed the +intention to arrest the Prince of Condé. Ib., ii. 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 170-180; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., +<i>ubi supra</i>; De Thou, iii. 164-168. Harangue of Bishop Spifame to the +emperor, Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, ii. 28-38. Mémoires de +Jéhan de l'Archevesque, Sieur de Soubise, Bulletin, xxiii. (1874) 460, +461.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> La Noue, c. v., p. 597; De Thou, iii. 168, 169, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> J. de Serres, ii. 180; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. +61, 62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 62; La Noue, c. iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> La Noue, c. vii., p. 600. "Ledict seigneur prince de +Condé," says Jean Glaumeau of Bourges, in his journal, "voyant qu'il ne +pouvoit avoir raison avec son ennemy et qu'il ne le pouvoit rencontrer, +ayant une armée de viron trente ou quarante milles hommes, de peur qu'ilz +n'adurassent (endurassent) fain ou soif, commence à les séparer et envoya +en ceste ville de Bourges, tant de cheval que de pied, viron quatre +milles, et y arrivèrent le samedi xi<sup>e</sup> jour de juillet." Bulletin, v. +(1857) 387.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> "Si celle-cy y faut, nous ferons la croix à la cheminée." +Mém. de la Noue, c. vi. 598, 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> The author of the Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 61, +regards the failure of the confederates promptly to put to the death—as +Admiral Coligny and others had insisted upon their doing—a Baron de +Courtenay, who had outraged a village girl, and their placing him under a +guard from which he succeeded in making his escape, as "the door, so to +speak, through which Satan entered the camp."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Abbé Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 90; Hist. ecclés. des +égl. réf., ii. 66; Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 52. The latter +erroneously calls it an edict "de par le roi;" but certainly gives the +essence of the order according to the popular estimate when he says +"qu'il estoit permis au peuple de tuer tout huguenot qu'il trouveroit, +d'où vint qu'il y en eust en la ville de Paris plusieurs tués et jetés en +l'eau."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Mém. de Condé, i. 91. Text of arrêt of July 13th, ib., +iii. 544; of arrêt of July 17th, ib., iii. 547. Hist. ecclés. des égl. +réf., <i>ubi supra</i>; Recordon, p. 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Nicholas Pithou has left in his MSS., which, +unfortunately, have not yet been published entire, a thrilling narrative +of the savage excesses committed partly by the authorities of Troyes, +partly by the soldiers and the rabble, under their eyes and with their +approval. There is nothing more abominable in the annals of crime than +what was committed at this time with the connivance of the ministers of +law. The story of the sufferings of Pithou's sister, Madame de +Valentigny, will be found of special interest. See Recordon, 107-129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Mém. de Condé, i. 91, and Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., +<i>ubi supra</i>. J. de la Fosse, 53, 54, "pour huguenoterye." Even with these +judicial executions the people interfered, cutting off the heads of the +victims, using them for footballs, and finally burning them. The +contemptuous disobedience of the <i>people</i> of Paris and their cruelty are +frequent topics touched upon in Throkmorton's correspondence. He +acknowledges himself to be afraid, because of "the daily despites, +injuries, and threatenings put in use towards him and his by the +insolent, raging people." He sees that "neither the authority of the +king, the queen mother, or any other person can be sanctuary" for him; +for they "daily most cruelly kill every person (no age or sex excepted) +whom they take to be contrary to their religion, notwithstanding daily +proclamations under pain of death to the contrary." He declares that the +king and his mother are, "for their own safety, constrained to lie at +Bois de Vincennes, not thinking good to commit themselves into the hands +of the furious Parisians;" and that the Chancellor of France, "being the +most sincere man of this prince's council," is in as great fear of his +life as Throkmorton himself, being lodged hard by the Bois de Vincennes, +where he has the protection of the king's guards; and yet even there he +has been threatened with a visit from the Parisians, and with being +killed in his own house. See both of Throkmorton's despatches to the +queen, of August 5, 1562, State Paper Office. One of them is printed in +Forbes, ii. 7, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Mém. de Condé, i. 91-93; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., <i>ubi +supra</i>; De Thou, iii. 192, 193; J. de La Fosse, 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> It appears from a letter of the Nuncio Santa Croce (April +29th), that, as early as two months before, the court flattered itself +with the hope of deriving great advantages from excluding Condé from the +ban, and affecting to regard him as a prisoner (Aymon, i. 152, and Cimber +et Danjou, vi. 91). "Con che pensano," he adds, "di quietar buona parte +del popolo, che non sentendo parlar di religione, e parendoli ancora che +la guerra si faccia per la liberatione del Principe de Condé, stara a +vedere."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> "The byshopp off Rome hathe lent these hys cheampions and +frends on hundrethe thousand crowns, and dothe pay monthely besyds six +thousand sowldiers." Throkmorton to the Council, July 27, 1562, Forbes, +State Papers, ii. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 191, etc.; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. +64, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> The number was, in fact, only about 15,000 foot and 3,000 +horse, according to De Thou, iii. 198.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Although Coligny captured six cannon and over forty wagons +of powder, he was compelled reluctantly to destroy, or render useless, +and abandon munitions of war of which he stood in great need; for the +enemy had taken the precaution to kill or drive away the horses, and the +wagons could not be dragged to Orleans, a distance of over twenty miles. +It happened that Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, whose instructive +correspondence furnishes so lucid a commentary upon the events from 1559 +to 1563, was travelling under escort of the royal train, to take leave of +Charles IX. at Bourges. In the unexpected assault of the Huguenots he was +stripped of his money and baggage, and even his despatches. Under these +circumstances he thought it necessary to accompany Coligny to Orleans. +Catharine, who knew well Throkmorton's sympathy with the Protestants, and +hated him heartily ("Yt is not th' Ambassador of Englande," he had +himself written only a few days earlier, "which ys so greatlye stomackyd +and hatyd in this countreye, but yt ys the persone of Nicholas +Throkmorton," Forbes, ii. 33), would have it that he had purposely thrown +himself into the hands of the Huguenots. His confidential correspondence +with Queen Elizabeth does not bear out the charge. Despatch from Orleans, +Sept. 9, 1562, Forbes, State Papers, ii. 36, etc. Catharine assured Sir +Thomas Smith, on his arrival at court as English ambassador, that she +wished he had been sent before, instead of Throkmorton, "for they took +him here to be the author of all these troubles," declaring that +Throkmorton was never well but when he was making some broil, and that he +was so "passionate and affectionate" on the Huguenots' side, that he +cared not what trouble he made. Despatch of Smith, Rouen, Nov. 7, 1562, +State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Histoire ecclés., ii. 296-306 (the terms of capitulation, +ii. 304, 305); Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iii., c. xi. (who maintains they +were implicitly observed); Throkmorton, in Forbes, State Papers, ii. 41; +Davila, bk. iii., p. 71; De Thou, iii. 198, 199. "Bituriges turpiter a +duce præsidii proditi sese dediderunt, optimis quidem conditionibus, sed +quas biduo post perfidiosissimus hostis infregit." Beza to Bullinger, +Sept. 24, 1562, Baum, ii., Appendix, 194. M. Bourquelot has published a +graphic account of the capture of Bourges in May, by the Huguenots, under +Montgomery, and of the siege in August, from the MS. Journal of Jean +Glaumeau, in the National Library (Bulletin de l'hist. du prot. fr., v. +387-389). M. L. Lacour reprints in the same valuable periodical (v. +516-518) a contemporary hymn of some merit, "Sur la prise de Bourges." We +are told that a proverb is even now current in Berry, not a little +flattering to the Huguenot rule it recalls: +</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"L'an mil cinq cent soixante et deux<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Bourges n'avoit prêtres ny gueux." (Ibid., v. 389.)<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Jean de Serres, De statu relig. et reip., ii. 258, 259.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> This conclusion was arrived at as early as Aug. 29th. +Froude, Hist. of England, vii. 433. Seventy thousand crowns were to be +paid to the prince's agents at Strasbourg or Frankfort so soon as the +news should be received of the transfer of Havre, thirty thousand more +within a month thereafter. The other forty thousand were in lieu of the +defence of Rouen and Dieppe, should it seem impracticable to undertake +it. Havre was to be held until the Prince should have effected the +restitution of Calais and the adjacent territory according to the +treaties of Cateau-Cambrésis, although the time prescribed by those +treaties had not expired, and until the one hundred and forty thousand +crowns should have been repaid without interest. The compact, signed by +Queen Elizabeth at Hampton Court, Sept. 20, 1562, is inserted in Du Mont, +Corps Diplomatique, v. 94, 95, and in Forbes, State Papers, ii., 48-51.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> See the declaration in Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. +415, 416; and Forbes, State Papers, ii. 79, 80. J. de Serres, ii. 261, +etc. Cf. Forbes, State Papers, ii. 60, 69-79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Throkmorton to the queen, Sept. 24, 1562. Forbes, State +Papers, ii. 64, 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Froude, <i>ubi supra</i>. In fact, Elizabeth assured Philip the +Second—and there is no reason to doubt her veracity in this—that she +would recall her troops from France so soon as Calais were recovered and +peace with her neighbors were restored, and that, in the attempt to +secure these ends, she expected the countenance rather than the +opposition of her brother of Spain. Queen Elizabeth to the King of Spain, +Sept. 22, 1562. Forbes, State Papers, ii. 55. It is not improbable, +indeed, that there were ulterior designs even against Havre. "It is +ment," her minister Cecil wrote to one of his intimate correspondents, +"to kepe Newhaven in the Quene's possession untill Callice be eyther +delyvered, or better assurance of it then presently we have." But he soon +adds that, in a certain emergency, "I think the Quene's Majestie nead not +be ashamed to utter her right to Newhaven as parcell of the Duchie of +Normandy." T. Wright, Queen Elizabeth and her Times (London, 1838), i. +96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Froude, History of England, vii. 460, 461.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Catharine to Throkmorton, Étampes, Sept. 21, 1562, State +Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Mém. de la Noue, c. vii.; De Thou, iii. 206, 207 (liv. +xxxi). Throkmorton is loud in his praise of the fortifications the +Huguenots had thrown up, and estimates the soldiers within them at over +one thousand horse and five thousand foot soldiers, besides the citizen +militia. Forbes, ii. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Cuthbert Vaughan appreciated the importance of this city, +and warned Cecil that "if the same, for lack of aid, should be surprised, +it might give the French suspicion on our part that the queen meaneth but +an appearance of aid, thereby to obtain into her hands such things of +theirs as may be most profitable to her, and in time to come most noyful +to themselves." Forbes, ii. 90. Unfortunately it was not Cecil, but +Elizabeth herself, that restrained the exertions of the troops, and she +was hard to move. And so, for lack of a liberal and hearty policy, Rouen +was suffered to fall, and Dieppe was given up without a blow, and Warwick +and the English found themselves, as it were, besieged in Havre. Whereas, +with those places, they might have commanded the entire triangle between +the Seine and the British Channel. See Throkmorton's indignation, and the +surprise of Condé and Coligny, Forbes, State Papers, ii. 193, 199.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> In a letter to Lansac, Aug. 17, 1562, Catharine writes: +"Nous nous acheminons à Bourges pour en déloger le jeune Genlis.... +L'ayant levé de là, comme je n'y espère grande difficulté, nous +tournerons vers Orléans pour faire le semblable de ceux qui y sont." Le +Laboureur, i. 820.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Mém. de François de la Noue, c. viii. (p. 601.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 375, 376, 383; J. de +Serres, ii. 181; De Thou, iii. 179-181.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> It was undoubtedly a Roman Catholic fabrication, that +Montgomery bore on his escutcheon <i>a helmet pierced by a lance</i> (un +heaume percé d'une lance), in allusion to the accident by which he had +given Henry the Second his mortal wound, in the joust at the Tournelles. +Abbé Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 97, who, however, characterizes it as +"chose fort dure à croire."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> Mém. de la Noue, c. viii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> When Lord Robert Dudley began to break to the queen the +disheartening news that Rouen had fallen, Elizabeth betrayed "a +marvellous remorse that she had not dealt more frankly for it," and +instead of exhibiting displeasure at Poynings's presumption, seemed +disposed to blame him that he had not sent a thousand men instead, for +his fault would have been no greater. Dudley to Cecil, Oct. 30, 1562, +Forbes, State Papers, ii. 155.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 328; Froude, vii. 436; Sir Thomas Smith to +Throkmorton, Paris, Oct. 17, 1562, Forbes, State Papers, ii. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> "But thei will have there preaching still. Thei will have +libertie of their religion, and thei will have no garrison wythin the +towne, but will be masters therof themselves: and upon this point thei +stand." Despatch of Sir Thomas Smith, Poissy, Oct. 20, 1562, Forbes, +State Papers, ii. 123.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> The plundering lasted eight days. While the Swiss obeyed +orders, and promptly desisted, "the French suffered themselves to be +killed rather than quit the place whilst there was anything left." +Castelnau, liv. iii., c. 13. The <i>curé</i> of Mériot waxes jocose over the +incidents of the capture: "Tout ce qui fut trouvé en armes par les rues +et sur les murailles fut passé par le fil de l'espée. La ville fut mise +au pillage par les soldatz du camp, qui se firent gentis compaignons. +<i>Dieu sçait que ceux qui estoient mal habillez pour leur yver</i> (hiver) +<i>ne s'en allèrent sans robbe neufve.</i> Les huguenotz de la ville furent en +tout maltraictez," etc. Mém. de Claude Haton, i. 288.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> On the siege of Rouen, see the graphic account of De Thou, +iii. (liv. xxxiii.) 328-335; the copious correspondence of the English +envoys in France, Forbes, State Papers, vol. ii.; the Hist. ecclés. des +égl. réf., ii. 389-396 (and Marlorat's examination and sentence <i>in +extenso</i>, 398-404); J. de Serres, ii. 259; La Noue, c. viii.; Davila +(interesting, and not so inaccurate here as usual, perhaps because he had +a brother-in-law, Jean de Hemery, sieur de Villers, in the Roman Catholic +army, but who greatly exaggerates the Huguenot forces), ch. iii. 73-75; +Castelnau, liv. iii., c. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> It is to be noted, however, that the order of the Prince +of Condé, in the case of Sapin (November 2, 1562), makes no mention of +the judicial murder of Marlorat, but alleges only his complicity with +parliament in imprisoning the king, his mother, and the King of Navarre, +in annulling royal edicts by magisterial orders, in constraining the +king's officers to become idolaters, in declaring knights of the Order of +St. Michael and other worthy gentlemen rebels, in ordering the tocsin to +be rung, and inciting to assassination, etc. Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., +ii. 115, 116. See Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 100. When Condé was +informed that the Parisian parliament had gone in red robes to the +"Sainte Chapelle," to hear a requiem mass for Counsellor Sapin, he +laughed, and said that he hoped soon to multiply their <i>litanies</i> and +<i>kyrie eleysons</i>. Hist. ecclés., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> As early as October 27th, Navarre sent a gentleman to +Jeanne d'Albret, then at Pau in Béarn, "desiring to have her now to +cherish him, and do the part of a wife;" and the messenger told Sir +Thomas Smith, with whom he dined that day in Evreux, "that the king +pretendeth to him, that this punishment [his wounds] came to him +well-deserved, for his unkindness in forsaking the truth." Forbes, State +Papers, ii. 167. The authenticity of the story of Antoine of Navarre's +death-bed repentance is sufficiently attested by the letter written, less +than a year later (August, 1563), by his widow, Jeanne d'Albret, to the +Cardinal of Armagnac: "Où sont ces belles couronnes que vous luy +promettiés, et qu'il a acquises à combattre contre la vraye Religion et +sa conscience; comme la confession dernière qu'il en a faite en sa mort +en est seur tesmoignage, et les paroles dites à la Royne, en protestation +de faire prescher les ministres par tout s'il guerissoit." Pierre +Olhagaray, Histoire de Foix, Béarn, et Navarre (Paris, 1609), p. 546. See +also Brantôme (edition Lalanne), iv. 367, and the account, written +probably by Antoine's physician, De Taillevis, among the Dupuy MSS. of +the Bibliothèque nationale, ibid., iv. 419.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Lestoile (Collection Michaud et Poujoulat), 15; Hist. +ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 397, 406-408; De Thou, 336, 337; Relation de +la mort du roi de Navarre, Cimber et Danjou, iv. 67, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> I am convinced that the historian De Thou has drawn of +this fickle prince much too charitable a portrait (iii. 337). It seems to +be saying too much to affirm that "his merit equalled that of the +greatest captains of his age;" and if "he loved justice, and was +possessed of uprightness," it must be confessed that his dealings with +neither party furnish much evidence of the fact. (I retain these remarks, +although I find that the criticism has been anticipated by Soldan, ii. +78). Recalling the earlier relations of the men, it is not a little odd +that, when the news of Navarre's death reached the "holy fathers" of the +council then in session in the city of Trent, the papal legates and the +presidents paid the Cardinal of Lorraine a formal visit to <i>condole</i> with +him on the decease of his dear relative! (Acta Conc. Tridentini, <i>apud</i> +Martene et Durand, Amplissima Collectio, tom. viii. 1299). The farce was, +doubtless, well played, for the actors were of the best in Christendom.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Sept. 1, 1562, Baum, iii., +App., 190. The Huguenots had sustained a heavy loss also in the utter +defeat and dispersion by Blaise de Montluc of some five or six thousand +troops of Gascony, which the Baron de Duras was bringing to Orleans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> The sentiments of well-informed Huguenots are reflected in +a letter of Calvin, of September, 1562, urging the Protestants of +Languedoc to make collections to defray the expense entailed by +D'Andelot's levy. "D'entrer en question ou dispute pour reprendre les +faultes passées, ce n'est pas le temps. Car, quoy qu'il en soit, Dieu +nous a réduicts à telle extrémité que si vous n'estes secourus de ce +costé-là, on ne voit apparence selon les hommes que d'une piteuse et +horrible désolation." Bonnet, Lettres franç., ii. 475.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Hist. ecclés., ii. 421.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> See "Capitulation des reytres et lansquenetz levez pour +monseigneur le prince de Condé, du xviii. d'aoust 1562," Bulletin, xvi. +(1867), 116-118. The reiters came chiefly from Hesse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> Claude Haton, no friend to Catharine, makes the Duke +d'Aumale, in command of eight or nine thousand troops, avoid giving +battle to D'Andelot, and content himself with watching his march from +Lorraine as far as St. Florentin, in obedience to secret orders of the +queen mother, signed with the king's seal. Mémoires, i. 294, 295. The +fact was that D'Andelot adroitly eluded both the Duke of Nevers, Governor +of Champagne, who was prepared to resist his passage, and Marshal Saint +André, who had advanced to meet him with thirteen companies of +"gens-d'armes" and some foot soldiers. Davila, bk. iii. 76; De Thou, iii. +(liv. xxxiii.) 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 114, 115. The writer +ascribes the fall of Rouen to the delay of the reiters in assembling at +their rendezvous. Instead of being ready on the first of October, it was +not until the tenth that they had come in sufficient numbers to be +mustered in.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Eighty thousand, according to the Hist. ecclés. des égl. +réf., ii. 91, 92; twenty-five thousand, according to Claude Haton, +Mémoires, 332, 333.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Sept. 1st, Baum, ii., App., +191; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 114, 115; Davila, bk. iii., 77; De +Thou, iii. 355, 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Letter of Beza to Calvin, Dec. 14, 1562, Baum, ii., App., +196. The authority of Beza, who had recently returned from a mission on +which he had been sent by Condé to Germany and Switzerland and who wrote +from the camp, is certainly to be preferred to that of Claude Haton, who +states the Huguenot forces at 25,000 men (Mémoires, i. 298). The prince's +chief captains—Coligny, Andelot, La Rochefoucauld, and Mouy—Haton rates +as the best warriors in France after the Duke of Guise. According to +Throkmorton's despatches from Condé's camp near Corbeil, the departure +from Orleans took place on the 8th of November, and the prince's French +forces amounted only to six thousand foot soldiers, indifferently armed, +and about two thousand horse. Forbes, State Papers, ii. 195. But this did +not include the Germans—some seven thousand five hundred men more. +Ibid., ii. 196. Altogether, he reckons the army at "6,000 horsemen of all +sorts and nations, and 10,000 footmen." Ibid., ii. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> Mém. de La Noue, c. viii., p. 602.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> The Protestants of Languedoc held in Nismes (Nov. 2-13, +1562) the first, or at least one of the very first, of those "political +assemblies" which became more and more frequent as the sixteenth century +advanced. Here the Count of Crussol, subsequently Duke d'Uzès, was urged +to accept the office of "head, defender, and conservator" of the reformed +party in Languedoc. To the count a council was given, and he was +requested not to find the suggestion amiss that he should in all +important matters, such as treaties with the enemy, consult with the +general assembly of the Protestants, or at least with the council. By +this good office he would demonstrate the closeness of the bond uniting +him as head to the body of his native land, besides giving greater +assurance to a people too much inclined to receive unfounded impressions +("ung puple souvent trop meticulleux et de legiere impression"). +Procès-verbal of the Assembly of Nismes, from MS. Bulletin, xxii. (1873), +p. 515.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 117; De Thou, iii. 357. +Calvin's, or the Geneva liturgy, was probably used but in part. Special +prayers, adapted to the circumstances of the army, had been composed, +under the title of "Prières ordinaires des soldatz de l'armée conduicte +par Monsieur le Prince de Condé, accomodées selon l'occurrence du temps." +Prof. Baum cites a simple, but beautiful evening prayer, which was to be +said when the sentinels were placed on guard for the night. Theodor Beza, +ii. 624, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Throkmorton (Forbes, ii. 195, 197) represents the +executions as more general, and as an act of severity, "chiefly in +revenge of the great cruelty exercised by the Duke of Guise and his party +at Rouen against the soldiers there, but specially against your Majesty's +subjects."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Throkmorton was convinced of the practicability of +capturing Paris by a rapid movement even from before Corbeil: "The whole +suburbes on this syde the water is entrenched, where there is sundry +bastions and cavaliers to plante th' artillerye on, which is verey +daungerous for th' assaylantes. Nevertheles, if the Prince had used +celeritie, in my opinion, with little losse of men and great facilitie he +might have woon the suburbes; and then the towne coulde not longe have +holden, somme parte of the sayd suburbes havinge domination therof." +Forbes, ii. 217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Mémoires de François de la Noue, c. ix., p. 603 +(Collection Michaud et Poujoulat). See also Davila (bk. iii. 77), who +represents the advice of the admiral rather to have been to employ the +army in recapturing the places along the Loire, while Condé insisted on +trying to become master of Paris. De Thou, iii. 358. Beza, in his letter +of Dec. 14th, says: "Quum enim urbs repentino impetu facile capi posset, +etc." So also the Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> See Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> "The Prince of Condé and his campe having approched the +towne of Corbeille, and being ready to batter the same, the queene mother +sente her principal escuyer, named Monsieur de Sainte-Mesme, with a +lettre to the sayd prince, advertisinge him of the deathe of the kinge, +his brother. The sayd de Sainte-Mesme had also in credence to tell the +prince from the queene, that she was verey desirous to have an ende of +theise troubles: and also that she was willinge that the sayd prince +should enjoy his ranke and aucthorité due unto him in this realme.... +This the queene mother's lettre and sweete words hathe empeached the +battrye and warlyke procedings against Corbeill; the prince therby beeing +induced to desist from using any violence against his ennemyes. I feare +me, that this delaying will torne much to the prince's disadvantage; and +that there is no other good meaning at this time in this faire speeche, +then there was in the treaty of Bogeancy (Beaugency) in the monethe of +July last." Throkmorton to the queen, from Essonne, opposite Corbeil, +Nov. 22, 1562, Forbes, ii. 209.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Letter of Beza to Calvin, Dec. 14th, Baum, ii., App., +197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> Ib., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 120; De Thou, iii. 359.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 132; De Thou, iii. 361; +Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iv., c. iv.; Forbes, ii. 227, 228. Even in +September, the English ambassador wrote from Orleans, "there is greate +practise made by the queene mother and others to winne Monsieur de Janlis +and Monsieur de Grandmont from the prince." Forbes, ii. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> "Par ce moyen, un chacun de nous trainera son licol, +jusques à ce que les dessusdits le serrent à leur appetit." Hist. ecclés. +des égl. réf., ii. 126. The details of the conferences, with the articles +offered on either side, are given at great length, pp. 121-136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> "The queene mother and hyr councelours," wrote Throkmorton +to Elizabeth, four or five days later (Dec. 13, 1562), "have at the +length once agayne showed, howe sincerely they meane in their treatyes. +For when their force out of Gascoigne together with two thousand five +hundred Spainardes were arrived, and when they had well trenched and +fortefyed the faulxbourges and places of advantage of Paris; espienge, +that the prince coulde remayne no longer with his campe before Paris for +lack of victuaill and fourrage, having abused him sufficiently with this +treaty eight or ten dayes: the sayd queene mother ... refused utterly the +condicions before accorded." Forbes, State Papers, ii. 226. It is not +strange that the ambassador, after the meagre results of the past five +weeks, "could not hope of any great good to be done, until he saw it;" +although he was confident that "if matters were handled stoutly and +roundly, without delay," the prince might constrain his enemies to accord +him favorable conditions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iv., c. iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> Five thousand, according to the Duke d'Aumale (Les Princes +de Condé, i. 190).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> "Quatre-vingtz salades ... lesquels sembloient estre +<i>quatre-vingtz saettes</i> du ciel!" Explanation of plan of battle sent by +Guise to the king, reprinted in Mém. de Condé, iv. 687.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> "Etant chose certaine qu'il n'entra de cinquante ans en +France des plus couards hommes que ceux-là, bien qu'ils eussent la plus +belle apparence du monde." Hist. ecclés. ii. 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> It ought perhaps, in justice to the reiters, to be noticed +that Coligny attributes their failure not to cowardice, as in the case of +both the French and the German infantry, but to their not understanding +orders, and to the occasional absence of an interpreter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> La Noue in his commentaries (Ed. Mich., c. x., p. 605 +seq.) makes some interesting observations on the singular incidents of +the battle of Dreux. The author of the Histoire ecclés., ii. 140, and De +Thou, iii. 367, criticise both the Roman Catholic and the Protestant +generals. They find the former to blame for not waiting to engage the +Huguenots until they had reached the rougher country they were +approaching, where the superiority of Condé in cavalry would have been of +little avail. They censure the latter for leaving his own infantry +unprotected, and for attacking the enemy's infantry instead of his +cavalry. If this had been routed, the other would have made no further +resistance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> He had, according to Beza's letter to Calvin, Dec. 27th +(Baum, ii. Appendix, 202), lost only one hundred and fifty of his +horsemen; or, according to the Histoire ecclés. (ii. 146), only +twenty-seven.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> For details of the battle of Dreux, see Hist. ecclés., ii. +140-148; Mém. de Castelnau, liv. ii., c. v.; De Thou, iii. 365, etc.; +Pasquier, Lettres (Ed. Feugère), ii. 251-254; Guise's relation, reprinted +in Mém. de Condé, iv. 685, etc., and letters subsequently written, ibid. +iv. 182, etc.; Coligny's brief account, written just after the battle, +ibid. iv. 178-181; the Swiss accounts, Baum, ii. Appendix, 198-202; +Vieilleville, liv. viii., c. xxxvi.; Davila, 81, seq. Cf. letter of +Catharine, <i>ubi infra</i>, and two plans of the engagement, in vol. v. of +Mém. de Condé. The Duc d'Aumale gives a good military sketch, i. +189-205.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> "Et non sans cause," says Abbé Bruslart; "d'autant que de +ceste bataille despendoit tout l'estat de la religion chrestienne et du +royaume." Mém. de Condé, i. 105. A despatch of Smith to the Privy +Council, St. Denis, Dec. 20, 1562, gives this first and incorrect +account. MS. State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> H. Martin, Hist. de France, x. 156. Le Laboureur, ii. 450. +Catharine's own account to her minister at Vienna, it is true, is very +different. "J'en demeuray près de 24 heures <i>en une extrême ennuy et +fascherie</i>, et jusques à ce que le S. de Losses arriva par-devers moy, +qui fut hier sur les neuf heures du matin." Letter to the Bishop of +Rennes, Dec. 23, 1562, <i>apud</i> Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, +ii. 66-68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> The Council of Trent, on receiving an account of the +battle, Dec. 28th, offered solemn thanksgivings. Acta Concil. Trid. +<i>apud</i> Martene et Durand, Ampl. Coll., t. viii. 1301, 1302; Letter of the +Card. of Lorraine to the Bishop of Rennes, French ambassador in Germany, +<i>apud</i> Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, ii. 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> Sir Thomas Smith to Cecil, February 4, 1563, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> Same to same, February 26, 1563, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> For Marshal Saint André, who had once gravely suggested in +the council the propriety of sewing the queen mother up in a bag and +throwing her into the river, it is understood that the Medici shed few +tears. Brantôme and Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, ii. 81. The +marshal had been shot by a victim whom he had deprived of his possessions +by confiscation. Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> "Black devils," Guise calls them in a letter of Jan. 17th. +"M. de Châtillon et ces diables noirs sont à Jerjuau." Mém. de Guise, +502.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> Coligny had notified the English court of his intention +early in January, and Cecil entertained high hopes of the result: "A +gentleman is arryved at Rye, sent from the Admyrall Chastillion, who +assureth his purpose to prosecute the cause of God and of his contrey, +and meaneth to joyne with our power in Normandy, which I trust shall make +a spedy end of the whole." Letter to Sir T. Smith, January 14th, Wright, +Q. Eliz., i. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> How important a matter this was, may be inferred from the +fact that the Admiral took pains to dwell upon it, in a letter to Queen +Elizabeth, written two or three days before his departure: "Advisant au +reste vostre Majésté, Madame, que j'ay faict condescendre les reistres a +laisser tous leur bagages et empechemens en ceste ville (<i>chose non +auparavant ouye</i>): de sorte que dedans le dix ou douziesme de ce moys de +Febvrier prochain au plus tard, avec l'aide de Dieu, nous serons bien +prez du Havre de Grace," etc. Letter from Orleans, Jan. 29, 1563, Forbes, +ii. 319.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> "En cest equipage, nous faisions telle diligence, que +souvent nous prévenions la renommée de nous mesmes en plusieurs lieux où +nous arrivions." Mém. de la Noue, c. xi. La Noue states the force at two +thousand reiters, five hundred French horse, and one thousand mounted +arquebusiers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> "The 8th of that moneth" (February), says Stow, "the said +Admirall came before Hunflew with six thousand horsemen, reisters and +others of his owne retinues, beside footmen, and one hundred horsemen of +the countries thereabout, and about sixe of the clocke at night, there +was a great peale of ordinance shot off at Newhaven (Havre) for a welcome +to the sayd Admirall." Annals (London, 1631), 653. The passage is +inaccurately quoted by Wright, Queen Eliz., i. 125, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> Hist. des égl. réf., ii. 156, 157; Mém. de Castelnau, liv. +iv., c. vii. and viii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iv., c. ix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> Œuvres (Ed. Feugère), ii. 254; and again, ii. 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Davila, bk. iii., p. 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Castelnau (liv. iv., c. ix.), who was present, gives a +less graphic account than Davila (bk. iii., pp. 85, 86), who was not. +Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 159-161; La Noue, c. xi. 607-609.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Feb. 9th—the day before Sir Thomas Smith reached Blois. +Letter to Privy Council, Feb. 17, 1563, State Paper Office; Hist. ecclés. +des égl. réf., ii. 160.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Sir Thomas Smith to the Privy Council, Feb. 15th and 17th, +1563, State Paper Office, Calendar, pp. 138, 141. It is now known, of +course, that <i>bombs</i> had been occasionally used long before 1563, by the +Arabs in Spain, and others. But this kind of missile was practically a +novelty, and was not adopted in ordinary warfare till near a century +later.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> It was at a most trying moment—when M. de Soubise, the +Protestant governor, found that only two weeks' provisions remained in +the city, and therefore felt compelled to issue an order to force some +7,000 non-combatants—women, children, and the poor—to leave Lyons, that +Viret, the Huguenot pastor, had an opportunity to display the great +ascendancy which his eminent piety and discretion had secured him over +all ranks in society. According to the newly published Memoirs of +Soubise, Viret boldly remonstrated against an act which was equivalent to +a surrender of thousands of defenceless persons to certain butchery, and +declared that the ordinary rules of military necessity did not apply to a +war like this, "in which the poorest has an interest, since we are +fighting for the liberty of our consciences," adding his own assurance +that help would come from some other quarter. Finally the governor +yielded, saying: "Even should it turn out ill and my reputation suffer, +as though I had not done my duty as a captain, yet, at your word, I will +do as you ask, being well assured that God will bless my act." Bulletin, +xxiii. (1874), 497. It will be remembered that Pierre Viret had been the +able coadjutor of Farel in the reformation of Geneva, twenty-eight years +before. The siege of Lyons was made the subject of a lengthy song by +Antoine Du Plain (reprinted in the Chansonnier Huguenot, 220 seq.), +containing not a few historical data of importance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> "Nous venons maintenans d'estre advertyz de Lion par M. de +Soubize, comme le Baron des Adrez, ayant esté practiqué par M. de +Nemours, avoit comploté de faire entrer quelque gendarmerie et gens de +pied de M. de Nemours dedans Rommans, ville du Daulphiné: dont il a esté +empesché par le sieur de Mouvans, et par la noblesse du pays; qui se sont +saisiz de sa personne, et le ont mené prisonnier à Valence, pour le +envoyer en Languedoc devers mon frère, naguères cardinal de Chastillon, +et Monsieur de Crussol (qui ont presque delivré tout le dict pays de +Languedoc de la tyrannie des ennemys de Dieu et du Roy) a fin de le faire +punir, et servir d'exemple aux autres deserteurs de Dieu, de leur +debvoir, et de la patrie." Admiral Coligny to Queen Elizabeth, Orleans, +January 29, 1562/3, Forbes, ii. 320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> The gloomy picture is painted by Henri Martin, x. 158, +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> This statement does not rest upon any documentary proof +that I am aware of. It is, however, vouched for by the Hist. ecclés. des +égl. réf., ii. 162. Moreover, Admiral Coligny, in his later defence, +expressly states, "on the testimony of men worthy of belief," that Guise +"was accustomed to boast that, on the capture of the city, he would spare +none of the inhabitants, and that no respect would be paid to age or +sex." Jean de Serres, iii. 29; Mém. de Condé, iv. 348.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Mém. de Soubise, Bulletin, xxiii. (1874) 499.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Not without some hesitation, however. So little confidence +in his good judgment did his frivolous appearance inspire, that Coligny +observed: "I would not trust him, without knowing him better than I do, +had not Monsieur de Soubise sent him to me." Mém. de Soubise, Bulletin, +xxiii. (1874) 502.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> The Procès verbal of Poltrot's examination just before his +death, March 18th, is inserted in the Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. +187-198. In this he declares that his first testimony was <i>false</i> and +extorted by the fear of death, and exculpates Soubise, Beza, Coligny, +etc., from having instigated him. He says that when put to torture he +will say anything the questioners want him to. Accordingly, when so +tortured, he accuses them, and when released a moment after the horses +have begun to rend him in pieces, he conjures up a plot of the Huguenots +to sack Paris, etc. May it not properly be asked, what such testimony as +this is worth? For or against Coligny, volumes of it would not affect his +character in our estimation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> The direct testimony of Jacques Auguste de Thou, on a +matter with which he was evidently intimately acquainted through his +father, is unimpeachable, and will outweigh with every unprejudiced mind +all the stories of Davila, Castelnau, etc., founded on mere report. De +Thou, Histoire univ. (liv. xxxiv.), iii. 403.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> Poltrot's pretended confession of Feb. 26th, at Camp Saint +Hilaire, near Saint Mesmin, with the replies signed by Coligny, la +Rochefoucauld, and Beza to each separate article, is inserted in full in +Mém. de Condé, iv. 285-303, and the Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. +176-186. Coligny's letter to Catharine, ibid., ii. 186, 187, Mém. de +Condé, iv. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> That Catharine de' Medici was no very sincere mourner for +Guise is sufficiently certain; and it is well known that there were those +who believed her to have instigated his murder (See Mém. de Tavannes, +Pet. ed., ii. 394). This is not surprising when we recall the fact that +almost every great crime or casualty that occurred in France, for the +space of a generation, was ascribed to her evil influence. Still the +Viscount de Tavannes makes too great a draft upon our credulity, when he +pretends that she made a frank admission of guilt to his father. "Depuis, +au voyage de Bayonne, passant par Dijon, elle dit au sieur de Tavannes: +'Ceux de Guise se vouloient faire roys, je les en ay bien gardé devant +Orléans.'" The expression "devant Orléans" can hardly be tortured into a +reference to anything else than Guise's assassination.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> I entirely agree with Prof. Baum (Theodor Beza, ii. 719) +in regarding "this single circumstance as more than sufficient to +demonstrate both the innocence of Coligny and his associates, and the +consciously guilty fabrication of the accusations."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Besides the authorities already referred to, the Journal +of Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 123, 124; Davila, bk. iii. 86, 87; Claude +Haton, i. 322, etc.; J. de Serres, ii. 343-345; and Pasquier, Lettres +(Œuvres choisies), ii. 258, may be consulted with advantage. Prof. +Baum's account is, as usual, vivid, accurate, and instructive (Theodor +Beza, ii. 706, etc.). Varillas, Anquetil, etc., are scarcely worth +examining. There is the ordinary amount of blundering about the simplest +matters of chronology. Davila places the wounding of Guise on the 24th of +February, his death three days later, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> Mém. de Condé, i. 124; Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. +164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> Claude Haton, i. 325, 326.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> See Riez's letter to the king, reprinted in Mém. de Condé, +iv. 243-265, and in Cimber and Danjou's invaluable collection of +contemporary pamphlets and documents, v. 171-204; Hist. ecclés. des égl. +réf., ii. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., <i>ubi supra</i>. There is extant +an affecting letter from the aged Renée of Ferrara to Calvin, in which +she complains with deep feeling of the reformed, and especially their +preachers, for the severity with which even after his death they attacked +the memory of her son-in-law, and even spoke of his eternal condemnation +as an ascertained fact. "I know," she said, "that he was a persecutor; +but I do not know, nor, to speak freely, do I believe that he was +reprobated of God; for he gave signs to the contrary before his death. +But they want this not to be mentioned, and they desire to shut the +mouths of those who know it." Cimber et Danjou, v. 399, etc. Calvin's +reply of the 24th of January, 1564, is admirable for its kind, yet firm +tone (Bonnet, Lettres franç. de Calvin, ii. 550, etc., Calvin's Letters, +Am. edit., iv. 352, etc.). He freely condemned the beatification of the +King of Navarre, while the Duke of Guise was consigned to perdition. The +former was an apostate; the latter an open enemy of the truth of the +Gospel from the very beginning. Indeed, to pronounce upon the doom of a +fellow-sinner was both rash and presumptuous, for there is but one Judge +before whose seat we all must give account. Yet, in condemning the +authors of the horrible troubles that had befallen France, and which all +God's children had felt scarcely less poignantly than Renée herself, +sprung though she was from the royal stock, it was impossible not to +condemn the duke "who had kindled the fire." Yea, for himself, although +he had always prayed God to show Guise mercy, the reformer avowed, in +almost the very words of Beza, that he had often desired that God would +lay His hand upon the duke to free His Church of him, unless He would +convert him. "And yet I can protest," he added, "that but for me, before +the war, active and energetic men would have exerted themselves to +destroy him from the face of the earth, whom my sole exhortation +restrained." +</p><p> +Some of the composers of Huguenot ballads were bitter enough in their +references to Guise's death and pompous funeral; see, among others, the +songs in the Chansonnier Huguenot, pp. 253 and 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 285, 286. The story is +well told in Memorials of Renée of France, 215-217. De Thou (liv. xxx.), +iii. 179, has incorrectly placed this occurrence among the events of the +first months of the war. During the second war Brantôme once stopped to +pay his respects to Renée, and saw in the castle over 300 Huguenots that +had fled there for security. In a letter of May 10, 1563, Calvin speaks +of her as "the nursing mother of the poor saints driven out of their +homes and knowing not whither to go," and as having made her castle what +a princess looking only to this world would regard almost an insult to +have it called—"God's hostelry" or "hospital" (ung hostel-Dieu). God +had, as it were, called upon her by these trials to pay arrears for the +timidity of her younger days. Lettres franç., ii. 514 (Amer. trans., iv. +314).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> Despatch to the queen, Blois, February 26, 1562/3, Forbes, +State Papers, ii. 340. "Of the thre things that did let this realme to +come to unity and accorde," adds Smith, "I take th' one to be taken away. +How th' other two wil be now salved—th' one that the papists may relent +somwhat of their pertinacie, and the Protestants have som affiaunce or +trust in there doengs, and so th' one live with th' other in quiet, I do +not yet se."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. iv., c. xii.; Davila, bk. iii. 88; +Journal de Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 124; Letter of Catharine to +Gonnor, March 3d, ibid., iv. 278; Hist. ecclés., ii. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> Rascalon, Catharine's agent, proffered the dignity in a +letter of the 13th of March, and the duke declined it on the 17th of the +same month. At the same time he gave some wholesome advice respecting the +observance of the Edict, etc. Hist. ecclés., ii. 165-168.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> "La Royne ... y a si vivement procedé, que ayant ordonné +que sur la foy de l'un et de l'autre nous nous entreveorions en l'Isle +aux Bouviers, joignant presque les murs de ceste ville, dimenche dernier +cela fut executé." Condé to Sir Thomas Smith, Orleans, March 11, 1563, +Forbes, ii. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 170, 171. Coupled with +demands for the restitution of the edict without restriction or +modification, the prohibition of insults, the protection of the churches, +the permission to hold synods, the recognition of Protestant marriages, +and that the religion be no longer styled "new," "inasmuch as it is +founded on the ancient teaching of the Prophets and Apostles," we find +the Huguenot ministers, true to the spirit of the age, insisting upon +"the rigorous punishment of all Atheists, Libertines, Anabaptists, +Servetists, and other heretics and schismatics."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> The text of the edict of Amboise is given by Isambert, +Recueil des anc. lois franç., xiv. 135-140; J. de Serres, ii. 347-357; +Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 172-176; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. (liv. +iii.) 192-195. See Pasquier, Lettres (Œuvres choisies), ii. 260.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> Smith to the queen, April 1, 1563, in Duc d'Aumale, +Princes de Condé, i. Documents, 439.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Smith to D'Andelot, March 13, 1563, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> Journal de Bruslart, Mém. de Condé, i. 125: "de expresso +Regis mandato iteratis vicibus facto." Claude Haton is scarcely more +complimentary than Bruslart: "elle (la paix) estoit faicte du tout au +désavantage de l'honneur de Dieu, de la religion catholicque et de +l'authorité du jeune roy et repos public de son royaume." Mémoires, i. +327, 328.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Elizabeth of England was herself, apparently, awakening to +the importance of the struggle, and new troops subsidized by her would +soon have entered France from the German borders. "This day," writes +Cecil to Sir Thomas Smith, ambassador at Paris, Feb. 27, 1562/3, +"commission passeth hence to the comte of Oldenburg to levy eight +thousand footemen and four thousand horse, who will, I truste, passe into +France with spede and corradg. He is a notable, grave, and puissant +captayn, and fully bent to hazard his life in the cause of religion." Th. +Wright, Queen Elizabeth and her Times, i. 125. But Elizabeth's troops, +like Elizabeth's money, came too late. Of the latter, Admiral Coligny +plainly told Smith a few weeks later: "If we could have had the money at +Newhaven (Havre) <i>but one xiii daies sooner</i>, we would have talked with +them after another sorte, and would not have bene contented with this +accord." Smith to the queen, April 1, 1563, in Duc d'Aumale, i. 439.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> Letter from Orleans, March 30, 1563, MSS. State Paper +Office, Duc d'Aumale, i. 411.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 203. Theodore Beza was +the preacher on this occasion, and betrayed his own disappointment by +speaking of the liberty of religion they had received as "not so ample, +peradventure, as they would wish, yet such as they ought to thank God +for." Smith to the queen, March 31, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> Relazione di Correro, 1569. Rel. des Amb. Vén., ii. +118-120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> It appears at least as early as in Farel's Epistre à tous +Seigneurs, written in 1530, p. 166 of Fick's edition.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIV.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="THE_PEACE" id="THE_PEACE"></a>THE PEACE OF AMBOISE, AND THE BAYONNE CONFERENCE.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The restoration of Havre demanded.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Fall of Havre.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> +Scarcely had the Edict of Amboise been signed when a demand was made upon +the English queen for the city of Havre, placed in her possession by the +Huguenots, as a pledge for the restoration of Calais in accordance with +the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, and as security for the repayment of the +large sums she had advanced for the maintenance of the war. But Elizabeth +was in no favorable mood for listening to this summons. Instead of being +instructed to evacuate Havre, the Earl of Warwick was reinforced by fresh +supplies of arms and provisions, and received orders to defend to the +last extremity the only spot in France held by the queen. A formal offer +made by Condé to secure a renewal of the stipulation by which Calais was +to be given up in 1567, and to remunerate Elizabeth for her expenditures +in the cause of the French Protestants, was indignantly rejected; and +both sides prepared for open war.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> The struggle was short and +decisive. The French were a unit on the question of a permanent +occupation of their soil by foreigners. Within the walls of Havre itself +a plot was formed by the French population to betray the city into the +hands of their countrymen; and Warwick was forced to expel the natives in +order to secure the lives of his own<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> troops.<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> But no vigilance of +the besieged could insure the safety of a detached position on the +borders of so powerful a state as France. Elizabeth was too weak, or too +penurious, to afford the recruits that were loudly called for. And now a +new and frightful auxiliary to the French made its appearance. A +contagious disease set in among the English troops, crowded into a narrow +compass and deprived of their usual allowance of fresh meat and wholesome +water. The fearful mortality attending it soon revealed the true +character of the scourge. Few of those that fell sick recovered. +Gathering new strength from day to day, it reigned at length supreme in +the fated city. Soon the daily crowd of victims became too great to +receive prompt sepulture, and the corpses lying unburied in the streets +furnished fresh fuel for the raging pestilence. Seven thousand English +troops were reduced in a short time to three thousand, in a few days more +to fifteen hundred men.<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> The hand of death was upon the throat of +every survivor. At length, too feeble to man their works, despairing of +timely succor, unable to sustain at the same moment the assault of their +opponents and the fearful visitation of the Almighty, the English +consented to surrender; and, on the twenty-eighth of July, a capitulation +was signed, in accordance with which, on the next day, Havre, with all +its fortifications and the ships of war in its harbor, fell once more +into the hands of the French.<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">How the peace was received.</div> + +<p>The pacification of Amboise, a contemporary chronicler tells us, was +received with greater or less cordiality in different localities of +France, very much according to the number of Protestants they had +contained before the war. "This edict of peace was very grievous to hear +published and to have executed in the case of the Catholics of the +peaceable cities and villages where there were very few Huguenots. But it +was a source of great comfort to the Catholics of the cities which were +oppressed by the Huguenots, as well as of the neighboring villages in +which the Catholic religion had been intermitted, mass and divine worship +not celebrated, and the holy sacraments left unadministered—as in the +cities of Lyons and Orleans, and their vicinity, and in many other cities +of Poitou and Languedoc, where the Huguenots were masters or superior in +numbers. As the peace was altogether advantageous to the Huguenots, they +labored hard to have it observed and published."<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Vexatious delays in Normandy.</div> + +<p>But to secure publication and observance was not always possible.<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> +Not unfrequently the Huguenots were denied by the illiberality of their +enemies every privilege to which they were entitled by the terms of the +edict. At Troyes, the Roman Catholic party, hearing that peace had been +made, resolved to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> employ the brief interval before the edict should be +published, and the mayor of the city led the populace to the prisons, +where all the Huguenots that could be found were at once murdered.<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> +The vexatious delays, and the actual persecution still harder to be +borne, which were encountered at Rouen, have been duly recorded by an +anonymous Roman Catholic contemporary, as well as in the registers of the +city hall and of the Norman parliament, and may serve as an indication of +what occurred in many other places. From the chapter of the cathedral and +the judges of the supreme provincial court, down to the degraded rabble, +the entire population was determined to interpose every possible obstacle +in the way of the peaceable execution of the new law. Before any official +communication respecting it reached them, the clergy declared, by solemn +resolution, their intention to reserve the right of prosecuting all who +had plundered their extensive ecclesiastical domain. The municipality +wrote at once to the king, to his mother, and to others at court, +imploring that Rouen and its vicinity might be exempted from all exercise +of the "new religion." Parliament sent deputies to Charles the Ninth to +remonstrate against the broad concessions made in favor of the +Protestants, and, even when compelled to go through the form of a +registration, avoided a publication of the edict, in order to gain time +for another fruitless protest addressed to the royal government.</p> + +<p>When it came to the execution of the law, the affair assumed a more +threatening aspect. The Roman Catholics had resolved to resist the return +of the "for-issites," or fugitive Huguenots. At first they excused their +opposition by alleging that there were bandits and criminals of every +kind in the ranks of the exiles. Next they demanded that a preliminary +list of their names and abodes should be furnished, in order that their +arms might be taken away. Finally they required, with equal perverseness, +that, in spite of the express stipulation of the king's rescript, the +"for-issites" should return only as private individuals, and should not +venture to resume their former<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> offices and dignities. Meantime the +"for-issites," driven to desperation by the flagrant injustice of which +they were the victims, began to retaliate by laying violent hands upon +all objects of Roman Catholic devotion in the neighboring country, and by +levying contributions upon the farms and villas of their malignant +enemies. The Rouenese revenged themselves in turn by wantonly murdering +the Huguenots whom they found within the city walls.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Protest of the Norman parliament.</div> + +<p>The embittered feeling did not diminish at once after the more intrepid +of the Huguenots had, under military compulsion, been readmitted into +Rouen. There were daily complaints of ill-usage. But the insolence of the +dominant party rose to a still higher pitch when there appeared a royal +edict—whether genuine or forged has not as yet been settled—by which +the cardinal demands of the Huguenots were granted. The alleged +concessions may not strike us as very extraordinary. They consisted +chiefly in disarming the Roman Catholics equally with the adherents of +the opposite creed, and in erecting a new chamber in parliament to try +impartially cases in dispute between the adherents of the two +communions.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> This was certainly decreeing but a small measure of the +equality in the eye of the law which the Protestants might claim as a +natural and indefeasible right. The citizens of the Norman capital, +however, regarded the enactment as a monstrous outrage upon society. +Charles the Ninth, happened at this time to be passing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> through Gaillon, +a place some ten leagues distant from Rouen, on his way to the siege of +Havre; and Damours, the advocate-general, was deputed to bear to him a +protest drawn up by parliament. The tone of the paper was scarcely +respectful to the monarch; it was positively insulting to the members of +the royal council who professed the Protestant faith. It predicted the +possible loss of Normandy, or of his entire kingdom, in case the king +pursued a system of toleration. The Normans, it said, would not submit to +Protestant governors, nor to the return of the exiles in arms, nor to +their resumption of their former dignities. If the "for-issites" +continued their excesses, they would be set upon and killed. The Roman +Catholic burgesses of Rouen even proclaimed a conditional loyalty. Should +the king not see fit to accede to their demands, they declared themselves +ready to place the keys of their city in his hands to dispose of at his +pleasure, at the same time craving permission to go where they pleased +and to take away their property with them.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">A rude rebuff.</div> + +<p>Truly the spirit of the "Holy League" was already born, though the times +were not yet ripe for the promulgation of such tenets. The +advocate-general was a fluent speaker, and he had been attended many a +weary mile by an enthusiastic escort. Parliamentary counsellors, +municipal officers, clergy, an immense concourse of the lower stratum of +the population—all were at Gaillon, ready to applaud his well-turned +sentences. But he had chosen an unlucky moment for his oratorical +display. His glowing periods were rudely interrupted by one of the +princely auditors. This was Louis of Condé—now doubly important to the +court on account of the military undertaking that was on foot—who +complained of the speaker's insolent words. So powerful a nobleman could +not be despised. And so the voluble Damours, with his oration but half +delivered, instead of meeting a gracious monarch's approval and returning +home amid the plaudits of the multitude, was hastily taken in charge by +the archers of the royal guard and carried off to prison. The rest of the +Rouenese disappeared more rapidly than they had come. The avenues to the +city were filled with fugitives as from a disastrous battle. Even<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> the +grave parliament, which the last winter had been exhibiting its august +powers in butchering Huguenots by the score, beginning with the +arch-heretic Augustin Marlorat, lost for a moment its self-possession, +and took part in the ignominious flight. Shame, however, induced it to +pause before it had gone too far, and, putting on the gravest face it +could summon, it reappeared ere long at Gaillon with becoming magisterial +gravity. Never had there been a more thorough discomfiture.<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> A few +days later the Marshal de Bourdillon made his entry into Rouen with a +force of Swiss soldiers sufficient to break down all resistance, the +"for-issites" were brought in, a new election of municipal officers was +held, and comparative quiet was restored in the turbulent city.<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Commissioners to enforce the edict.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Alienation of a profligate court.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Profanity a test of Catholicity.</div> + +<p>So far as a character so undecided could frame any fixed purpose, +Catharine de' Medici was resolved to cement, if possible, a stable peace. +The Chancellor, Michel de l'Hospital, still retained his influence over +her, and gave to her disjointed plans somewhat of the appearance of a +deliberate policy. That policy certainly seemed to mean peace. And to +prove this, commissioners were despatched to the more distant provinces, +empowered to enforce the execution of the Edict of Amboise.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> Yet +never was the court less in sympathy with the Huguenots than at this +moment. If shameless profligacy had not yet reached the height it +subsequently attained under the last Valois that sat upon the throne of +France, it was undoubtedly taking rapid strides in that direction. For +the giddy throng of courtiers, living in an atmosphere that reeked with +corruption,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> the stern morality professed by the lips and +exemplified in the lives of Gaspard de Coligny and his noble brothers, as +well as by many another of nearly equal rank, could afford but few +attractions. Many of these triflers had, it is true, exhibited for a time +some leaning toward the reformed faith. But their evanescent affection +was merely a fire kindled in the light straw: the fuel was soon consumed, +and the brilliant flame which had given rise to such sanguine +expectations died out as easily as it sprang up.<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> When once the +novelty of the simple worship in the rude barn, or in the retired fields, +with the psalms of Marot and Beza sung to quaint and stirring melodies, +had worn off; when the black gown of the Protestant minister had become +as familiar to the eye as the stole and chasuble of the officiating +priest, and the words of the reformed confession of sins as familiar to +the ear as the pontifical litanies and prayers, the "assemblée" ceased to +attract the curious from the salons of St. Germain and Fontainebleau. +Besides, it was one thing to listen to a scathing account of the abuses +of churchmen, or a violent denunciation of the sins of priest and monk, +and quite another to submit to a faithful recital of the iniquities of +the court, and hear the wrath of God denounced against the profane, the +lewd, and the extortionate. There were some incidents, occurring just at +the close of the war, that completed the alienation which before had been +only partial. The Huguenots had attempted by stringent regulations to +banish swearing, robbery, and other flagrant crimes from their army. They +had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> punished robbery in many instances with death. They had succeeded so +far in doing away with oaths, that their opponents had paid unconscious +homage to their freedom from the despicable vice. In those days, when in +the civil struggle it was so difficult to distinguish friends from foes, +there was one proof of unimpeachable orthodoxy that was rarely disputed. +He must be a good Catholic who could curse and swear. The Huguenot +soldier would do neither.<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> So nearly, indeed, did the Huguenot +affirmation approach to the simplicity of the biblical precept, that one +Roman Catholic partisan leader of more than ordinary audacity had assumed +for the motto on his standard the blasphemous device: "'Double 's death' +has conquered 'Verily.'"<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> But the strictness with which theft and +profanity were visited in the Huguenot camp produced but a slight +impression, compared with that made by the punishment of death inflicted +by a stern judge at Orleans, just before the proclamation of peace, on a +man and woman found guilty of adultery. Almost the entire court cried out +against the unheard-of severity of the sentence for a crime which had +never before been punished at all. The greater part of these advocates of +facile morals had even the indiscretion to confess that they would never +consent to accept such people as the Huguenots for their masters.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Admiral Coligny accused.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">His defence espoused by Condé and the Montmorencies.</div> + +<p>Even after the publication of the Edict of Amboise, there was one matter +left unsettled that threatened to rekindle the flames of civil war. It +will be remembered that the murderer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> of the Duke of Guise, overcome by +terror in view of his fate had charged Gaspard de Coligny with having +instigated the perpetration of the foul crime; that, as soon as he heard +the accusation, the admiral had not only answered the allegations, +article by article, but had written, earnestly begging that Poltrot's +execution might be deferred until the return of peace should permit him +to be confronted with his accuser. This very reasonable demand, we have +seen, had been rejected, and the miserable assassin had been torn into +pieces by four horses, upon the Place de Grève, on the very day preceding +that which witnessed the signing of the Edict of Amboise. If, however, +the queen mother had hoped to diminish the difficulties of her position +by taking this course, she had greatly miscalculated. In spite of his +protestations, and of a second and more popular defence which he now +made,<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> the Guises persisted in believing, or in pretending to +believe, Coligny to be the prime cause of the murder of the head of their +family. His very frankness was perverted into a proof of his complicity. +The admiral's words, as an eminent historian of our own day observes, +bear the seal of sincerity, and we need go for the truth nowhere else +than to his own avowals.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> But they did not satisfy his enemies. The +danger of an open rupture was imminent. Coligny was coming to court from +his castle of Châtillon-sur-Loing, with a strong escort of six hundred +gentlemen; but so inevitable did a bloody collision within the walls of +Paris seem to the queen, that she begged Condé to dissuade him for the +present from carrying out his purpose. Meantime, Condé and the two +Montmorencies—the constable and his son, the marshal—espoused Coligny's +cause as their own, by publicly declaring (on the fifteenth of May) his +entire innocence, and announcing that any blow aimed at the Châtillons, +save by legal process, they would regard and avenge as aimed at +themselves.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> Taking excuse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> from the unsettled relations of the +kingdom with England and at home, the privy council at the same time +enjoined both parties to abstain from acts of hostility, and adjourned +the judicial investigation until after arms had been laid down.<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Petition of the Guises.</div> + +<p>At length, on the twenty-sixth of September—two months after the +reduction of Havre—the Guises renewed their demand with great solemnity. +Charles was at Meulan (on the Seine, a few miles below Paris), when a +procession of mourners entered his presence. It was the family of Guise, +headed by the late duke's widow, his mother, and his children, coming to +sue for vengeance on the murderer. All were clad in the dress that +betokened the deepest sorrow, and the dramatic effect was complete.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> +They brought a petition couched in decided terms, but making no mention +of the name of Coligny, and signed, not only by themselves, but by three +of the Bourbons—the Cardinal Charles, the Duke of Montpensier, and his +son—and by the Dukes of Longueville and Nemours.<a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> Under the +circumstances, the king could not avoid granting their request and +ordering inquisition to be made by the peers in parliament +assembled.<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> But the friends of the absent admiral saw in the proposed +investigation only an attempt on the part of his enemies to effect +through the forms of law the ruin of the most prominent Huguenot of +France. It was certain, they urged, that he could expect no justice at +the hands of the presidents and counsellors of the Parisian parliament. +Nor did they find it difficult to convince Catharine that to permit a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> +public trial would be to reopen old sores and to risk overturning in a +single hour the fabric of peace which for six months she had been +laboring hard to strengthen.<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> The king was therefore induced to evoke +the consideration of the complaint of the Guises to his own grand +council. Here again new difficulties sprang up. The Duchess of Guise was +as suspicious of the council as Coligny of the parliament, and challenged +the greater number of its members as too partial to act as judges. In +fact, it seemed impossible to secure a jury to settle the matter in +dispute. After months spent to no purpose in wrangling, Charles +determined to remove the question both from the parliament and from the +council, and on the fifth of January, 1564, reserved for himself and his +mother the duty of adjudication. At the same time, on the ground that the +importance of the case demanded the deliberations of a prince of greater +age and of more experience than he as yet possessed, and that its +discussion at present might prove prejudicial to the tranquillity of the +kingdom, he adjourned it for three full years, or until such other time +as he might hereafter find to be convenient.<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Embarrassment of Catharine.</div> + +<p>The feud between the Châtillons and the Guises was not, however, the only +embarrassment which the government found itself compelled to meet. +Catharine was in equal perplexity with respect to the engagements she had +entered into with the Prince of Condé. It was part of the misfortune of +this improvident princess that each new intrigue was of such a nature as +to require a second intrigue to bolster it up. Yet she was to live long +enough to learn by bitter experience that there is a limit to the extent +to which plausible but lying words will pass current. At last the +spurious coin was to be returned discredited to her own coffers. +Catharine had enticed Condé into concluding a peace much less<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> favorable +to the Huguenots than his comrades in arms had expected in view of the +state of the military operations and the pecuniary necessities of the +court, by the promise that he should occupy the same controlling position +in the government as his brother, the King of Navarre, held at the time +of his death. We have seen that he was so completely hoodwinked that he +assured his friends that it was of little consequence how scanty were the +concessions made in the edict. He would soon be able, by his personal +authority, to secure to "the religion" the largest guarantees. If we may +believe Catharine herself, he went so far in his enthusiastic desire for +peace as to threaten to desert the Huguenots, if they declined to embrace +the opportunity of reconciliation.<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The majority of Charles proclaimed.</div> + +<p>How to get rid of the troublesome obligation she had assumed, was now the +problem; since to fulfil her promise honestly was, for a person of her +crooked policy and inordinate ambition, not to be thought of for an +instant. The readiest solution was found in abolishing the office of +lieutenant-general. This could be done only by declaring the termination +of the minority of Charles. For this an opportunity presented itself, +when, on the seventeenth of August, 1563,<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> the queen and her +children, with a brilliant retinue, were in the city of Rouen, on their +return from the successful campaign against Havre. That day Charles the +Ninth held a "lit de justice" in the palace of the Parliament of +Normandy. Sitting in state, and surrounded by his mother, his younger +brothers, and a host of grandees, he proceeded to address the assembled +counsellors, pronouncing himself of full age, and, in the capacity of a +major king, delivered to them an edict, signed the day before, ordering +the observance of his Edict of Amboise and the complete pacification of +his kingdom by a univer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span>sal laying down of arms.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> True, Charles was +but a few days more than thirteen years of age; but his right to assume +the full powers of government was strenuously maintained by Chancellor +L'Hospital, upon whom devolved the task of explaining more fully the +king's motives and purposes. Then Catharine, the author of the pageant, +rising, humbly approached her son's throne, and bowed to the boy in token +that she resigned into his hands the temporary authority she had held for +nearly three years. Charles, advancing to meet her, accepted her homage, +saying, at the same time, in words that were but too significant and +prophetic of the remainder of his reign: "Madame ma mère, you shall +govern and command as much or more than ever."<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles and the refractory Parliament of Paris.</div> + +<p>The Parliament of Rouen, flattered at being selected for the instrument +in so important an act, published and registered the edict of Charles's +majority, notwithstanding some unpalatable provisions. Not so the +Parliament of Paris. The counsellors of the capital were even more +indignant at the slight put upon their claim to precedence, than at the +proposed disarming of the Roman Catholics—a measure particularly +distasteful to the riotous population of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> The details of their +opposition need not, however, find a record here. In the end the firmness +of the king, or of his advisers, triumphed. At Mantes<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> Charles +received a deputation from the recalcitrant judges, with Christopher de +Thou, their first president, at its head. After hearing their +remonstrances, he replied to the delegates that, although young and +possessed of little experience, he was as truly king of France as any of +his predecessors, and that he intended to make himself obeyed as such. To +prove, however, that he had not acted inconsiderately<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> in the premises, +he called upon the members of his council who were present to speak; and +each in turn, commencing with Cardinal Bourbon, the first prince of the +blood, declared that the edict of Amboise had been made with his consent +and advice, and that he deemed it both useful and necessary. Whereupon +Charles informed the parliamentary committee that he had not adopted this +course because he was under any obligation to render to them an account +of his actions. "But," said he, "now that I am of age, I wish you to +meddle with nothing beyond giving my subjects good and speedy justice. +The kings, my predecessors, placed you where you are, in order that they +might unburden their consciences, and that their subjects might live in +greater security under their obedience, not in order to constitute you my +tutors, or the protectors of the realm, or the guardians of my city of +Paris. You have allowed yourselves to suppose until now that you are all +this. I shall not leave you under the delusion; but I command you that, +as in my father's and grandfather's time you were accustomed to attend to +justice alone, so you shall henceforth meddle with nothing else." He +professed to be perfectly willing to listen to their representations when +modestly given; but he concluded by threatening them that, if they +persisted in their present insolent course, he would find means to +convince them that they were not his guardians and teachers, but his +servants.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> These stout words were shrewdly suspected to come from +"the shop of the chancellor,"<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> whose popularity they by no means +augmented. But Charles was himself in earnest. A fresh delegation of +counsellors was dismissed from the royal presence with menaces,<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> and +the parlia<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span>ment and people of Paris were both finally compelled to +succumb. Parliament registered the edict; the people surrendered their +arms—the poor receiving the estimated value of the weapons, the +tradesmen and burgesses a ticket to secure their future restoration. As a +matter of course, the nobles do not appear at all in the transaction, +their immemorial claim to be armed even in time of peace being respected.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Pope's bull against princely heretics.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Cardinal Châtillon.</div> + +<p>Pope Pius the Fourth had been as indignant as Philip the Second himself +at the conclusion of peace with the Huguenots. He avenged himself as soon +as he received the tidings, by publishing, on the seventh of April, 1563, +a bull conferring authority upon the inquisitors general of Christendom +to proceed against heretics and their favorers—even to bishops, +archbishops, patriarchs and cardinals—and to cite them before their +tribunal by merely affixing the summons to the doors of the Inquisition +or of the basilica of St. Peter. Should they fail to appear in person, +they might at once be condemned and sentenced. The bull was no idle +threat. Without delay a number of French prelates were indicted for +heresy, and summoned to come to Rome and defend themselves. The list was +headed by Cardinal Odet de Châtillon, Coligny's eldest brother, who had +openly espoused the reformed belief, and St. Romain, Archbishop of Aix. +Caraccioli, who had resigned the bishopric of Troyes and had been +ordained a Protestant pastor, Montluc of Valence, and others of less +note, figured among the suspected.<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> As they did not appear, a number +of these prelates were shortly condemned.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> Not content with this bold +infraction of the Gallican liberties, the Roman pontiff went a step +farther, and, through the Congregation of the Inquisition, cited Jeanne +d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, to appear at Rome within six months, on pain +of being held attainted of heresy, and having her dominions given in +possession to the first Catholic occupant.<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The council protests against the papal bull.</div> + +<p>In other words, not only Béarn, the scanty remnant of her titular +monarchy, but all the lands and property to which the Huguenot queen had +fallen heir, were to follow in the direction the kingdom of Navarre had +taken, and go to swell the enormous wealth and dominion of the Spanish +prince,<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> who found his interest to lie in the discord and misfortunes +of his neighbors. Surely such an example would not be without +significance to princes and princesses who, like Catharine, were wont +occasionally to court the heretics on account of their power, and whose +loyalty to the papal church could scarcely be supposed, even by the most +charitable, to rest on any firmer foundation than self-interest. Nor was +the lesson thrown away. Catharine and Michel de l'Hospital, and many +another, read its import at a glance. But, instead of breaking down their +opposition, the papal bull only forearmed them. They saw that Queen +Jeanne's cause was their cause—the cause of any of the Valois who, +whether upon the ground of heresy or upon any other pretext, might become +obnoxious to the See of Rome. The royal council of state, therefore, +promptly took the matter in hand, in connection with the recent trial of +the French prelates, and replied to the papal missive by a spirited +protest, which D'Oisel, the French ambassador at Rome, was commissioned +to present. In his monarch's name he was to declare the procedure against +the Queen of Navarre to be not only derogatory to the respect due to the +royal dignity, which that princess could claim to an equal degree with +the other monarchs of Christendom, but injurious to the rights and honor +of the king and kingdom, and subversive of civil society.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> It was unjust, +for it was dictated by the enemies of France, who sought to take +advantage of the youth of the king and his embarrassments arising from +civil wars, to oppress a widow and orphans—the widow and orphan +children, indeed, of a king for whom the Pope had himself but recently +been endeavoring so zealously to secure the restoration of Navarre. The +malice was apparent from the fact that nothing similar had been +undertaken by the Holy See against any of the monarchs who had revolted +from its obedience within the last forty years. Sovereign power had been +conferred upon the Pope for the salvation of souls, not that he might +despoil kings and dispose of kingdoms according to his caprice—an +undertaking his predecessors had engaged in hitherto only to their shame +and confusion. Finally, the King of France begged Pius to recall the +sentence against Queen Jeanne, otherwise he would be compelled to employ +the remedies resorted to by his ancestors in similar cases, according to +the laws of the realm.<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> Not content with this direct appeal, +Catharine wrote to her son's ambassador in Germany to interest the +emperor and the King of the Romans in an affair that no less vitally +affected them.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> So vigorous a response seems to have frightened the +papal court, and the bull was either recalled or dropped—at least no +trace is said to be found in the Constitutions of Pius the Fourth—and +the proceedings against the bishops were indefinitely suspended.<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span></p><p>But while Catharine felt it necessary, for the maintenance of her own +authority and of the dignity of the French crown, to enter the lists +boldly in behalf of the Queen of Navarre, she was none the less bent upon +confirming that authority by rendering it impossible for the Huguenots +ever again to take the field in opposition to the crown. A war for the +sake of principle was something of which that cynical princess could not +conceive. The Huguenot party was strong, according to her view, only +because of the possession of powerful leaders. The religious convictions +of its adherents went for nothing. Let the Condés, and the Colignies, and +the Porciens, and the La Rochefoucaulds be gained over, and the people, +deprived of a head, would subordinate their theology to their interest, +and unity would be restored under her own rule. It was the same vain +belief that alone rendered possible a few years later such a stupendous +crime and folly as the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre. Many an obscure +and illiterate martyr, who had lost his life during her husband's reign, +might have given her a far juster estimate of the future than her +Macchiavellian education, with all its fancied shrewdness and insight +into human character and motives, had furnished her.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's attempt to seduce Condé from the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>To overthrow the political influence of the Huguenots she must seduce +their leaders. Of this Catharine was sure. With whom, then, should she +commence but with the brilliant Condé? The calm and commanding admiral, +indeed, was the true head and heart of the late war—never more firm and +uncompromising than after defeat—as reluctant to renounce war without +securing, beyond question, the religious liberty he sought, as he had +been averse to take up the sword at all in the beginning. Of such a man, +however, little hope could be entertained. But Louis of Bourbon was cast +in another mould. Excessively small in stature and deformed in person, he +was a general favorite; for he was amiable, witty, and talkative.<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> +Moreover, he was fond of pleasure<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> to an extent that attracted notice +even in that giddy court, and as open to temptation as any of its +frivolous denizens.<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> For such persons Catharine knew how to lay +snares. Never did queen surround herself with more brilliant enticements +for the unwary. Her maids of honor were at once her spies and the +instruments of accomplishing her designs. As she had had a fair Rouhet to +undermine the constancy of Antoine, so she had now an Isabeau de Limueil +to entrap his younger brother. Nor did Catharine's device prove +unsuccessful. Condé became involved in an amorous intrigue that shook the +confidence of his Huguenot friends in his steadfastness and sincerity; +while the silly girl whom the queen had encouraged in a course that led +to ruin, as soon as her shame became notorious, was ignominiously +banished from court—for no one could surpass Catharine in the +personation of offended modesty.<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> Yet, notwithstanding a disgraceful +fall which proved to the satisfaction of a world, always sufficiently +sceptical of the depth of religious convictions, that ambition had much +more to do with the prince's conduct than any sense of duty, Condé was +not wholly lost to right feelings. The tears and remonstrances of his +wife—the true-hearted Éléonore de Roye—dying of grief at his +inconstancy, are said to have wrought a marked change in his +char<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span>acter.<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> From that time Catharine's power was gone. In vain did +she or the Guises strive to gain him over to the papal party by offering +him, in second marriage, the widow of Marshal Saint André, with an ample +dower that might well dazzle a prince of the blood with but a beggarly +appanage;<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> or even by proposing to confer upon him the hand of the +yet blooming Queen of Scots,<a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> the Prince of Condé remained true to +the cause he had espoused till his blood stained the fatal field of +Jarnac.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot progress.</div> + +<p>But while the queen mother was plying the great with her seductions, +while the Roman Catholic leaders were artfully instilling into the minds +of the people the idea that the Edict of Amboise was only a temporary +expedient,<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> while royal governors, or their lieutenants, like +Damville—the constable's younger son—at Pamiers, were cruelly abusing +the Protestants whom they ought to have protected,<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> there was much in +the tidings that came especially from southern France to encourage the +reformers. In the midst of the confusion and carnage of war the leaven +had yet been working. There were even to be found places where the +progress of Protestantism had rendered the application of the provisions +of the edict nearly, if not quite impossible. The little city of Milhau, +in Rouergue,<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> is a striking and very interesting instance.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Milhau-en-Rouergue.</div> + +<p>The edict had expressly directed that all churches should be restored to +the Roman Catholics, and that the Protestants should resort for worship +to other places, either in the suburbs, or—in the case of cities which +the Huguenots had held on the seventh of March, 1563—within the walls. +But, soon after the restoration of peace, the consuls and inhabitants of +Milhau presented a petition to Charles the Ninth, in which they make the +startling assertion that the entire population has become Protestant ("de +la religion"); that for two years or thereabouts they have lived in +undisturbed peace, whilst other cities have been the scene of +disturbances; and that, at a recent gathering of the inhabitants, they +unanimously expressed their desire to live in the exercise of the +reformed faith, under the royal permission. By the king's order the +petition was referred for examination to the commissioners for the +execution of the edict in the province of Guyenne. All its statements +were found to be strictly correct. There was not one papist within the +city; not one man, woman, or child expressed a desire for the +re-establishment of the Roman Catholic ceremonial. The monks had +renounced the cowl, the priests their vestments. Of their own free will, +some of the friars had married, some had taken up useful trades. The +prior had voluntarily resigned the greater part of his revenues; +retaining one-third for his own support, he had begged that the remainder +might be devoted to the preaching of God's Word and the maintenance of +the poor. The two churches of the place had for eighteen months been used +for Protestant worship, and there were no other convenient places to be +found. Indeed, had the churches been given up, there would have been no +one to take possession. A careful domiciliary examination by four persons +appointed by the royal judge had incontestably established the point. +Over eight hundred houses were visited, constituting the greater part of +the city. The occupants were summoned to express their preferences, and +the result was contained in the solemn return of the commission: "We have +not found a single person who desired or asked for the mass; but, on the +contrary, all demanded the preaching of the Word of God, and the +administration of His holy sacraments as instituted by Himself in that +Word.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> And thus we certify by the oath we have taken to God and to the +king."<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The cry for ministers.</div> + +<p>From other places the cry of the churches for ministers to be sent from +Geneva was unabated. In one town and its environs, so inadequate was a +single minister to the discharge of his pastoral duties, that the +peasants of the vicinity were compelled to baptize one another's +children, or to leave them unbaptized.<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> At Montpellier it is the +consuls that beg that their corps of ministers may be doubled; their two +pastors cannot preach every day and three times upon Sunday, and yet +visit the neighboring villages.<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Establishment of the Reformation in Béarn.</div> + +<p>Nowhere, however, was the advance of Protestantism so hopeful as in the +principality of Béarn, whither Jeanne d'Albret had retired, and where, +since her husband's death, she had been dividing her cares between the +education of her son, Henry of Navarre, and the establishment of the +Reformation. A less courageous spirit than hers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> might well have +succumbed in view of the difficulties in her way. Of the nobility not +one-tenth, of the magistracy not one-fifth, were favorable to the changes +which she wished to introduce. The clergy were, of course, nearly +unanimous in opposition.<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> She was, however, vigorously and wisely +seconded in her efforts by the eminent reformed pastor, Merlin, formerly +almoner of Admiral Coligny, whom Calvin had sent from Geneva at her +request.<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> But when, contrary to his advice, the Queen of Navarre had +summoned a meeting of the estates of her small territory, she detected +unexpected symptoms of resistance. She accordingly abstained from +broaching the unwelcome topic of reformation. But the deputies of the +three orders themselves introduced it. Taking occasion from a prohibition +she had issued against carrying the host in procession, they petitioned +her to maintain them in the religion of their ancestors, in accordance +with the promise which the princes of the country were accustomed to +make.<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> Fortunately a small minority was found to offer a request of +an entirely opposite tenor; and Jeanne d'Albret, with her characteristic +firmness, declared in reply "that she would reform religion in her +country, whoever might oppose." So much discontent did this decision +provoke that there was danger of open sedition.<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span></p><p>These internal obstacles were, however, by no means the only +difficulties. The court of Pau was disturbed by an uninterrupted +succession of rumors of trouble from without. Now it was the French king +that stood ready to seize the scanty remnants of Navarre, or the Spaniard +that was all prepared for an invasion from the south; anon it was Montluc +from the side of Guyenne, or Damville from that of Languedoc, who were +meditating incursions in the interest of the Roman Catholic Church. "In +short," exclaims her indefatigable coadjutor, Raymond Merlin, "it is +wonderful that this princess should be able to persist with constancy in +her holy design!"<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> Then came the papal citation, and the necessity to +avoid the alienation of the French court which would certainly result +from suddenly abolishing the papal rites, especially in view of the +circumstance that Catharine de' Medici had several times begged the Queen +of Navarre by letter to refrain from taking that decided step.<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">A plan to kidnap Jeanne and her children.</div> + +<p>It speaks well for the energy and intrepidity of Jeanne d'Albret, as well +as for the wisdom of some of her advisers, that she was able to lay in +these troublous times such broad foundations for the Protestant system of +worship and government as we shall shortly have occasion to see her +laying; for she was surrounded by courtiers who beheld in her bold +espousal of the Reformation the death-blow to their hopes of advancement +at Paris, and were, consequently, resolute in their opposition. An +incident occurring some months later demonstrates that the perils from +her treacherous neighbors were not purely imaginary. This event was +nothing less than the discovery of a plan to kidnap the Queen of Navarre +and her young son and daughter, and to give them over into the hands of +the Spanish Inquisition. Shortly after Antoine's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> death, her enemies in +France—among whom, despite his subsequent denial, it is probable that +Blaise de Montluc was one—had devised this plot as a promising means of +promoting their interests. They had despatched a trusty agent to prepare +a few of their most devoted partisans in Guyenne for its execution; he +was then to pass into Spain, to confer with the Duke of Alva. The latter +part of his instructions had not been fulfilled when the assassination of +Guise took place. Nothing daunted by this mishap, the conspirators +ordered their agent to carry out the original scheme. Alva received it +with favor, and sent the Frenchman, with his own approval of the +undertaking, to the Spanish court, where he held at least three midnight +interviews with Philip. No design was ever more dear to that prudent +monarch's heart than one which combined the rare attractions of secrecy +and treachery, particularly if there were a reasonable hope in the end of +a little wholesome blood-letting. Fortunately, however, the messenger had +not been so careful in his conversation but that he disclosed to one of +Isabella's French servants all that was essential in his commission. The +momentous secret soon found its way to the Spanish queen's almoner, and +finally to the queen herself. The blow impending over her cousin's head +terrified Isabella, and melted her compassionate heart. She disclosed to +the ambassador of Charles the Ninth the astounding fact that some of the +Spanish troops then at Barcelona, on their way to the campaign in +Barbary, were to be quietly sent back from the coast to the interior. +Thence, passing through defiles in the Pyrenees, under experienced +guides, they were to fall upon the unsuspecting court of the Queen of +Navarre at Pau. In such a case, to be forewarned was to be forearmed. The +private secretary of the French envoy was despatched to inform Jeanne +d'Albret of her peril, and to notify Catharine de' Medici of the intended +incursion into the French territories. The premature disclosure +occasioned the abandonment of the plan; but it is said that Philip the +Second never forgave his unfortunate wife her part in frustrating its +execution.<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Council of Trent closes its sessions.</div> + +<p>The month of December, 1563, witnessed the close of that celebrated +convocation, the Council of Trent. This is not the place for the +discussion of its extraordinary history, yet it is worth while to note +the conclusion of an assembly which exerted so weighty an influence in +establishing the dogmas of the papal church. Resumed after its long +suspension, on the eighteenth of January, 1562, the council from whose +deliberations such magnificent results of harmony had been expected, +began its work by rendering the breach between the Roman Catholic and the +Protestant worlds incurable. Fortunately for the Roman See, all the +leading courts in Christendom, although agreed in pronouncing for the +necessity of reform, were at variance with one another in respect to the +particular objects to be aimed at. It was by a skilful use of this +circumstance that the Pope was enabled to extricate himself creditably +from an embarrassing situation, and to secure every essential advantage. +At the reopening of the council, the French and German bishops were not +present, and the great majority of the members being poor Italian +prelates dependent almost for their daily bread upon the good pleasure of +the pontiff, it is not surprising that the first step taken was to +concede to the Pope or his legates the exclusive right to introduce +subjects for discussion, as well as the yet more important claim of +sitting as judge and ratifying the decisions of the assembled Fathers +before they became valid. Notwithstanding this disgraceful surrender of +their independence and authority, the Roman See was by no means sure as +to the results at which the prelates of the Council of Trent would +arrive. France and the empire demanded radical reforms in the Pope and +his court, and some concessions to the Protestants—the permission of +marriage for the priesthood, the distribution of the wine to the laity in +the eucharistic sacrament, and the use of the vernacular tongue in a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> +portion, at least, of the public services. The arrival of the Cardinal of +Lorraine and other bishops, in the month of November, 1562, to reinforce +the handful of French prelates in attendance, enhanced the apprehensions +of Pius. For, strange as it may appear to us, even Pius suspected Charles +of favoring innovation—so far had the arch-hypocrite imposed on friend +as well as foe by his declaration of adhesion to the Augsburg Confession! +The fact was that there was no lack of dissimulation on any side, and +that the prelates who urged reforms were among the most insincere. They +had drawn up certain articles without the slightest expectation, and +certainly without the faintest desire, to have them accepted. Their sole +aim seemed to be to shift the blame for the flagrant disorders of the +Church from their own shoulders to those of the Pope. If their +suggestions had been seriously entertained and acted upon, no men would +have had more difficulty than they in concealing their chagrin.<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> The +monarchs—and it was their ambassadors who, with the papal legates, +directed all the most important conclusions—were at heart equally averse +to the restoration of canonical elections, and to everything which, by +relieving the ecclesiastics of their servile dependence upon the crown, +might cut off that perennial fountain for the payment of their debts and +for defraying the expenses of their military enterprises, which they had +discovered in the contributions wrung from churchmen's purses. Thus, in +the end, by a series of compromises, in which Pope and king each obtained +what he was anxious to secure, and sacrificed little for which he really +cared, the council managed to confirm the greater number of the abuses it +had been expected to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> remove, and to render indelible the line of +demarcation between Roman Catholic and Protestant, which it was to have +effaced.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Cardinal Lorraine returns to France,</div> + +<p>The Cardinal of Lorraine returning to France, after the conclusion of the +council (the fourth of December, 1563), made it his first object to +secure the ratification of the Tridentine decrees. He had now thrown off +the mask of moderation, which had caused his friends such needless +alarms, and was quite ready to sacrifice (as the nuncio had long since +prophesied he would sacrifice)<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> the interests of France to those of +the Roman See. But the undertaking was beyond his strength.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">and unsuccessfully seeks the approval of the decrees of +Trent.</div> + +<p>On Lorraine's arrival at court, then stopping at St. Maur-sur-Marne +(January, 1564), Catharine answered his request that the king should +approve the conclusions of Trent by saying that, if there was anything +good in them, the king would gladly approve of it, even if it were not +decreed by the council. And, at a supper, to which he was invited the +same evening at the quarters of the Cardinal of Bourbon, he had to put up +with a good deal of rough jesting from Condé and his boon companions, who +plied him with pungent questions respecting the Pope and the doings of +the holy Fathers.<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Wrangle between Lorraine and L'Hospital.</div> + +<p>A few weeks later Lorraine made a more distinct effort to secure +recognition for the late council's work. Several of the presidents of +parliament, the avocat-général, and the procureur du roi had been +summoned to court—which, meanwhile, had removed to Melun (February, +1564)—to give their advice to the privy council respecting this +momentous question. The cardinal's proposition met with little favor. +Chancellor L'Hospital distinguished himself by his determined opposition, +and boldly refuted the churchman's arguments. The cardinal had long been +chafing at the intractability<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> of the lawyer, who owed his early +advancement to the influence of the house of Guise, and now could no +longer contain his anger. He spoke in a loud and imperious tone, and used +taunts that greatly provoked the illustrious bystanders. "It is high time +for you to drop your mask," he said to L'Hospital, "for, as for myself, I +cannot discover what religion you are of. In fact, you seem to have no +other religion than to injure as much as possible both me and my house. +Ingrate that you are, you have forgotten all the benefits you have +received at my hands." The chancellor's answer was quiet and dignified. +"I shall always be ready, even at the peril of my life, to return my +obligations to you. I cannot do it at the expense of the king's honor and +welfare." And he added the pointed observation that the cardinal was +desirous of effecting, by intrigue, what he had been unable to effect by +force of arms. Others took up the debate, the old constable himself +disclaiming any intention of disputing respecting doctrines which he +approved, but expressing his surprise that Lorraine should disturb the +tranquillity of the kingdom, and take up the cause of the Roman pontiff +against a king through whose liberality he was in the enjoyment of an +annual revenue of three or four hundred thousand francs. Catharine, as +usual, did her best to allay the irritation; but the cardinal, greatly +disappointed, retired to Rheims.<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Opposition of Du Moulin.</div> + +<p>A few months after the scene at Melun, the most eminent of French +jurists, the celebrated Charles Du Moulin, published an unanswerable +treatise, proving that the Council of Trent had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> none of the +characteristics of a true œcumenical synod, and that its decrees were +null and void.<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> And the Parliament of Paris, although it ordered the +seizure of the book and imprisoned the author for some days, could not be +induced to consent to incorporate in the legislation of the country the +Tridentine decrees, so hostile in spirit to the French legislation.<a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> +Evidently parliament, although too timid to say so, believed, with Du +Moulin, that the acceptance of the decrees in question "would be against +God and against the benefit of Jesus Christ in the Gospel, against the +ancient councils, against the majesty of the king and the rights of his +crown, against his recent edicts and the edicts of preceding kings, +against the liberty and immunity of the Gallican Church, the authority of +the estates and courts of parliament of the kingdom, and the secular +jurisdiction."<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a></p> + +<p>It was shortly before this time that the report gained currency that +Charles the Ninth had received an embassy from Philip of Spain and the +Duke of Savoy, inviting him, it was said, to a conference with all other +"Christian" princes, to be held on the twenty-fifth of March (1564), to +swear submission in common to the decrees of Trent and devise means for +the repression of heresy. But neither Charles nor his mother, still very +much under the influence of the tolerant chancellor, was disposed to +enter upon the path of persecution marked out for them. The conference +was therefore, we are told, gracefully, but firmly declined.<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> The +story was but an idle rumor, the absurdity of which is clearly seen from +this one fact among many, that Philip had not at this time himself +accepted and published the Tridentine decrees;<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> while, from various +docu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span>ments that have come down to us, it appears that Catharine de' +Medici had for some months<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> been projecting a trip that should enable +her son to meet several of the neighboring princes, for the purpose of +cultivating more friendly relations with them. From this desire, and from +the wish, by displaying the young monarch to the inhabitants of the +different provinces, to revive the loyalty of his subjects, seriously +weakened during the late civil war, apparently arose the project of that +well-known "progress" of Charles the Ninth through the greater part of +France, a progress which consumed many successive months.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "progress" of Charles IX.</div> + +<p>Whether the Cardinal of Lorraine had any direct part, as was commonly +reported, in bringing about the journey of the king, is uncertain. He +himself wrote to Granvelle that he had neither advocated nor opposed +it;<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> but the character of the man has been delineated to little +purpose in these pages if the reader is disposed to give any weight to +his assertion. Certain, however, it is that the Huguenots looked upon the +project with great suspicion, and that its execution was accepted as a +virtual triumph of their opponents. Condé and Coligny could see as +clearly as the cardinal the substantial advantages which a formal visit +to the elder branch of the Lorraine family might secure to the branch of +the family domiciled in France; and they could readily imagine that under +cover of this voyage might be concealed the most nefarious designs +against the peace of their co-religionists. It is not surprising that +many Huguenot nobles accepted it as a mark of the loss of favor, and that +few of them accompanied the court in its wanderings.<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> The English +ambassador, noting this im<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span>portant fact, made, on his own account, an +unfavorable deduction from what he saw, as to the design of the court. +"They carry the king about this country now," he observed, "mostly to see +the ruins of the churches and religious houses done by the Huguenots in +this last war. They suppress the losses and hurts the Huguenots have +suffered."<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> On the other hand, the Roman Catholic party received +their success as a presage of speedy restoration to full power, and +entertained brilliant hopes for the future.<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> The queen mother was +beginning to make fair promises to the papal adherents, and the influence +of the admiral and his brothers seemed to be at an end.</p> + +<p>Leaving the palace of Fontainebleau, the court passed through Sens and +Troyes to the city of Bar-sur-Seine, where Charles acted as sponsor for +his infant nephew, the son of the Duke of Lorraine. The brilliant <i>fêtes</i> +that accompanied the arrival of the king here and elsewhere could not, +however, hide from the world one of the chief results, if not designs, of +the journey. It was a prominent part of the queen mother's plan to seize +the opportunity for carrying out the system of repression toward the +Huguenots which she had already begun. While there is no reason to +suppose that as yet she felt any disposition to lend an ear to the +suggestions of Spanish emissaries, or of Philip him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span>self, for a general +massacre, or at least an open war of extermination, she was certainly +very willing by less open means to preclude the Protestants from ever +giving her trouble, or becoming again a formidable power in the state. +The most unfavorable reports, in truth, were in circulation against the +Huguenots. At Lyons they were accused of poisoning the wells, or, +according to another version of the story, the kitchen-pots, in order to +give the impression that the plague was in the city, and so deter the +king from coming.<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> Catharine had no need, however, of crediting these +calumnious tales in order to be moved to hostile action. Her desire was +unabated to reign under her son's name, untrammelled by the restraint of +the jealous love of liberty cherished by the Huguenots. Their numbers +were large—though not so large as they were then supposed to be. Even so +intelligent a historian as Garnier regards them as constituting nearly +one-third of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> M. Lacretelle is undoubtedly much more +correct in estimating them at fifteen or sixteen hundred thousand souls, +or barely one-tenth of the entire population of France—a country at that +time much more sparsely inhabited, and of which a much larger part of the +surface was in inferior cultivation, or altogether neglected, than at +present.<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> But, however small their number in proportion to the +papists, the Huguenots, from their superior industry and intelligence, +from the circumstance that their strength lay in the sturdy middle class +and in the nobility, including little of the rabble of the cities and +none of that of Paris,<a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> were a party that naturally awakened the +jealousy of the queen. We need make little account of any exasperation in +consequence of such silly devices as the threatening letter said to have +been put in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> Catharine's bed-room, warning her that if she did not drive +the papists from about her, "she and her L'Aubespine" (secretary of +state) would feel the dagger.<a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> She was too shrewd not to know that a +Roman Catholic was more likely to have penned it than a Huguenot.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's new zeal.</div> + +<p>In furtherance of the policy to which she had now committed herself, she +caused the fortifications of the cities that had been strongholds of the +Protestants during the late war to be levelled, and in their place +erected citadels whereby the Huguenots might be kept in subjection.<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> +As Easter approached, Catharine revealed the altered tone of her mind by +notifying her maids of honor that she would suffer none to remain about +her but those who were good Catholics and submitted to the ordinary test +of orthodoxy. There is said to have been but a single girl who declined +to go to mass, and preferred to return to her home.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> Well would it +have been if the queen had been as attentive to the morals<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> as to the +orthodoxy of these pleasure-seeking attendants. But, to belong to the +"religion ancienne et catholique" was a mantle large enough to cover a +multitude of sins.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Interpretative declarations infringing upon the Edict.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Declaration of Roussillon.</div> + +<p>More direct infringements upon the liberty guaranteed by the Edict of +Amboise had already been made or were yet in store. The legislation which +could not conveniently be repealed by formal enactment could be rendered +null by interpretative declarations. Charles was made to proclaim that by +the Edict he had not intended to permit preaching in places previously +belonging to the patrimony of the Church,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> or held as benefices. This was +aimed at such prelates of doubtful catholicity as Saint Romain, +Archbishop of Aix, or the Cardinal Bishop of Beauvais, Odet de Châtillon. +He was made to say, that by the places where Protestant worship could be +held within the walls, by virtue of its having been exercised on the +seventh of March, 1563, were meant only those that had been garrisoned by +Protestants, and had undergone a successful siege. This stroke of the pen +cut off several cities in which Protestantism had been maintained without +conflict of arms. The Huguenot counsellors of the parliament were +deprived of the enjoyment of their right to attend the "assemblée," or +"Protestant congregation," by a gloss which forbade the inhabitants of +Paris from attending the reformed worship in the neighboring districts. +When the court reached Lyons, a city which, as we have seen, had been +among the foremost in devotion to the Protestant cause, a fresh edict, of +the twenty-fourth of June, prohibited the reformed rites from being +celebrated in any city in which the king might be sojourning. Five or six +weeks later, at the little town of Roussillon, a few miles south of +Vienne, on the Rhône, another and more flagrant violation of the letter +and spirit of the edict of pacification was incorporated in a declaration +purporting to remove fresh uncertainties as to the meaning of its +provisions. It forbade the noblemen who might possess the right to +maintain Protestant services in their castles, to permit any persons but +their own families and their vassals to be present. It prohibited the +convocation of synods and the collection of money, and enjoined upon +ministers of the gospel not to leave their places of residence, nor to +open schools for the instruction of the young. But the most vexatious and +unjust article of all was that which constrained all priests, monks, and +nuns, who during or since the troubles had forsaken their vows and had +married, either to resume their monastic profession and dismiss their +consorts, or to leave the kingdom. As a penalty for the violation of this +command, the men were to be sentenced to the galleys for life, the women +to close confinement in prison. I omit in this list of grievances +suffered by the Huguenots some minor annoyances such as that which +compelled the artisan to desist from working in his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> shop with open doors +on the festivals of the Roman Catholic Church.<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Assaults upon unoffending Huguenots.</div> + +<p>These legal infractions were not all. Everywhere the Huguenots had to +complain of acts of violence, committed by their papist neighbors, at the +instigation of priests and bishops, and not infrequently of the royal +governors. Little more than a year had passed since peace was restored, +and already the victims of religious assassination rivalled in number the +martyrs of the days of open persecution. At Crevant the Protestants were +attacked on their way to their "temple;" at Tours they were attacked +while engaged in worship. At Mans the fanatical bishop was the chief +instigator of a work of mingled murder and rapine. At Vendôme it was the +royal governor himself, Gilbert de Curée, who fell a victim to the hatred +of the Roman Catholic noblesse, and was treacherously killed while +hunting.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> If anything more was needed to render the violence +insupportable, it was found in the fact that any attempt to obtain +judicial investigation and redress resulted not in the condemnation of +the guilty, but in the personal peril of the complainant.<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé appeals for redress.</div> + +<p>Smarting under the repeated acts of violence to which at every moment +they were liable, and under the successive infringements upon the Edict +of Amboise, the Huguenots urged the Prince of Condé to represent their +grievances to the monarch, in the excellence of whose heart they had not +yet lost confidence. The Protestant leader did not repel the trust. His +appeal to Charles and to the queen mother was urgent. He showed that, +even where the letter of the edict<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> was observed, its spirit was +flagrantly violated. The edict provided for a place for preaching in each +prefecture, to be selected by the king. In some cases no place had yet +been designated. In others, the most inconvenient places had been +assigned. Sometimes the Huguenots of a district would be compelled to go +<i>twenty or twenty-five leagues</i> in order to attend divine worship. The +declaration affecting the monks and nuns who had forsaken their habit was +a violation of the general liberty promised. So also was the prohibition +of synods, which, though not expressly mentioned, were implied in the +toleration of the religion to which they were indispensably necessary. +But it was the prejudice and ill-will, of which the Huguenots were the +habitual victims at the hands of royal governors and other officers, +which moved them most deeply. The evident desire was to find some ground +of accusation against them. The ears of the judges were stopped against +their appeals for justice. It was enough that they were accused. Decrees +of confiscation, of the razing of their houses, of death, were promptly +given before any examination was made into the truth of their +culpability. On a mere rumor of a commotion in the Protestant city of +Montauban, an order was issued to demolish its walls. The case was far +otherwise with turbulent Roman Catholic towns. The people were encouraged +to acts of violence toward the Huguenots by the impunity of the +perpetrators of similar crimes, and by the evident partiality of those +who were set to administer justice. Out of six or seven score murders of +Protestants since the peace, not two of the abominable acts had been +punished. Under such circumstances it would not be surprising if the +victims of inordinate cruelty should at length be driven in desperation +to take their defence into their own hands.<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Conciliatory reply of the king.</div> + +<p>The king, or his ministers, fearful of a commotion during his absence +from Paris, answered the letter of the prince with tolerable courtesy, +and even made a pretence of desiring to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> secure justice to his Protestant +subjects; but the attempt really effected very little. Thus, for +instance, while sojourning in the city of Valence (on the fifth of +September, 1564), Charles received a petition of the Huguenots of +Bordeaux, setting forth some of the grievances under which they were +groaning, and gave a favorable answer. He permitted them, by this patent, +to sing their psalms in their own houses. He declared them free from any +obligation to furnish the "pain bénit," and to contribute to the support +of Roman Catholic fraternities. The Protestants were not to be molested +for possessing or selling copies of the Bible. They must not be compelled +to deck out their houses in honor of religious processions, nor to swear +on St. Anthony's arm. They might work at their trades with closed doors, +except on Sundays and solemn feasts. Magistrates were forbidden to take +away the children of Huguenots, in order to have them baptized according +to Romish rites. Protestants could be elected to municipal offices +equally with the adherents of the other faith.<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> In a similar tone of +conciliation the king published an order from Roussillon, remitting the +fines that had been imposed upon the Huguenots of Nantes for neglecting +to hang tapestry before their houses on Corpus Christi Day, and +permitting them henceforth to abstain from an act so offensive to their +religious convictions.<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Protestants excluded from judicial posts.</div> + +<p>Such local concessions were, however, only the decoys by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> which the queen +mother intended to lure the Huguenots on to a fatal security. A few +months later, at Avignon, Catharine caused an ordinance to be published +in the king's name, which Cardinal Santa Croce characterized as an +excellent one. It excluded Protestants from holding judicial seats. +Catharine told the nuncio that her counsellors had been desirous of +extending the same prohibition to all other charges under government, but +that she had deterred them. It would have driven the Huguenots to +desperation, and might have occasioned disturbances. "We shall labor, +however," she said, "to exclude them little by little from all their +offices." At the same time she expressed her joy that everything was +succeeding so well, and privately assured the nuncio "that people were +much deceived in her."<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a></p> + +<p>And yet such are the paradoxes of history, especially in this age of +surprises, that, at the very moment the king was depriving his own +Protestant subjects of their rights, he was negotiating in behalf of the +Protestant subjects of his neighbors! The king would not leave +Avignon—so wrote the English envoy—without reconciling the inhabitants +of the Comtât Venaissin and the principality of Orange, whom diversity of +religion had brought into collision. And, by the articles of pacification +which the ambassador enclosed, the king was seen "to have had a care for +others also, having provided a certain liberty of religion even to the +Pope's own subjects, which he had much difficulty in obtaining."<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Marshal Montmorency checks the Parisian mob.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">His encounter with Cardinal Lorraine.</div> + +<p>While the queen mother, under cover of her son's authority, followed the +new policy of opposition to the Huguenots upon which she had now entered, +an incident occurred at Paris show<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span>ing that even the Roman Catholics were +not unanimous in their support of the Guises and their plan of +exterminating heresy. The governor of the metropolis was Marshal +Montmorency, the most worthy of all the constable's sons. He had +vigorously exerted himself ever since the king's departure to protect the +Huguenots in accordance with the provisions of the treaty. A Protestant +woman, who during the war had been hung in effigy for "huguenoterie," but +had returned from her flight since the conclusion of peace, died and was +secretly buried by friends, one Sunday night, in the "Cimetière des +Innocents." The next morning a rabble, such as only Paris could afford, +collected with the intention of disinterring the heretic. And they would +have accomplished their design, had not Marshal Montmorency ridden in, +sword in hand, and resolved to hang the culprits that very day. "He would +assist the Huguenots," he is reported to have been in the habit of +saying, "because they were the weaker party."<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> On Monday, the eighth +of January, 1565, the Cardinal of Lorraine approached the city in full +ecclesiastical dress, with the intention of entering it.<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> He was +attended by his young nephew, the Duke of Guise, and by an escort of +armed men, whom Catharine had permitted him to retain in spite of the +general prohibition, because of the fears he undoubtedly felt for his +personal safety. As he neared Paris he was met by a messenger sent by the +governor, commanding him to bid his company lay down their arms, or to +exhibit his pretended authority. The cardinal, accustomed to domineer +over even such old noble families as the Montmorencies, would do neither, +and attempted to ride defiantly into the city. But the marshal was no +respecter of persons. With the troops at his command he met and dispersed +the cardinal's escort. Lorraine fled as for his life into a shop on the +Rue Saint Denis. Thence he was secretly con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span>veyed to his own palace, and +shortly after he left the city in utter discomfiture, but breathing dire +threats against the marshal.<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> The latter, calling into Paris his +cousin the admiral, had no difficulty in maintaining order. Great was the +consternation of the populace, it is true, for the absurd report was +circulated that Coligny was come to plunder the city, and to seize the +Parliament House, the Cathedral, and the Bastile;<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> and even the first +president, De Thou, begged him, when he came to the parliament, to +explain the reasons of his obeying his cousin's summons, and to imitate +the prudence of Pompey the Great when he entered the city of Rome, where +Cæsar's presence rendered a sedition imminent. The admiral, in reply, +gracefully acknowledged the honor which parliament had done him in +likening him to Pompey, whom he would gladly imitate, he said, because +Pompey was a patriot. Still he saw no appositeness in the comparison, "as +there was no Cæsar in Paris."<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The conference at Bayonne, June, 1565.</div> + +<p>Early in the month of June, 1565, Charles the Ninth and his court reached +the neighborhood of the city of Bayonne, where, on the very confines of +France and Spain, a meeting had been arranged between Catharine and her +daughter Isabella, wife of Philip the Second. Catharine's first proposal +had been that her royal son-in-law should himself be present. She had +urged that great good to Christendom might flow from their deliberations. +Philip the Prudent, however, and his confidential adviser, the Duke of +Alva, were sus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span>picious of the design. Alva was convinced that Catharine +had only her own private ends in view.<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> Granvelle observed that +little fruit came of these interviews of princes but discord and +confusion, and judged that, had not the queen mother strenuously insisted +upon improving perhaps the only opportunity which she and her daughter +might enjoy of seeing each other, even the interview between the two +queens would have been declined.<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> As it was, however, Philip excused +himself on the plea of engrossing occupations.</p> + +<p>Such were the circumstances under which the Bayonne conference took +place—a meeting which Cardinal Granvelle assured his correspondents was +a simple visit of a daughter to her mother,<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> but to which +contemporaries, both Roman Catholic and Protestant, ascribed a far deeper +significance. At this meeting, according to Jean de Serres, writing only +four or five years after the event,<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> a holy league, as it was called, +was formed, by the intervention of Isabella, for the purpose of +re-establishing the authority of the ancient religion and of extirpating +the new. France and Spain mutually promised to render each other +assistance in the good work; and both pledged themselves to the support +of the Holy See by all the means in their power. Philip himself was not +present, either, it was conjectured, in order that the league might the +better be kept secret, or to avoid the appearance of lowering his dignity +before that of the French monarch.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> The current belief—until +recently<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> almost the universal belief of historians—goes farther, and +alleges that in this mysterious conference Catharine and Alva, who +accompanied his master's wife, concocted the plan of that famous massacre +whose execution was delayed by various circumstances for seven years. +Alva was the tempter, and the words with which he recommended his +favorite method of dealing with heresy, by destroying its chief +upholders, were embodied in the ignoble sentence, "Better a salmon's head +than ten thousand frogs."<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, a general impression that the conference had led to the +formation of a distinct plan for the universal destruction of +Protestantism gained ground almost immediately. Within about a month +after the queen mother and her daughter had ended their interview, the +English ambassador wrote to Leicester and Cecil that "they of the +religion think that there has been at this meeting at Bayonne some +complot betwixt the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Scottish queen, by +their ambassadors, and some say also the Papists of England."<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">No plan of massacre agreed upon.</div> + +<p>Fortunately, however, we are not left to frame by uncertain conjecture a +doubtful story of the transactions of this famous interview. The +correspondence of the Duke of Alva himself with Philip the Second has +been preserved among the manuscripts of Simancas, to dispel many +inveterate misapprehensions. These letters not only prove that no plan +for a massacre of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> the Huguenots was agreed upon by the two parties, but +that Alva did not even distinctly declare himself in favor of such a +plan. They furnish, however, an instructive view, such as can but rarely +be so well obtained, of the net of treacherous intrigue which the fingers +of Philip and his agents were for many years busy day and night in +cautiously spreading around the throne of France.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">June 14th.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">June 15th.</div> + +<p>On Thursday, the fourteenth of June, the young Spanish queen, with her +brilliant train of attendant grandees, crossed the narrow stream forming +the dividing line between the two kingdoms, and was conducted by her +mother, her brothers and sister, and a crowd of gallant French nobles, to +the neighboring town of Saint Jean de Luz. On Friday, Catharine and +Charles rode forward to make their solemn entry into Bayonne, where they +were to await their guests' arrival. Before they started, Alva had +already been at work complimenting such good Catholics as the constable, +Cardinal Bourbon, and Prince La Roche-sur-Yon, flattering Cardinal Guise +(his brother of Lorraine was absent from court, not yet being fully +reinstated in favor), the Duke of Montpensier, and vain old Blaise de +Montluc. Nor were his blandishments thrown away. Poor weak Guise—the +"cardinal des bouteilles" he was called, from the greater acquaintance he +had with the wine and good living than with religious or political +affairs<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>—was overcome with emotion and gratitude, and begged Alva to +implore the Catholic king, by the love of God, to look in pity upon an +unhappy kingdom, where religion was fast going to ruin. Montpensier threw +himself into Alva's arms,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> and told him that Philip alone was the hope of +all the good in France, declaring for himself that he was willing to be +torn in pieces in his behalf, and maintaining the meanwhile, that, should +that pleasant operation be performed, "Philip" would be found written on +his heart. To Blaise de Montluc's self-conceit Alva laid siege in no very +covert manner, assuring him that his master had not given his consent to +Catharine's plan for an interview until he had perused a paper written by +the grim old warrior's hand, in which he had expressed the opinion that +the conference would be productive of wholesome results. The implied +praise was all that was needed to induce Montluc to explain himself more +fully. He was opposed to the exercise of any false humanity. He ascribed +the little success that had attended the Roman Catholic arms in the last +struggle to the half-way measures adopted and the attempt to exercise the +courtesies of peace in time of war. The combatants on either side +addressed their enemies as "my brother" and "my cousin." As for himself, +he had made it a rule to spare no man's life, but to wage a war of +extermination. To this unburdening of his mind Alva replied by giving +Montluc to understand that, as a good Roman Catholic, it should be his +task to discover the means of inducing Charles and his mother to perform +their duty, and, if he failed in this, to disclose to Philip the course +which he must pursue, "since it was impossible to suffer matters to go +on, as they were going, to their ruin."</p> + +<p>What the duty of the French king was, in Philip's and Alva's view, is +evidenced by the advice of the "good" Papists which the minister reports +to his master with every mark of approbation. It was, in the first place, +to banish from the kingdom every Protestant minister, and prohibit +utterly any exercise of the reformed religion. The provincial governors, +whose orthodoxy in almost every case could be relied upon, were to be the +instruments in the execution of this work.<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> But, besides this, it +would be necessary to seize a few of the leaders and cut off their heads. +Five or six, it was suggested, would be all the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span> victims required.<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> +It was, in fact, essentially the plan of operations with which Alva +undertook a year or two later the reduction of the Netherlands to +submission to Spanish tyranny and the Papal Church. Treacherous +imprisonments of the most suspected, which could scarcely have been +confined within such narrow numerical limits as Alva laid down, together +with a "blood council" to complete the work, or with a massacre in which +the proprieties of judicial investigation would be less nicely +observed—such was the scheme after Philip's own heart.</p> + +<p>But this scheme suited the present frame of mind neither of Charles nor +of Catharine. When the crafty Spaniard, cautiously feeling his way, +begged the young king to be very careful of his life, "for God, he was +convinced, was reserving him to execute a great work by his hands, in the +punishment of the offences which were committed in that kingdom,"<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> +Charles briskly responded: "Oh! to take up arms does not suit me. I have +no disposition to consummate the destruction of my kingdom begun in the +past wars."<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> The duke clearly saw that the king was but repeating a +lesson that had been taught him by others, and contemptuously dismissed +the topic.<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine and Alva.</div> + +<p>Catharine was not less determined than her son to avoid a resort to arms. +It was with difficulty that Alva could get her to broach the subject of +religion at all. Isabella having, at his suggestion, pressed her mother +to disclose the secret communication to make which she had sought this +interview, Catharine referred, with some bitterness, to the distrust of +Charles and of herself evidently entertained by Philip, which would be +likely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> to lead in the end to a renewal of war between France and Spain. +And she reproached Isabella with having so soon allowed herself to become +"Hispaniolized"<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>—a charge from which her daughter endeavored to +clear herself as best she could. When at last Alva succeeded in bringing +up the subject, which was, ostensibly at least, so near what Philip +called his heart, Catharine's display of tact was such as to elicit the +profound admiration of even so consummate a master in the art of +dissimulation as the duke himself. Her circumspection, he declared, he +had never seen equalled.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> She maintained that there was no need of +alarm at the condition of religion in France, for everything was going on +better than when the Edict of Pacification was published. "It is your +satisfaction at being freed from war that leads you to take so cheerful a +view," urged Alva. "My master cannot but require the application of a +more efficient remedy, since the cause is common to Spain; for the +disease will spread, and Philip has no inclination to lose his crown, or, +perhaps, even his head." Catharine now insisted upon Alva's explaining +himself and disclosing his master's plan of action. This Alva declined to +do. Although Philip was as conversant with the state of France as she or +any other person in the kingdom, yet he preferred to leave to her to +decide upon the precise nature of the specific to be administered. +Catharine pressed the inquiry, but Alva continued to parry the question +adroitly. He asks if, since the Edict of Toleration, ground has been +gained or lost. Decidedly gained, she replies, and proceeds to +particularize. But Alva is confident that she is deceiving herself or +him: it is notorious that things are becoming worse every day.</p> + +<p>"Would you have me understand," interrupts Catharine, "that we must +resort to arms again?"</p> + +<p>"I see no present need of assuming them," answers Alva, "and my master +would not advise you to take them up, unless constrained by other +necessity than that which I now see."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span></p> + +<p>"What, then, would Philip have me do?" asks Catharine. "Apply a prompt +remedy," answers Alva; "for sooner or later your enemies will, by their +own action, compel you to accept the wager of war, and that, probably, +under less favorable circumstances than at present. All Philip's thoughts +are intent upon the expulsion of that wretched sect of the Huguenots, and +upon restoring the subjects of the French crown to their ancient +obedience, and maintaining the queen mother's legitimate authority." "The +king, my son," responds Catharine, "publishes whatever edicts he pleases, +and is obeyed." "Then, if he enjoys such authority over his vassals," +breaks in Isabella, "why does he not punish those who are rebels both +against God and against himself?"</p> + +<p>That question Catharine did not choose to answer. Instead of it she had +some chimerical schemes to propose—a league between France, Spain, and +Germany, that should give the law to the world, and a confirmation of the +bonds that united the royal houses of France and Spain by two more +marriages, viz.: of Don Carlos to Margaret, her youngest daughter, and of +the Duke of Anjou to the Princess of Portugal. Alva, however, making +light of such projects, which could, according to his view, effect +nothing more than the bond already connecting the families, was not slow +in bringing the conversation back to the religious question. But he soon +had reason to complain of Catharine's coldness. She had already expressed +her mind fully, she said; and she resented, as a want of the respect due +to her, the hint that she was more indifferent than previously. She would +not fail to do justice, she assured him. That would be difficult, +rejoined Alva, with a chancellor at the head of the judiciary who could +not certainly be expected to apply the remedy needed by the unsound +condition of France. "It is his personal enemies," promptly replied +Catharine, "who, out of hatred, accuse L'Hospital of being a bad +Catholic." "Can you deny that he is a Huguenot?" asked the Spaniard. "I +do not regard him as such," calmly answered the French queen. "Then you +are the only person in the kingdom who is of that opinion!" retorted the +duke. "Even before I left France, and during the lifetime of my father, +King Henry," said Isabella,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> interrupting with considerable animation, +"your Majesty knows that that was his reputation; and you may be certain +that so long as he is retained in his present office the good will always +be kept in fear and in disfavor, while the bad will find him a support +and advocate in all their evil courses. If he were to be confined for a +few days only in his own house, you would at once discover the truth of +my words, so much better would the interests of religion advance."<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> +But this step Catharine was by no means willing to take. Nor, when again +pressed by Alva, who dwelt much on the importance to Philip of knowing +her intentions as to applying herself in earnest to the good work, so as +to be guided in his own actions, would she deign to give any clearer +indications. Yet she avowed—greatly shocking the orthodox duke +thereby<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>—that she designed, instead of securing the acceptance of +the decrees of Trent by the French, to convene a council of "good +prelates and wise men," to settle a number of matters not of divine or +positive prescription, which the Fathers of Trent had left undecided. +Alva expressed his extreme astonishment, and reminded her of the Colloquy +of Poissy—the source, as he alleged, of all the present disgraceful +situation of France.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a> But Catharine threw the whole blame of the +failure of that conference upon the inordinate conceit of the Cardinal of +Lorraine,<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> and persisted in the plan. The Spaniard came to the +conclusion that Catharine's only design was to avoid having recourse to +salutary rigor, and indulged in his correspondence with his master in +lugubrious vaticinations respecting the future.<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine rejects all violent plans.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Cardinal Granvelle's testimony.</div> + +<p>So far, then, was the general belief which has been adopted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> by the +greater number of historians up to our own days from being correct—the +belief that Catharine framed, at the Bayonne conference, with Alva's +assistance, a plan for the extermination of the Protestants by a massacre +such as was realized on St. Bartholomew's Day, 1572—that, on the +contrary, the queen mother refused, in a peremptory manner that disgusted +the Spanish fanatics, every proposition that looked like violence. That +we have not read the correspondence of Alva incorrectly, and that no +letter containing the mythical agreement of Catharine ever reached +Philip, is proved by the tone of the letters that passed between the +great agents in the work of persecution in the Spanish Netherlands. +Cardinal Granvelle, who, in his retreat at Besançon, was kept fully +informed by the King of Spain, or by his chief ministers, of every +important event, and who received copies of all the most weighty +documents, in a letter to Alonso del Canto expresses great regret that +Isabella and Alva should have failed in their endeavor to induce +Catharine de' Medici to adopt methods more proper than she was taking to +remedy the religious ills of France. She promised marvels, he adds, but +was determined to avoid recourse to arms, which, indeed, was not +necessary, if she would only act as she should. He was persuaded that the +plan she was adopting would entail the ruin of religion and of her son's +throne.<a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Festivities and pageantry.</div> + +<p>While the policy of two of the most important nations on the face of the +globe, in which were involved the interests, temporal and eternal, of +millions of men, women, and children, formed the topic of earnest +discussion between two women—a mother and her daughter, the mother yet +to become infamous for her participation in a bloody tragedy of which she +as yet little dreamed—and a Spanish grandee doomed to an equally +unenviable immortality in the records of human suffering and human crime, +the city of Bayonne was the scene of an ephemeral gayety that might well +convey the impression that such merry-making was not only the sole object +of the conference, but the great concern of life.<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> Two nations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> +floundering in hopeless bankruptcy, yet found money enough to lavish upon +costly but unmeaning pageants, while many a noble, to satisfy an +ostentatious display, made drafts which an impoverished purse was little +able to honor. The banquets and jousts, the triumphal arches with their +flattering inscriptions, the shows in which allegory revelled almost to +madness—all have been faithfully narrated with a minuteness worthy of a +loftier theme.<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> This is, however, no place for the detailed +description which, though entertaining, can be read to advantage only on +the pages of the contemporary pamphlets that have come down to us.</p> + +<p>Yet, in the discussion of the more serious concerns of a great religious +and political party, we may for a moment pause to gaze at a single show, +neither more magnificent nor more dignified than its fellows; but in +which the youthful figure of a Bearnese destined to play a first part in +the world's drama, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> up to this time living a life of retirement in +his ancestral halls, first makes his appearance among the pomps to which +as yet he has been a stranger. The pride of the grandfather whose name he +bore, Henry of Navarre had been permitted, at that whimsical old man's +suggestion, to strengthen an already vigorous constitution by athletic +sports, and by running barefoot like the poorest peasant over the sides +of his native hills. "God designed," writes a companion of his later days +who never rekindles more of his youthful fire than when descanting upon +his master's varied fortunes, "to prepare an iron wedge wherewith to +cleave the hard knots of our calamities."<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> Later in childhood, when +both father and grandfather were dead, he was the object of the +unremitting care of a mother whose virtues find few counterparts or +equals in the women of the sixteenth century; and Jeanne d'Albret, in a +remarkable letter to Theodore Beza, notes with joy a precocious +piety,<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> which, there is reason to fear, was not hardy enough to +withstand the withering atmosphere of a court like that with which he was +now making his first acquaintance.</p> + +<p>One evening there was exhibited in a large hall, well lighted by means of +blazing torches, a tournament in which the knights fought on foot.<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> +From a castle where they held an enchanted lady captive, the knights +challengers issued, and "received all comers with a thrust of the pike, +and five blows with the sword." Each champion, on his arrival, endeavored +to enter the castle, but was met at the portal by guards "dressed very +fantastically in black," and repelled with "lighted instruments." Not a +few of the less illustrious were captured here. The more exalted in rank +reached the donjon, or castle-keep, but as they thought to set foot +within it, a trap-door opened and they too found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> themselves prisoners. +It fared better with the princes; for the success of each champion was +measured by a rigid heraldic scale. These passed the donjon, but, on a +bridge leading to the tower where slept the enchanted lady, a giant +confronted them, and in the midst of the combat the bridge was lowered, +and they were taken, as had been their predecessors. "The Duke of +Vendôme,<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> son of the late duke, whom they call in France the Prince +of Navarre—a boy apparently ten or eleven years of age—crossed the +bridge, and the giant pretended to surrender; but he too was afterward +repulsed like the rest." The Duke of Orleans—whom the reader will more +readily recognize under the title of Duke of Anjou, which he, about this +time, received—next entered the lists. Naturally he penetrated further +than his namesake of Navarre, and "the giant showed more fear of him than +of the other;" but a cloud enveloped them both, and "thus the duke +vanished from sight." King Charles was the last to fight, and for his +prowess it was reserved for him to defeat the giant and deliver the +lady.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The confraternities.</div> + +<p>The author of the pompous show had made a serious mistake. The giant +"League," before whom so many a champion failed, it was the lot not of +Charles, nor of Henry of Valois, but of the other Henry, of Navarre, to +overcome. That giant was already in existence, although still in his +infancy. For some time past the zealous papists, impatient of the +sluggish devotion of the court, had been forming "confréries," or +fraternities, whose members, bound together by a common oath, were +pledged to the support of the Roman Catholic religion.<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> The plan was +a dangerous one, and it shortly excited the apprehen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span>sion of the king and +his mother. "I am told," Charles wrote in July, 1565, to one of his +governors, "that in a number of places in my realm there is a talk of +establishing an association amongst my subjects, who invite one another +to join it. I beg you to take measures to prevent that any be made for +any purpose whatsoever; but keep my subjects so far as possible united in +the desire to render me duty and obedience."<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> And to prove the +sincerity of his intentions, the French king ordered the late Edict of +Pacification again to be proclaimed by public crier in the streets of the +seditious city of Paris—a feat which was successfully performed under +Marshal Montmorency's supervision, by the city provost, accompanied by so +strong a detachment of archers and arquebusiers, as effectually to +prevent popular disturbance.<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> Already there were restless spirits +that saw in another civil war fresh opportunity for the advancement of +their selfish interests. Months ago Villegagnon, the betrayer of the +Brazilian colony of Coligny, had written to Cardinal Granvelle, telling +him that he had resigned his dignities and offices in the French court, +and had informed Catharine de' Medici, "that until Charles was the +declared enemy of the enemies of God and of His church, he would never +again bear arms in his service."<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> The vice-admiral, of whom modesty +was never a conspicuous virtue, went so far as to draw a flattering +portrait of himself as a second Hannibal, vowing eternal enmity to the +Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> And Nicole de St. Rémy, whose only claim to honorable +mention was found in her oft-paraded boast that, as a mistress of Henry +the Second, she had borne him a son, and who held in France the congenial +post of a Spanish spy, suggested the marriage of the Cardinal of Bourbon +in view of the possible<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> contingency of the death of all Catharine's +sons.<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> The centre of all intrigue, the storehouse from which every +part of France was supplied with material capable of once more enkindling +the flames of a destructive civil war, was the house of the Spanish +resident envoy, Frances de Alava, successor of the crafty Chantonnay, the +brother of Granvelle. It was he that was in constant communication with +all the Roman Catholic malcontents in France.<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> Catharine endeavored +to check this influence, but to no purpose. The fanatical party were +bound by a stronger tie of allegiance to Philip, the Catholic king, than +to her, or to the Very Christian King her son. Catharine had particularly +enjoined upon the Cardinal of Lorraine to have no communication with +Granvelle or with Chantonnay, but the prelate's relations with both were +never interrupted for a moment.<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Siege of Malta, and French civilities to the Sultan.</div> + +<p>The fact was that, so far from true was it that a cordial understanding +existed between the courts of France and Spain, such as the mythical +league for the extirpation of heresy presupposes, the distrust and +hostility were barely veiled under the ordinary conventionalities of +diplomatic courtesy. While Catharine and Philip's queen were exchanging +costly civilities at Bayonne, the Turks were engaged in a siege of Malta, +which has become famous for the obstinacy with which it was prosecuted +and the valor with which it was repelled. Spain had sent a small +detachment of troops to the assistance of the grand master, Jean de la +Valette, and his brave knights of St. John, and the Pope had contributed +ten thousand crowns to their expenses.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> Yet at this very moment an +envoy of the Sul<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span>tan was at the court of the Very Christian King of +France, greatly to the disgust of the Spanish visitors and pious +Catholics in general,<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> and only waited for the departure of Isabella +and Alva to receive formal presentation to the monarch and his +mother.<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The constable espouses Cardinal Châtillon's defence.</div> + +<p>Meantime, although the queen mother continued her policy of depriving the +Huguenots of one after another of the privileges to which they were +entitled, and replaced Protestant governors of towns and provinces by +Roman Catholics, her efforts at repression seemed, for the time at least, +to produce little effect. "The true religion is so rooted in France," +wrote one who accompanied the royal progress, "that, like a fire, it +kindles daily more and more. In every place, from Bayonne hither, and for +the most part of the journey, there are more Huguenots than papists, and +the most part of men of quality and mark be of the religion." If the +writer, as is probable, was over-sanguine in his anticipations, he could +not be mistaken in the size of the great gathering of Protestants—full +two thousand—for the most part gentlemen and gentlewomen, which he +witnessed with his own eyes, brought together at Nantes to listen to the +preaching of the eloquent Perucel.<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> And it was not an insignificant +proof of the futility of any direct attempt to crush the Huguenots, that +Constable Montmorency pretty plainly intimated that there were limits +which religious proscription must not transcend. The English ambassador +wrote from France, late in November, that the Pope's new nuncio had +within two days demanded that the red cap should be taken from the +Cardinal of Châtillon. But the latter, who chanced to be at court, +replied that "what he enjoyed he enjoyed by gift of the crown of France, +wherewith the Pope had nothing to do." The old constable was even more +vehement. "The Pope," said he, "has often troubled the quiet of this +realm, but I trust he shall not be able to trouble it at this time. I am +myself a papist; but if the Pope and his ministers go about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> again to +disturb the kingdom, <i>my sword shall be Huguenot</i>. My nephew shall leave +neither cap nor dignity which he has for the Pope, seeing the edict gives +him that liberty."<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The court at Moulins.</div> + +<p>Early in the following year, Charles the Ninth convoked in the city of +Moulins, in Bourbonnais, near the centre of France, an assembly of +notables to deliberate on the interests of the kingdom, which had not yet +fully recovered from the desolations of the first civil war. The +extensive journey, which had occupied a large part of the two preceding +years, had furnished him abundant evidence of the grievances under which +his subjects in the various provinces were laboring, and he now summoned +all that was most illustrious in France, and especially those noblemen +whom he had dismissed to their governments when about to start from his +capital, to assist him in discovering the best mode of relief. If the +Florentine Adriani could be credited, there were other and sinister +designs in the mind of the court, or, at least, in that of Catharine. +According to this historian, the plan of the second "Sicilian Vespers," +resolved upon at Bayonne, was to have been put into execution at Moulins, +which, from its strength, was well suited for the scene of so sanguinary +a drama; but, although the Huguenot chiefs assembled in numbers, their +actions betrayed so much suspicion of the Roman Catholics, and it seemed +so difficult to include all in the blow, that the massacre was deferred +until the arrival of a more propitious time, which did not come until St. +Bartholomew's Day, 1572.<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> I need not stop to refute a story which +presupposes the adoption of resolutions in the conference of Bayonne, +which we now know, from documentary evidence, were never for a moment +entertained by Catharine and her son the king.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Feigned reconciliation of the Guises and Coligny.</div> + +<p>So far from having any such treacherous design, in point of fact the +assembly of Moulins was intended in no small degree to serve as a means +of healing the dissensions existing among<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> the nobles. The most serious +breaches were the feud between the Châtillons and the Guises on account +of the suspected complicity of Admiral Coligny in the murder of the late +duke, and that between Marshal Montmorency and the Cardinal of Lorraine, +arising out of the affray in January, 1565. Both quarrels were settled +amicably in the king's presence, with as much sincerity as generally +characterizes such reconciliations. Coligny declared on oath, in the +royal presence, that he was guiltless of Guise's murder, neither having +been its author nor having consented to it; whereupon the king declared +him innocent, and ordered the parties to be reconciled. The command was +obeyed, for Anne d'Este, Guise's widow, and Cardinal Charles of Lorraine +in turn embraced the admiral, in token of renewed friendship. How much of +meaning these caresses contained was to be shown six years later by the +active participation of the one in the most famous massacre which the +annals of modern history present, and by the exultant rejoicings in which +the other indulged when he heard of it. Young Henry of Guise, less +hypocritical than his mother and his uncle, held aloof from the +demonstration, and permitted the beholders to infer that he was quietly +biding his time for vengeance.<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The chancellor introduces a measure for the relief of the +Protestants.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">A new altercation between Lorraine and the chancellor.</div> + +<p>An event of principal importance that occurred during the stay of the +court at Moulins was a fresh altercation between Lorraine and L'Hospital. +A tolerant but apparently unauthorized act of the chancellor furnished +the occasion. The Edict of Pacification had made provision for the +worship of the Huguenots in but a small number of places through the +kingdom. If living out of reach of these more favored localities, what +were they to do, that they might not be compelled to exist without the +restraints of religion during their lifetime, and to die without its +consolations, nor leave their children unbaptized and uninstructed in the +articles of their faith? L'Hospital proposed to remedy the evil by +permitting the Protestants, in such cases, to institute a species of +private worship in their houses, and had pro<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span>cured the royal signature to +an edict permitting them to call in, as occasion might require, ministers +of the Gospel from other cities where their regular ministrations were +tolerated by the law of Amboise.<a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a> This edict he had sent forthwith to +the different parliaments for registration. The Parliament of Dijon, in +Burgundy, however, instead of obeying, promptly despatched two +counsellors with a remonstrance to the king.<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> On arriving at court, +the delegation at first found it impossible to gain the royal ear. In +such awe did the "maîtres de requêtes"—to whom petitions were +customarily entrusted—stand of the grave and severe chancellor—that +venerable old man with the white beard, whom Brantôme likened to another +Cato—that none was found bold enough to present the Burgundian +remonstrance. At last the delegates went to the newly-arrived cardinal, +and Lorraine readily undertook the task. Appearing in the royal council +he introduced the matter by expressing "his surprise that the Catholics +had no means of making themselves heard respecting their grievances." The +objectionable edict was read, and all the members of the council declared +that they had never before seen or heard of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> it. Cardinal Bourbon was +foremost in his anger, and declared that if the chancellor had the right +to issue such laws on his own responsibility, there was no use in having +a council. "Sir," said L'Hospital, turning to the Cardinal of Lorraine, +"you are already come to sow discord among us!" "I am not come to sow +discord, but to prevent you from sowing it as you have done in the past, +scoundrel that you are!" was the reply.<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> "Would you prevent these +poor people, whom the king has permitted to live with freedom of +conscience in the exercise of their religion, from receiving any +consolation at all?" asked L'Hospital. "Yes, I intend to prevent it," +answered the cardinal, "for everybody knows that to suffer such things is +to tolerate secret preaching; and I shall prevent it so long as I shall +have the power, in order to give no opportunity for the growth of such +tyrannical practices. And," continued he, "do you, who have become what +you now are by my means, dare to tell me that I come to sow discord among +you? I shall take good care to keep you from doing what you have done +heretofore." The council rose in anger, and passed into the adjoining +apartment, where Catharine, who had not recovered from a temporary +illness, strove to appease them as best she could. Charles ordered a new +meeting, and, after hearing the deputies from Dijon, the king, +conformably to the advice of the council, revoked the edict, and issued a +prohibition of all exercise of the Protestant religion or instruction in +its doctrines, save where it had been granted at Amboise. The chancellor +was strictly enjoined to affix the seal of state to no papers relating to +religious affairs without the consent of the royal council.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Protestantism on the northern frontier.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Progress of the reformation at Cateau-Cambrésis.</div> + +<p>For several years the Protestants in the northern provinces of France had +been busily communicating the religious views they had themselves +embraced to their neighbors in Artois, Flanders, and Brabant. This +intercourse became exceedingly close about the beginning of the year +1566;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> and its result was a renunciation of the papal church and its +worship, which was participated in by such large numbers, and effected so +instantaneously, that the friends and the foes of the new movement were +almost equally surprised. The story of this sudden outburst of the +reformatory spirit in Valenciennes, Tournay, and other places, +accompanied—as are all movements that take a strong hold upon the +popular feelings—with a certain amount of lawlessness, which expended +itself, however, upon inanimate images and held sacred the lives and +honor of men and women, has been well told in the histories of the +country whose fortunes it chiefly affected.<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> I may be permitted, +therefore, to pass over these indirect results of Huguenot influence, and +glance at the fortunes of a border town within the present bounds of +France, and closely connected with the history of France in the sixteenth +century, of which little or no notice has been taken in this +connection.<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> Cateau-Cambrésis, famous for the treaty by which Henry +the Second bartered away extensive conquests for a few paltry places that +had fallen into the hands of the enemy, was, as its name—Chastel, +Château or Cateau—imports, a castle and a borough that had grown up +about it, both of them on lands belonging to the domain of Maximilian of +Bergen, Archbishop and Duke of Cambray, and Prince of the Holy Roman +Empire. It was smaller, but relatively far more important three hundred +years ago than at the present day. For several years a few "good +burgesses," with their families, had timidly studied the Holy Scriptures +in secret, restrained<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> from making an open profession of their faith by +the terrible executions which they saw inflicted upon the Protestants in +the Netherlands. But, encouraged by the toleration prevailing in France, +they began to cross the frontier, and to frequent the Huguenot +"assemblées" at Crespy, Tupigny, and Chauny. The distance was not +inconsiderable, and the peril was great. The archbishop had not only +written a letter, which was read in every parish church, forbidding the +singing of Marot's psalms and the frequenting of French conventicles, but +he had sent his spies to the conventicles to discover cases of +disobedience. The Huguenots of Cateau multiplied in spite of these +precautions. "The eyes of the aforesaid spies," writes a witness of the +events, "were so holden that they did not even recognize those with whom +they conversed." Yet, although the Huguenots met at home to read the +Bible and to "sing the psalms which were most appropriate to the +persecution and dispersion of the children of God," the town was as quiet +as it had ever been. A slight incident, however, revealed the intensity +of the fire secretly burning below the surface. A Huguenot minister was +discovered on Whitsunday, in an adjoining village, and brought to Cateau. +His captors facetiously told the suspected Protestants whom they met, +that they had brought them a preacher, and that they would have no +further occasion for leaving the town in quest of one. But the joke was +not so well appreciated as it might have been by the adherents of the +reformed faith, who seem by this time to have become extremely numerous. +The excitement was intense. When the bailiff of Cambrésis was detected, +not long after, stealing into the place by night, accompanied by some +sixty men, with the intention of carrying the preacher off to Cambray, he +met with unexpected resistance. A citizen, on his way to his garden +outside the walls, was the first to notice the guard of strange +arquebusiers at the gate, and ran back to give the alarm. The tocsin was +rung, and the inhabitants assembled in arms. It was now the turn of the +bailiff to be astonished, and to listen humbly to the remonstrances of +the people, indignant that he should have presumed to seize their gates +and usurp the functions of the local magistrates. However, the intruders, +after being politely informed that, ac<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span>cording to strict justice, the +whole party might have been summarily put to death, were suffered to beat +a hasty retreat; not that so perfect a control could be put upon the +ardor of some, but that they "administered sundry blows with the flat of +their swords upon the back of the bailiff and a few of his soldiers."</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Interference of the Archbishop of Cambray.</div> + +<p>The incident itself was of trifling importance, for the Huguenot minister +was promptly given up to the baron of the village where he had been +captured, and was taken by his orders to Cambray. But it led to serious +consequences. Threatened by the archiepiscopal city, the Protestants of +Cateau, afraid to go to the French preaching-places, sent for Monsieur +Philippe, minister of Tupigny, and held the reformed services just +outside of their own walls. Alarmed at the progress of Protestant +doctrines in his diocese, the Archbishop convened the estates of Cambray, +and, on the eighteenth of August, 1566, sent three canons of the +cathedral to persuade his subjects of Cateau to return to the Papal +Church, and to threaten them with ruin in case of refusal. Neither +argument nor menace was of any avail. The Protestants, who had studied +their Bibles, were more than a match for the priests, who had not; and, +as for the peril, the Huguenots quaintly replied: "Rather than yield to +your demand, we should prefer to have our heads placed at our feet." When +asked if they were all of this mind, they reiterated their determination: +"Were the fires made ready to burn us all, we should enter them rather +than accede to your request and return to the mass." These were brave +words, but the sturdy Huguenots made them good a few months later.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The images and pictures overthrown.</div> + +<p>Scarcely a week had passed before the news reached Cateau (on the +twenty-fifth of August) that the "idols" had been broken in all the +churches of Valenciennes, Antwerp, Ghent, Tournay, and elsewhere. +Although stirred to its very depths by the exciting intelligence, the +Protestant population still contained itself, and merely consulted +convenience by celebrating Divine worship within the city walls, in an +open cemetery. Unfortunately, however, the minister whom the reformed had +obtained was ill-suited to these troublous times. Monsieur Philippe, +unlike Calvin and the great majority of the ministers of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> French +Protestant church, was rash and impetuous. Early the next morning he +entered the church of St. Martin, in company with three or four other +persons, and commenced the work of destruction. Altars, statues, +pictures, antiphonaries, missals, graduals—all underwent a common fate. +From St. Martin's the iconoclasts visited in like manner the other +ecclesiastical edifices of the town and its suburbs. Upon the ruins of +the Romish superstition the new fabric arose, and Monsieur Philippe +preached the same day in the principal church of Cateau, to a large and +attentive audience.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Protestant claims.</div> + +<p>And now began an animated interchange of proclamations on the one hand, +and of petitions on the other. The archbishop demanded the unconditional +submission of his subjects, and gave no assurances of toleration. The +Protestants declared themselves ready to give him their unqualified +allegiance, as their temporal sovereign, but claimed the liberty to +worship God. Maximilian referred to the laws and constitutions of the +Empire of which they formed an integral part. The burgesses answered by +showing that they had always been governed in accordance with the +"placards" issued by the King of Spain for his provinces of the +Netherlands, and that, whenever they had appealed in times past to the +chamber of the Empire, as for example at Spires, they had not only been +repelled, but even punished for their temerity.<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> They claimed, +therefore, the benefit of the "Accord" made by the Duchess of Parma at +Brussels a few days previously, guaranteeing the exercise of the reformed +religion wherever it had heretofore been practised;<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> while the +archbishop, when forced to declare himself, plainly announced that he +would not suffer the least<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> deviation from the Roman Catholic faith. In +their perplexity, the Protestants had recourse to the Count of Horn, at +Tournay, by whom they were received with the utmost kindness. The count +even furnished them with a letter to the archbishop, entreating him to be +merciful to them.<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Archbishop's vengeance.</div> + +<p>But nothing was further from the heart of Maximilian than mercy. He was +the same blind adherent of Cardinal Granvelle and his policy, whom, a +year or two before, Brederode, Hoogstraaten, and their fellow-revellers +had grievously insulted at a banquet given to Egmont before his departure +for Spain; the same treacherous, sanguinary priest who wrote to Granvelle +respecting Valenciennes: "We had better push forward and make an end of +all the principal heretics, whether rich or poor, without regarding +whether the city will be entirely ruined by such a course."<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> On +Monday, the twenty-fourth of March, 1567, the troops of the archbishop +appeared before Cateau, and the same day the place was surrendered by the +treachery of some of the inhabitants. At once Cateau became a scene of +bloody executions. All that had taken part in the Protestant worship were +brought before a tribunal, which often tried, condemned, and punished +with death upon one and the same day. Monsieur Philippe, the rash +preacher, and one of his deacons seem to have been the first victims. +There was no lack of food for the gallows. To have been present at the +"preachings," to have partaken of the communion, to have maintained that +the Protestant was better than the Roman Catholic religion, to have +uttered a jest or drawn a caricature reflecting upon the Papal Church and +its ceremonies—any of these was sufficient reason for sending a man to +be hung or beheaded. The duchess's "moderation" had effected thus much, +that no one seems to have been burned at the stake. And so, at last, by +assiduous but bloody work, the Reformation was completely extirpated from +Cateau Cambrésis. It was, at least, a source of mournful satisfaction +that scarce one of the sufferers failed to exhibit great constancy and +pious resignation in view of death.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The idea of toleration is not understood.</div> + +<p>Let us return from the Flemish borders to France proper, where, +notwithstanding attempts at external reconciliation, the breach between +the Protestants and their Roman Catholic neighbors was daily widening, +where, in fact, the elements of a new war were gathering shape and +consistency. It was becoming more and more difficult—especially for a +government of temporary shifts and expedients—to control the +antagonistic forces incessantly manifesting themselves. The idea of +toleration was understood by neither party. The Roman Catholics of +Provins were so slow to comprehend the liberty of conscience and +religious profession of which the Huguenots had wrung a concession in the +last edict by force of arms, that they undertook to prosecute the +Protestants for eating roast lamb and capons during Lent. With little +more appreciation of the altered posture of affairs, the Archbishop of +Sens (Cardinal Guise) initiated a trial against a heretical curate of +Courtenay, according to the rules of canon law, and the latter might have +stood but a poor chance to recover his freedom had not the Huguenot lord +of Courtenay seized upon the archbishop's "official" as he was passing +his castle, and held him as a hostage to secure the curate's +release.<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot pleasantries.</div> + +<p>It would be asserting too much to say that the Protestants were innocent +of any infraction upon the letter or spirit of the Edict of Amboise. They +would have been angels, not men, had they been proof against the +contagious spirit of raillery that infected the men of the sixteenth +century. Where they dared, they not unfrequently held up their opponents +to ridicule in the coarse style so popular with all classes.<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> Thus a +contemporary Roman Catholic recounts with indignation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> how Prince Porcien +held a celebration in Normandy, and among the games was one in which a +"paper castle" was assaulted, and the defenders, dressed as <i>monks</i>, were +taken prisoners, and were afterward paraded through the streets on asses' +backs.<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> But these buffooneries were harmless sallies contrasted with +the insults with which the Protestants were treated in every town where +they were not numerically preponderating; nor were they anything more +than rare occurrences in comparison with the latter. This page of history +is compelled to record no violent commotion on the part of the reformed +population, save in cases where, as at Pamiers (a town not far south of +Toulouse, near the foot of the Pyrenees), they had been goaded to madness +by the government deliberately trampling upon their rights of worship, at +the instigation of the ecclesiastical authorities.<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> A trifling +accident might then, however, be sufficient to cause their inflamed +passions to burst out; and in the disturbances that were likely to ensue, +little respect was usually paid to the churches or the monasteries. Such +are wont to be the unhappy effects of the denial of justice according to +the forms of established law. They would have been a hundred-fold more +frequent had it not been for the persistent opposition interposed by the +Huguenot ministers—many of them with Calvin carrying the doctrine of +passive submission to constituted authority almost to the very verge of +apparent pusillanimity.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Alarm of the Protestants.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Attempts to murder the admiral and Prince Porcien.</div> + +<p>From month to month the conviction grew upon the Protestants that their +destruction was agreed upon. There was no doubt with regard to the desire +of Philip the Second; for his course respecting his subjects in the +Netherlands showed plainly enough that the extermination of heretics was +the only policy of which his narrow mind could conceive as pleasing in +the sight of heaven. The character of Catharine<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span>—stealthy, deceitful, +regardless of principle—was equally well understood. Between such a +queen and the trusted minister of such a prince, a secret conference like +that of Bayonne could not be otherwise than highly suspicious. It is not +strange that the Huguenots received it as an indubitable fact that the +court from this time forward was only waiting for the best opportunity of +effecting their ruin; for even intelligent Roman Catholics, who were not +admitted into the confidence of the chief actors in that celebrated +interview, came to the same conclusion. Those who knew what had actually +been said and done might assure the world that the rumors were false; but +the more they asseverated the less they were believed. For it is one of +the penalties of insincere and lying diplomacy, that when once +appreciated in its true character—as it generally is appreciated in a +very brief space of time—it loses its persuasive power, and is treated +without much investigation as uniform imposture.<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> With a suspicious +vigilance, bred of the very treachery of which they had so often been the +victims, the Huguenots saw signs of dangers that perhaps were not +actually in preparation for them. And certainly there was enough to +alarm. Not many months after the assembly of Moulins a cut-throat by the +name of Du May was discovered and executed, who had been hired to murder +Admiral Coligny, the most indispensable leader of the party, near his own +castle of Châtillon-sur-Loing.<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> The last day of the year there was +hung<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> a lackey, who pretended that the Cardinal of Lorraine had tried to +induce him to poison the Prince of Porcien; and, although he retracted +his statements at the time of his "amende honorable,"<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> his first +story was generally credited. The rumor was current that in December, +1566, Charles received special envoys from the emperor, the Pope, and the +King of Spain, warning him that, unless he should revoke his edict of +toleration, they would declare themselves his open enemies.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> This was +certainly sufficiently incredible, so far as the tolerant Maximilian was +concerned; but stranger mutations of policy had often been noticed, and, +as to Pius the Fifth and Philip, nothing seemed more probable.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Alva in the Netherlands.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The Swiss levy.</div> + +<p>With the opening of the year 1567 the portentous clouds of coming danger +assumed a more definite shape. In the neighboring provinces of the +Netherlands, after a long period of procrastination, Philip the Second +had at length determined to strike a decisive blow. The Duchess of Parma +was to be superseded in the government by a man better qualified than any +other in Europe for the bloody work assigned him to do. Ferdinando de +Toledo, Duke of Alva, in his sixtieth year, after a life full of +brilliant military exploits, was to undertake a work in Flanders such as +that which, two years before, he had recommended as the panacea for the +woes of France—a work with which his name will ever remain associated in +the annals of history. The "Beggars" of the Low Countries, like the +Huguenots in their last war, had taken up arms in defence of their +religious, and, to a less degree, of their civil rights. The "Beggars" +complained of the violation of municipal privileges and compacts, +ratified by oath at their sovereign's accession, as the Huguenots pointed +to the infringement upon edicts solemnly published as the basis of the +pacification of the country; and both refused any longer to submit to a +tyranny<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> that had, in the name of religion, sent to the gallows or the +stake thousands of their most pious and industrious fellow-citizens. The +cause was, therefore, common to the Protestants of the two countries, and +there was little doubt that should the enemy of either prove successful +at home, he would soon be impelled by an almost irresistible impulse to +assist his ally in completing his portion of the praiseworthy +undertaking. It is true that the Huguenots of France were not now in +actual warfare with the government; but, that their time would come to be +attacked, there was every reason to apprehend. Hence, when the Duke of +Alva, in the memorable summer of 1567, set out from Piedmont at the head +of ten thousand veterans, to thread his way over the Alps and along the +eastern frontiers of France, through Burgundy and Lorraine, to the fated +scene of his bloody task in the Netherlands, the Protestants of France +saw in this neighboring demonstration a new peril to themselves. In the +first moments of trepidation, their leaders in the royal council are said +to have acquiesced in, if they did not propose, the levy of six thousand +Swiss troops, as a measure of defence against the Spanish general; and +Coligny, the same contemporary authority informs us, strongly advocated +that they should dispute the duke's passage.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> Even if this statement +be true, they were not long in detecting, or believing that they had +detected, proofs that the Swiss troops were really intended for the +overthrow of Protestantism in France, rather than for any service against +the Duke of Alva. Letters from Rome and Spain were intercepted, we learn +from François de la Noue, containing evidence of the sinister designs of +the court.<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> Prince of La Roche-sur-Yon, a prince of the blood, a +short time before his death, warned his cousin of Condé of the impending +danger.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> Condé, who, within the past few months, had repeatedly +addressed the king and his mother in terms of remonstrance and petition +for the redress of the oppression under which the Huguenots were +suffering, but to no purpose, again supplicated the throne, urging in +particular that the levy of the Swiss be countermanded, since, if they +should come, there would be little hope of the preservation of the +peace;<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> while Admiral Coligny, who found Catharine visiting the +constable, his uncle, at his palace of Chantilly, with faithful boldness +exposed to them both the impossibility of retaining the Protestants in +quiet, when they saw plain indications that formidable preparations were +being made for the purpose of overwhelming them. To these remonstrances, +however, they received only what they esteemed evasive answers—excuses +for not dismissing the Swiss, based upon representations of the danger of +some Spanish incursion, and promises that the just requests of the +Huguenots should receive the gracious attention of a monarch desirous of +establishing his throne by equity.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p> + +<p>"The queene returned answer by letters," wrote the English<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> ambassador, +Norris, to Elizabeth, "assuringe him"—Condé—"by the faythe of a +princesse <i>et d'une femme de bien</i> (for so she termed it), that so long +as she might any waies prevayle with the Kinge, her sonne, he should +never breake the sayd edicte, and therof required him to assure himselfe; +and if he coulde come to the courte, he shoulde be as welcome as his owne +harte could devise; if not, to passe the tyme without any suspect or +jealousie, protesting that there was nothing ment that tended to his +indempnitie, what so ever was bruted abrode or conceyved to the contrary, +as he should perceyve by the sequele erst it were long."<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p> + +<p>Shall we blame those sturdy, straightforward men, so long fed upon +unmeaning or readily-broken promises of redress, if they gave little +credit to the royal assurances, and to the more honeyed words of the +queen mother? Perhaps there existed no sufficient grounds for the +immediate alarm of the Huguenots. Perhaps no settled plan had been formed +with the connivance of Philip—no "sacred league" of the kind supposed to +have been sketched in outline at Bayonne—no contemplated massacre of the +chiefs, with a subsequent assembly of notables at Poitiers, and repeal of +all the toleration that had been vouchsafed to the Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> All +this may have been false; but, if false, it was invested with a wonderful +verisimilitude, and to Huguenots and Papists it had, so far as their +actions were concerned, all the effect of truth. At all events the +promises of the king could not be trusted. Had he not been promising, +again and again, for four years? Had not every restrictive ordinance, +every interpretation of the Edict of Amboise, every palpable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> +infringement upon its spirit, if not upon its letter, been prefaced by a +declaration of Charles's intention to maintain the edict inviolate? In +the words of an indignant contemporary, "the very name of the edict was +employed to destroy the edict itself."<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<blockquote><div class="sidenote">The Huguenot attempts at colonization in Florida.</div> + +<p>The Huguenot expeditions to Florida have been so well sketched +by Bancroft and Parkman, and so fully set forth by their +latest historian, M. Paul Gaffarel, that I need not speak of +them in detail. In fact, they belong more intimately to +American than to French history. They owed their origin to the +enlightened patriotism of Coligny, who was not less desirous, +as a Huguenot, to provide a safe refuge for his fellow +Protestants, than anxious, as High Admiral of France, to +secure for his native country such commercial resources as it +had never enjoyed. "I am in my house," he wrote in 1565, +"studying new measures by which we may traffic and make profit +in foreign parts. I hope shortly to bring it to pass that we +shall have the best trade in Christendom." (Gaffarel, Histoire +de la Floride française, Paris, 1875, pp. 45, 46). But, +although the project of Huguenot emigration was conceived in +the brain of the great Protestant leader, apparently it was +heartily approved by Catharine de' Medici and her son. They +certainly were not averse to be relieved of the presence of as +many as possible of those whom their religious views, and, +still more, their political tendencies, rendered objects of +suspicion. "If wishing were in order," Catharine (Letter to +Forquevaulx, March 17, 1566, Gaffarel, 428) plainly told the +Spanish ambassador, on one occasion, "I would wish that all +the Huguenots were in those regions" ("si c'estoit souëter, ie +voudrois que touts les Huguenots fussent en ce pais-là"). In +the discussion that ensued between the courts of Paris and +Madrid, the queen mother never denied that the colonists went +not only with her knowledge, but with her consent. In fact, +she repudiated with scorn and indignation a suggestion of the +possibility that such considerable bodies of soldiers and +sailors could have left her son's French dominions without the +royal privity (Ibid., 427).</p> + +<div class="sidenote">1562.</div> + +<p>The first expedition, under Jean Ribault, in 1562, was little +more than a voyage of discovery. The main body promptly +returned to France, the same year, finding that country rent +with civil war. The twenty-six or twenty-eight men left behind +to hold "Charlesfort" (erected probably near the mouth of the +South Edisto river, in what is now South Carolina), +disheartened and famishing, nevertheless succeeded in +constructing a rude ship and recrossing the Atlantic in the +course of the next year.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">1564.</div> + +<p>A second expedition (1564), under René de Laudonnière, who had +taken part<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> in the first, was intended to effect a more +permanent settlement. A strong earthwork was accordingly +thrown-up at a spot christened "Caroline," in honor of Charles +the Ninth, and the colony was inaugurated under fair auspices. +But improvidence and mismanagement soon bore their legitimate +fruits. Laudonnière saw himself constrained to build ships for +a return to Europe, and was about to set sail when the third +expedition unexpectedly made its appearance (August 28, 1565), +under Ribault, leader of the first enterprise.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">1565.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Massacre by Menendez.</div> + +<p>Unfortunately the arrival of this fresh reinforcement was +closely followed by the approach of a Spanish squadron, +commanded by Pedro Menendez, or Melendez, de Abila, sent by +Philip the Second expressly to destroy the Frenchmen who had +been so presumptuous as to settle in territories claimed by +his Catholic Majesty. Nature seemed to conspire with their own +incompetency to ruin the French. The French vessels, having +gone out to attack the Spaniards, accomplished nothing, and, +meeting a terrible storm, were driven far down the coast and +wrecked. "Caroline" fell into the hands of Menendez, and its +garrison was mercilessly put to death. The same fate befell +the shipwrecked French from the fleet. Those who declared +themselves Roman Catholics were almost the only persons spared +by their pitiless assailants. A few women and children were +granted their lives; also a drummer, a hornblower, and a few +carpenters and sailors, whose services were valuable. +Laudonnière and a handful of men escaped to the woods, and +subsequently to Europe. About two hundred soldiers, who +threatened to entrench themselves and make a formidable +resistance, were able to obtain from Menendez a pledge that +they should be treated as prisoners of war, which, strange to +say, was observed. The rest—many hundreds—were consigned to +indiscriminate slaughter; Ribault himself was flayed and +quartered; and over the dead Huguenots was suspended a tablet +with this inscription: "Hung, not as Frenchmen, but as +Lutherans" (Gaffarel, 229; De Thou, iv. 113; Ag. d'Aubigné, i. +248). Spain and Rome had achieved a grand work. The chaplain +Mendoza could piously write: "The greatest advantage from our +victory, certainly, is the triumph our Lord grants us, which +will cause His Holy Gospel to be introduced into these +regions." (Mendoza, <i>apud</i> Gaffarel, 214).</p> + +<p>The report of these atrocities, tardily reaching the Old +World, called forth an almost universal cry of horror. +Fair-minded men of both communions stigmatized the conduct of +Menendez and his companions as sheer murder; for had not the +French colonists of Florida been attacked before being +summoned to surrender, and butchered in cold blood after being +denied even such terms as were customarily accorded to Turks +and other infidels? Among princes, Philip alone applauded the +deed, and seemed only to regret that faith had been kept with +any of the detested Huguenots (Gaffarel, 234, 245). It has +been commonly supposed that whatever indignation was shown by +Catharine de' Medici and her son, was merely assumed in +deference to the popular clamor, and that but a feeble +remonstrance was really uttered. This supineness would be +readily explicable upon the hypothesis of the long +premeditation of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. If the +treacherous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> murder of Admiral Coligny and the other great +Huguenot leaders had indeed been deliberately planned from the +time of the Bayonne conference in 1565, and would have been +executed at Moulins in 1566, but for unforeseen circumstances, +no protests against the Florida butchery could have been +sincere. On the other hand, if Catharine de' Medici was +earnest and persistent in her demand for the punishment of +Menendez, it is not conceivable that her mind should have been +then entertaining the project of the Parisian matins. The +extant correspondence between the French queen mother and her +envoy at the court of Madrid may fairly be said to set at rest +all doubts respecting her attitude. She was indignant, +determined, and outspoken.</p> + +<p>So slowly did news travel in the sixteenth century, that it +was not until the eighteenth of February, 1566, that +Forquevaulx, from Madrid, despatched to the King of France a +first account of the events that had occurred in Florida +nearly five months before. The ambassador seems to have +expressed becoming indignation in the interviews he sought +with the Duke of Alva, repudiating with dignity the suggestion +that the blame should be laid upon Coligny, for having abused +his authority as admiral to set on foot a piratical expedition +into the territories of a friendly prince; and holding forth +no encouragement to believe that Charles would disavow +Coligny's acts. He told Alva distinctly that Menendez was a +butcher rather than a good soldier ("plus digne bourreau que +bon soldat," Forquevaulx to Charles IX., March 16, 1566, +Gaffarel, 425). He declared to him that the Turks had never +exhibited such inhumanity to their prisoners at Castelnovo or +at Gerbes—in fact, never had barbarians displayed such +cruelty. As a Frenchman, he assured the Spaniard that he +shuddered when he thought of so execrable a deed, and that it +appeared to him that God would not leave it unpunished (Ibid., +426).</p> + +<p>Catharine's own language to the Spanish ambassador, Don +Francez de Alava, was not less frank. "As their common +mother," she said, "I can but have an incredible grief at +heart, when I hear that between princes so closely bound as +friends, allies, and relations, as these two kings, and in so +good a peace, and at a time when such great offices of +friendship are observed between them, so horrible a carnage +has been committed on the subjects of my son, the King of +France. I am, as it were, beside myself when I think of it, +and cannot persuade myself that the king, your master, will +refuse us satisfaction" (Catharine to Forquevaulx, Moulins, +March 17th, Gaffarel, 427). Not content with this plain +talking to Alava, she "prayed and ordered" Forquevaulx to make +Philip himself understand her desires respecting "the +reparation demanded by <i>so enormous an outrage</i>." He was to +tell his Catholic Majesty that Catharine would never rest +content until due satisfaction was made; and that she would +feel "marvellous regret" should she not only find that all her +pains to establish perpetual friendship between the two kings +had been lost, but one day be reproached by Charles for having +suffered such a stain upon his reputation ("que ... j'aye +laissé faire une telle escorne à sa reputation." Gaffarel, +429).</p> + +<p>Forquevaulx fulfilled his instructions to the very letter, +adding, on his own account, that in forty-one years of +military service he had never known so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> execrable an +execution. He seems also to have disposed effectually of the +Spanish claim to Florida through right of ancient discovery, +by emphasizing the circumstance that Menendez, after his +victory, thought it necessary to take formal possession of the +land. He informed Philip that no news could be more welcome to +the Huguenots than that the subjects of Charles had been +murdered by those very persons who were expected to strengthen +him by their friendship and alliance (Forquevaulx to +Catharine, April 9th, Gaffarel, 432). His words had little +effect upon any one at the Spanish court, save the young +queen, who felt the utmost solicitude lest her brother and her +husband should become involved in war with each other. ("Me +sembla qu'il tint à peu qu'elle ne pleurast son soul de +crainte qu'il ne survienne quelque alteration." Forquevaulx, +<i>ubi supra</i>, 430.)</p> + +<p>But, although no progress was made toward obtaining justice, +the French government did not relax its efforts. Charles wrote +from Saint Maur, May 12, 1566, that his will was that +Forquevaulx should renew his complaint and insist with all +urgency upon a reparation of the wrong done him. "You will not +cease to tell them," said the king, "that they must not hope +that I shall ever be satisfied until I see such a reparation +as our friendship demands." (Gaffarel, 437.)</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Sanguinary revenge of De Gourgues, April, 1568.</div> + +<p>The French ambassador continued to press his claim, and, in +particular, to demand the release of the French prisoners, +even up to near the time when a private citizen, Dominique de +Gourgues, undertook to avenge his country's wrongs while +satisfying his thirst for personal revenge. De Gourgues was +not, as has usually been supposed, a Huguenot; he had even +been an adherent of Montluc and of the house of Guise +(Gaffarel, 265). But, having been captured in war by the +Spaniards, in 1566, he had been made a galley-slave. From that +time he had vowed irreconcilable hatred against the Catholic +king. He obtained a long-deferred satisfaction when, in April, +1568, he surprised the fort of Caroline, slew most of the +Spanish soldiers, and placed over the remainder—spared only +for the more ignominious punishment of hanging upon the same +trees to which Huguenots had been suspended—the inscription, +burned with a hot iron on a pine slab: "I do this not as to +Spaniards, nor as to seamen, but as to traitors, robbers, and +murderers." (The words are given with slight variations. See +"La Reprinse de la Floride par le Cappitaine Gourgue," +reprinted by Gaffarel, 483-515; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 354-356; +De Thou, iv. 123-126.) </p></blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Froude, Hist. of England, vii. 519. Seethe courteous +summons of Charles, April 30, 1563, Forbes, State Papers, ii. 404, 405, +and Elizabeth's answer, May 7th, ibid., ii. 409-411; Condé's offer in his +letter of June 26, 1563, Forbes, ii. 442. See also the extended +correspondence of the English envoys, in the inedited documents published +by the Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, i. 423-500.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> Froude, vii. 520; Castelnau, liv. v., c. ii. Compare +Forbes, ii. 422.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> "The plage dothe increace here dayly, wherby our nombres +are decayde within these fowr days in soche sorte, as we have not +remayning at this present (in all our judgements) 1500 able men in this +towne. They dye nowe in bothe these peces upon the point of 100 a daye, +so as we can not geyt men to burye theym," etc. Warwick to the Privy +Council, July 11, 1563. Forbes, ii. 458.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 417-420; Mém. de Castelnau, +liv. v., c. ii. and iii.; Cimber et Danjou, v. 229; Stow's Annals +(London, 1631), 655, 656; Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. iv., c. ii. (i. +198-200); Davila, bk. iii. (Eng. trans., London, 1678), p. 89; Froude, +vii. 519-528. Consult especially Dr. Patrick Forbes, Full View of the +Public Transactions in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1741), vol +ii. pp. 373-500. This important collection of letters, to which I have +made such frequent reference under the shorter title of "State Papers," +ends at this point. Peace was definitely concluded between France and +England by the treaty of Troyes, April 11, 1564 (Mém. de Condé, v. 79, +80). Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, who had long been a prisoner, held to be +exchanged against the hostages for the restitution of Calais, given in +accordance with the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, now returned home. Before +leaving, however, he had an altercation with his colleague, Sir Thomas +Smith, of which the latter wrote a full account. Sir Nicholas, it seems, +in his heat applied some opprobrious epithets to Smith, and even called +him "traitor"—a charge which the latter repudiated with manly +indignation. "Nay, thou liest, quoth I; I am as true to the queen as thou +any day in the week, and have done her Highness as faithful and good +service as thou." Smith to Cecil, April 13, 1564, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> Mém. de Claude Haton, i. 356, 357.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> See the order of the fanatical Parliament of Toulouse, +which it had the audacity to publish with, or instead of, the king's +edict. It contains this clause: "Ce que estant veu par nous, avons +ordonné et ordonnons que, en la ville de Thoulouse ni aultres du ressort +du parlement d'icelle, ne se fera publicquement ni secrettement aulcun +exercice de la nouvelle prétendue religion, en quelque sorte que ce soit, +sous peine de la hart. Item, que tous ceux qui vouldront faire profession +de laditte prétendue religion réformée ayent à se retirer," etc. Mém. de +Claude Haton, i. 358, 359.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Recordon, Le Protestantisme en Champagne, 132, 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> M. Floquet, in his excellent history of the Norman +Parliament (ii. 571), repudiates as "une de ces exagérations familières à +De Bèze," the statement of the Histoire ecclés. des églises réformées, +"that in the Parliament of Rouen, whatever the cause might be, whoever +was known to be of the (reformed) religion, whether plaintiff or +defendant, was instantly condemned." Yet he quotes below (ii. 571, 573, +574), from Chancellor de l'Hospital's speech to that parliament, +statements that fully vindicate the justice of the censure. "Vous pensez +bien faire d'adjuger la cause à celuy que vous estiméz plus homme de bien +ou meilleur chrestien; comme s'il estoit question, entre les parties, +lequel d'entre eux est meilleur poète, orateur, peintre, artisan, et +enfin de l'art, doctrine, force, vaillance, ou autre quelconque +suffisance, non de la chose qui est amenée en jugement." And after +enumerating other complaints: "Ne trouvez point estrange ce que je vous +en dy: car souvent sont apportéz au roy de vos jugements qui semblent, de +prime face, fort esloignéz de toute droicture et équité."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> Chron. MS. du xvi. siècle, Registres, etc., <i>apud</i> +Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, ii. 525-547.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> Ibid., ii. 548.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> The father of Agrippa d'Aubigné was, as his son informs +us, one of the commissioners sent on this occasion to Guyenne. Mémoires +d'A. d'Aubigné, ed. Buchon, 474.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> What else can be said, in view of such well authenticated +statements as the following? On his progress through France, to which +reference will soon be made, Charles the Ninth stopped with his court at +Troyes, where no expense was spared in providing tournaments and games +for his amusement. Just as he was about to leave the city, and was +already booted for his journey, he was detained for a little while that +he might witness a novel entertainment. He was taken to a garden where a +number of young girls, selected for their extraordinary beauty and +entirely nude, executed in his presence the most obscene dances. It was +two churchmen that are said to have provided the boy-king with this +infamous diversion—Cardinal Charles of Bourbon and Cardinal Louis of +Guise. Recordon, 143.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> "Il est notoire qu'au temps du colloque de Poissy la +doctrine evangelique y fut proposée en liberté; ce qui causa que +plusieurs, tans grands que petits, prindrent goust à icelle. Mais, tout +ainsi qu'un feu de paille fait grand' flamme, et puis s'esteint +incontinent d'autant que la matière défaut, après que ce qu'ils avoient +receu comme une nouveauté se fut un peu envieilly en leur cœur, les +affections s'amortirent, et la pluspart retourna à l'ancienne cabale de +la cour, qui est bien plus propre pour faire rire et piaffer, et pour +s'enrichir." Mém. de Franç. de la Noue, c. ii. (Ed. Mich, et Pouj., +591).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> "Quelque chose qu'il sût dire avec blasphêmes +horribles—moyen ordinaire à telles gens pour prouver leur religion." +Hist. ecclés. des églises réformées, ii. 458. To stuff leaves torn from +French Bibles into the mouths or wounds of dying or dead Huguenots, as we +have seen, was a diversion not unknown to their opponents. Of course, +there is nothing astonishing in the circumstance that the invocation of +Calvin's liturgy—"Notre aide soit au nom de Dieu qui a fait le ciel et +la terre"—should have been a favorite formula for the beginning of a +game of chance, or that the doxology—"Louange à Dieu de tous ses +biens"—["Praise God from whom all blessings flow."]—should have been +esteemed a fitting ejaculation for the winner. Ibid., ii. 310, 431.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> "'Double mort Dieu' a vaincu 'Certes'; entendant par ce +dernier mot ceux de la religion qui condamnent ces juremens et +blasphêmes." Hist. ecclés. des égl. réf., ii. 507.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 409.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> Declaration dated Châtillon-sur-Loing, May 5, 1563. Mém. +de Condé, iv. 339-349; and Jean de Serres, iii. 15-29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Martin, Hist. de France, x. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.), 415, 416. Catharine had been +the involuntary instrument of renewing the old friendship between the +constable and his nephews, when, on Guise's death, she conferred the +office of grand master upon his young son, instead of restoring it to +Anne de Montmorency, to whom the dignity had formerly belonged. Three +months later (Aug. 30, 1563) Condé drew up another paper, assuming the +entire responsibility for all the acts of the Châtillon brothers during +the war: "Acte par lequel M. le prince de Condé déclare que tout ce que +M. l'amiral de Coligny et M. D'Andelot son frère ont fait pendant les +troubles, ils ont fait à sa réquisition et par ses ordres." Mém. de +Condé, iv. 651.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> See Martin, x. 174, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> Davila, bk. iii. 92, and D'Aubigné, liv. iv., c. iii. (i. +201), both of whom mistake the place of the occurrence, supposing it to +have been Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> Copie de la requeste présentée au Roy très-chrestien par +ceulx de la mayson de Guyse, etc. Mém. de Condé, iv. 667, 668.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> Ibid., iv. 668.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> "C'est un vray moyen pour destruire et gaster en une heure +tout le fondement de ce qu'elle a prins grand' peine de bastir depuis six +mois." Mémoire présenté à la Reine-mère, pour empêcher que la maison de +Guyse n'allât demander justice au parlement de Paris, de l'assassinat de +François duc de Guise. Mém. de Condé, iv. 493-495.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Arrêt du conseil du Roy, par lequel il évoque à sa +personne le procès meu entre les maisons de Guyse et de Chastillon, etc. +Mém. de Condé, iv. 495.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> "Ne parlez encore à personne," writes Catharine to M. de +Gonnor (March 12, 1563), "des conditions, car j'ay toûjours peur qu'ils +ne nous trompent; encore que le Prince de Condé leur a déclaré que s'ils +n'acceptent ces conditions et s'ils ne veulent la paix, qu'il s'en +viendra avec le Roy mon fils, et se déclarera leur ennemy, chose que je +trouve très-bonne." Le Laboureur, ii. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> Not September 15th, as Davila states, nor September 24th, +as D'Aubigné seems to assert; but his narrative is confused.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> The two documents—address and edict—in Mém. de Condé, +iv. 574-581.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, ii. 584. The +entire scene is very vividly portrayed, ibid., ii. 561-586. Bruslart, +Mém. de Condé, i. 132; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 421-424; Jean de +Serres, iii. 32; Mém. de Castelnau, liv. v., c. iv., etc.; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., liv. iv., c. iii. (i. 200-202); Davila, bk. iii. +90.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> "Les Parisiens furent fort pressés qu'ils eussent à +mettres les armes bas," says the metropolitan curate, Jean de la Fosse, +under date of May, 1563, "mais ils n'en volurent jamais rien faire." Mém. +d'un curé ligueur, 63, 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> A town on the left bank of the Seine, four leagues beyond +Meulan.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> Mém. de Condé (Bruslart), Sept., 1563, i. 133-135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>. "Ces parolles là sont venues de la +boutique de Monsieur le Chancellier et non du Roy."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> Ibid., i. 136. Even after Charles's lecture and a still +more intemperate address of Montluc, Bishop of Valence, when parliament +came to a vote there was a tie. To please Catharine, whose entire +authority was at stake, the royal council of state gave the extraordinary +command that the minute of this vote should be erased from the records of +parliament, and the edict instantly registered. This last was forthwith +done. De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 426, 427. Bruslart (<i>ubi supra</i>, i. 136) +denies that the erasure was actually made as Charles had commanded.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 441, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> Letter of Card. de la Bourdaisière, Rome, Oct. 23, 1563, +in which sentence is said to have been pronounced, the day before, on the +Archbishop of Aix, and the bishops of Uzès, Valence, Oléron, Lescar, +Chartres, and Troyes. Le Laboureur, i. 863, 864.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> Monitorium et citatio officii sanctæ Inquisitionis contra +illustrissimam et serenissimam dominam Joannam Albretiam, reginam +Navarræ, Mém. de Condé, iv. 669-679; and Vauvilliers, Histoire de Jeanne +d'Albret, iii. Pièces justif., 221-240. It is dated Tuesday, September +28, 1563. De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 442. The Card. de la Bourdaisière +(<i>ubi supra</i>) merely says: "Tout le monde dit à Rome, que la Reine de +Navarre fut aussi privée audit Consistoire, mais il n'en est rien, bien +est-elle citée." Mém. de Castelnau, liv. v., c. ix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> It needed no very extraordinary penetration to read +"Philip" under the words of the monitorium: "Ita ut in casu +contraventionis (quod Deus avertat) et contumaciæ, regnum, principatus, +ac alia cujuscunque status et dominia hujuscemodi, dentur et dari possint +<i>cuilibet illa occupanti, vel illi aut illis quibus Sanctitati suæ et +successoribus suis dare et concedere magis placuerit</i>."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> Summary of the protest in De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) +441-447; and Vauvilliers, ii. 7-17; in full in Mém. de Condé, iv. +680-684. "Quant au fait de la Reine de Navarre, qui est celuy qui importe +le plus, ledit sieur d'Oysel aura charge de luy faire bien entendre," +says Catharine in a long letter to Bishop Bochetel (<i>ubi infra</i>), "qu'il +n'a nulle autorité et jurisdiction sur ceux qui portent titre de Roy ou +de Reine, et que ce n'est à luy de donner leur estats et royaumes en +proye au premier conquerant."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> See the interesting letter of Catharine to Bochetel, +Bishop of Rennes, French ambassador at Vienna, Dec. 13, 1563, in which +the papal assumption is stigmatized as dangerous to the peace of +Christendom. "De nostre part nous sommes délibéréz de ne le permettre ny +consentir," she says, and she is persuaded that neither Ferdinand nor +Maximilian will consent. Le Laboureur, i. 783.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 447. Castelnau (liv. v., c. +ix.) gives a wrong impression by his assertion that "the Pope could never +be induced to reverse the sentence against the Queen of Navarre."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Le Laboureur, ii. 610, 611; Brantôme, Hommes illustres +(Œuvres, ix. 259). We cannot accept, without much caution, the +portraits drawn of the prince by the English while they were still +smarting with resentment against him for concluding peace with the king +without securing the claims of Elizabeth upon Calais. "The Prince of +Condé," wrote Sir Thomas Smith, April 13, 1563, "is thought ... to be +waxen almost a new King of Navarre. So thei which are most zelous for the +religion are marvelously offendid with him; and in great feare, that +shortly all wil be worse than ever it was. Et quia nunc prodit causam +religionis, as they say, <span class="grk">διὰ τὴν +ῥᾳθυμίαν αὐτοῦ +καὶ ψυχρότητα +πρὸς τὰ καλά</span>, and begynnes even now +<span class="grk">γυναικομανεῖν</span>, +as the other +did; they thinke plainly, that he will declare himself, ere it be long, +unkiend to God, to us, and to himself; being won by the papists, either +with reward of Balaam, or ells with Cozbi the Midianite, to adjoigne +himself to Baal-peor." Forbes, State Papers, ii. 385.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> "Le bon prince," says Brantôme, "estoit aussi mondain +qu'un autre, et aimoit autant la femme d'autruy que la sienne, tenant +fort du naturel de ceux de la race de Bourbon, qui ont esté fort +d'amoureuse complexion." Hommes illustres, M. le Prince de Condé. +Granvelle wrote to the Emperor Ferdinand from Besançon (April 12, 1564), +that word had come from France, "que le prince de Condé y entendoit au +service des dames plus qu'en aultre chose, et assez froid en la religion +des huguenotz." Papiers d'état, vii. 467.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> See Bayle's art. on Isabeau de Limueil; J. de Serres, iii. +45, 46; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 50, 51; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) +412, 413. Cf. Bolwiller to Cardinal Granvelle, Sept. 4, 1564, Papiers +d'état du cardinal de Granvelle, viii. 305. See, however, the statements +in chapter xvi. of this history.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> His revenue from his county of Soissons was not 1,000 +crowns a year, and he had little from his other possessions (Le +Laboureur, ii. 611). Secretary Courtewille, in his secret report (Dec., +1561), states that the Huguenot nobles of the first rank were in general +poor—Vendôme, Condé, Coligny, etc.—and that were it not for a monthly +sum of 1,200 crowns, which the Huguenots furnished to Condé, and 1,000 +which the admiral received in similar manner, they would hardly know how +to support themselves. Papiers d'état du card. de Granv., vi. 440.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> Mary herself, however, writing to her aunt, the Duchess of +Aerschot (Nov. 6, 1564), represents the offer of marriage as made by +Condé, both to her grandmother and to her uncle the cardinal: "à qui il a +fait toutes les belles offres du monde." Papiers d'état du card. de +Granv., viii. 481.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 32, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> Ibid., iii. 45, 46; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 414; +D'Aubigné, Hist. univ., i. 197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> On the upper Tarn, in the modern department of the +Aveyron.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> The very important documents which exhibit these facts at +great length are in the archives of the "Mairie" of Milhau and in the +Bibliothèque nationale, and were inedited until printed in the Bulletin, +ix. (1860) 382-392. Among the names of the Huguenots of Milhau figuring +here is that of Benoit Ferragut, apothecary.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> Graignan, pour l'église de Someyre, à la Vénérable +Compagnie, 19 juin, 1563, Gaberel, Hist. de l'église de Genève, i., +Pièces justificatives, 153. "Et pourtant, je ne peux pas suffire à tout. +Les paysans se baptisent les enfants les ungs les autres, ou sont +contraincts de les laisser à baptiser."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> Les consuls de Montpellier à la Vén. Comp., 30 janvier, +1563 (1564), ibid., i., Pièces just., 179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> I know of no more beautiful monument of Jeanne's courage +and piety than the letter she wrote to the Cardinal of Armagnac, in reply +to a letter of the cardinal, dated August 18, 1563, intended to frighten +her into a return to the papal church. It was sent by the same messenger +who had brought the letter of Armagnac, and it has every mark of having +been Jeanne's own composition. Both letters are given in full by +Olhagaray, Hist. de Foix, Béarn, et Navarre, 536-543, and 544-551; a +summary in Vauvilliers, i. 347-362. The Queen of Navarre boldly avowed +her sentiments, but declared her policy to be pacific: "Je ne fay rien +par force; il n'y a ny mort ny emprisonnement, ny condemnation, qui sont +les nerfs de la force." But she refused to recognize Armagnac—who was +papal legate in Provence, Guyenne, and Languedoc—as having any such +office in Béarn, proudly writing: "Je ne recognois en Béarn que Dieu +auquel je dois rendre conte de la charge qu'il m'a baillée de son +peuple." The publication of these letters produced a deep impression +favorable to the Reformation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Letter of Jehan Reymond Merlin to Calvin, Pau, July 23, +1563, printed for the first time in the Bulletin, xiv. (1865) 233, 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> Olhagaray, Hist. de Foix, Béarn, et Navarre, p. 535; +Vauvilliers, Hist. de Jeanne d'Albret, i. 319.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Letter of Merlin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 237, 238; Vauvilliers, i. +320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> Ibid., 238. "Dont plusieurs, voire des grands, s'en +allèrent fort mal contens, et singulièrement quelques-uns qu'elle rabroua +plus rudement que je n'eusse désiré." Merlin adds that all now saw the +excellence of his advice, for, had it been followed, "il y auroit +apparence que la réformation eust esté faite en ce pays par l'authorité +des estats; maintenant il faut qu'elle se fasse de seule puissance +absolue de la royne, voyre avec danger." In other parts of France, as +well as in Béarn, Jeanne's reformatory movements were looked upon with +great disfavor. Upon a glass window at Limoges (made about the year 1564, +and still in existence, I believe) she is represented, by way of +derision, as herself in the pulpit, and preaching to a congregation of +eight Huguenots seated. Underneath is the bitter couplet, +</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Mal sont les gens endoctrinés<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Quand par femme sont sermonés."<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>M. Hennin, Monuments de l'hist. de France, Paris, 1863, tome ix. +(1559-1589) 76. The statement that this and a somewhat similar +representation, also described in this work, came from an old abbey, +whose monks thus revenged themselves upon the queen for removing their +pulpit, seems to be a mistake.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Letter of Merlin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 239: "Brief c'est merveille +que ceste princesse puisse persister constamment en son sainct vouloir." +Cf. letter of same, Dec. 25, 1563, 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> Letter of Merlin, Dec. 25, 1563, <i>ubi supra</i>, 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> "Récit d'une entreprise faite en l'an 1565 contre la Reine +de Navarre et messeigneurs les enfans," etc., etc.; Cimber et Danjou, +Archives curieuses, vi. 281-295. The year should be 1564. The best +authority is, however, that of De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxvi.) 496-499, who +states that he simply gives the account as he had it from the lips of +Secretary Rouleau, who brought the tidings to France, and from the +children of the domestic of Isabella who detected the conspiracy. See, +also, Léon Feer, in Bulletin, xxvi. (1877), 207, etc., 279, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> Michel de l'Hospital frankly told Santa Croce that the +misfortunes of France came exclusively from the French themselves, "e +della vita dei preti, molto sregolata, i quali non vogliono esser +riformati, e principalmente quelli del Concilio, e poi nelle loro lettere +rejiciunt culpam in Papam." "Io so," adds the nuncio himself, "che sono +loro che non vogliono esser riformati, e hanno mandati di quà certi +articoli che hanno parimente mandati a Roma, circa gli quali io vi posso +dir che se Sua Santita li accordasse, conformamente alle loro petitioni, +sariano i più malcontenti del mondo; ma no le hanno fatte ad altro fine +che per haver occasione di mostrar di quà, che il Papa è quello che non +vuole, mentre che sono loro che non vogliono quella riformatione del +clero." Santa Croce to Borromeo, March 28, 1563, Aymon, i. 230, 231; +Cimber et Danjou, vi. 138.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> "Il quale (Cardinal di Lorreno) con la morte del suo +fratello, havera manco spiriti, e credo io che terra più conto della +satisfattione di Sua Santita che di qua." Santa Croce to Borromeo, Blois, +March 28, 1563, shortly after Guise's death. Aymon, i. 233; Cimber et +Danjou, vi. 140.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> "Sed hæ nugæ ipsi nequaquam placebant." Languet, letter of +Feb. 3, 1564, Epist. secr., ii. 283.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Letter of Santa Croce to Borromeo, Melun, Feb. 25, 1564, +Aymon, i. 258, 259; Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Geneva, March 6, 1564, +Simler Coll. (Zurich) MSS.; Languet, March 6, 1564, Epist. secr., ii. +286, 287. There has been great confusion respecting this altercation +between Lorraine and L'Hospital. According to Henri Martin (Histoire de +France, x. 194), it took place "à propos d'un nouvel édit qui accordait +aux réformés quelques facilités pour l'enseignement et l'exercise de leur +religion en maisons privées dans les villes où le culte public leur était +interdit." M. Jules Bonnet has kindly made search for me in the Zurich +and Paris libraries, and obtained corroborative proof of what I already +suspected, that M. Martin and others had confounded the scene at <i>Melun</i> +in February, 1564, with another quarrel between the same persons in +March, 1566, at <i>Moulins</i>. See the documents, including the letter of +Beza referred to above, published together with my inquiries, in the +Bulletin de la Soc. du prot. fr., xxiv. (1875) 409-415.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> "Conseil sur le fait du Concile de Trente," etc. Mém. de +Condé, v. 81-129. The dedication to Prince Porcien is dated May 29, 1564. +See De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxvi.) 501.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> Du Moulin was ordered by a royal letter to be set at +large, Lyons, June 24, 1564.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> Conclusion of "Conseil," etc. Mém. de Condé, v. 129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxvi.), 499, 500; Ag. d'Aubigné, +Hist. univ., i. 203 (liv. iv., c. iv.); Mém. de Castelnau, liv. v., c. +vi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> Prof. Soldan has discussed the matter at great length. +Gesch. des Prot. in Frank., ii. 197, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> As early as Dec. 13, 1563, the queen mother had announced +to the French ambassador in Vienna her son's expected journey, toward the +end of February or the beginning of March, to visit his sister, the +Duchess of Lorraine, and her infant son. Letter to Bochetel, Bishop of +Rennes, Le Laboureur, i. 784. See, too, Languet's letter of Nov. 16, +1563, Epist. secr., ii. 268.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Lorraine to Granvelle, <i>ubi infra</i>. The progress was +resolved upon, it will be seen, before Lorraine's return from Trent.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> "I am going to meet their Majesties at Châlons," wrote the +Cardinal of Lorraine from Tou-sur-Marne, between Rheims and Châlons, +April 20, 1564; "thence they are to leave for Bar, where they will, I +think, remain no more than four or five days. I hope that the voyage will +be honorable and profitable for our house.... As to our court, it was +never so empty of persons belonging to the opposite religion as it is +now. The few that are there show very great regret at this voyage, in +which I can assure you that I have not meddled at all, either to further +or to retard it; only a short time after my return from Trent, I +succeeded in having Nancy changed for Bar." Papiers d'état du card. de +Granvelle, vii. 511.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> Smith to Cecil, Tarascon, Oct. 21, 1564, State Paper +Office, Calendar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> "Assuredly, sir," wrote the cardinal in the letter just +cited, "the queen my mistress shows, daily more and more, a strong and +holy affection. This evening I have heard, by the Cardinal of Guise, my +brother, who has reached me, many holy intentions of their Majesties, +which may God give them grace to put into good execution." Ibid., <i>ubi +supra</i>. In a somewhat similar strain Granvelle about this time wrote: "I +am so strongly assured that religion is going to take a favorable turn in +France, that I know not what to say of it. The world in that quarter is +so light and variable, that no great grounds of confidence can be +assumed. But it is at any rate something that matters are not growing +worse." Letter to Bolwiller, April 9, 1564, Papiers d'état, etc., vii. +461.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> Letter of Granvelle to the Emperor Ferdinand, May 8, 1564, +Papiers d'état, vii. 613; also 622, 631.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> "Les réformés qui formoient presque le tiers du royaume." +Garnier, Hist. de France, xxx. 453.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> "On peut présumer qu'il n'y eut jamais en France plus de +quinze on seize cent mille réformés.... La France possédait a peine +quinze millions d'habitans. Ainsi les protestans n'en formaient guère que +le dixième." Lacretelle, Histoire de France pendant les guerres de +religion, ii. 169, 170. The entire passage is important.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> Giov. Michiel, Rel. des Amb. Vén., i. 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> Capefigue, from MS., Hist. de la réforme, de la ligue, +etc., ii. 408.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 47, 48; De Thou, iii., liv. xxxvi. +504; Mém. de Castelnau, l. v., c. x.; Pasquier, Lettres, iv., 22, <i>ap.</i> +Capefigue, ii. 410.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> Granvelle to the Emperor Ferdinand, April 12, 1564, Pap. +d'état, vii. 467.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> Of solicitude on this score, the only evidence I have come +across is furnished by the following passage of one of the "Occurrences +in France," under date of April 11, 1565, sent to the English Government. +"Orders are also taken in the court that no gentleman shall talk with the +queen's maids, except it is in the queen's presence, or in that of Madame +la Princesse de Roche-sur-Yon, except he be married; and if they sit upon +a form or stool, he may sit by her, and if she sit upon the ground he may +kneel by her, but not lie long, as the fashion was in this court." State +Paper Office, Calendar, 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> Edict of Vincennes, June 14, 1563, and Declarations of +Paris, Dec. 14, 1563; of Lyons, June 24, 1564; and of Roussillon, Aug. 4, +1564. Isambert, Recueil des anc. lois. franç., xiv. 141, 159, 170-172, +and Drion, Hist. chronol., i. 102-108. See Jean de Serres, iii. 35-41, +55-63, and after him, De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxv.) 411, 412, 504, 505.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 54, 55, 64, 65, etc. De Thou, iii. +(liv. xxxvi.) 503, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>. There are no similar cases of +assassination on the part of Huguenots at this period. That of Charry at +court seems to have resulted partly from revenge for personal wrongs, +partly from mistaken devotion on the part of one of D'Andelot's followers +to his master's interests. See Languet, letter of Feb. 3, 1564, Epist. +secr., ii. 284.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 65-82; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxvi.) +505; Lettres de Monseigneur le Prince de Condé à la Roine Mère du Roy, +avec Advertissemens depuis donnéz par ledit Seigneur Prince à leurs +Majestez, etc, (Aug. 31, 1564, etc.), Mém. de Condé, v. 201-214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> "Articles respondus par le Roy en son Conseil privé, sur +la requeste présentée par plusieurs habitans de la ville de Bourdeaux," +etc. The signature of the secretary, Robertet, was affixed Sept. 5, 1564; +but such was the obstinacy of the judges of Bordeaux, that the document +was not published in the parliament of that city until nearly eight +months later (April 30, 1565). Mém. de Condé, v. 214-224. Cimber et +Danjou, Archives curieuses, vi. 271-278. The Protestants petitioned for +another town in place of St. Macaire, which had been assigned them for +their religious worship—the most inconveniently situated in the entire +"sénéchaussée." They desired a city which they could go to and return +from on the same day. They stated that "la plus grande partie des plus +notables familles de la ville de Bourdeaux est de la religion réformée." +This part of their request the king referred to the judgment of the +governor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> Ordonnance du roi Charles IX., 6 août, 1564, Nantes MS., +Bulletin, xiii. (1864), 203, 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> Aymon, i. 277, 278, and Cimber et Danjou, Archives cur., +vi. 167. As by this time both Papists and Huguenots knew Catharine de' +Medici to be a woman utterly devoid of moral principle, it may fairly be +considered an open question whether there was any one in France more +deceived than she was in supposing that she had deceived others.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Sir Thomas Smith to the queen, from Tarascon (near +Avignon), Oct. 21, 1564, enclosing "Articles of pacification for those of +the religion in Venaissin and Avignon agreed to by the ministers of the +Pope and those of the Prince of Orange, Oct. 11, 1564." Signed by the +vice-legate, Bishop of Fermo, and Fabrizio Serbellone, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 55, 56, +68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> "Lundi passé, viii<sup>e</sup> du present mois, ung peu avant les +trois heures après midy, monsieur le révérendissime cardinal de Lorraine, +vestu du robbon et chappeau, ... est entré en Paris." Account written two +days after the occurrence by Del Rio, attached to the Spanish embassy in +Paris. Papiers d'état du card. de Granvelle, viii. 600-602.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. iii.; Jean de Serres, iii. +85, 86; De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxvii.) 533-537; Mém. de Claude Haton, i. +381-383; Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 70-72; Condé MSS., in Duc +d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, i. 518; Le Livre des Marchands (Ed. Panthéon) +424, 425, where the ludicrous features of the scene are, of course, most +brightly colored. "J'espère bien aussi m'en resentir ung jour," wrote the +cardinal himself, a few weeks later, from Joinville. Pap. d'état du card. +de Granvelle, viii. 681.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse, 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> Harangue de l'Admiral de France à Messieurs de la Cour de +Parlement de Paris, du 27 janvier 1565, avec la réponse. Papiers d'état +du card. de Granvelle, viii. 655-657. M. de Crussol, in a letter of +February 4, 1565, alludes to the admiral's flattering reception by the +clergy and by the Sorbonne, "qui sont allé le visiter et offert infiny +service;" and states that both parties were gratified by the interview. +Condé MSS., in Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, Pièces inédits, i. 520.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Philip II. to Alva, Dec. 14, 1563, Pap. d'état du card. de +Granvelle, vii. 269; Alva to Philip II., Dec. 22, 1563, ib., vii. 286, +287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> Granvelle to the Baron de Bolwiller, March 13, 1565, ib., +ix. 61, 62.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>. "Je vous asseure, comme il est +véritable, qu'il n'y a aultre chose en cecy que simple visitation de +fille à mère."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> Prof. Kluckholn, strangely enough, speaks of Jean de +Serres's Commentarii de statu relig., etc., as "zuerst im Jahre, 1575, +erschienen" (Zur Geschichte des angeb. Bündnisses von Bayonne, Abhand. +der k. bayer. Akademie, München, 1868, p. 151). I have before me the +earlier edition of 1571, containing verbatim the passage he quotes, with +a single unimportant exception—"ecclesiarum" instead of "religiosorum."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> J. de Serres, Comment, de statu reipublicæ et religionis +in Gallia regno, Carolo IX. rege (1571), iii. 92. The Prince of Condé, in +his long petition sent to Charles, Aug. 23, 1568, at the outbreak of the +Third Civil War, says expressly in reference to events a year preceding +the Second War: "Quandoquidem ego et alii Religionis reformatæ viri +fuerimus jampridem admoniti de inito Baionæ consilio cum Hispano, ad eos +omnes plane delendos atque exterminandos qui Religionem reformatam in tuo +regno profiteantur." Ibid., iii. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> The remark is said to have been accidentally overheard by +Henry of Navarre, afterward Henry the Fourth, of whose presence little +account was taken in consequence of his youth. (He was just eleven years +and a half old.) But his intimate follower, Agrippa d'Aubigné, would have +been likely to give him as authority, had this been the case. He only +says: "Les plus licentieux faisoient leur profit d'un terme du Duc d'Alve +à Baionne, que dix mille grenouilles ne valloient pas la teste d'un +saumon." Hist. univ., liv. iv., c. v. (i. 206). Jean de Serres, <i>ubi +supra</i>, iii. 125, gives the expression in nearly the same words: "Satius +esse unicum salmonis caput, quam mille ranarum capita habere."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> Smith to Leicester and Cecil, July 2-29, 1565, State Paper +Office, Calendar, 403.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> "On apelloit ce bon prélat 'le cardinal des bouteilles,'" +says Lestoile, "pource qu'il les aimoit fort, et ne se mesloit guères +d'autres affaires que de celles de la cuisine, où il se connoissoit fort +bien, et les entendoit mieux que celles de la religion et de l'estat." In +chronicling the death of Louis, Cardinal of Guise, at Paris, March 29, +1578, he records the suggestive fact that "he was the last of the six +brothers of the house of Guise; yet died he young, at the age of +forty-eight years." Journal de Henri III., p. 96 (edit. Michaud). So +closely is the scriptural warning fulfilled, that "bloody and deceitful +men shall not live out half their days." Cardinal Guise (not Cardinal +Lorraine, as Mr. Henry White seems to suppose, Massacre of St. +Bartholomew, Am. edit., 187, 188) was the abettor of the massacre of +Vassy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> Cartas que el Duque de Alba scrivió, etc. Papiers d'état +du cardinal de Granvelle, ix. 296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> "Con no mas personas que con cinco ó seys que son el cabo +de todo esto, los tomasen á su mano y les cortasen las cabeças," etc. +Ibid., ix. 298.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> "Que mirase mucho por su salud, pues que della dependia +todo el bien de la christiandad, y creya que le tenia Dios guardado para +venir por su mano un gran servicio, que era el castigo de las offensas +que en este su reyno se le hazian." Cartas que el Duque de Alba scrivió a +su Magestad ... que contienen las vistas en Bayona, etc. Papiers d'état +du card. de Granvelle, ix. 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> "Saltó luego con dezirme: 'ó, el tomar las armas no +conviene, que yo destruya mi reyno como se començó á hazer con las +guerras passadas.'" Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> "Como es, descubrí lo que le tenian pedricado; passé á +otras materias," etc. Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> "Que venia muy Española." Ibid., ix. 300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> "Ella començó cierto la plática con el mayor tiento que yo +he visto tener jamas á nadie en cosa." Ibid., ix. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Cartas que el Duque de Alba scrivió, etc. Papiers d'état +du card. de Granvelle, ix. 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> "Yo me alteré <i>terriblemente</i> de oírselo, y le dixe que me +maravillava mucho." Ibid., ix. 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> "La junta passada de adonde començáron todas las +desverguenças que al presente ay en este reyno." Ibid., ix. 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> "En la otra el cardenal de Lorena havia sido el que avia +hecho todo el daño, pensando poder persuadir á los ministros." Ibid., +<i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> "Parécenos que quiere con esta semblea (i.e., assemblée), +que ellos llaman, remendar lo que falta en el rigor necessario al remedio +de sus vasallos, y plega á Dios no sea," etc. Ibid., ix. 318.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> Letter of Granvelle, Aug. 20, 1565, Papiers d'état, ix. +481.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> "Depuis l'arrivée n'y eust mention que de festins, +récréations et passe-temps de diverses manières." Relation du voyage de +la reine Isabelle d'Espagne à Bayonne, MSS. Belgian Archives, Compte +Rendu de la commission royale d'histoire, seconde série, ix. (1857) 159. +This paper was drawn up by the Secretary of State Courtewille, and sent +to President Viglius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> Over the first triumphal arch was a representation of +Isabella (or Elizabeth) trampling Mars under foot, with the mottoes +<i>Sacer hymen pacem nobis contulit</i> and <i>Deus nobis hæc otia fecit</i>, and +below the lines:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Élizabeth, de roy fille excellente,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Vous avez joint ung jour deux rois puissans;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">France et l'Espaigne, en gloire permanente,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Extolleront voz âges triumphans, etc.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Over a second arch at the palace gate, which was reached by a street hung +with tapestry and decorated with the united arms of France and Spain, was +suspended a painting of Catharine with her three sons and three +daughters, and the inscription:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">C'est à l'entour de royalle couronne<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Que le jardin hespérien floronne:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ce sont jardins de si belle féconde,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui aujourd'huy ne trouve sa seconde;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ce sont rameaux vigoureux et puissans;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ce sont florons de vertu verdissans.<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Royne sans per (paire), de grâce décorée,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Vous surmontez Pallas et Cythérée.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>Catharine's portraits scarcely confirm the boast of her panegyrist that +she surpassed Venus, however well she might match Minerva in sagacity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, Histoire universelle, i. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> "Le feu bon homme Monsieur de La Gaucherie y marchoit en +rondeur de conscience, et mesme mon filz lui doibt et aux siens cette +rasine (racine) de piété qui lui est, par la grasse de Dieu, si bien +plantée au cueur par bonnes admonitions, que maintenant, dont je loue ce +bon Dieu, elle produit et branches et fruitz. Je lui suplie qu'il luy +fasse ceste grasse qu'il continue de bien en mieulx." Letter of Dec. 6, +1566, MSS. Geneva Library, Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. +français, xvi. (1867) 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> "Ung tournoy a pied."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> It will be remembered that the Spaniards never +acknowledged the claim of Antoine or his wife to the title of sovereigns +of Navarre. In all Spanish documents, therefore, such as that which we +are here following, their son Henry is designated only by the dukedom of +Bourbon-Vendôme which he inherited from his father.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> Relation du voyage de la reine Isabelle à Bayonne, MSS. +Belgian Archives, <i>ubi supra</i>, ix. 161, 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> See Jean de Serres, iii., 53, for the fraternities of the +Holy Ghost in Burgundy. Blaise de Montluc's proposition of a league with +the king as its head had been declined; the monarch needed no other tie +to his subjects than that which already bound them together. Agrippa +d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., liv. iv., c. v. (i. 206.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Letter of Charles IX. to M. de Matignon, July 31, 1565, +<i>apud</i> Capefigue, Hist. de la Réforme, de la Ligue, etc., ii. 419, 420. +The same letter stipulated for the better protection of the Protestants +by freeing them from domiciliary visits, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Maniquet to Gordes, August 1, 1565, Condé MSS. in Aumale, +i. 528.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> Letter of Villegagnon to Granvelle, May 25, 1564, Papiers +d'état, vii. 660. The Huguenots figure as "les <i>Aygnos</i>, c'est-à-dire, en +langue de Suisse, rebelles et conjurés contre leur prince pour la +liberté."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> Letter of May 27, 1564, Ibid., vii., 666.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Letter of N. de St. Rémy, June 5, 1564. Ibid., viii. 24, +25. "Le peuple l'aymeroit trop mieulx pour roy que nul aultre de +Bourbon."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Catharine never forgave Ambassador Chantonnay for having +boasted that, with Throkmorton's assistance, he could overturn the State. +"Jusqu'à dire que Trokmarton, qui estoit ambassadeur d'Angleterre au +commencement de ces troubles, pour l'intelligence qu'il a avec les +Huguenots, et luy pour celle qu'il a avec les Catholiques de ce royaume, +sont suffisans pour subvertir cet Estat." Letter to the Bishop of Rennes, +Dec. 13, 1563, La Laboureur, i. 784.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Granvelle to Philip II., July 15, 1565. Papiers d'état, +ix. 399, 402, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> See Alex. Sutherland's Achievements of the Knights of +Malta (Phila., 1846), ii. 121, which contains an interesting popular +account of this memorable leaguer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> Papiers d'état du card. de Granvelle, ix. 545, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Giovambatista Adriani, Istoria de' suoi tempi (Ed. of +Milan, 1834), ii. 221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Sir Thomas Smith to Cecil, Nantes, Oct. 12, 1565, State +Paper Office, Calendar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Sir Thomas Smith to Leicester, Nov. 23, 1565, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> "Al qual tempo si riservò tale esecuzione per alcuni +sospetti, che apparivano negli Ugonotti, e per difficoltà di condurvegli +tutti, e ancora perchè più sicuro luogo era Parigi che Molino." +Giovambatista Adriani, Istoria de' suoi tempi (lib. decimottavo), ii. +221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxix.) 660-664; Castelnau, liv. vi., +c. ii.; Jehan de la Fosse, 76; Davila, bk. iii. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> The edict, of course, is not to be found in Isambert, or +any other collection of French laws; but a letter in Lestoile (ed. +Michaud, p. 19), to whom we are indebted for most of our knowledge of the +event, refers to the very wording of the document ("ce sont les mots de +l'édict"). The letter is entitled "Mémoire d'un différend meu à Moulins +en 1566, entre le Cardinal de Lorraine et le Chancellier de l'Hôpital," +and begins with the words: "Je vous advise que <i>du jour d'hier</i>," etc. M. +Bonnet has discovered and published, in the Bulletin de la Soc. de +l'hist. du prot. franç., xxiv. (1875) 412-415, a second and fuller +account, dated Moulins, March 16, 1566 (MS. French Nat. Library, Dupuy, +t. lxxxvi., f. 158). As was seen above (p. 155), this altercation has +been generally confounded with that of two years earlier. The letter +given by Lestoile (see above) is also published in Mém. de Condé, v. 50, +but is referred to the wrong event by the editor. Prof. Soldan (Gesch. +des Prot. in Fr., ii. 199), follows the Mém. de Condé in the reference.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Not many months before this occurrence a guest at the +Prince of Orange's table told Montigny that there were no Huguenots in +Burgundy—meaning the Spanish part, or Franche-Comté. "If so," replied +the unfortunate nobleman, "the Burgundians cannot be men of intelligence, +since those who have much mind for the most part are Huguenots;" a saying +which, reported to Philip, no doubt made a deep impression on his bigoted +soul. Pap. d'état du card. de Granvelle, vii. 187, 188. The Burgundians +of France were equally intolerant of the reformed doctrines.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> "Je ne suis venu pour troubler; mais pour empescher que ne +troubliez, comme avez faict par le passé, belistre que vous estes." +Lestoile and Mém. de Condé, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> See Prescott, Philip II., and Motley, Rise of the Dutch +Republic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> M. Charles L. Frossard, of Lille, discovered the MSS. on +which the following account is wholly based, in the Archives of the +Department du Nord, preserved in that city. As these papers appear to +have been inedited, and are referred to, so far as I can learn, by no +previous historian, I have deemed it proper to deviate from the rule to +which I have ordinarily adhered, of relating in detail only those events +that occurred within the ancient limits of the kingdom of France. +However, the reformation at Cateau-Cambrésis received its first impulses +from France. Mr. Frossard communicated the papers to the Bulletin de la +Société de l'histoire du protestantisme français, iii. (1854), 255-264, +396-417, 525-538. They are of unimpeachable accuracy and authenticity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> Lille MSS., <i>ubi supra</i>, 403.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> "De sorte qu'ils espèrent que lesdits de la requeste et du +compromis les adsisteront suyvant leur promesse, à ce qu'ils puissent +jouyr de la mesme liberté accordez à Bruxelles, asçavoir, que l'exercise +de la religion aye lieu par tout où il a esté usité auparavant, comme +ceulx du Chastel en Cambrésis ont eue aussy, et ce seulement par manière +de provision, jusques à ce que aultrement il y soict pourveu par le Roy +avec l'advis des estatz, estimans que le Roy ne souffrira rien en son +pays qui ne soict conforme ausdites ordonnances de l'empire." Lille MSS., +<i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> Letter of P. de Montmorency, Sept. 11, 1566, Lille MSS., +<i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> Motley, Dutch Republic, i. 458-462.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> Lille MSS., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> Mémoires de Claude Haton, i. 416, 417.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> The satirical literature of the period would of itself +fill a volume. The Huguenot songs in derision of the mass are +particularly caustic. See M. Bordier, Le Chansonnier Huguenot, and the +note to the last chapter. The Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. +franç., x. (1861), 40, reprints a "dizain" commencing—</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"Nostre curé est un fin boulanger,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qui en son art est sage et bien appris:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Il vend bien cher son petit pain léger,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Combien qu'il ait le froment à bon prix."<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> "Chose indigne d'un prince tel qu'il se disoit." Journal +d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> See the moderate account of the dispassionate Roman +Catholic De Thou, iii. (liv. xxxix.) 666-670. Also Agrippa d'Aubigné, +liv. iv., c. vi. (i. 208), and Discours des troubles advenus en la ville +de Pamiers, le 5 juin 1566, Archives curieuses (Cimber et Danjou), vi. +309-343. The massacre of Protestants at Foix was caused by an exaggerated +and false account of the commotion at Pamiers, carried thither by a +fugitive Augustinian monk.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> The good policy of straightforward dealing on the part of +an ambassador is set forth in a noble letter of Morvilliers, Bishop of +Orleans, from which I permit myself to quote a few sentences: "Il y en a +toutesfois qui pensent que, pour estre habille homme, il fault tousjours +aller masqué, laquelle opinion j'estime du tout erronée, et celluy qui la +suit grandement dêceu. Le temps m'a donné quelque expérience des choses; +mais je n'ay jamais veu homme, suivant ces chemins obliques, qui n'ait +embrouillé les affaires de son maistre, et, luy, perdre beaucoup plus +qu'acquérir de réputation; et au contraire ceux, qui se sont conduits +prudemment avec la verité, avoir, pour le moins, rapporté de leur +négotiation ce fruict et l'honneur d'y avoir faict ce que les hommes, +avec le sens et jugement humain, peuvent faire." Correspondance +diplomatique de Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe Fénélon, vii. 97.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, 79, 80; Vie de Coligny +(Cologne, 1686), 321-323; Gasparis Colinii Vita, 1575, 55; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., 1, 207.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> "December (1566.) Au commencement vinrent plusieurs +ambassades à Paris, tant de la part de l'Empereur, que du Pape, que du +roy d'Espagne, lesquels mandèrent au roy de France, qu'il eust à faire +casser l'esdict de janvier, ou autrement qu'ils se déclareroient +ennemys." Ibid., 80. The fanatical party affected to regard the Edict of +Amboise, March, 1563, as a mere re-establishment of the edict of January +17, 1562.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> Mémoires de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. ii. Castelnau was +certainly in a favorable position for learning the truth respecting these +matters; and yet even he speaks of the "holy league," formed at Bayonne, +as of something beyond controversy. According to a treaty and renewal of +alliance between Charles the Ninth and the Roman Catholic cantons of +Switzerland, entered into Dec. 7, 1564, for Charles's lifetime, and seven +years beyond, the Swiss were to furnish him, when attacked, not less than +six nor more than sixteen thousand men for the entire war. The success of +the negotiation occasioned great rejoicing at Paris, and corresponding +annoyance in the Spanish dominions. Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v. +129-131; Jehan de la Fosse, 70; Papiers d'état du card. de Granvelle, +viii. 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> Mém. de Fr. de la Noue, c. xi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> He did more than this, according to the belief of the +times, as expressed by Jean de Serres; for, "having been present at the +Bayonne affair," he brought him irrefragable proof of the "holy league +entered into by the kings of France and Spain for the ruin of the +religion." Comment. de statu. rel. et reip., iii. 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> Yet so much were intelligent observers deceived respecting +the signs of the times, that only a little over two months before the +actual outbreak of the second civil war (July 4, 1567), Judge Truchon +congratulated France on the edifying spectacle of loving accord which the +court furnished. "I have this very day," he writes, "seen the king +holding, with his left hand, the head of my lord, the prince [of Condé], +and with his right the head of my lord the Cardinal of Bourbon, and +<i>playfully trying to strike their foreheads together</i>. The Duke d'Aumale +was paying his attentions to Madame la Mareschale [de Montmorency.] ... +The Cardinal of Châtillon was not far off. In short, all, without +distinction, seemed to me to be so harmonious that I wish there may never +be greater divisions in France. It was a fine example for many persons of +lower rank," etc. Letter to M. de Gordes, MS. in Archives de Condé, Duc +d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, i. 540, Pièces inédites.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 128, 129. See, also, Condé's letter +of Aug. 23, 1568. Ibid., iii. 201.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> Norris to Queen Elizabeth, Aug. 29, 1567, State Paper +Office, Duc d'Aumale, Pièces inédites, i. 559.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> "Sed ne frustra laborare viderentur, de Albani consilio, +'Satius esse unicum salmonis caput, quam mille ranarum capita habere,' +ineunt rationes de intercipiendis optimatum iis, qui Religionem +sequerentur, Condæo, Amiralio, Andelotio, Rupefocaldio aliisque +primoribus viris. Ratio videbatur præsentissima, ut a rege accerserentur, +tanquam consulendi de iis rebus quæ ad regnum constituendum facerent," +etc. Jean de Serres, iii. 125. It will be remembered that this volume was +published the year before the St. Bartholomew's massacre. The persons +enumerated, with the exception of those that died before 1572, were the +victims of the massacre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> "Ita Edicti nomen usurpabatur, dum Edictum revera +pessundaretur." Jean de Serres, iii. 60.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XV.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="SECOND_WAR" id="SECOND_WAR"></a>THE SECOND CIVIL WAR AND THE SHORT PEACE.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny's pacific counsels.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Rumors of plots to destroy the Huguenots.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">D'Andelots warlike counsels prevail.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Cardinal Lorraine to be seized and King Charles liberated.</div> + +<p> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span>A treacherous peace or an open war was now apparently the only +alternative offered to the Huguenots. In reality, however, they believed +themselves to be denied even the unwelcome choice between the two. The +threatening preparations made for the purpose of crushing them were +indications of coming war, if, indeed, they were not properly to be +regarded, according to the view of the great Athenian orator in a +somewhat similar case, as the first stage in the war itself. The times +called for prompt decision. Within a few weeks three conferences were +held at Valéry and at Châtillon. Ten or twelve of the most prominent +Huguenot nobles assembled to discuss with the Prince of Condé and Coligny +the exigencies of the hour. Twice was the impetuosity of the greater +number restrained by the calm persuasion of the admiral. Convinced that +the sword is a fearful remedy for political diseases—a remedy that +should never be applied except in the most desperate emergency—Coligny +urged his friends to be patient, and to show to the world that they were +rather forced into war by the malice of their enemies than drawn of their +own free choice. But at the third meeting of the chiefs, before the close +of the month, they were too much excited by the startling reports +reaching them from all sides, to be controlled even by Coligny's prudent +advice. A great friend of "the religion" at court had sent to the prince +and the admiral an account of a secret meeting of the royal council, at +which the imprisonment of the former and the execution of the latter was +agreed upon. The Swiss were to be distributed in equal de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span>tachments at +Paris, Orleans, and Poitiers, and the plan already indicated—the repeal +of the Edict of Toleration and the proclamation of another edict of +opposite tenor—was at once to be carried into effect. "Are we to wait," +asked the more impetuous, "until we be bound hand and foot and dragged to +dishonorable death on Parisian scaffolds? Have we forgotten the more than +three thousand Huguenots put to violent deaths since the peace, and the +frivolous answers and treacherous delays which have been our only +satisfaction?" And when some of the leaders expressed the opinion that +delay was still preferable to a war that would certainly expose their +motives to obloquy, and entail so much unavoidable misery, the admiral's +younger brother, D'Andelot, combated with his accustomed vehemence a +caution which he regarded as pusillanimous, and pointedly asked its +advocates what all their innocence would avail them when once they found +themselves in prison and at their enemy's mercy, when they were banished +to foreign countries, or were roaming without shelter in the forests and +wilds, or were exposed to the barbarous assaults of an infuriated +populace.<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> His striking harangue carried the day. The admiral +reluctantly yielded, and it was decided to anticipate the attack of the +enemy by a bold defensive movement. Some advocated the seizure of +Orleans, and counselled that, with this refuge in their possession, +negotiations should be entered into with the court for the dismissal of +the Swiss; others that the party should fortify itself by the capture of +as many cities as possible. But to these propositions the pertinent reply +was made that there was no time for wordy discussions, the controversy +must be settled by means of the sword;<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> and that, of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> hundred towns +the Protestants held at the beginning of the last war, they had found +themselves unable to retain a dozen until its close. Finally, the prince +and his companions resolved to make it the great object of their +endeavors to drive the Cardinal of Lorraine from court and liberate +Charles from his pernicious influence. This object was to be attained by +dispersing the Swiss, and by conducting hostilities on a bold +plan—rather by the maintenance of an army that could actively take the +field,<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> than by seizing any cities save a few of the most important. +On the twenty-ninth of September, the feast-day of St. Michael, the +Huguenots having suddenly risen in all parts of France, Condé and +Coligny, at the head of the troops of the neighboring provinces, were to +present themselves at the court, which would be busy celebrating the +customary annual ceremonial of the royal order. They would then hand to +the king a humble petition for the redress of grievances, for the removal +of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and for the dispersion of the Swiss troops, +which, instead of being retained near the frontiers of the kingdom which +they had ostensibly come to protect, had been advanced to the very +vicinity of the capital.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> It might be difficult to prevent the +enterprise from wearing the appearance of a plot against the king, in +whose immediate vicinity the cardinal was; but the event, if prosperous, +would demonstrate the integrity of their purpose.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The secret slowly leaks out.</div> + +<p>The plan was well conceived, and better executed than such schemes +usually are. The great difficulty was to keep so impor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span>tant a secret. It +was a singular coincidence that, as in the case of the tumult of Amboise, +over seven years before, the first intimations of their danger reached +the Guises from the Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> But the courtiers, whose minds were +taken up with the pleasures of the chase, and who dreamed of no such +movement, were so far from believing the report, that Constable +Montmorency expressed vexation that it was imagined that the Huguenots +could get together one hundred men in a corner of the kingdom—not to +speak of an army in the immediate vicinity of the capital—without the +knowledge of himself, the head of the royal military establishment; while +Chancellor de l'Hospital said that "it was a capital crime for any +servant to alarm his prince with false intelligence, or give him +groundless suspicions of his fellow-subjects."<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a></p> + +<p>The news, however, being soon confirmed from other sources, a spy was +sent to Châtillon-sur-Loing to report upon the admiral's movements. He +brought back word that he had found Coligny at home, and apparently +engrossed in the labors of the vintage—so quietly was the affair +conducted until within forty-eight hours of the time appointed for the +general uprising.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> It was not until hurried tidings came from all +quarters that the roads to Châtillon and to Rosoy—a small place in Brie, +where the Huguenots had made their rendezvous—were swarming with men +mounted and armed, that the court took the alarm.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Flight of the court to Paris.</div> + +<p>It was almost too late. The Huguenots had possession of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> Lagny and of the +crossing of the river Marne. The king and queen, with their suite, at +Meaux, were almost entirely unprotected, the six thousand Swiss being +still at Château-Thierry, thirty miles higher up the Marne. Instant +orders were sent to bring them forward as quickly as possible, and the +night of the twenty-eighth of September witnessed a scene of abject fear +on the part of the ladies and not a few of the gentlemen that accompanied +Charles and his mother. At three o'clock in the morning, under escort of +the Swiss, who had at last arrived, the court started for Paris, which +was reached after a dilatory journey that appeared all the longer because +of the fears attending it.<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> The Prince of Condé, who had been joined +as yet only by the forerunners of his army, engaged in a slight skirmish +with the Swiss; but a small band of four or five hundred gentlemen, armed +only with their swords, could do nothing against a solid phalanx of the +brave mountaineers, and he was forced to retire. Meanwhile Marshal +Montmorency, sent by Catharine to dissuade the prince, the admiral, and +Cardinal Châtillon from prosecuting their enterprise, had returned with +the message that "the Huguenots were determined to defeat the +preparations made to destroy them and their religion, which was only +tolerated by a conditional edict, revocable by the king at his +pleasure."<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Cardinal Lorraine invites Alva to invade France.</div> + +<p>The Cardinal of Lorraine did not share in the flight of the court to +Paris. Never able to boast of the possession of overmuch courage, he may +have feared for his personal safety; for it was not impossible that he +might be sacrificed by a queen rarely troubled with any feelings of +humanity, to allay the storm raging about the ship of state; or he may +have hoped to be of greater service to his party away from the +capital.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> However this may be, the Cardinal betook himself in hot +haste to the city of Rheims, but reached his palace only after an almost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> +miraculous escape from capture by his enemies.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> Once in safety, he +despatched two messengers in rapid succession<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> to Brussels, and +begged Alva to send him an agent with whom he might communicate in +confidence. The proposals made when that personage arrived at Rheims were +sufficiently startling; for, after calling attention to Philip's rightful +claim to the throne of France, in case of the death of Charles and his +brothers, he offered in a certain contingency to place in the Spanish +monarch's hands some strong places that might prove valuable in +substantiating that claim. In return, the Cardinal wished Philip to +assume the defence of the papal church in France, and particularly +desired him to undertake the protection of his brothers and of himself. +The message was not unwelcome either to Alva or to his royal master. They +were willing, they said, to assist the King of France in combating the +Huguenots,<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> and they made no objection to accepting the cities. At +the worst, these cities would serve as pledges for the repayment of +whatever sums the King of Spain might expend in maintaining the Roman +Catholic faith in France. With respect to the propriety of Philip's +becoming the formal guardian of the Guises, Alva felt more hesitation, +for who knew how matters might turn out? And Philip, never quite ready +for any important decision, praised his lieutenant's delay, and +inculcated further procrastination.<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> But the succession to the throne +of France was worthy of deep consideration. As Alva intimated, the famous +Salic law, under which Charles's sister Isabella was excluded from the +crown, was merely a bit of pleasantry, and force of arms would facilitate +the acknowledgment of her claims.<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Condé at Saint Denis.</div> + +<p>The blow which the Huguenots had aimed at the tyrannical government of +the Cardinal of Lorraine had missed its mark, through premature +disclosure; but they still hoped to accomplish their design by slower +means. Shut up in Paris, the court might be frightened or starved into +compliance before the Roman Catholic forces could be assembled to relieve +the capital. With this object the Prince of Condé moved around to the +north side of the city, and took up his quarters, on the second of +October, in the village of Saint Denis. With the lower Seine, which, in +one of its serpentine coils, here turns back upon itself, and retreats +from the direction of the sea, in his immediate grasp, and within easy +striking distance of the upper Seine, and its important tributary the +Marne—the chief sources of the supply of food on which the capital +depended—the Prince of Condé awaited the arrival of his reinforcements, +and the time when the hungry Parisians should compel the queen to submit, +or to send out her troops to an open field. At the same time he burned +the windmills that stretched their huge arms on every eminence in the +vicinity. It was an ill-advised measure, as are all similar acts of +destruction, unless justified by urgent necessity. If it occasioned some +distress in Paris,<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> it only embittered the minds of the people yet +more, and enabled the municipal authorities to retaliate with some color +of equity by seizing the houses of persons known or suspected to be +Huguenots, and selling their goods to defray part of the expense incurred +in defending the city.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenot movement alienates the king.</div> + +<p>The attempt "to seize the person of the king"—for such the movement was +understood to be by the Roman Catholic party—was even more unfortunate. +It produced in Charles an alienation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> which the enemies of the +Huguenots took good care to prevent him from ever completely forgetting. +They represented the undertaking of Meaux as aimed, not at the +counsellors of the monarch, but at the "Sacred Majesty" itself, and Condé +and Coligny, with their associates, were pictured to the affrighted eyes +of the fugitive boy-king as conspirators who respected none of those +rights which are so precious in the view of royalty.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Negotiations opened. The Huguenots gradually abate their +demands.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Constable Montmorency the mouthpiece of intolerance.</div> + +<p>Meantime Catharine was not slow in resorting to the arts by which she was +accustomed to seek either to avert the evil consequences of her own +short-sighted policy, or to gain time to defeat the plans of her +opponents.<a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> The Huguenots received a deputation consisting of the +chancellor, the Marshal de Vieilleville, and Jean de Morvilliers—three +of the most influential and moderate adherents of the court—through whom +Charles demanded the reason of the sudden uprising which causelessly +threatened his own person and the peace of the realm. The Huguenot +leaders replied by denying any evil design, and showing that they had +armed themselves only in self-defence against the manifested malice of +their enemies.<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> Subsequent interviews between Condé and the envoys of +Charles seemed to hold forth some hopes of peace. The king declared +himself ready to furnish the Protestants with proofs of the uprightness +of his intentions, and L'Hospital even exhibited the draft of an edict in +which their rights should be guaranteed. As this proved unsatisfactory, +the prince, at the chancellor's suggestion, submitted the requests of his +associates. These related to the banishment of the foreign troops, the +permission to come and present their petitions to the king, the +confirmation and maintenance of the past edicts, with the repeal of all +restrictive interpretations, the assembling of the states gen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span>eral, and +the removal of the burdensome imposts under which the people groaned, and +which were of advantage only to the crowd of Italians and others enjoying +extraordinary credit at court.<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> If the first of these demands were +sufficiently bold, the last demand was little calculated to conciliate +Catharine, who naturally conceived herself doubly insulted by the covert +allusion to her own prodigality and by the reference to her countrymen. +She found no difficulty in inducing Charles to answer through a +proclamation sent by a herald to the confederates, commanding Condé, +Coligny, D'Andelot, La Rochefoucauld, Genlis, and the other leaders, by +name, to lay down the arms which they had taken up without his +consent.<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> Perceiving the mistake they had committed in making +requests which, although just and appropriate, were in part but +ill-suited to the times, the Protestants began to abate their demands. +Confining themselves to the matter of religion, they now petitioned only +for an unrestricted liberty of conscience and worship, confirmed by the +repeal of all ordinances or parliamentary decisions conflicting with it. +Their moderation inspired fresh hopes of averting the resort to arms, and +a new conference was held, between the Huguenot position and the city of +Paris, at the hamlet of La Chapelle Saint Denis. It was destined to be +the last. Constable Montmorency, the chief spokesman on the Roman +Catholic side, although really desirous of peace, could not be induced to +listen to the only terms on which peace was possible. "The king," he +said, "will never consent to the demand for religious toleration +throughout France without distinction of persons or places. He has no +intention of permanently tolerating two religions. His edicts in favor of +the Protestants have been intended only as temporary measures; for his +purpose is to preserve the old faith by all possible means. He would +rather be forced into a war with his subjects than avoid it by +concessions that would render him an object of suspicion to neighboring +princes."<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Insincerity of Alva's offers of aid.</div> + +<p>The simultaneous rising of the Huguenots in every quarter of the kingdom, +and the immediate seizure of many important cities, had surprised and +terrified the court; but it had also stimulated the Roman Catholic +leaders to put forth extraordinary efforts to bring together an army +superior to that of their opponents. Besides the Parisian militia and the +troops that flocked in from the more distant provinces, it was resolved +to call for the help repeatedly promised by Philip of Spain and his +minister, the Duke of Alva, when urging Charles to break the compacts he +had entered into with his reformed subjects. But the assistance actually +furnished fell far short of the expectations held forth. When Castelnau, +after two efforts, the first of which proved unsuccessful,<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> reached +Brussels by a circuitous route, he found Alva lavish of good wishes, and +urgent, like his master, that no arrangement should be made with the +rebels before they had suffered condign punishment. But the envoy soon +convinced himself that all these protestations meant little or nothing, +and that the Spaniards were by no means sorry to see the French kingdom +rent by civil war. Ostensibly, Alva was liberal above measure in his +offers. He wished to come in person at the head of five thousand horse +and fifteen thousand foot, and make short work of the destruction of +Condé and his followers—a proposition which Castelnau, who knew that +Catharine was quite as jealous of Spanish as of Huguenot interference in +her schemes, felt himself compelled politely to decline; especially as +the very briefest term within which Alva professed himself ready to move +was a full month and a half. For seven or eight days the duke persisted +in refusing the Spanish troops that were requested,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> and in +insisting upon his own offer—precious time which, had it been husbanded, +might have changed the face of the impending battle before the walls of +Paris. When, at length, pressed by the envoy for a definite answer or for +leave to return, the duke offered to give him, in about three weeks' +time, a body of four or five thousand German lansquenets—troops that +would have been quite useless to Charles, who already had at his +disposition as many pikemen as he needed, in the six thousand Swiss. All +that Castelnau was finally able to bring home was an auxiliary force of +about seventeen hundred horse, under Count Aremberg. Even now, however, +the officer in command was bound by instructions which prevented him from +taking the direct road to the beleaguered capital of France, and +compelled him to pass westward by Beauvais and Poissy.<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Battle of Saint Denis, Nov. 10, 1567.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The constable is mortally wounded.</div> + +<p>The impatience of the Parisians, who for more than a month had been +inactive spectators, while their city was besieged by an insignificant +force and they were deprived of the greater part of their ordinary +supplies of food, could scarcely be restrained. They were the more +anxious for battle since they had received encouragement by the recapture +of a few points of some military importance along the course of the lower +Seine. Unable to resist the pressure any longer, Constable Anne de +Montmorency led out his army to give battle to the Huguenots on the tenth +of November, 1567. Rarely has such an engagement been willingly entered +into, where the disproportion between the contending parties was so +considerable. The constable's army consisted of sixteen thousand foot +soldiers (of whom six thousand were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> Swiss, and the remainder in part +troops levied in the city of Paris) and three thousand horse, and was +provided with eighteen pieces of artillery. To meet this force, Condé had +barely fifteen hundred hastily mounted and imperfectly equipped +gentlemen, and twelve hundred foot soldiers, gathered from various +quarters and scarcely formed as yet into companies. He had not a single +cannon. Of his cavalry, only one-fifth part were provided with lances, +the rest having swords and pistols. The greater number had no defensive +armor; and not a horse was furnished with the leathern <i>barbe</i> with which +the knight continued, as in the middle ages, to cover his steed's breast +and sides. The constable had wisely chosen a moment when the prince had +weakened himself by detaching D'Andelot, with five hundred horse and +eight hundred arquebusiers, to seize Poissy and intercept the Count of +Aremberg.<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> In the face of such a disparity of numbers and equipment, +the Huguenots exhibited signal intrepidity.<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> With Coligny thrown +forward on the right, in front of the village of Saint Ouen, and Genlis +on the left, near Aubervilliers, they opened the attack upon the +overwhelming numbers of the enemy, who descended from higher ground to +meet them. Marshal de Montmorency, the constable's eldest son, commanding +a part of the royal army, alone was successful, and had the valor of his +troops been imitated by the rest, the defeat of the Huguenots would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> have +been decisive; but the "Parisian regiment," despite its gilded +armor,<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> yielded at the first shock of battle and fled in confusion to +the walls of Paris. Their cowardice uncovered the position of the +constable, and the cavalry of the Prince penetrated to the spot where the +old warrior was still fighting hand to hand, with a vigor scarcely +inferior to that which he had displayed more than fifty years earlier, in +the first Italian campaign of Francis the First.<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> A Scottish +gentleman, according to the most probable account—for the true history +of the affair is involved in unusual obscurity—Robert Stuart by name, +rode up to Montmorency and demanded his surrender. But the constable, +maddened at the suggestion of a fourth captivity,<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> for all reply +struck Stuart on the mouth, with the hilt of his sword, so violent a blow +that he broke three of his teeth. At that very moment he received, +whether from Stuart or from another of the Scottish gentlemen is +uncertain,<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> a pistol-shot that entered his shoulder and inflicted a +mortal wound. At a few paces from him, Condé, with his horse killed under +him, nearly fell into the hands of the enemy. At last, however, his +partisans succeeded in rescuing him, and, while he retired slowly to +Saint Denis, the dying constable was carried to Paris, whither the Roman +Catholic army returned at evening.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Character of Anne de Montmorency.</div> + +<p>The battle of Saint Denis was indecisive, and the victory was claimed by +both sides. The losses of the Huguenots and the Roman Catholics were +about equal—between three and four hundred men—although the number of +distinguished Huguenot noblemen killed exceeded that of the slain +belonging to the same rank in the royal army. If the possession of the +field at the end of the day, and the relief of Paris, be taken as +sufficient evidence, the honor of success belonged to the Roman Catholic +army. But the loss of their chief commander far more than counterbalanced +any advantage they may have gained. Not that Anne de Montmorency was a +general of remarkable abilities. Although he had been present in a large +number of important engagements ever since the reign of Louis the +Twelfth, and had proved himself a brave man in all, he was by no means a +successful military leader. The late Duke of Guise had eclipsed his +glory, and in a much briefer career had exhibited much more striking +tactical skill. The battle of Saint Denis, it was alleged by many, had +itself been marred by his clumsy disposition of his troops. Proud and +overbearing in his deportment, he alienated even those with whom his warm +attachment to the Roman Catholic Church ought to have made him popular. +Catharine de' Medici, we have seen, had long been his enemy. In like +manner, even the bigoted populace of Paris forgot the pious exploits that +had earned him the surname of "le Capitaine Brûlebanc," and remembered +only his suspicious relationship to Cardinal Châtillon, Admiral Coligny, +and D'Andelot, those three intrepid brothers whose uncompromising +morality and unswerving devotion to their religious convictions made +them, even more than the Prince of Condé, true representatives of the +dreaded Huguenot party.<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span></p> + +<p>But the loss of the principal general at this important juncture in +military affairs dealt a severe blow to the Roman Catholic cause. There +was no other leader of sufficient prominence to put forth an indisputable +claim to succeed him. Catharine, not sorry to be relieved of so +formidable a rival, was resolved that he should have no troublesome +successor. Accordingly she induced the king to leave the office of +constable vacant, and to confer upon her second surviving son, Henry, +Duke of Anjou, whose unscrupulous character had already made him her +favorite, the supreme command of the army, with the less ambitious title +of royal lieutenant-general.<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a></p> + +<p>The death of the constable, who survived his wound only a single day, and +the subsequent divisions of the court, furnished the Prince of Condé with +an immunity from attack, of which, in view of his great inferiority in +number of troops, he deemed it most prudent to take advantage by promptly +retiring from his exposed position. Besides this, he had now an +imperative summons to the eastern frontier of the kingdom.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Protestant princes of Germany determine to aid the +Huguenots.</div> + +<p>At the very commencement of the war the Protestants had sent a deputation +to the German princes to solicit their support in a struggle in which the +adherents of the Augsburg Confession were no less vitally interested than +the reformed. But Bochetel, Bishop of Rennes, the envoy of Charles the +Ninth, had so skilfully misrepresented the true character of the contest, +that the Landgrave of Hesse, and the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, +persuaded that political motives, rather than zeal for religion, were the +occasion of the revolt, had refused to assist the Huguenots, while +permitting William of Saxony and the Marquis of Baden to levy troops for +the king. To the Elector Palatine, Frederick the Third, surnamed "the +Pious," who from a Lutheran had become a Calvinist, a special ambassador +was despatched in the person of M. de Lansac. This gentleman, by more +than usually reckless misstatements, sought to persuade the elector to +abandon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> the enterprise of assistance which he had intended to intrust to +his second son, John Casimir. But his falsehoods were refuted by the +straightforward exposé of the prince's agents,<a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> and Lansac was only +so far successful that the elector consented to delay the departure of +the troops until he had sent a messenger to France to acquaint himself +with the true state of the case. It needed no more than this to determine +him; for the minister whom the elector had intrusted with the commission, +after visiting successively the court of the king and the camp of the +prince of Condé, returned with certain proofs that the representations of +Bochetel and of Lansac were altogether false.<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> Consequently the army +which John Casimir had gathered was speedily despatched to furnish Condé +the support the Huguenots so much needed.</p> + +<p>In the letter which the elector palatine sent about the same time to the +King of France, the motives of this apparently inimical action are +vividly set forth. His envoy, the Councillor Zuleger, says the elector, +has made a careful examination. Lansac and his companion have +industriously circulated throughout Germany the report that the Edict of +Toleration is kept entire, that Condé and the Protestants have no other +object in view but a horrible rebellion against Charles to deprive him of +his crown, and that the prince has had money struck as if he were king +himself.<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> But Zuleger has, on the contrary, reported that when,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> in +the presence of the royal council, he asked for proofs of Condé's +intention to make himself king, Catharine de' Medici replied that it was +a "mockery," and that, though Condé had struck money, both in the late +and in the present troubles, it was with the king's inscription and arms, +and not as though he were himself king. So far from that, Zuleger +declares that, during the eleven days of his stay in the prince's camp, +he heard prayers offered morning and night for the preservation of the +state and for the king's safety. As to the maintenance of the edict, the +constable before his death openly affirmed that Charles would not permit +a free exercise of religion, and never intended the Edict of Orleans to +be other than <i>provisional</i>. Indeed, the queen-mother remarked to Zuleger +that it is a privilege of the French monarchs never to make a perpetual +edict; to which Charles, who was present, promptly responded, "Pourquoi +non?"<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></p> + +<p>It was to form a junction with the force brought by John Casimir that the +prince now raised the siege of Paris, two or three days subsequently to +the battle of Saint Denis,<a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> and after that D'Andelot, disappointed in +having had no share in the engagement, had scoured the field, driving +back into Paris an advanced guard of the enemy, and burning, by way of +bravado, some windmills in the very suburbs.<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenots go to meet the Germans.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Treacherous diplomacy.</div> + +<p>The purpose of the Huguenot leaders could not be mistaken, and Catharine +was determined to frustrate it. The chief object at which all her +intrigues now aimed was to delay the Prot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span>estant army in its march toward +Lorraine, until the Duke of Anjou, at the head of a force which was daily +gaining new accessions of strength from the provinces, should be able to +overtake Condé and bring on a general and decisive action. From Saint +Denis the Huguenots had first followed the course of the upper Seine to +Montereau. Crossing the stream at this point, Coligny, as usual +commanding the vanguard, had, at Pont-sur-Yonne, received a powerful +detachment, under the Count of La Rochefoucauld, which had made its way +from the provinces of Poitou, Saintonge, and Guyenne, across the valley +of the Loire, to reinforce the Prince of Condé's army.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a> Having +effected a junction, the united body had changed its course, recrossed +the Seine, and countermarched to the river Marne, at Épernay and Châlons. +Coligny's skilful manœuvre had disappointed the queen's plan, and she +resorted to her accustomed arts of negotiation. So flattering, indeed, +were her promises, that Condé, had he not been restrained by the more +prudent counsels of his associates (among whom the Vidame of Chartres was +most urgent in his protests against so suicidal a policy), would +instantly have relaxed the sinews of war.<a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> A petty act of treachery +served to open his eyes, and to prevent the Protestants from involving +themselves in more serious disaster; for the Count de Brissac took +advantage of a three days' armistice to fall unexpectedly upon an outpost +of the prince's army and gain an advantage, which was duly magnified by +report at Paris into a brilliant victory.<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> Unabashed by this +incident, Catharine soon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> after renewed her seductive offers (on the +twentieth of December, 1567). She invited a conference with the Cardinal +of Châtillon and other Protestant leaders, and herself went so far as +Châlons to meet them. Thence the scene of the negotiations was +transferred to Vincennes, in the vicinity of Paris, and for a time the +prospect of reconciliation was bright and encouraging. The king's envoys +consented to the re-establishment of the Edict of Amboise, without any +past or future restrictions, until the decision of the religious question +by that mythical assembly which, like a mirage of the desert, ever and +anon arose to entrance and disappoint the longing eyes of thoughtful men +in this century—a free, universal, and legitimate council of the Church. +But the hopes founded on these promises were as illusory as any +previously conceived. Instead of a formal and unambiguous ratification of +the terms by Charles himself, the Cardinal of Châtillon was treated only +to complaints about the causeless rising of the Protestants, and +expressions of astonishment that Condé had not instantly countermanded +the approach of the German auxiliaries on receiving the king's gracious +proffers.<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine implores Alva's assistance.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Alva's view of accommodations with heretics.</div> + +<p>Meantime Catharine was not idle in soliciting foreign aid. The Duke +d'Aumale—who had also marched to Lorraine, in order to meet the Germans +coming to the assistance of the Roman Catholics, under command of the +Marquis of Baden—not being strong enough to block the passage of Condé's +troops, Catharine wrote to Alva, begging him to send to the duke, in this +emergency, two thousand arquebusiers. She warned him that if, through the +failure to procure them, the German reiters of John Casimir should be +permitted to enter the kingdom, she would hold herself exonerated, in the +sight of God and of all Christian princes, from the blame that might +otherwise attach to her for the peace which she<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> would be compelled to +make with the heretics.<a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> Alva, in reply, declined to send the Spanish +arquebusiers, who, he said, were needed by him, and could do little good +in France; but he added that, if Aumale, who was a soldier, would +guarantee with this accession to stop the reiters, he would let them go, +useful as they were in the Netherlands. As to the accommodation with the +Huguenots, which Catharine suggested, he viewed it as a frightful evil, +and exclaimed "that it was better to have a kingdom ruined in preserving +it for God and the king, than to retain it whole, but without religion, +for the advantage of the devil and his partisans, the heretics."<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé and John Casimir meet in Lorraine.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Generosity of the Huguenot troops.</div> + +<p>About the beginning of the new year the foot-sore Huguenot army, after +nearly two months of tedious marches through a hostile country, and no +less tedious negotiations, reached Lorraine, only to find that their +German allies had not yet arrived. Sick at heart, with a powerful enemy +hanging on their rear, and seeking only an opportunity to make a sudden +descent upon them, many of the Huguenots were disposed to take advantage +of the proximity of the German cities to disperse and find a refuge +there. But Condé, with his never-failing vivacity and cheerfulness, and +Coligny, with his "grave words," succeeded in checking their despondency +until the welcome news of John Casimir's approach was announced. He +brought six thousand five hundred horse, three thousand foot, and four +cannon of moderate size. His arrival did not, however, prove an occasion +of unmingled satisfaction. The reiters, serving from purely mercenary +motives, demanded the immediate payment of one hundred thousand crowns, +promised as a first instalment on account of their wages, and were +resolved to go no farther without receiving it. The Prince of Condé had +but two thousand crowns to meet the engagement. In this new perplexity +the Huguenots, from the leaders down to the very lowest, gave a noble +illustration of devotion to their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> religion's cause. Condé and Coligny +set the example by giving up their plate to replenish the empty coffers +of the army. The captains urged, the ministers of the gospel preached, a +generous sacrifice of property in the common interest. Their exhortations +did not fall upon dull ears. Money, gold chains, silver, articles of +every description, were lavishly contributed. An unpaid army sacrificed +its own private property, not only without a murmur, but even joyfully. +The very camp-servants vied with their masters, and put them to shame by +their superior liberality.<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> In a short time a sum was raised which, +although less than what had been pledged, contented the reiters, who +declared themselves ready to follow their Huguenot fellow-soldiers into +the heart of the kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> Well might an army capable of such heroic +contempt for personal gain or loss be deemed invincible!</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The march toward Orleans.</div> + +<p>And now, with feelings widely different from those which had possessed +them in the journey toward Lorraine—a movement too nearly akin to a +flight to inspire anything but disgust—the Huguenot soldiers, over +twenty thousand strong, turned their faces once more westward. Their late +pursuers, no longer seeking an engagement where the result might be worse +than doubtful, confined themselves to watching their progress from a safe +distance. As all the cities upon their route were in the hands of the +Roman Catholics, the Huguenots were forced to take more circuitous and +difficult paths through the open country. But the dispositions made by +Coligny are said to have been so thorough and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> masterly, that they +travelled safely and in comfort.<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> Not that the soldiers, dispersed at +night through the villages, were freed from the necessity or the +temptation to pillage;<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> for the poor farmers, robbed of the fruits of +their honest toil, frequently had good reason to complain that those who +had recently dispensed their own treasure with so liberal a hand were +even more lavish of the property of others. But they were far more +merciful and considerate toward their enemies than the Roman Catholic +army to its friends. Even a curate of Brie—no very great lover of the +Huguenots, who relates with infinite gusto the violation of Huguenot +women by Anjou's soldiers<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>—admits that, excepting in the matter of +the plundering of the churches and the distressing of priests, the Roman +Catholics were a little worse than the heretics.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "Michelade" at Nismes.</div> + +<p>Leaving the Huguenot army on its march toward Orleans, let us glance at +the operations of the party in other quarters of the kingdom. Southern +France, where the Protestants were most numerous, and where the excitable +character of the people disposed them more easily than elsewhere to +sudden outbreaks, was not behind the north in rising at the appointed +time (September, 1567). At Nismes, indeed, a furious commotion broke +out—the famous "Michelade," as it was called, because it immediately +followed the feast-day of St. Michael—a commotion whose sanguinary +excesses gave it an unenviable notoriety, and brought deep disgrace upon +the Protestant cause. Here the turbulent populace was encouraged by the +report that Lyons was in friendly hands, and maddened by the intelligence +that, besides the common dangers impending over all the Huguenots of +France, the Huguenots of Nismes had more particular occasion for fear in +the troops of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> the neighboring Comtât Venaissin. These troops, it was +said, had been summoned by the bishop and chapter of the cathedral of +Nismes. The mob accordingly took possession of the city, closing the +gates, and imprisoning a large number of persons—consuls, priests, and +other obnoxious characters. That night the cathedral and the +chapter-house witnessed a wild scene of destruction. Pictures of the +saints, and altars, including everything associated with Roman Catholic +worship, were ruthlessly destroyed. But the most terrible event occurred +in the episcopal palace. The bishop was saved from capture and certain +death by the intervention of a courageous man, himself a Protestant; but +others were less fortunate. No fewer than eighty prisoners, brought in +detachments to the court of the palace, were butchered in rapid +succession, and their corpses thrown promiscuously into a well. The next +morning the Protestant pastors and elders assembled, and, sending to the +ringleaders a minister and a deacon, begged them to discontinue their +horrible work. Already, however, had returning shame made everybody +unwilling to avow his complicity in the crime. Quiet was restored. The +Protestant seneschal and council released such prisoners as had escaped +the fate of their comrades, and the bishop himself was sent away under an +escort to a place of safety, by order of the very judge whom the clergy +had, a year before, sought to deprive of his office as a heretic.<a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> +Nismes remained in the hands of the Protestants through the war.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot successes in the south and west.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">La Rochelle secured for Condé.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile more important movements took place. René of Savoy, son of the +Count de Tende, but better known as Cipierre,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> was Condé's agent in +assembling the Huguenots of Provence; but Paul de Mouvans, whom we have +met with before in this history, was the real hero of the region. In +Dauphiny, Montbrun commanded. In Bourbonnais and the neighboring +provinces west of the Rhône, Parcenac and Verbelai raised three thousand +foot and five hundred horse, but sustained so severe a loss while passing +through Forez, that the number was soon reduced to barely twelve hundred. +Nearer the Pyrenees, seven thousand men were assembled, known as "the +army of the viscounts," to which further reference will shortly be made. +Lyons, one of the Huguenot strongholds in the first war, the Protestants +failed to capture.<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> But Orleans was secured by the skill of François +de la Noue, a young champion whose name was destined long to figure in +the most brilliant deeds of arms of his party, both in France and in the +Low Countries.<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> In the west, too, the Huguenots made the most +important gain of the war in the city of La Rochelle, for the next +half-century and more their secure refuge on approach of danger.</p> + +<p>This place, strong by nature, surrounded by low, marshy grounds, +rendering it almost unapproachable from the land side, save by the +causeways over which the roads ran, with a large and convenient harbor +and with easy access to the sea, was already rich and populous. The +citizens of La Rochelle were noted for their independent spirit, +engendered or fostered by their maritime habits. Although the great +importance of the city dates from the civil wars, when its wharves +received the commerce driven from older ports, and when its privateers +swept the shores of Brittany and the bosom of the English channel, it had +long boasted extraordinary privileges, among which the most highly prized +was the right to refuse admission to a royal garrison.<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> Besides this, +the citizens were accustomed to choose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> three candidates for the office +of major, from whom the king or the royal governor made his selection; +and the magistrate thus appointed enjoyed an authority which the +Rochellois would scarcely concede to their monarch.<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> La +Rochelle—whose former orthodoxy Father Soulier attempts to establish by +instancing the sentence which the "présidial" of the city pronounced in +1552 against some Protestants, condemning them to be dragged on a hurdle +with a fagot of sticks bound to their backs, and afterward to be burned, +one of them alive<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a>—had been so far affected by the progress of the +Reformation, that it was perhaps only the fear of losing its trade and +privileges that prevented it from openly siding with Condé in the first +religious war.<a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> By this time, however, Protestantism had struck such +deep roots, that one of the three candidates for the mayoralty, at the +Easter elections of 1567, was Truchares, a political Huguenot. The king +was, indeed, warned of his sentiments; but the royal governor, M. de +Jarnac, supported his claims, and Truchares received the requisite +confirmation.<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> Still La Rochelle hesitated to espouse the Protestant +side. It was not until midwinter,<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> that Condé, re<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span>turning from +Lorraine, commissioned M. de Sainte-Hermine to assume command of the city +in his name; and on the tenth of February, 1568, the mayor and échevins +of La Rochelle opened their gates to their new friends, with +protestations of their purpose to devote their lives and property to the +advancement of the common cause. "The sequel proved only too clearly," +writes a Roman Catholic historian, "that they were very sincere in their +promises; for, having soon after demolished all the churches, they +employed the materials to fortify this city in such a manner that it +served from this time forward as a citadel for the Protestants, and as a +secure retreat for all the apostates and malcontents of the kingdom until +it was reduced by Louis the Thirteenth."<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Spain and Rome oppose the negotiations for peace.</div> + +<p>Meantime the irresolute queen mother, always oscillating between war and +peace, had again begun to treat with the Huguenots. Between the fifth and +twentieth of January she held repeated interviews with Cardinal +Châtillon, D'Esternay, and Téligny. The bigots took the alarm. The Papal +Nuncio and the ambassadors of Spain and Scotland did their utmost "to +impeach the accord." A post arrived from Philip the Second, offering a +hundred thousand crowns of gold if Charles would continue the war. The +doctors of the Sorbonne remonstrated. All united in a common cry that "it +was impossible to have two religions in one realm without great +confusion." Poor Charles was so moved by the stale falsehood, as well as +by the large promises made him, that he sent the Protestant envoys word +that he would treat no further unless Condé and his "complices" would +send the reiters back to Germany, and, wholly disarming, come to him with +their ordinary retinues to purge themselves of the attempt made at Meaux.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Cardinal Santa Croce demands that Cardinal Châtillon be +surrendered to the Pope.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Retort of Marshal Montmorency.</div> + +<p>Even this amount of complaisance on the part of the weak monarch, +however, did not satisfy Cardinal Santa Croce, who, on one occasion +entering the council chamber (on the twentieth<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> of January), boldly +demanded the fulfilment of the queen mother's promise to surrender +Cardinal Châtillon into the Pope's hands. Catharine did not deny the +promise, but interposed the plea that the present was a very unsuitable +time, since Châtillon had come to court upon the king's safe-conduct. To +this the churchman replied that no respect ought to be had toward the +Cardinal, for he was "an excommunicate person," condemned of schism, and +dead in the eyes of the law. Up to this point the Duke de Montmorency, +who was present, had kept silence; but now, turning to the queen mother, +he is reported by the English ambassador to have made a pungent address. +"But, madam," he said, "is it possible that the Cardinal Châtillon's +delivery should come in question, being warranted by the king and your +Majesty to the contrary, and I myself being made a mean therein? +Wherefore this matter is odious to be talked of, and against the law of +arms and all good civil policy; and I must needs repute them my enemies +who go about to make me falsify my promise once made." After these plain +words Santa Croce "departed without attaining his most cruel +request."<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">March of the viscounts to meet Condé.</div> + +<p>During the first few months after the assumption of arms, the Huguenots +of southern France, surrounded by domestic enemies, had confined +themselves to attempting to secure their own safety and that of their +neighbors, by taking the most important cities and keeping in check the +forces of the provincial governors—an undertaking in which they met with +more success in the districts bordering upon the Mediterranean than in +those adjoining the Bay of Biscay. These events, although in themselves +important and interesting, would usurp a dispropor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span>tionate place in this +history. While Condé was absent from the vicinity of the capital, +however, a body of six thousand troops, drawn from the army of the +<i>viscounts</i>, under Mouvans and other experienced southern leaders, +undertook a hazardous march from Dauphiny, intending to join the prince's +army at Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> The cities were in the possession of the enemy, the +fords were carefully guarded, the entire country was hostile. But the +perils which might have deterred less resolute men only enhanced the +glory of the success of the gallant Huguenots. Abandoned by a +considerable number of their comrades, who preferred a life of plunder to +a fatiguing journey under arms, they met (on the eighth of January, 1568) +and defeated, with a force consisting almost exclusively of infantry, the +cavalry which the governor of Auvergne and the local nobility had +assembled near the village of Cognac<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> to dispute their passage. +Continuing their march, they reached Orleans in time to relieve that +city, to whose friendly protection against the Roman Catholic bands of +Martinengo and Richelieu that infested its neighborhood and threatened +its capture Condé and the other Huguenot leaders of the north had +entrusted their wives and children.<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Siege of Chartres.</div> + +<p>Having stopped a brief time to rest the soldiers after the protracted +march, the viscounts turned their victorious arms against the city of +Blois. After the surrender of this place, they had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> proceeded down the +valley of the Loire, and were about to take Montrichard, on the Cher, +when recalled by Condé. The prince had by forced marches anticipated the +army of Anjou, resolving to strike a blow which should be felt at the +hostile capital itself, and had selected Chartres, an important city +about fifty miles in a south-westerly direction from Paris, as the most +convenient place to besiege.<a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> Rapid, however, as had been his +advance—and a part of his army had travelled sixty miles in two +days—the enemy had sufficient notice of his intention to throw into the +city a small force of soldiers; and when Condé arrived before the walls +(on the twenty-fourth of February, 1568), he found the place prepared to +sustain an attack, in which the courage of the assailants was equalled by +the skill and resolution of the defenders. As usual, the Huguenots were +badly off for artillery; the united armies could only muster five +siege-pieces and four light culverines. "For, although the Catholics +esteem the Huguenots to be 'fiery' men," says a quaint old writer, who +was as ready with his sword as with his pen, "they have always been +poorly provided with such implements. Nor have they, like the former, a +Saint Anthony, who, they say, presides over the element in +question."<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a></p> + +<p>The operations of the siege of Chartres were interrupted by fresh +negotiations for peace. Half a year had the flames of war been desolating +the fairest parts of France; yet the court was no nearer the attainment +of its ends than at the outbreak of hostilities. If the Roman Catholic +forces had been swollen to about forty thousand men, they were confronted +by a Huguenot army of twenty-eight or thirty thousand men in the very +neighborhood of the capital. The voice of prudence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> dictated an immediate +settlement of the dispute before more lives were sacrificed, more towns +and villages destroyed, more treasure squandered. Catharine, reigning +supreme under her son's name, with her usual inconstancy of purpose, was +ready to exchange the war, into which she had plunged France by lending +too willing an ear to the suggestions of Philip of Spain, as they came to +her through the Cardinal of Lorraine and others, and which had produced +only bloodshed, devastation of the kingdom, and deeper depression of the +finances, for the peace to which Michel de l'Hospital, her better genius, +was constantly urging her by every consideration of policy and justice.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Chancellor Michel de l'Hospital's memorial.</div> + +<p>In a paper, wherein about this time the chancellor committed to writing +the arguments he had often ineffectually employed to persuade the king +and his mother, he combats with patriotic indignation the flimsy pretexts +of which the priests and the Spaniard made use in pressing the +continuance of hostilities. "'The king has more men than the Huguenots.' +True, but we find twice as many battles on record gained by the smaller +as by the greater number; in consequence of which fact all princes and +nations have recognized the truth that victory is the gift of God. 'The +king's cause is the more just.' Grant it—yet God makes use of such +instruments as He wills to punish our iniquities—the Babylonians, for +instance, of old, the Turks in our own days. The Huguenots have thus far +succeeded beyond all expectation. They have little money, but what they +have they use well, and they can get more. Their devotion to their cause +is conspicuous. They are not a rabble hastily gotten together, which has +risen imprudently, in disorder, without a leader, without discipline. +They are experienced, resolute, desperate warriors, with plans formed +long ago—men ready to risk everything for the attainment of their +matured designs. Necessity and despair render them docile and wonderfully +subject to discipline; and with this cooperates the high esteem they have +conceived of their leaders, whose ambition is restrained, whose union is +cemented by the same necessity which the ancients called 'the bond of +concord.' On the contrary, the king's camp is rent by quarrels, envy, and +rivalry; ambition is unbridled, avarice reigns supreme. With<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> the +termination of so wretched a war, there will shine forth a joyous and +blessed peace, which I can justly term a 'precious conquest,' since it +will render his Majesty redoubtable to all Europe, which has learned the +greatness of the two powers which the king will restore to his own +subjection.</p> + +<p>"The true method of breaking up the leagues of the Huguenots is to remove +the necessity for forming them. This must be done by treating the +Huguenots no longer as enemies, but as friends. For, if we examine +carefully into the matter, we shall find that hitherto they have been +dealt with as rebels; and this has compelled them to resort to all means +of self-preservation. This has placed arms in their hands; this has +engendered the horrible desolation of France. For the intrigues set on +foot against them in all quarters were conducted with so little attempt +at secrecy—the disfavor was so evident, the disdain was so apparent, the +threats of the rupture of the Edict of Pacification and of the +publication of the decrees of the Council of Trent were so open, and the +injustice of their handling was so manifest, that they had been too dull +and stupid, had they not avoided the treachery in store for them.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> +Even brute beasts perceive the coming of the storm, and seek the covert; +let us not find fault if men, perceiving it, arm themselves for the +encounter. Our menaces have been the messengers of our plots, as truly as +the lightning is the messenger of the thunderbolt. We have shown them our +preparatives; let us, therefore, cease to wonder that they stand ready to +start on the first intimation of danger.<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> When they see that they +have no longer anything to fear, they will certainly return to their +accustomed occupations."<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Edict of Pacification, Longjumeau, March 23, 1568.</div> + +<p>L'Hospital was right. The Huguenots wanted nothing but security of person +and conscience—the latter even more than the former. And they were ready +to lay down their arms so soon as the court could bring itself to concede +the restoration of the Edict of Amboise, without the restrictive +ordinances and interpretations which had shorn it of most of its value. +On this basis negotiations now recommenced. The more prudent Huguenots +suggested that the party ought to receive at the king's hands some of the +cities in their possession, to be held as pledges for the execution of +the articles of the compact. But Charles and his counsellors resented the +proposal as insulting to the dignity of the crown,<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> and the +Huguenots, not yet fully appreciating the fickleness or treachery of the +court, did not press the demand—a fatal weakness, soon to be atoned for +by the speedy renewal of the war on the part of the Roman Catholics.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a> +After brief consultation the terms of peace were agreed upon, and were +incorporated in the royal edict of the twenty-third of March, 1568, +known, from the name of the place where it was signed, as the "Edict of +Longjumeau." The cardinal provisions were few: they re-established the +supremacy of the Edict of Amboise, expressly repealing all the +interpretations that infringed upon it; and permitted the nobles, who +under that law had been allowed to have religious exercises in their +castles, to admit strangers as well as their own vassals to the services +of the reformed worship. Condé and his followers were, at the same time, +recognized as good and faithful servants of the crown, and a general +amnesty was pronounced covering all acts of hostility, levy of troops, +coining of money, and similar offences. On the other hand, the Huguenots +bound themselves to disband and lay down their arms, to surrender the +places they held, to renounce foreign alliances, and to eschew in future +all meetings other than those religious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> gatherings permitted under the +last peace. The new edict was not a final and irrevocable law, but was +granted "until, by God's grace, all the king's subjects should be +reunited in the profession of one and the same religion."<a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé favors and Coligny opposes the peace.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots gained by this peace all their immediate demands, and so +far the edict might be deemed satisfactory. But what better security had +they for its observance more than they had had for the observance of that +which had preceded it? Coligny, prudent and far-sighted, had shown +himself as averse to concluding it without sufficient guarantees for its +faithful execution, as he had been opposed to beginning the war a +half-year before. The peace, he urged, was intended by the court only as +a means of saving Chartres, and of afterward overwhelming the +reformers;<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> and he attempted to prove his assertions by the signal +instances of bad faith which had provoked the recourse to arms. But Condé +was impatient. If we may believe Agrippa d'Aubigné, his old love of +pleasure was not without its influence;<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> but he covered his true +motives under the specious pretext afforded him by the Huguenot nobles, +who, fatigued with the incessant toils of the campaign, reduced to +straits by a warfare which they had carried on at their own expense, and +longing to revisit homes which had been repeatedly threatened with +desolation, had abandoned their standards and scattered to their +respective provinces at the first mention of peace.<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> François de la +Noue, more charitable to the prince, regards the universal desire for +peace, without much concern respecting its conditions, as the wild blast +of a hurricane which the Huguenot captains could not resist if they +would.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> When whole cornets of cavalry started without leave, before +the siege of Chartres was actually raised, what could generals, deserted<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> +by volunteers who had come of their own accord and had served for six +months without pay, expect to accomplish?</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Was the court sincere?</div> + +<div class="sidenote">A treacherous plot detected. The king indignant.</div> + +<p>Was the peace of Longjumeau—"the patched-up peace," or "the short +peace," as it was called; that "wicked little peace," as La Noue styles +it<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a>—a compact treacherously entered into by the court? This is the +old, but constantly recurring question respecting every principal event +of this unhappy period; and it is one that rarely admits of an easy or a +simple answer. So far as the persons who had been chiefly instrumental in +forwarding the negotiations which ended in the peace of Longjumeau were +concerned, they were Chancellor L'Hospital and the Bishops of Orleans and +Limoges—the most moderate members of the royal council,<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> whose fair +spirit was so conspicuous that for years they had been exposed to insult +and open hostility as supposed Huguenots. Nothing is clearer than that +the purpose of these men was the sincere and entire re-establishment of +peace on a lasting foundation. The arguments of L'Hospital which I have +laid before the reader furnish sufficient proof. This party had, through +the force of circumstances, temporarily obtained the ascendancy in the +council, and now had the ear of the queen mother. But there were by the +side of its representatives at the council-board men of an entirely +different stamp—advocates of persecution, of extermination; a few, from +conscientious motives, preferring, with Alva, a kingdom ruined in the +attempt to root out heresy, to one flourishing, with heresy tolerated; a +larger number—and Cardinal Lorraine, who had now resumed his seat and +his influence, must be classed with these—counting upon deriving +personal advantage from the supremacy of the papal faction. It is equally +manifest that this party could have acquiesced in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> peace, which again +formally acknowledged the principle of religious toleration, only with +the design of embracing the first favorable opportunity for crushing the +Huguenots, when scattered and disarmed. Their desires, at least, deceived +no one of ordinary perspicacity. Indeed, the peace came near failing to +go into effect at all, in consequence of the discovery of the fact that a +"privy council" had been held in the Louvre, to which none but sworn +enemies of the Huguenots were admitted, "wherein was conspired a surprise +of Orleans, Soissons, Rochelle, and Auxerre," to be executed by four +designated leaders, while the Protestants were laying down their arms. In +an age of salaried spies, it is not astonishing that by ten o'clock the +next morning the whole plot was betrayed to Cardinal Châtillon, who +immediately sent word to stay the publication of the peace. When Charles +heard of it, we are told that he swore, by the faith of a prince, that, +if there had been any such conspiracy, it had been formed wholly without +his knowledge, and, laying his hand on his breast, said: "This is the +cardinal and Gascoigne's practice. In spite of them, I will proceed with +the peace;" and, commanding pen and ink to be brought, he wrote Condé a +letter promising a good and sincere observance of the articles agreed +upon.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Short-sightedness of Catharine.</div> + +<p>But, besides the two parties, and wavering between them—fluctuating in +her own purposes, as false to her own plans as she was to her promises, +with no principles either of morality or of government, intent only on +grasping power, the enemy of every one that stood in the way of this, +even if it were her son or her daughter—was that enigma, Catharine de' +Medici, whose secret has escaped so many simply because they looked for +something deep and recondite, when the solution lay almost upon the very +surface. Was Catharine sincerely in favor of peace? She was never +sincere. Her Macchiavellian training, the enforced hypocrisy of her +married life, the trimming policy she had thought herself compelled to +pursue during the minority of the kings, her two sons, had eaten from her +soul, even to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> its root, truthfulness—that pure plant of heaven's +sowing. Loving peace only because it freed her from the fears, the +embarrassments, the vexations of war—not because she valued human life +or human happiness—she embraced it as a welcome expedient to enable her +to escape the present perplexities of her position. It is improbable that +Catharine distinctly premeditated a treacherous blow at the Huguenots, +simply because she rarely premeditated anything very long. I am aware +that this estimate of the queen is quite at variance with the views which +have obtained the widest currency; but it is the estimate which history, +carefully read, seems to require us to adopt. Catharine's plans were +proverbially narrow in their scope, never extending much beyond the +immediate present. After the catastrophe, which had perhaps been the +result of the impulse of the moment, she was not, however, unwilling to +accept the homage of those who deemed it a high compliment to her +prudence to praise her consummate dissimulation. She probably entered +upon the peace of Longjumeau without any settled purpose of +treachery—unless that state of the soul be in itself treachery that has +no fixed intention of upright dealing. But she had not, in adopting the +advice of Chancellor de l'Hospital, renounced the policy of the Cardinal +of Lorraine, in case that policy should at some future time appear to be +advantageous; and it was much to be feared that the contingency referred +to would soon arrive. Catharine, not less than Charles himself, resented +"the affair of Meaux" of the preceding September. It was studiously held +up to their eyes by the enemies of the Huguenots as an attempt upon the +honor, and indeed even upon the personal liberty and life of their +Majesties. Might not Catharine and Charles be tempted to retaliate by +trying the effect of a surprise upon the Huguenots themselves?</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Imprudence of the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots had certainly been grossly imprudent in putting themselves +at the mercy of a woman whom they had greatly offended, and whose natural +place, according to those mysterious sympathies which bind men of similar +natures, was with their adversaries. They had been warned by their secret +friends at court, some of them by Roman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> Catholic relatives.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> But the +caution was little heeded. It was not long<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> before those who had been +the most strenuous advocates of peace began to admit that the draught +they had put to their own lips, and now must needs drink, was likely to +prove little to their taste.<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Judicial murder of Rapin, at Toulouse.</div> + +<p>The parliaments made serious objections to the reception of the edict. +Toulouse was, as usual, pre-eminent for its intolerance. The king sent +Rapin, a Protestant gentleman who had served with distinction under Condé +in Languedoc, to carry the law to the parliament, and require its +official recognition. The choice was unfortunate, for it awakened all the +hatred of a court proverbial for its hostility to the Reformation. An +accusation of matters quite foreign to his mission was trumped up against +Rapin, and, contrary to all the principles of justice, and +notwithstanding the privileged character he bore as the king's envoy, he +was arrested, condemned to death, and executed. So atrocious a crime +might perhaps have been punished, had not the new commotions to which we +shall soon be obliged to pay attention, intervened and screened the +culprits from their righteous retribution.<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> Not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> content with +murdering Rapin, the Parliament of Toulouse still refused to register the +edict, and not less than four successive orders were sent by the king +before his refractory judges yielded an unwilling consent, even then +annexing restrictive clauses which they took care to insert in their +secret records.<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Seditious preachers and mobs.</div> + +<p>Again Roman Catholic pulpits resounded, as they did whenever any degree +of toleration was accorded the Protestants, with denunciations of +Catharine, of Charles, of all in the council who had advocated such +pernicious views. Again Ahab and Jezebel appear; but while Catharine is +always Jezebel, it is Charles that now figures, in place of poor Antoine +of Navarre, as Ahab.<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> Again, in the struggle of royalty with priests +and monks breathing sedition, it is the churchman who by his arrogance +carries off the victory with the common people, while from the sensible +he receives merited contempt.<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> So fine a text as the edict afforded +for spirited Lenten discourses did not present itself every day, and the +clergy of France improved it so well that the passions of their flocks +were inflamed to the utmost.<a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a> Except where their numbers were so +large as to command respect, the Protestants scarcely dared to return to +their homes.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Riot when the edict is published at Rouen.</div> + +<p>The very mention of the peace, with its favorable terms for the +Protestants, was enough to stir up the anger of the ignorant populace. +When the Parliament of Rouen, after agreeing to the Edict of Longjumeau +in private session, threw open its doors<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> (on the third of April, 1568) +to give it official publication, a rabble that had come purposely to +create a tumult, interrupted the reading with horrible imprecations +against the peace, the Huguenots, the edicts, the "prêches," and the +magistrates who approved such impious acts. The presidents and +counsellors fled for their lives. The populace, as though inspired by +some evil spirit, raged and committed havoc in the "palais de justice." +The mob opened the prisons and liberated eight or ten Roman Catholics; +then flocked to the ecclesiastical dungeons and would have massacred the +Protestants that were still confined there, had these not found means to +ransom their lives with money. It was not until six days later that the +royal edict was read, in the presence of a large military force called in +to preserve order.<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Treatment of the returning Huguenots.</div> + +<p>In spite of the provisions of the edict, the Huguenots wandered about in +the open country, avoiding the cities where they were likely to meet with +insult and violence, if not death. The Protestants of Nogent, Provins, +and Bray hesitated for three months, and then we are told that each man +watched his opportunity and sought to enter when his Roman Catholic +friends might be on guard to defend him from the insolence of others.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">At Provins.</div> + +<p>But the sufferings of the Huguenot burgess were not ended when he was +once more in his own house. He was studiously treated as a rebel. Every +movement was suspicious. A Roman Catholic chronicler, who has preserved +in his voluminous diary many of the details that enable us to restore +something of its original coloring to the picture of the social and +political condition of the times, vividly portrays the misfortunes of the +unfortunate Huguenots of Provins. They were not numerous. One by one, +thirty or forty had stealthily crept into town, experiencing no other +injury than the coarse raillery of their former neighbors. Thereupon the +municipal government met and deliberated upon the measures of police to +be taken "in order to hold the Huguenots in check and in fear, and to +avoid any treachery they might intend to put into prac<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span>tice by the +introduction of their brother Huguenots into the city to plunder and hold +it by force." The determination arrived at was that each of the four +captains should visit the Huguenot houses of his quarter, examine the +inmates, and take all the weapons he found, giving a receipt to their +owners. This was not the only humiliation to which the Protestants were +subjected. A proclamation was published forbidding them from receiving +any person into their houses, from meeting together under any pretext, +from leaving their houses in the evening after seven o'clock in summer, +or five in winter, from walking by day or night on the walls, or, indeed, +from approaching within two arquebuse shots' distance of them—all upon +pain of death! They could not even go into the country without a passport +from the bailiff and the captain of the gate, the penalty of +transgressing this regulation being banishment. No wonder that the +Huguenots were irritated, and that most of them wished that they had not +returned.<a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> Since, however, a royal ordinance of the nineteenth of May +expressly enjoined upon all fugitive Huguenots to re-enter the cities to +which they belonged, and in case of refusal commanded the magistrates to +raise a force and attack them as presumptive robbers and enemies of the +public peace,<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> they were perhaps quite as safe within the walls as +roaming about outside of them.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Expedition and fate of De Cocqueville.</div> + +<p>Early in the summer an event occurred on the northern frontier, which, +although in itself of little weight, augmented the suspicions which the +Protestants began to entertain of the Spanish tendencies of the +government. One Seigneur de Cocqueville, with a party of French and +Flemish Huguenots, had crossed the northern boundary and invaded Philip's +Netherland provinces. He had, however, been driven back into France. As +he was believed to have acted under Condé's instructions, that prince was +requested by Charles to inform him whether Cocqueville were in his +service. When Condé disavowed him, and declined all responsibility for +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> movement, Marshal Cossé was directed to march against Cocqueville, +and, on the eighteenth of July, the Huguenot chieftain was captured at +the town of Saint Valéry, in Picardy, where he had taken refuge. Of +twenty-five hundred followers, barely three hundred are said to have been +spared. In order to please Alva, the Flemings received no quarter. The +leaders, Cocqueville, Vaillant, and Saint Amand, were brought to Paris +and gibbeted on the Place de Grève.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Attitude of the government suspicious.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Garrisons and interpretative ordinances.</div> + +<p>The central government itself gave the gravest grounds for fear and +suspicion. The Huguenots had promptly disbanded. They had lost no time in +dismissing their German allies, who, retiring with well-filled pockets to +the other side of the Rhine, seemed alone to have profited by the +intestine commotions of France.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> On the contrary, the Roman Catholic +forces showed no disposition to disarm. It is true that, in the first +fervor of the ascendancy of the peace party, Catharine countermanded a +levy of five thousand Saxons, much to the annoyance of Castelnau, who had +by his unwearied diligence brought them in hot haste to Réthel on the +Aisne, only to learn that the preliminaries of peace were on the point of +being concluded, and that the troopers were expected to retrace their +steps to Saxony.<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> But the Swiss and Italian soldiers, as well as the +French gens-d'armes, were for the most part retained. To Humières, who +commanded for the king in Péronne, Charles wrote an explanation of his +course: "Inasmuch as there are sometimes turbulent spirits so constituted +that they neither can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> nor desire to accommodate themselves so soon to +quiet, it has appeared to me extremely necessary to anticipate this +difficulty, and act in such a manner that, force and authority remaining +on my side, I may be able to keep in check those who might so far forget +themselves as to set on foot new disturbances and be the cause of +seditious uprising."<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> Large garrisons were thus provided for those +towns which had rendered themselves conspicuous in the defence of the +Huguenots during the late war, and the sufferings of the Protestants, +upon whom, in preference to their Roman Catholic neighbors, the insolent +soldiers were quartered, were terrible beyond description.<a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> The +horrors of the "dragonnades" of the reign of Louis the Fourteenth were +rivalled by these earlier military persecutions. Multitudes were +despoiled of their goods, hundreds lost their lives at the hands of their +cruel guests. France assumed the aspect of a great camp, with sentries +posted everywhere to maintain it in peace against some suspected foe. The +sea-ports, the bridges, the roads were guarded; the Huguenots themselves +were placed under a species of surveillance. Nor were the old resorts of +the court forgotten. Again interpretative ordinances were called in to +abrogate a portion of the law itself. Charles declared in a new +proclamation that he had not intended by the Edict of Longjumeau to +include Auvergne, nor any district belonging as an appanage to his +mother, to Anjou, Alençon, or the Bourbon princes, in the toleration +guaranteed by the edict. And thus a very considerable number of +Protestants were by a single stroke of the pen stripped<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> of the +privileges solemnly accorded to them but a few weeks before.<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> Other +pledges were as shamelessly broken. The Huguenot gentlemen whom the court +had attempted to punish by declaring them to have forfeited their honors +and dignities, were not reinstated according to the terms of the +edict.<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Oppression by royal governors.</div> + +<p>The conduct of individual governors furnished still greater occasion for +complaint and alarm. The Duke of Nemours, who, in marrying Anne of Este, +Guise's widow, two years before, seemed also to have espoused all the +hatred which the Lorraines felt for Protestantism, and for the family of +the Châtillons, its most prominent and faithful defenders, was governor +of the provinces of Lyonnais and Dauphiny. This insubordinate nobleman +loudly proclaimed his intention to disregard the Edict of Longjumeau, as +opposed to the Roman Catholic Church and to the king's honor. In vain did +the Protestants, who were numerous in the city of Lyons, demand to be +allowed to enjoy the two places of worship they had possessed, before the +late troubles, within the city walls. The duke would not listen to their +just claims, and the court, in answer to their appeals, only responded +that the king did not approve of the holding of Protestant services +inside of cities, and that a place would shortly be assigned for their +use in the vicinity.<a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> Unrebuked by the queen or her son for his +flagrant disobedience, Nemours received nothing but plaudits from the +fanatical adherents of the religion he pretended to maintain, and was +honored by the Pope, Pius the Fifth (on the fifth of July, 1568), with a +special brief, in which he was praised for being the first to set a +resplendent example of resistance to the execution of an unchristian +peace.<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p> + +<p>Marshal Tavannes, in Burgundy, earned equal gratitude for his opposition +to the concession of Protestant rights. Not content with remonstrance +respecting a peace which had excited every one "to raise his voice +against the king and Catharine," and with dark hints of the danger of +handling so carelessly a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> border province like Burgundy,<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> he openly +favored the revival of those "Confraternities of the Holy Ghost" which +Charles had so lately condemned and prohibited. Being himself detained by +illness, two of his sons were present at a meeting of one of these +seditious assemblages, held in Dijon, the provincial capital, where, +before a great concourse of people, the most inflammatory language was +freely uttered.<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "Christian and Royal League."</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Insubordination to royal authority.</div> + +<p>At Troyes, the capital of Champagne, a similar association assumed the +designation of "the Christian and Royal League." The document, containing +the oath taken by the clergy whom the king's lieutenant had associated +with the nobility and the provincial estates in the "holy" bond, is still +extant, with the signatures of the bishop, the deans, canons, and +inferior ecclesiastics appended.<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> The primary object was the +maintenance of "the true Catholic and Roman Church of God;" and after +this the preservation of the crown for the house of Valois was mentioned. +It was to be sustained "against all persons, without excepting any, save +the persons of the king, his sons and brothers, and the queen their +mother, and without regard to any relationship or alliance," and "so long +as it might please God that the signers should be governed according to +the Roman and Apostolic Church."<a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> In less public utterances the +spirit of insubordination to the regal authority made itself understood +even more clearly. When the formation of such associations was objected +to, on the ground of the king's prohibition, the response given by those<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> +who pretended to be better informed than the rest was that the Cardinal +of Lorraine could make the matter agreeable to his Majesty. Others more +boldly announced the intention of the Roman Catholic party, in case +Charles should refuse to sanction its course, to send him to a monastery +for the rest of his days, and elect another king in his place. Three +months' time was all that these blatant boasters allowed for the utter +destruction of the Huguenots in France. An end would be made of them as +soon as the harvest and vintage were past.<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Admirable organization of the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>If the Roman Catholics had resolved upon a renewal of the war, they +certainly had reason to desire a better combination of their forces than +they had effected in the late contest. They had been startled and amazed +at the rapidity with which, although embracing but an inconsiderable +minority of the population, the Huguenots had succeeded in massing an +army that held at bay that of the king. They admired the completeness of +the organization which enabled the Prince of Condé and the admiral to +summon the gentry of the most distant provinces, and bring them to the +very vicinity of the court before the movement was suspected even by +Constable Montmorency, who believed himself to be kept advised of the +most trifling occurrences that took place in any part of France. The +triumph of the Huguenots—for was it not a triumph which they had +achieved in securing such terms as the Edict of Longjumeau conceded?—was +a disgrace to the papists, who had not known how to use their +overwhelming preponderance in numbers. Never had a more signal example +been given of the superiority of united and zealous sympathy over +discordant and soulless counsels.<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> While their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> enemies, with nothing +in common but their hatred of Protestantism, were hampered by the want of +concert between their leaders, or cheated of their success by their +positive jealousies and quarrels, the Huguenots had in their common +faith, in their well-ordered form of church government, combining the +advantages of great local efficiency with those of a representative +union, and in their common danger, the instruments best adapted to secure +the ends they desired. "They were so closely bound together by this order +and by these objects," wrote the Venetian ambassador Correro, "that there +resulted a concordant will and so perfect a union that it made them +prompt in rendering instant obedience and in forming common designs, and +most ready to execute the commands of their superiors."<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Murder runs riot throughout France.</div> + +<p>With such associations as "the Confraternities of the Holy Ghost," and +"the Christian and Royal League" springing up in various parts of France, +under the express sanction of the provincial governors, and publishing as +their chief aim the extirpation of heresy from the realm; with priests +and monks, especially those of the new order of Jesus, inflaming the +passions of the people by seditious preaching, and persuading their +hearers that any toleration of heretics was a compact with Satan, it is +not strange that murder held high carnival wherever the Protestants were +not so numerous as to be able to stand on the defensive. The victims were +of every rank and station, from the obscure peasant to the distinguished +Cipierre, son of the Count de Tende and a relative of the Duke of Savoy, +the orders for whose assassination were confidently believed to have +issued from the court.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> At Auxerre,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> which had been given up by the +Huguenots in accordance with the provisions of the peace, one hundred and +fifty Protestants paid with their lives the price of their good faith. +Their bodies were thrown into the public sewers. In the city of Amiens +one hundred and fifty persons were slaughtered at one time. Instead of +punishment, the rioters obtained their object: the reformed worship was +forbidden in Amiens, or within three leagues of the city.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> At +Clermont the assassins, after plundering the wares of a wealthy merchant, +who had refused to hang tapestry before his house at the time of the +procession on Corpus Christi Day—La Fête-Dieu—buried him in a fire made +of furniture taken from his own house.<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> At Ligny, in Champagne, a +Huguenot was pursued into the very bedchamber of a royal officer, and +there killed. Troyes, Bourges, Rouen, and a host of other places, +witnessed the commission of atrocities which it would be rather sickening +than profitable to narrate.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> In Paris itself the murders of Huguenots +were frequent. "On Sunday last," wrote Norris, the English envoy, to his +royal mistress, "the Prince of Condé sent a gentleman to the king, to +beseech his Majesty to administer justice against such as murder them of +the religion, and as he entered into the city there were five slain in +St. Anthony's street, not far from my lodging."<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> The aggregate of +homicides committed within the brief compass of this so-called peace was +enormous. Jean de Serres and Agrippa d'Aubigné may possibly go somewhat +beyond the mark when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> they state the number of victims in three +months—April, May, and June, 1568—at over ten thousand;<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> but they +are substantially correct in saying that the number far exceeded that of +the armed Huguenots slain during the six months of the preceding +war;<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> for the Venetian ambassador, who certainly had no motive for +exaggeration, asserts that "the principal cities of the kingdom, +notwithstanding the conditions of the peace, refused to readmit 'the +preachings' to their territories, and slew many thousands of Huguenots +who dared to rise and complain."<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rochelle and other cities refuse to receive garrisons.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé and Coligny retire.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">D'Andelot's remonstrance.</div> + +<p>While the majority of the cities held by the Protestants had, as we have +seen, promptly opened their gates to the king, a number, perceiving the +dangers to which they were exposed, alarmed by the attitude of the Roman +Catholics, and doubtful of the good faith of the court, declined to allow +the garrisons to enter. This was the case with La Rochelle, which +defended its course by appealing to its privileges, and with Montauban, +Albi, Milhau, Sancerre, Castres, Vézelay, and other less important +towns.<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> The events of a few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> weeks had amply vindicated the wisdom +and justice of their refusal. La Rochelle even began to repair its +fortifications, confident that the papal faction would never rest until +it had made the attempt to destroy the great Huguenot stronghold in the +west. Evidently there was no safety for a Protestant under the ægis of +the Edict of Longjumeau. The Prince of Condé dared not resume the +government of the province nominally restored to his charge, and retired +to Noyers, a small town in Burgundy, belonging to his wife's dower, where +he would be less exposed than in the vicinity of Paris to any treacherous +attempt upon his person. Admiral Coligny was not slow in following his +example. He abandoned his stately manor of Châtillon-sur-Loing, where, +with a heart saddened by recent domestic affliction,<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> he had been +compelled to exercise a princely hospitality to the crowds that daily +thronged to consult with him and to do him honor,<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> and took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> up his +abode in the castle of Tanlay, belonging to his brother D'Andelot, and +within a few miles of the prince's retreat.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> D'Andelot himself had +recently started for Brittany, where his first wife, Claude de Rieux, had +held extensive possessions.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Before leaving, however, he had written +to Catharine de' Medici, a letter of remonstrance full of noble +sentiments. The occasion was the murder of one of his gentlemen, whom he +had sent to the neighboring city of Auxerre; but his letter embraced a +complete view of "the calamitous state of the poor kingdom," whose misery +"was such as to cause the hair of all that heard to stand on end." "Not +only," said D'Andelot, "can we feel no doubt that God will not leave +unpunished so much innocent blood, which continues to cry before Him for +vengeance, as well as so many violations of women and maidens; so many +robberies; so much oppression—in one word, every species of iniquity. +But, besides this, we can look for nothing else than the near-approaching +desolation and ruin of this state: for no one that has read sacred and +profane history will be able to deny that such things have always +preceded the overthrow of empires and monarchies. I am well aware,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> +madam, that there will be those who, on seeing this letter, will ridicule +me, and will say that I am playing the part of prophet or preacher. I am +neither the one nor the other, since God has not given me this calling. +But I will yet say, with truth, that there is not a man in the kingdom, +of any rank or quality, who loves his king and his kingdom better than I +do, or who is more grieved at seeing those disorders that I see, which +can, in the end, result only in general confusion. I know full well that +I shall be met with the taking up of arms, in which I participated, with +so many others, on the eve of last St. Michael's Day, as if we had +intended to attack the persons of your Majesties, or anything belonging +to you, or this state, as was published wherever it was possible, and as +is still daily asserted. But, not to undertake other justification, I +will only say that, if such wickedness had entered into my heart, though +I might conceal it from men, I could not hide it from God, from whom I +never have asked forgiveness for it, nor ever shall I." D'Andelot +proceeded to show that the movement in question had been caused by +absolute necessity, and that this was rendered evident to all men by that +which was now occurring in every part of France. He told her that it was +sufficiently manifest that this universal oppression was only designed to +provoke "those of the religion" to such a point that they would lose +patience, and to obtain a pretext for attacking and exterminating them. +He reminded her that he had often insisted "that opinions in matters of +religion can be changed neither by fire nor by force of arms, and that +those deem themselves very happy who can lay down their lives for the +service of God and for His glory." He warned her of those who, unlike the +Huguenots, would sacrifice the interests of the state to their own +individual ends of ambition or revenge. In conclusion, after alluding to +a recent sudden death which much resembled a mark of the divine +displeasure upon the murderous assault that had called forth this letter, +he exclaimed: "I do not mean to be so presumptuous as to judge the +dealings of God; but I do mean to say, with the sure testimony of His +word, that all those who violate public faith are punished for it."<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Catharine takes side with the chancellor's enemies.</div> + +<p>That salutary warning had been rung in Catharine's ears more than once, +and was destined to be repeated again and again, with little effect: "All +those who violate public faith are punished for it." L'Hospital had but a +few months before been urging to a course of political integrity, and +pointing out the rock on which all previous plans of pacification had +split. There was but one way to secure the advantages of permanent peace, +and that was an upright observance of the treaties formed with the +Huguenots. But Catharine was slow to learn the lesson. Crooked paths, to +her distorted vision, seemed to be the shortest way to success. Her +Italian education had taught her that deceit was better, under all +circumstances, than plain dealing, and she could not unlearn the +long-cherished theory. Whether L'Hospital's views were originally the +chief motives that influenced her in consenting to the peace of +Longjumeau, or whether she had acquiesced in it as a cover to treacherous +designs, certain it is that she now began to side openly with the +chancellor's enemies, and that the Cardinal of Lorraine regained his old +influence in the council. The fanatical sermons that had been a +premonitory symptom of the previous wars were again heard with +complacency in the court chapel; for, about the month of June, the king +appointed as his preachers four of the most blatant advocates of +persecution: Vigor, a canon of Notre Dame; De Sainte Foy; the gray friar, +Hugonis; and Claude de Sainctes, whose acquaintance the reformers had +made at the Colloquy of Poissy.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Remonstrance of the three marshals.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's intrigues.</div> + +<p>There had been a desperate struggle in the royal council ever since the +conclusion of the peace. The extreme Roman Catholics, recognizing the +instability of Catharine, had long since<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> begun to base their hopes upon +Henry of Anjou's influence. Their opponents accepted the issue, and +resolved to circumscribe the duke's inordinate powers. Three of the +marshals of France—Montmorency, his brother Damville, and +Vieilleville—presented themselves at a meeting of the royal council held +in the queen mother's sick-chamber (on the second of May, 1568), to +remonstrate against Anjou's retaining the office of lieutenant-general. +Even Cardinal Bourbon supported their movement, and, sinking for the time +his extreme religious partisanship, threatened to leave the court, and +give the world to understand how much he had at heart the honor of his +house and the welfare of his friends. The object of the marshals could +not be mistaken: it was nothing less than the overthrow of the Cardinal +of Lorraine, who sought supreme power under cover of Anjou's name. The +end of the war, remarked the ambassador, Sir Henry Norris, had brought no +end to the mortal hatred between the houses of Guise and Montmorency. The +prospect of permanent peace was dark. The king was easy to be seduced, +his mother bent upon maintaining these divisions in the court, and Anjou +so much under the cardinal's influence that it was to be feared that the +Huguenots would in the end be forced to have recourse once more to arms. +In the midst of these perils, the queen mother had been exercising her +ingenuity in playing off one party against the other; now giving +countenance to the Guises, now to the Montmorencies. At one time she used +Limoges, at another Morvilliers or Sens, in her secret intrigues. +Presently she resorted to Lorraine, and, when jealous of his too great +forwardness, would turn to the chancellor himself, "undoing in one day +what the cardinal had intended long afore." Besides these prominent +statesmen, she had not scrupled to take up with meaner tools—men whose +elevation boded no good to the commonwealth, and with whom she conferred +about the imposition of those onerous taxes which had cost her the +forfeiture of the good-will of the people. To add to the confusion, the +jealousy between the king and his brother Anjou had reappeared, and the +chancellor had lost his characteristic courage and avowed his utter +despair of being able to stem<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> the fierce tide of human selfishness and +passion. Cardinal Lorraine was realizing his long-cherished hope: "for +this one man's authority had been the greatest countermand of his +devices."<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The court tries to ruin Condé and Coligny.</div> + +<p>The Huguenot leaders had entered into engagements to repay to the king +the nine hundred thousand francs advanced by him to the German reiters of +Count Casimir. This sum—a large one for the times—Charles now called +upon Condé and Coligny to refund, and he expressly commanded that it +should not be levied upon the Protestant churches, but be raised by those +who had taken up arms in the late contest.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> It was a transparent +attempt to array the masses that had suffered little pecuniarily in the +war against the brave men who had not only impoverished themselves, but +hazarded their lives in defence of the common cause. Nothing less than +the financial ruin of the prince and the admiral, who had voluntarily +become sureties, seemed likely to satisfy their enemies.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Téligny sent to carry a reply.</div> + +<p>The Prince of Condé despatched young Téligny to carry his spirited reply +to this extraordinary demand, and, not confining himself to the +exhibition of its flagrant injustice, he recapitulated the daily +multiplying infractions upon the edict. The Protestants were treated as +enemies, he said, and were safe neither at home nor abroad. An open war +could not be more bitter.<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> Besides countless general massacres, he +complained of the recent assassination of two of his own dependants, and +of the surveillance exercised over all the great noblemen "of the +religion," who were closely watched in their castles by the commanders of +neighboring forces. Against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> himself the unparalleled insult had been +shown of placing a garrison in the palace of a prince of the blood. Nay, +he had arrested a spy caught in the very act of measuring the height of +the fortifications of Noyers, and sounding the depth of the moat, with a +view to a subsequent assault, and the capture not only of the prince, but +of the admiral, who frequently came there to see him. He rehearsed the +grounds of just alarm which the Protestants had in the threats their +indiscreet enemies were daily uttering, and in "the confraternities of +the Holy Ghost," defiantly instituted with the approval of the king's own +governors. What safety was there for the Huguenots when a counsellor of a +celebrated parliament had lately asserted, in the presence of an assembly +of three thousand persons, "that he had commands from the leading men of +the royal council admonishing the Catholics that they ought to give no +credence to any edicts of the king unless they contained a peculiar mark +of authenticity." And he was induced to believe him right, by noticing +the fact that, since the establishment of peace, no one had obeyed the +royal letters. Finally, in decided but respectful language, he +remonstrated against the pernicious precedent which the court was +allowing to become established, when the express commands of the monarch +were set at naught with impunity.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">An oath to be exacted of the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>As the time approached for the blow to be struck that should forever put +an end to the exercise of the reformed faith in France, the conspirators +began to betray their anxiety lest their nefarious designs might be +anticipated and rendered futile by such a measure of defence as that +which the Huguenots had taken on the eve of Michaelmas. They resolved, +therefore, if possible, to bind their victims hand and foot; and no more +convenient method presented itself than that of involving them in +obligations of implicit obedience which would embarrass, if they did not +absolutely preclude, any exercise of their wonderful system of combined +action. About the beginning of August, Charles despatched to all parts of +his dominions the form of an oath which was to be demanded of every +Protestant subject, and the royal officers and magistrates<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> were directed +to make lists of those who signed as well as of those who refused to sign +it.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> "We protest before God, and swear by His name"—so ran the +oath—"that we recognize King Charles the Ninth as our natural sovereign +and only prince ... and that we will never take up arms save by his +express command, of which he may have notified us by his letters patent +duly verified; and that we will never consent to, nor assist with +counsel, money, food, or anything else whatsoever, those who shall arm +themselves against him or his will. We will make no levy or assessment of +money for any purpose without his express commission; and will never +enter into any secret leagues, intrigues, or plots, nor engage in any +underhand practices or enterprises, but, on the contrary, we promise and +swear to notify him or his officers of all that we shall be able to learn +and discover that is devised against his Majesty.... Moreover, we protest +that we will not leave the city, whatever necessity may arrive, but will +join our hearts, our wills, and our abilities with our fellow-citizens in +defence of that city, to which we will always entertain the devotion of +true and faithful citizens, whilst the Catholics will find in us sincere +and fraternal affection: awaiting the time when it may please God to put +an end to all troubles, to which we hope that this reconciliation will be +a happy prelude."<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a></p> + +<p>The trap was not ill contrived, and its bars were strong enough to hold +anything that might venture within. Fortunately, however, the bait did +not conceal the cruel design lurking behind it. Why, it might be asked, +this new test? Was Condé, whom the king had only four or five months ago +recognized by solemn edict as his "dear cousin and faithful servant and +subject," a friend or a foe? Had peace been concluded with the Hugue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span>nots +only that they might anew be treated as rebels and enemies? What had +become of the prescribed amnesty? Was it at all likely that private +citizens would bury in oblivion their former dissensions and abstain from +mutual insults, when the monarch officially reminded them that there was +one class of his subjects whose past conduct made them objects of grave +suspicion? While, therefore, the Huguenots professed themselves ready to +give the king all possible assurances of their loyal devotion, they +declined to swear to a form that bore on its face the proof that it was +composed, not in accordance with Charles's own ideas, but by an enemy of +the crown and of public tranquillity. They requested that it might +receive such modifications as would permit them to sign it with due +regard to their own self-respect and to their religious convictions, and +they entreated Charles to confirm their liberty of conscience and of +religious observance; for, without these privileges, which they valued +above their own existence, they were ready to forsake, not only their +cities, but their very lives also.<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The plot disclosed by an intercepted letter.</div> + +<p>At this critical moment the destiny of France was wavering in the +balance, and the decision depended upon the answer to be given to the +question whether Chancellor L'Hospital or Cardinal Lorraine should retain +his place in the council. The tolerant policy of the former is too well +understood to need an explanation. The designs of the latter are revealed +by an intercepted letter that fell into the hands of the Huguenots about +this time. It was written (on the ninth of August) at the little +country-seat named Madrid,<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> whose ruins are still pointed out, near +the banks of the Seine, on the edge of the Bois de Boulogne, and not far +from the walls of the city of Paris. The writer, evidently a devoted +partisan of the house of Guise, had been entrusted by the Cardinal of +Lorraine<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> with a glimpse at the designs of the party of which the +latter<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> was the declared chief. A proclamation was soon to be made in the +king's name, through Marshal Cossé, to the Protestant nobles, assuring +them of the monarch's intention to deal kindly and peaceably with them, +to preserve their religious liberties, and to treat them as his faithful +subjects; and explaining the design of the movement which he was now +setting on foot to be merely the reduction of the inhabitants of some +insolent cities (those that, like La Rochelle, had refused to admit +garrisons) to his authority. This announcement, the cardinal proceeded to +say, might disturb some good Catholics, who would think that their labors +and the dangers they had undergone were all in vain. In reality, however, +it was only intended to secure the power in the hands of the king, and to +take away from the Protestant leaders all occasion for assembling, until, +being reduced to straits, that rabble, so hostile to the king and the +kingdom, should be wholly destroyed. Thus the very remnants would be +annihilated; for the seed would assuredly spring up again, unless the +same course should be pursued as that of which the French had resplendent +examples shown them by their neighbors.<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> Meanwhile, until these plans +could be carried into effect, as they would doubtless be within the +present month, the Protestant nobles must be carefully diverted, as some +were already showing signs of security, and others of falling into the +snare prepared for them. The cardinal, so he informed the writer, was +confident, with God's favor, of an easy and most certain victory over the +enemies of the faith.<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Isabella of France again her husband's mouthpiece.</div> + +<p>Such were the cardinal's intentions as expressed by himself and reported +almost word for word<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> in a letter to which I shall<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> presently have +occasion again to direct the reader's attention. It was the policy +advocated persistently both by Pius the Fifth and by Philip the Second, +and embodied in counsel which would have been resented by a court +possessed of more self-respect than the French court, as impertinent +advice. For, in the report made to Catharine by one of her servants at +the Spanish capital, there is a wonderful similarity in the language +employed to that used at the conference of Bayonne. Isabella of France is +again the speaker, though much suspected of uttering rather the +sentiments of Philip, her husband, who was present,<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> than her own. +Again, after expressing the most vehement zeal for the welfare of her +native country, she advocated rigorous measures against the Huguenots, in +phrases almost identical with those which, as the Duke of Alva relates, +she had addressed to her mother three years before. "She told me among +other things," says the queen's agent, "that she would never believe that +either the king her brother, or you, will ever execute the design already +entered into between you (although, by your command, I had notified the +king [Philip] and herself of your good-will respecting this matter), +until she saw it performed; for you had often before made them the same +promises, but no result had ever followed. She feared that your Majesties +might be dissuaded from action by the smooth speeches of certain persons +in your court, until the enemy gained the opportunity of forming new +designs, not only against the king's authority, but even against +yourselves. The apprehension kept her in a constant state of alarm."<a name="FNanchor_568_568" id="FNanchor_568_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_568_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">King Charles entreats his mother to avoid war.</div> + +<p>But, although Catharine had now given in her adhesion to the Spanish and +Lorraine party, the success of that party was as yet incomplete. +L'Hospital was still in the privy council, and Charles himself greatly +preferred the conciliation and peace ad<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span>vocated by the chancellor. The +same letter from the pleasure-palace of "Madrid," on the banks of the +Seine, whose contents have already occupied our attention, makes +important disclosures respecting the attitude of the unhappy prince, of +whom it may be questioned whether his greatest misfortune was that he had +so unprincipled a mother, or that he had not sufficient strength of will +to resist her pernicious designs. "I observed," wrote this correspondent +still further in reference to the Cardinal of Lorraine, "that he was very +much excited on account of a conversation which the king had recently had +with the queen, and which he believed to have been suggested to him by +others. For the king entreated his mother, almost as a suppliant, 'to +take the greatest care lest war should again break out, and that the +edict should everywhere be observed: otherwise he foresaw the complete +ruin of his kingdom.'<a name="FNanchor_569_569" id="FNanchor_569_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_569_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> And when the queen alleged the rebellion of +the inhabitants of La Rochelle, he replied, as he had been instructed +beforehand, 'that the Rochellois only desired to retain their ancient +privileges. Their demand was not unreasonable; and even if it were, it +was better to make a temporary sacrifice to the welfare of the realm than +to plunge in new turmoil. As to the nobles, he was persuaded that they +would live peaceably if the edict were properly executed. In short, he +was earnestly desirous that matters should be restored to their best and +most quiet state.' The queen and very many other illustrious persons have +but one object of fervent desire, and that is to see the kingdom of +France return to the condition it was in under Francis and Henry. The +queen mother knows that this speech was dictated to him by certain men, +and she owes the authors of it no good-will. So much the more anxiously +does she desire, in common with a vast multitude of good Catholics, to +prove to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> the king that whatever is done in this affair has for its sole +object to liberate him from servitude and make him a king in reality, and +to expel the pestilence and those infected by it—a result utterly +unattainable in any other way."<a name="FNanchor_570_570" id="FNanchor_570_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_570_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's animosity against L'Hospital.</div> + +<p>Catharine could not doubt that it was Michel de l'Hospital that had +infused into Charles his own just and pacific spirit. From the moment she +had come to this conclusion the chancellor's fall was inevitable. The +particular occasion of it, however, seems to have been the opposition +which he offered to the reception of a papal bull. To relieve the royal +treasury, the court had applied to Rome for permission to alienate +ecclesiastical possessions in France yielding an income of fifty thousand +crowns (or one hundred and fifty thousand francs), on the plea that the +indebtedness had been incurred in defence of the Roman Catholic faith. +Pius the Fifth granted the application, but in his bull of the first of +August, 1568, he not only made it a condition that the funds should be +exclusively employed under the direction of a trustworthy person—and as +such he named the Cardinal of Lorraine—in the extermination of the +heretics of France, or their reconciliation with the Church of Rome, but +he ascribed to Charles in making the request the declared purpose of +continuing a work for which his own means had proved inadequate. The +reception of the document was in itself an act of bad faith, and the +chancellor resisted it to the utmost of his power, urging that the +pontiff should be requested to alter its objectionable form.<a name="FNanchor_571_571" id="FNanchor_571_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_571_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Another quarrel between Lorraine and the chancellor.</div> + +<p>Another of those painful scenes occurred in the privy council (on the +nineteenth of September), of which there had been so many within the past +four or five years. Again the disputants were the Cardinal of Lorraine +and the chancellor. The former angrily demanded the reason why L'Hospital +had refused to affix his signature to the bull; whereupon the latter +alleged, among many other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> grounds, that to revoke the Edict of +Pacification, as demanded by the Pope, "was the direct way to cause open +wars, and to bring the Germans into the realm." The cardinal was "much +stirred." He called L'Hospital a hypocrite; he said that his wife and +daughter were Calvinists. "You are not the first of your race that has +deserved ill of the king," he added. "I am sprung from as honest a race +as you are," retorted the other. Beside himself with fury, Lorraine "gave +him the lie, and, rising incontinently out of his chair," would have +seized him by the beard, had not Marshal Montmorency stepped in between +them. "Madam," said the cardinal, "in great choler," turning to the queen +mother, in whose presence the angry discussion took place, "the +chancellor is the sole cause of all the troubles in France, and were he +in the hands of parliament his head would not tarry on his shoulders +twenty-four hours." "On the contrary, Madam," rejoined L'Hospital, "the +cardinal is the original cause of all the mischiefs that have chanced as +well to France, within these eight years, as to the rest of Christendom. +In proof of which I refer him to the common report of even those who most +favor him."<a name="FNanchor_572_572" id="FNanchor_572_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_572_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The chancellor's fall.</div> + +<p>But the chancellor accomplished nothing. Catharine had overcome her weak +son's partiality for the grave old counsellor by persuading him that, as +the chancellor's wife, his daughter, his son-in-law, and indeed his +entire house, were avowedly Huguenots, it was impossible but that he was +himself only restrained from making an open profession of Protestantism +by the fear of losing his present position.<a name="FNanchor_573_573" id="FNanchor_573_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_573_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> Finding himself not only +stripped of all influence, and compelled to witness the enactment of +measures repugnant to his very nature, but an object of hatred to his +associates, Michel de l'Hospital withdrew from a council board where, as +he asserted, even Charles himself did not dare to express his opinions +freely.<a name="FNanchor_574_574" id="FNanchor_574_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_574_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> Subsequently retiring altogether from the court to his +country-seat of Vignai, not far from Étampes, he surrendered his +insig<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span>nia of office to a messenger of Catharine, who came to recommend +him, in the king's name, to take that rest which his advanced years +demanded. Monsieur de Morvilliers succeeded him, with the title of keeper +of the seals, but the full powers of chancellor.<a name="FNanchor_575_575" id="FNanchor_575_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_575_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a> In quiet +retirement, the venerable judge and legislator lingered more than four +years, unhappy only in being spared to see the melancholy results of the +rejection of his prudent counsels, the desolation of his native land, and +the transformation of an amiable king into a murderer of his own +subjects. Few days in this eventful reign were more lasting in their +consequences than that which beheld the final removal from all direct +influence upon the court of the only leading politician or statesman who +could have forestalled the horrors of a generation of inhuman wars.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The plot.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Marshal Tavannes its author.</div> + +<p>The crisis now rapidly approached. The Huguenot chiefs were widely +separated from each other—Montgomery in Normandy, Genlis and Mouy in +Picardy, Rochefoucauld at Angoulême, D'Andelot in Brittany, Condé and +Coligny in Burgundy. The royal court, now entirely in the interest of the +Guises, resolved to execute the plan which the Roman Catholic nobles of +this faction had sketched to Alva three years before at Bayonne, by the +seizure of five or six of the leaders, as a measure preliminary to the +total suppression<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> of Protestantism in France. Gaspard de Tavannes was +entrusted with the execution of the most important part of the +scheme—the arrest of the prince and the admiral. Fourteen companies of +gens-d'armes and as many ensigns of infantry stood under his orders, and +Noyers was closely beset on all sides.<a name="FNanchor_576_576" id="FNanchor_576_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_576_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> It was at this moment, when +secrecy was all important to the success of the plot, that the tidings of +the threatening storm reached its destined victims. It has long been +believed and reported that Tavannes, unwilling to lend himself to +unworthy machinations whose execution would have wounded his soldierly +pride, took measures to warn Condé and Coligny of their danger. +Unfortunately, the story rests on no better authority than his +"Mémoires," written by a son who has often shown a greater desire to +vindicate his father's memory than to maintain historical truth, and who, +writing under the rule of the Bourbons, had in this case, as in that of +the pretended deliverance of Henry of Navarre and Henry of Condé, at the +great Parisian massacre four years later, sufficient inducements for +endeavoring to represent the reigning family as indebted to his father +for its preservation.<a name="FNanchor_577_577" id="FNanchor_577_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_577_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> Brantôme is consistent with the entire mass of +contemporary documents in representing Tavannes as the author of the +whole scheme; and certainly one who was so deeply implicated in the +massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day cannot have been too humane to think of +capturing, or even assassinating, two nobles, although one of them was a +prince of the blood. A more probable story is that Tavannes was the +unintentional instrument of the disclosure, a letter of his having fallen +into Huguenot hands, containing the words: "The deer is in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> net; the +game is ready."<a name="FNanchor_578_578" id="FNanchor_578_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_578_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> But, in point of fact, the Huguenots needed no such +hints. With their perfect organization, in the face of so treacherous a +foe, after so many violations as they had of late witnessed of the royal +edict, they were already on their guard, and the hostile preparations had +not escaped their notice.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé's last appeal to the king.</div> + +<p>When the news first reached him that the troops sent ostensibly to +besiege La Rochelle were recalled, Condé, alarmed by what he heard from +every quarter, had begged his mother-in-law, the Marchioness de Rothelin, +to go to the court and entreat the king, in his name, to maintain the +sanctity of his engagements, confirmed by repeated oaths. Scarcely had +she departed, however, before he received fresh and reiterated warnings +that his safety depended upon instant escape. He determined, +nevertheless, to make a last attempt to avert the horrid prospect of a +war which, from the malignant hatred exhibited by all classes of Roman +Catholics, he rightly judged would exceed the previous contests both in +duration and in destructiveness. He addressed to his young sovereign a +letter explaining the necessity of the step he was about to take, +accompanied by a long appeal, of which it would be impracticable to give +even a brief summary. Every point in the multitudinous grievances of +which the Huguenots complained was recapitulated. Every counter-charge +with which the court had endeavored to parry the force of previous +remonstrances was satisfactorily answered. In eloquent terms the prince +indicted Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, as the enemy alike of the royal +dignity and of the liberties of the people, as the author of all the +troubles of France, and the advocate and defender of robbers and +murderers.<a name="FNanchor_579_579" id="FNanchor_579_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_579_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> He reminded the king of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> the declaration of Maximilian, +the present Emperor of Germany, in a letter written before his election +to Charles himself: "All the wars and all the dissensions that are to-day +rife among the Christians have originated from two cardinals—Granvelle +and Lorraine."<a name="FNanchor_580_580" id="FNanchor_580_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_580_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> And he closed the long and eloquent document by +protesting, in the sight of God and of all foreign nations, that the +Huguenot nobles sought the punishment of Lorraine and his associates +alone, as the guilty causes of all the calamities that portended +destruction to the French crown, and would pursue them as perjured +violators of the public faith and capital enemies of peace and +tranquillity. He therefore hoped that no one would be astonished if he +and his allies should henceforth refuse to receive as the king's commands +anything that might be decided upon by the royal council, so long as the +cardinal might be present at its sessions, but should regard them as +fabrications of the cardinal and his fellows. The causes of the +misfortunes that might arise must be attributed, not to himself and his +Huguenot allies, but to the cardinal and his Roman Catholic +confederates.<a name="FNanchor_581_581" id="FNanchor_581_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_581_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The flight of the prince and the admiral.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Proves wonderfully successful.</div> + +<p>Having despatched "this testimony of the innocence, integrity, and faith" +of himself and of his associates, "to be transmitted to posterity in +everlasting remembrance," the Prince of Condé set out on the same day +(the twenty-third of August) from Noyers. Coligny had joined him, +bringing from Tanlay his daughter, the future bride of Téligny—and, +after that nobleman's assassination on St. Bartholomew's Day, of William +of Orange, the hero of the revolt of the Netherlands—and his young sons, +as well as the wife and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> infant son of his brother D'Andelot. Condé was +himself accompanied by his wife, who was expecting soon to be confined, +and by several children. His own servants and those of the admiral, with +a few noblemen that came in from the neighborhood, swelled their escort +to about one hundred and fifty horse.<a name="FNanchor_582_582" id="FNanchor_582_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_582_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> With such a handful of men, +and embarrassed in their flight by the presence of those whom their age +or their sex disqualified for the endurance of the fatigues of a +protracted journey, Condé and Coligny undertook to reach the friendly +shelter of the walls of La Rochelle. It was a perilous attempt. The +journey was one of several hundred miles, through the very heart of +France. The cities were garrisoned by their enemies. The bridges and +fords were guarded. The difficulties, in fact, were apparently so +insurmountable, that the Roman Catholics seem to have expected that any +attempt to escape would be made in the direction of Germany, where +Casimir, their late ally, would doubtless welcome the Protestant leaders. +This mistake was the only circumstance in their favor, for it diminished +the number and the vigilance of the opposing troops.</p> + +<p>The march was secret and prompt. Contrary to all expectation, an +unguarded ford was discovered not far from the city of Sancerre,<a name="FNanchor_583_583" id="FNanchor_583_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_583_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> by +which, on a sandy bottom, the fugitive Huguenots crossed the Loire, +elsewhere deep and navigable as far as Roanne.<a name="FNanchor_584_584" id="FNanchor_584_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_584_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> If the drought which +had so reduced the stream as to render the passage practicable was justly +regarded as a providential interposition of Heaven in their behalf, the +sudden<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> rise of the river immediately afterward, which baffled their +pursuers, was not less signal a blessing.<a name="FNanchor_585_585" id="FNanchor_585_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_585_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> Other dangers still +confronted them, but their prudence and expedition enabled them to escape +them, and on the eighteenth of September<a name="FNanchor_586_586" id="FNanchor_586_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_586_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> the weary travellers, with +numbers considerably increased by reinforcements by the way, entered the +gates of La Rochelle amid the acclamations of the brave inhabitants.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The third civil war opens.</div> + +<p>The escape of the prince and the admiral rendered useless all further +attempt at the concealment of the treacherous designs of the papal party; +and the third religious war dates from this moment.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<blockquote><div class="sidenote">The city of La Rochelle and its privileges.</div> + +<p>The city of La Rochelle, said to have become a walled place +about 1126, had received many tokens of favor at the hands of +its successive masters before the accession of Queen Alienor, +or Éléonore, last Duchess of Aquitaine. It was by a charter of +this princess, in 1199, that the municipality, or "commune," +was established. (Arcère, Hist. de la Rochelle, ii., Preuves, +660, 661.) The terms of the charter are vague; but, as +subsequently constituted, the "commune" consisted of one +hundred prominent citizens, designated as "pairs," or peers, +in whom all power was vested. The first member in dignity was +the "maire" or mayor, selected by the Seneschal of Saintonge +from the list of three candidates yearly nominated by his +fellow-members. The historian of the city compares him, for +power and for the sanctity attaching to his person, to the +ancient tribunes of Rome. Next were the twenty-four +"échevins," or aldermen, one-half of whom on alternate years +assisted the mayor in the administration of justice. Last of +all came seventy-five "pairs" having no separate designation, +who took part in the election of the mayor, and voted, on +important occasions, in the "assemblée générale." (See a +historical discussion, Arcère, i. 193-199.)</p> + +<p>From King John Lackland, of England, the Rochellois are said +to have received express exemption from the duty of marching +elsewhere in the king's service, without their own consent, +and from admitting into their city any troops from abroad. (P. +S. Callot, La Rochelle protestante, 1863, p. 6.) When, in +1224, after standing a siege of three weeks, La Rochelle fell +into the hands of Louis VIII. of France, its new master +engaged to maintain all its privileges—a promise which was +well observed, for not only did the city lose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span> nothing, but it +actually received new favors at the king's hands. (Arcère, i. +212; Callot, 6.) In 1360, the disasters of the French, +consequent upon the battle of Poitiers, compelled the monarch +to surrender the city of La Rochelle to his captors in order +to regain his liberty. The concession was reluctantly made, +with the most flattering testimony to the past fidelity of the +inhabitants (see letters of John II. of France, to the +Rochellois, Calais, Oct., 1360, Arcère, ii, Preuves, 761), and +it was with still greater reluctance that the latter consented +to carry it into effect. "They made frequent excuses," says +Froissard, "and would not, for upwards of a year, suffer any +Englishman to enter their town. The letters were very +affecting which they wrote to the King of France, beseeching +him, by the love of God, that he would never liberate them of +their fidelity, nor separate them from his government and +place them in the hands of strangers; for they would prefer +being taxed every year one-half of what they were worth, +rather than be in the hands of the English." (Froissard, i. c. +214, Johnes's Trans.) When compelled to yield, it was with the +words: "We will honor and obey the English, but our hearts +shall never change." Edward the Third had solemnly confirmed +their privileges (Callot, 8).</p> + +<p>But La Rochelle's unwilling subjection to the English crown +was of brief duration. By a plot, somewhat clumsily contrived, +but happily executed (Aug., 1372), the commander of the +garrison, who did not know how to read, was induced to lead +his troops outside of the castle wall for a review. The royal +order that had been shown him was no forgery, but had been +sent on a previous occasion, and the attesting seal was +genuine. At a preconcerted signal, two hundred Rochellois rose +from ambush, and cut off the return of the English. The +latter, finding their antagonists reinforced by two thousand +armed citizens under the lead of the mayor himself, soon came +to terms, and, withdrawing the few men they had left behind in +the castle, accepted the offer of safe transportation by a +ship to Bordeaux. (See the entertaining account in Froissard, +i. c. 311.) The wary Rochellois took good care, before even +admitting into their city Duguesclin, Constable of France, +with a paltry escort of two hundred men-at-arms, to stipulate +that pardon should be extended to those who immediately after +the departure of the English had razed the hateful castle to +the ground, and that no other should ever be erected; that La +Rochelle and the country dependent upon it should henceforth +form a particular domain under the immediate jurisdiction of +the king and his parliament of Paris; that its militia should +be employed only for the defence of the place; and that La +Rochelle should retain its mint and the right to coin both +"black and white money." (Froissard, <i>ubi supra</i>, corrected by +Arcère, i. 260.) Not only did the grateful monarch readily +make these concessions, and confirm all La Rochelle's past +privileges, but, for its "immense services," by a subsequent +order he conferred nobility upon the "mayor," "échevins" and +"conseillers" of the city, both present and future, as well as +upon their children forever. (Letters of January 8, 1372/3, +Arcère, ii., Preuves, 673-675.)</p> + +<p>The extraordinary prerogatives of which this was the origin +were recognized and confirmed by subsequent monarchs, +especially by Louis the Eleventh, Charles the Eighth, Louis +the Twelfth, and Francis the First. (Callot, 11.)<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> The +resistance of the inhabitants to the exaction of the obnoxious +"gabelle," or tax upon salt, did indeed, toward the end of the +reign of the last-named king (1542), bring them temporarily +under his displeasure; but, with the exception of a +modification in their municipal government, made in 1530, and +revoked early in the reign of Henry the Second, the city +retained its quasi-independence without interruption until the +outbreak of the religious wars.</p> + +<p>As we have seen (<i>ante</i>, p. 227), La Rochelle was in 1552 the +scene of the judicial murder of at least two Protestants. The +constancy of one of the sufferers had been the means of +converting many to the reformed doctrines, and among others +Claude d'Angliers, the presiding judge, whose name may still +be read at the foot of their sentence. (Arcère, i. 329.) So +rapidly had those doctrines spread, that on Sunday, May 31, +1562, the Lord's Supper was celebrated according to the +fashion of Geneva, not in one of the churches, but on the +great square of the hay-market, in a temporary enclosure shut +in on all sides by tapestries and covered with an awning of +canvas. More than eight thousand persons took part in the +exercises. But if the morning's services were remarkable, the +sequel was not less singular. "As the disease of +image-breaking was almost universal," says an old chronicler, +"it was communicated by contagion to the inhabitants of this +city, in such wise that, that very afternoon about three or +four o'clock, five hundred men, who were under arms and had +just received the same sacrament, went through all the +churches and dashed the images in pieces. Howbeit it was a +folly conducted with wisdom, seeing that this action passed +without any one being wounded or injured." (P. Vincent, <i>apud</i> +Callot, 34, and Delmas, 61.) As usual, the whole affair was +condemned by the ministers.</p> + +<p>Although La Rochelle had steadily refused, during the earlier +part of the first religious war, to declare for the Prince of +Condé, and had maintained a kind of neutrality, the court was +in constant fear lest the weight of its sympathies should yet +draw it in that direction. It was therefore a matter of great +joy when, in October, 1562, the Duke of Montpensier succeeded, +by a ruse meriting the designation of treachery, in throwing +himself into La Rochelle with a large body of troops. With his +arrival the banished Roman Catholic mass returned, and the +Protestant ministers were warned to leave at once. (Arcère, i. +339.)</p> + +<p>For two months after the restoration of peace, the Huguenots +of La Rochelle, embracing almost the entire population, held +their religious services, in accordance with the terms of the +Edict of Pacification, in the suburbs of the city. But, on the +9th of May, 1563, Charles the Ninth was prevailed to give +directions that one or two places should be assigned to the +Huguenots within the city. This gracious permission was +ratified with greater solemnity in letters patent of July +14th, in which the king declared the motive to be the +representations made to him of "the inconveniences and eminent +dangers that might arise in our said city of La Rochelle, if +the preaching and exercise of the pretended reformed religion +should continue to be held outside of the said city, being, as +it is, a frontier city in the direction of the English, +ancient enemies of the inhabitants of that city, where it +would be easy for them, by this means, to execute some evil +enterprise." (Commission of Charles IX., to M. de Jarnac. This +valuable MS., with other MSS., carried to Dublin at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> the +revocation of the Edict of Nantes, by M. Elie Bouhereau, and +placed in the Marsh Library, has recently been restored to La +Rochelle, in accordance with M. Bouhereau's written +directions. Delmas, 369.)</p> + +<p>Two years later, Charles and his court, returning from their +long progress through France, came to La Rochelle, and spent +three days there (Sept., 1565). A noteworthy incident occurred +at his entry. The jealous citizens had not forgotten an +immemorial custom which was not without significance. A silken +cord had been stretched across the road by which the monarch +was to enter, that he might stop and promise to respect the +liberties and franchises of La Rochelle. Constable Montmorency +was the first to notice the cord, and in some anger and +surprise asked whether the magistrates of the city intended to +refuse their sovereign admission. The symbolism of the pretty +custom was duly explained to him, but for all response the old +warrior curtly observed that "such usages had passed out of +fashion," and at the same instant cut the cord with his sword. +(Arcère, i. 349; Delmas, 80, 81.) Charles himself refused the +request of the mayor that he should swear to maintain the +city's privileges. After so inauspicious a beginning of his +visit, the inhabitants were not surprised to find the king, +during his stay, reducing the "corps-de-ville" from 100 to 24 +members, under the presidency of a governor invested with the +full powers of the mayor; ordering that the artillery should +be seized, two of the towers garrisoned by foreign troops, and +the magistrates enjoined to prosecute all ministers that +preached sedition; or banishing some of the most prominent +Protestants from La Rochelle.</p> + +<p>It was characteristic of the government of Catharine de' +Medici—always destitute of a fixed policy, and consequently +always recalling one day what it had done the day before—that +scarcely two months elapsed before the queen mother put +everything back on the footing it had occupied before the +royal visit to La Rochelle. </p></blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> The most authentic account of these important interviews +is that given by François de la Noue in his Mémoires, chap. xi. It +clearly shows how much Davila mistakes in asserting that "the prince, the +admiral, and Andelot persuaded them, without further delay, to take +arms." (Eng. trans., London, 1678, bk. iv., p. 110.) Davila's careless +remark has led many others into the error of making Coligny the advocate, +instead of the opposer, of a resort to arms. See also De Thou, iv. (liv. +xlii.) 2-7, who bases his narrative on that of De la Noue, as does +likewise Agrippa d'Aubigné, l. iv., c. vii. (i. 209), who uses the +expression: "L'Amiral voulant endurer toutes extremitez et se confier en +l'innocence."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> "Ains avec le fer."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> "Une armée gaillarde." La Noue, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. iv., c. v.; La Noue, c. +xi.; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlii.) 5, 6. Davila, l. iv., p. 110, alludes to +the accusation, extorted from Protestant prisoners on the rack, that "the +chief scope of this enterprise was to murder the king and queen, with all +her other children, that the crown might come to the Prince of Condé," +but admits that it was not generally credited. The curate of Saint +Barthélemi is less charitable; describing the rising of the Protestants, +he says: "En ung vendredy 27<sup>e</sup> se partirent de toutes les villes de +France les huguenots, sans qu'on leur eust dit mot, mais ils craignoient +que si on venoit au dessein de leur entreprise qui estoit de prendre ou +tuer le roy Charles neuvième, qu'on ne les saccagea ès villes." Journal +d'un curé ligueur (J. de la Fosse), 85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> La Noue, and De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> The historian, Michel de Castelnau, sieur de Mauvissière, +had been sent as a special envoy to congratulate the Duke of Alva on his +safe arrival, and the Duchess of Parma on her relief. As he was returning +from Brussels, he received, from some Frenchmen who joined him, a very +circumstantial account of the contemplated rising of the Huguenots, and, +although he regarded the story as an idle rumor, he thought it his duty +to communicate it to the king and queen. Mémoires, liv. vi., c. iv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, <i>ubi supra</i>. It is probable that the +French court partook of Cardinal Granvelle's conviction, expressed two +years before, that the Huguenots would find it difficult to raise money +or procure foreign troops for another war, not having paid for those they +had employed in the last war, nor holding the strongholds they then held. +Letter of May 7, 1565, Papiers d'état, ix. 172.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> Mém. du duc de Bouillon (Ancienne Collection), xlvii. +421.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> La Fosse, p. 86, represents Charles as exclaiming, when he +entered the Porte Saint Denis: "Qu'il estoit tenu à Dieu, et qu'il y +avoit quinze heures qu'il estoit à cheval, et avoit eust trois alarmes."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. v.; La Noue, c. xiii. +(Anc. Coll., xlvii. 180-185); De Thou, iv. 8; J. de Serres, iii. 129-131; +La Fosse, 86; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., i. 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> "Ravi d'avoir allumé le feu de la gùerre," says De Thou, +iv. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> The circumstance of two messengers, each bearing letters +from the same person, while the letters made no allusion to each other, +following one another closely, struck Alva as so suspicious, that he +actually placed the second messenger under arrest, and only liberated him +on hearing from his own agent on his return that the man's credentials +were genuine.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> Alva proposed to detach 5,000 men to prevent the entrance +of German auxiliaries into France, and protect the Netherlands.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Letter of Alva to Philip, Nov. 1, 1567, Gachard, +Correspondance de Philippe II., i., 593.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> "Que la ley sálica, que dizien, es baya, y las armas la +allanarian." Ibid, i. 594.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> The price of wheat, Jehan de la Fosse tells us (p. 86) +advanced to fifteen francs per "septier."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (J. de la Fosse), 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> In one of Charles's first despatches to the +Lieutenant-Governor of Dauphiny, wherein he bids him restrain, and, if +necessary, attack any Huguenots of the province who might undertake to +come to Condé's assistance, there occurs an expression that smacks of the +murderous spirit of St. Bartholomew's Day: "You shall cut them to +pieces," he writes, "without sparing a single person; for the more dead +bodies there are, the less enemies remain (car tant plus de mortz, moins +d'ennemys!)" Charles to Gordes, Oct. 8, 1567, MS. in Condé Archives, +D'Aumale, i. 563.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> Davila (i. 113) makes the latter her distinct object in +the negotiations: "The queen, to protract the time till supplies of men +and other necessary provisions arrived, and to abate the fervor of the +enemy, being constrained to have recourse to her wonted arts, excellently +dissembling those so recent injuries, etc."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Of course "Sieur Soulier, prêtre" sees nothing but +perversity in these grounds. "Ils n'alleguèrent que des raisons frivolles +pour excuser leur armement." Histoire des édits de pacification, 64.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Davila is certainly incorrect in stating that the +Huguenots demanded "that the queen mother should have nothing to do in +the government" (p. 113).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> October 7th, Soulier, Hist. des édits de pacification, +65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlii.) 10-15; Jean de Serres, iii. 131, +132; Davila, bk. iv. 113-115; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. universelle, l. +iv., c. 6, 7 (i. 211, 212); Castelnau, l. vi., c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> So closely was Paris invested on the north, that, although +accompanied by an escort of sixty horse, Castelnau was driven back into +the faubourgs when making an attempt by night to proceed by one of the +roads leading in this direction. He was then forced to steal down the +left bank of the Seine to Poissy, before he could find means to avoid the +Huguenot posts. Mémoires, l. vi., c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> Castelnau was instructed to ask for three or four +regiments of Spanish or Italian foot, and for two thousand cavalry of the +same nations.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> I have deemed it important to go into these details, in +order to exhibit in the clearest light the insincerity of Philip the +Second—a prince who could not be straightforward in his dealings, even +when the interests of the Church, to which he professed the deepest +devotion, were vitally concerned. My principal authority is the envoy, +Michel de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. 6. Alva's letter to Catharine de' +Medici, Dec., 1567, Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II., i. 608, 609, +sheds some additional light on the transactions. I need not say that, +where Castelnau and Alva differ in their statements, as they do in some +essential points, I have had no hesitation in deciding whether the duke +or the impartial historian is the more worthy of credit. See, also, De +Thou, iii. (liv. xli.) 755.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> Mém. de Fr. de la Noue, c. xiv. (Ancienne coll., xlvii. +189); Davila, bk. iv. 116; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. universelle, i. 212, +213; De Thou, iv. 22; Martin, Hist. de France, x. 246. There is some +discrepancy in numbers. There is, however, but little doubt that those +given in the text are substantially correct. D'Aubigné blunders, and more +than doubles the troops of the constable.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné relates an incident which has often been +repeated. Among the distinguished spectators gathered on the heights of +Montmartre, overlooking the plain, was a chamberlain of the Turkish +sultan, the same envoy who had been presented to the king at Bayonne. +When he saw the three small bodies of Huguenots issue in the distance +from Saint Denis, and the three charges, in which so insignificant a +handful of men broke through heavy battalions and attacked the opposing +general himself, the Moslem, in his admiration of their valor, twice +cried out: "Oh, that the grand seignior had a thousand such men as those +soldiers in white, to put at the head of each of his armies! The world +would hold out only two years against him." Hist. univ., i. 217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> "Autant de volontaires Parisiens bien armez et <i>dorez +comme calices</i>." Agrippa d'Aubigné, l. iv., c. 8 (i. 213). "Tenans la +bataille desjà achevée, tout ce gros si bien doré print la fuitte." +(Ibid., i. 215.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> At Marignano, in 1515.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> He was taken prisoner by the Emperor Charles V. at Pavia, +in company with Francis I.; at the battle of Saint Quentin, in 1557; and +in 1562, at the battle of Dreux, by the Huguenots. It was rather hard +that the story should have obtained currency, according to the curé of +Mériot, that Constable Montmorency was shot by a royalist, who saw that +he was purposely allowing himself to be enveloped by the troops of Condé, +in order that he might be taken prisoner, "comme telle avoit jà esté sa +coustume en deux batailles!" Mém. de Claude Haton, i. 458.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Even Henry of Navarre, in a letter of July 12, 1569, +published by Prince Galitzin (Lettres inédites de Henry IV., Paris, 1860, +pp. 4-11) states that he is unable to say whether it was Stuart, "pour +n'en sçavoir rien;" but asserts that "il est hors de doubte et assez +commung qu'il fut blessé en pleine bataille et combattant, et non de sang +froid."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Mémoires de Fr. de la Noue, c. xiv.; Jean de Serres, iii. +137, 138; De Thou, iv. 22, etc.; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., i. +214-217; Castelnau, liv. vi., c. 7; Claude Haton, i. 457; Jean de la +Fosse, 88, 89; Charles IX. to Gordes, Nov. 11, 1567, Condé MSS., +D'Aumale, i. 564.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> "La mort dudit connestable fut plaincte de peu de gens du +party des catholicques, à cause de la huguenotterie de l'admiral, du +card. de Chastillon, et d'Andelot, ses nepveux, qui estoient, après le +Prince de Condé, chefz des rebelles huguenotz françoys et des plus +meschant; et avoient plusieurs personnes ceste oppinion du connestable, +qu'il les eust bien retirez de ceste rebellion s'il eust voulu, attendu +que tous avoient esté avancez en leurs estatz par le feu roy Henry, par +son moyen." Claude Haton, i. 458.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> Charles IX. to Gordes, Nov. 17, 1567, Condé MSS., Duc +d'Aumale, i. 565.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> This exposé, committed to writing by the elector +palatine's request, and translated for Frederick's convenience into +German, is published by Prof. A. Kluckholn, in a monograph read before +the Bavarian Academy of Sciences: "Zur Geschichte des angeblichen +Bündnisses von Bayonne, nebst einem Originalbericht über die Ursachen des +zweiten Religionskriegs in Frankreich." (Abhandlungen, iii. Cl., xi. Bd., +i. Abth.) Munich, 1868. The Huguenot envoys were Chastelier Pourtaut de +Latour and Francour. The document is probably from the pen of the former +(p. 13).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 28, 29; Castelnau, liv. vi., c. 8; Jean de +Serres, iii. 144, 146. Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., i. 217, 218. +Wenceslaus Zuleger's Report is printed in full by F. W. Ebeling, +Archivalische Beiträge, 48-73, and by A. Kluckholn, Zwei pfälzische +Gesandtschaftsberichte, etc. Abhandl. der Bayer. Akad., 1868, 189-205.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> It is needless to say that no authentic coins or medals +bearing Condé's head, with the designation of "Louis XIII.," have ever +been found. After the direct contradiction by Catharine de' Medici, no +other testimony is necessary. The Jesuits, however, impudently continued +to speak of Condé's treason as an undoubted truth, and even gave the +legend of the supposed coin as "Ludovicus XIII., Dei gratia, Francorum +Rex primus Christianus." See "Plaidoyé de Maistre Antoine Arnauld, +Advocat en Parlement, pour l'Université de Paris ... contre les Jesuites, +des 12 et 13 Juillet, 1594." Mémoires de la ligue, 6, 164. Arnauld +stigmatizes the calumny as "notoirement fausse."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> Frederick, Elector Palatine, to Charles IX., Heidelberg, +Jan. 19, 1568. Printed in full in F. W. Ebeling, Archivalische Beiträge, +74-82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> November 13th, "Hier au soyr, vers les sept heures," says +Charles to Gordes, Nov. 14, 1567, MS. Condé Arch., D'Aumale, i. 565. The +king naturally represents the movement as confused—"une bonne +fuyte"—and confidently states that he will follow, and, by a <i>second</i> +victory, put a speedy end to the war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. iv., c. 11 (i. 219).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> Ibid., i. 219, 220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> La Noue, c. xiv.; De Thou, iv. 37; Jehan de la Fosse, 89, +90; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 227. Davila, bk. iv., pp. 119, 120, represents +Brissac's attack (which, according to him, was not made till after the +expiration of the truce) as a part of a projected general assault. +Anjou's main body failed to come up, and so Condé was saved. The blame +was thrown on Marshal Gonnor (Cossé) and on M. de Carnavalet, the king's +tutor, whom some suspected of unwillingness to allow so much noble blood +to be shed. Others accused the one of too much friendship with the +Châtillons, the other of a leaning to heresy ("de sentir le fagot") +Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 227. See also Cl. Haton, i. 503. These two noblemen +were accused of advocating other designs which were very obnoxious to the +Roman Catholic party. "La vérité est," says Jehan de la Fosse, in his +journal, p. 90, under date of December, 1567, "que aulcuns grands +seigneurs entre lesquels on nomme Gonor [et] Carnavallet donnoient à +entendre que si Monsieur, frère du roy, voloit prendre une partie de ces +gens et les joindre avec le camp des huguenots, qui [qu'ils] le feroient +comte de Flandre."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 37-41; Castelnau, liv. vi., c. 8; La Fosse, +91.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> Catharine de' Medici to Alva, Dec. 4, 1567, Gachard, +Correspondance de Philippe II., i. 607.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> Alva to Catharine de' Medici, Dec., 1567, Gachard, +Correspondance de Philippe II., i. 608, 609.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> It is told of one lackey that he contributed twenty +crowns.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> The scene is described in an animated manner by François +de la Noue, c. xv. (Ancienne Collection, xlvii. 199-201); De Thou, iv. +41. "Marque le lecteur," writes Agrippa d'Aubigné, in his nervous style, +"un trait qui n'a point d'exemple en l'antiquité, que ceux qui devoient +demander paye et murmurer pour n'en avoir point, puissent et veuillent en +leur extreme pauvreté contenter une armée avec 100,000 livres à quoi se +monta cette brave gueuserie; argument aux plus sages d'auprès du roi pour +prescher la paix; tenans pour invincible le parti qui a la passion pour +difference, et pour solde la nécessité." Hist. univ., i. 228. D'Aubigné +is mistaken, however, in making the army contribute the entire 100,000. +Davila and De Thou say they raised 30,000; La Noue, over 80,000.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> Mém. de Fr. de la Noue, c. xv.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> Mémoires de Claude Haton, i. 500-503.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> Ibid., ii. 517. "Et dès lors fut le pillage mis sus par +les gens de guerre des deux partis; et firent tous à qui mieux pilleroit +et rançonneroit son hoste, jugeant bien en eux que qui plus en pilleroit +plus en auroit. Les gens de guerre du camp catholicque, excepté le +pillage des églises et saccagemens des prebstres, estoient au reste aussi +meschans, et quasi plus que les huguenotz."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> Ménard, Hist. de Nismes, apud Cimber et Danjou, vii. 481, +etc.; Bouche, Histoire gén. de Languedoc, v. 276, 277. Prof. Soldan, +Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich, ii. 274-276, whose account +of an event too generally unnoticed by Protestant historians is fair and +impartial, calls attention to the following circumstances, which, +although they do not excuse in the least its savage cruelties, ought yet +to be borne in mind: 1st, That no woman was killed; 2d, that only those +<i>men</i> were killed who had in some way shown themselves enemies of the +Protestants; and, 3d, that there is no evidence of any premeditation. To +these I will add, as important in contrasting this massacre with the many +massacres in which the Huguenots were the victims, the fact that the +Protestant ministers not only did not instigate, but disapproved, and +endeavored as soon as possible to put an end to the murders.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 33-35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> Henri Martin (Histoire de France, x. 255), on the +authority of Coustureau, Vie du duc de Montpensier, states that the +Rochellois had, after the peace of 1563, bought from Catharine de' +Medici, for 200,000 francs, the suppression of the garrison placed in +their city by the Duke of Montpensier, and remarks: "Ces 200,000 francs +coutèrent cher!" The authority, however, is very slender in the absence +of all corroborative evidence, and Arcère, more than a century ago, +showed (Histoire de la Rochelle, i. 625) how improbable, or, rather, +impossible the story is. If any gift was made to Catharine by the city, +it must have been far less than the sum, enormous for the times and +place, of 200,000 crowns; and, at any rate, it could not have been for +the purchase of a privilege already enjoyed for hundreds of years. See +the illustrative note at the end of this chapter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 218. "Plus absolument et avec plus +d'obeïsance que les Rochellois, qui depuis ont tousjours tenu le parti +réformé, n'en ont voulu deferer et rendre aux princes mesmes de leur +parti, contre lesquels ils se sont souvent picquez, en resveillant et +conservant curieusement leurs privileges."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> Others were beaten and banished, and suffered the other +penalties denounced by the Edict of Châteaubriant, as Soulier goes on to +show with much apparent satisfaction. Hist. des édits, etc., 67, 68. The +text of the joint sentence of Couraud, Constantin, and Monjaud is +interesting. It is given by Delmas, L'Église réformée de la Rochelle +(Toulouse, 1870), pp. 19-25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> Martin, Hist. de France, x. 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>; Davila, bk. iv. 122; De +Thou, iv. 27 seq.; Soulier, 69. According to Arcère, Hist. de la +Rochelle, i. 352, the mayor's correct name was Pontard, Sieur de +Trueil-Charays.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> The commission was dated from Montigny-sur-Aube, January +27, 1568, Soulier, 70. De Thou's expression (<i>ubi supra</i>), "peu de temps +après," is therefore unfortunate.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> Soulier, Hist. des édits de pacification, 70.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Norris to Queen Elizabeth, January 23, 1568, State Paper +Office. I retain the quaint old English form in which Norris has couched +the marshal's speech. It is plain, in view of the perfidy proposed by +Santa Croce, even in the royal council, that Condé was not far from right +in protesting against the proposed limitation of Cardinal Châtillon's +escort to twenty horse, insisting "que la qualité de mondict sieur le +Cardinal, qui n'a acoustumé de marcher par païs avecques si peu de train, +ny son eage (age) ne permectent pas maintenant de commencer." Condé to +the Duke of Anjou, Dec. 27, 1567, MS. Bibl. nat., Aumale, Prince de +Condé, i. 568.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> The "seven viscounts"—often referred to about this +period—were the viscounts of Bourniquet, Monclar, Paulin, Caumont, +Serignan, Rapin, and Montagut, or Montaigu. They headed the Protestant +gentry of the provinces Rouergue, Quercy, etc., as far as to the foot of +the Pyrenees. Mouvans held an analogous position in Provence, Montbrun in +Dauphiné, and D'Acier, younger brother of Crussol, in Languedoc. Agrippa +d'Aubigné, i. 220, 221; De Thou, iv. 33; Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, +i. 327. When "the viscounts" consented, at the earnest solicitation of +the second Princess of Condé, to part with a great part of their troops, +they confided them to Mouvans, Rapin, and Poncenac.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> The <i>village</i> of Cognac, or Cognat, near Gannat, in the +ancient Province of Auvergne (present Department of Allier), must not, of +course, be confounded with the important <i>city</i> of the same name, on the +river Charente, nearly two hundred miles further west.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 146, 147; De Thou, iv. 48-51; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, i. 226.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> Opinions differed respecting the propriety of the +movement. According to La Noue, Chartres in the hands of the Huguenots +would have been a "thorn in the foot of the Parisians;" while Agrippa +d'Aubigné makes it "a city of little importance, as it was neither at a +river crossing, nor a sea-port;" "but," he adds, "in those times places +were not estimated by the standard now in vogue."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> "Car encore que les Catholiques estiment les Huguenots +estre <i>gens à feu</i>, si sont-il toujours mal pourveus de tels instrumens," +etc. Mém. de la Noue, c. xviii. For the siege of Chartres, besides La +Noue, see Jean de Serres, iii. 148; De Thou, iv., 51-53; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, i. 229-232.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> "Ils eussent esté par trop lourds et stupides, s'ils n'en +eussent évité la feste."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> "Cessons donc de nous esbahir s'ils ont un pied en l'air +et l'œil en la campagne."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> The whole of this remarkable memorial is inserted in the +older Collection universelle de mémoires, xlv. 224-260. Its importance is +so great, as reflecting the views of a mind so impartial and liberal as +that of Chancellor L'Hospital, that I make no apology for the prominence +I have given to it. Besides the omission of much that might be +interesting, I have in places rather recapitulated than translated +literally the striking remarks of the original.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> La Noue, c. xviii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> Castelnau, who was behind the scenes, assures us that had +"the Huguenots insisted upon keeping some places in their own hands, for +the performance of what was promised, it would have been granted, and, in +all probability, have prevented the war from breaking out so soon again," +etc. Mém., liv. vi., c. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 149-154; De Thou, iv. 54, 55; Davila, +bk. iv. 124; Castelnau, <i>ubi supra</i>; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 260, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> "L'Amiral maintenoit et remonstroit que cette paix +n'estoit que pour sauver Chartres, et puis pour assommer separez ceux +qu'on ne pourroit vaincre unis." Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 232.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> "Le Prince de Condé plus facile, desireux de la cour, où +il avoit laissé quelque semence d'amourettes, se servit de ce que +plusieurs quittoient l'armée," etc. Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> La Noue, c. xviii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> La Noue, c. xix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> "La paix fourrée," Soulier, Histoire des édits de +pacification, 73. "Ceste meschante petite paix," La Noue, c. xix. Agrippa +d'Aubigné, Hist. universelle, i. 260, and, following him, Browning, Hist. +of the Huguenots, i. 220, and De Félice, Hist. of the Protestants of +France, 190, say that this peace was wittily christened "La paix boiteuse +et mal-assise;" but, as we shall see, this designation belongs to the +peace of Saint Germain-en-Laye, in 1570, concluding the third religious +war.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> Leopold Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France in the +Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York, 1853), 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> Norris to Cecil, Paris, March 30, 1568, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> La Noue, c. xviii. (Anc. coll., 214).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> A fortnight had not elapsed since the date of the Edict of +Pacification when Condé was compelled to call the king's attention to a +flagrant outrage committed by Foissy, a royalist, against the Sieur +d'Esternay. After having burned Esternay's residence at Lamothe during +the preliminary truce, Foissy subsequently to the conclusion of peace +returned and completed his work of devastation. Condé to Charles IX., +April 5, 1568, MS., Archives du dép. du Nord, <i>apud</i> Duc d'Aumale, i. +572.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> "Nous avons fait la folie, ne trouvons donc estrange si +nous la beuvons. Toutefois il y a apparence que le breuvage sera amer." +La Noue, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 55, 56; Jean de Serres, Comm. de statu, etc., +iii. 160; Condé's petition of Aug. 23d, ibid., iii. 218; Mém. de Claude +Haton, i. 357-359, who, however, makes the singular blunder of placing +the incident of Rapin's death after the peace of Amboise in 1563. The +curé's description of the zeal of the Toulouse parliament for the Roman +Catholic Church confirms everything that Protestant writers have said on +the subject: "Laditte court de parlement avoit tousjours résisté à +laditte prétendue religion et faict exécuter ceux qui en faisoient +profession, nonobstant édict à ce contraire faict en faveur d'iceux +huguenotz." See also Raoul de Cazenove, Rapin-Thoyras, sa famille, sa +vie, et ses œuvres (Paris, 1866), 47-49—a truly valuable work, and a +worthy tribute to a distinguished ancestry.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> "Edictum promulgant, hac addita exceptione, <i>Reservatis +clausulis quæ secreto Senatus commentario continentur</i>." J. de Serres, +iii. 160, 161; De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>. See the petition of Condé of Aug. +23d. J. de Serres, iii. 220, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. 527, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> "Sire," said a nobleman, after listening to the arguments +against the peace made by some of the remonstrants, and to Charles's +replies, "it is too much to undertake to dispute with these canting +knaves; it were better to have them strapped in the kitchen by your +turnspits." Ibid., ii. 530.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> Playing upon the chancellor's name, Sainte Foy, one of the +court preachers, exclaimed in the pulpit: "Be not astonished if the +Huguenots demolish the churches, for they have turned all France into a +<i>hospital</i> instead"—"donnant à entendre que par le chancelier nomme +Hospital, la France estoit pauvre, pourtant qu'il a par trop encore de +douceur pour les huguenots qui ont ruiné le pais de France." Jehan de la +Fosse, 93, 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, iii. 36-42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> Mémoires de Claude Haton, ii. 533, 534. Similar +regulations were made in many other places "cumplurimis in locis." Jean +de Serres, iii. 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 158, 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 77, 78; Castelnau, l. vii., c. 1; D'Aubigné, +i. 260; La Fosse, 97; Motley, Dutch Republic, ii. 184.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> Charles was, however, near experiencing trouble with the +reiters of Duke Casimir. He had, by the terms of the agreement with the +Huguenots, undertaken to advance the 900,000 francs which were due, and +on failing to fulfil his engagements his unwelcome guests threatened to +turn their faces toward Paris. Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. 11. At +last, with promises of payment at Frankfort, the Germans were induced to +leave France. Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v. 164, gives a transcript of +Casimir's receipt, May 21, 1568, for 460,497 livres, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> Mémoires de Castelnau, liv. vi., c. 9, c. 10. Duke John +William of Saxe-Weimar was even more vexed at the issue of his expedition +than Castelnau himself. It was with difficulty that he could be persuaded +to accept an invitation to make a visit to the French court.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a> Paris MS., <i>apud</i> Soldan, Gesch. des Prot. in Frankreich, +ii. 300. Rumor, as is usual in such cases, outstripped even the unwelcome +truth, and Norris wrote to Queen Elizabeth that the king had sent secret +letters to two hundred and twelve places, charging the governors "to +runne uppon them [the Huguenots] and put them to the sword." "Your +Majestie will judge," adds Norris, "ther is smale place of surety for +them of the Religion, either in towne or felde." Letter of June 4, 1568, +<i>apud</i> D'Aumale, Les Princes de Condé, ii. 363, Pièces inédites.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> When the Protestants at Rouen begged protection, the king +sent four companies of infantry, which the citizens at first refused to +admit. At last they were smuggled in by night, <i>and quartered upon the +Huguenots</i>. Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, iii. 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 157, 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 161; Soldan, ii. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> Soldan, ii. 306.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> Letter to Catharine, April 27, 1568, MS., <i>apud</i> Soldan, +ii. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 163, 164. Petition of Condé of Aug. +23d. Ibid., iii. 215, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> MS. Bibl. nat., <i>apud</i> Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. App., +1152, 1153. Less correctly given in Lestoile's Mémoires. The title is +"Sermens des Associez de la Ligue Chrestienne et Roiale," and the date is +June 25, 1568.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> Prof. Soldan is certainly right (ii. 305) in his +interpretation of the passage, "tant et si longuement qu'il plaira à Dieu +que nous serons <i>par eux</i> régis en nostredicte religion apostolique et +romaine," which Ranke (Civil Wars and Monarchy, p. 236), and, following +him, Von Polenz (Gesch. des franz. Calvinismus, ii. 361), have construed +as referring to "la maison de Valois." Involved as is the phraseology, I +do not see how the word "eux" can designate any other person or persons +than "ledit s<sup>r.</sup> lieutenant avec mesditz sieurs de la noblesse de cedit +gouvernement et autres associez."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> "Den Erfolg des letzten Krieges," well observes Prof. +Soldan, "hatten die Hugenotten nicht ihrer Anzahl, sondern der +Organisation und dem Geiste ihres Gemeindewesens zu verdanken. Diese +bewegliche, weitverzweigte, aus einem festen Mittelpunkte gleichmässig +gelenkte und von Eifer für die gemeinsame Sache belebte Vereinsgliederung +hatte über den lahmen und stockenden Mechanismus vielfach grösserer, aber +in sich selbst uneiniger Kräfte einen beschämenden Triumph erlangt." +Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich, ii. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> Relations des Amb. Vén., ii. 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> Cipierre, a young nobleman only twenty-two years of age, +was returning, with a body-guard of about thirty-five men, from a visit +to his cousin, the duke, at Nice, where he had been treated with great +honor. When approaching Fréjus he perceived signs of treachery in a body +of men lurking under cover of a grove, and betook himself for safety into +the city, now, since his father's death, a part of the province of which +his eldest brother was royal governor. The tocsin was rung, and his +enemies, originally a band of three hundred men, being swollen by +constant accessions to four times that number, the house in which +Cipierre had taken refuge was assailed. After a heroic defence the small +party of defenders surrendered their arms, on assurance that their +opponents would at once retire. The papists, however, scarcely made a +pretence of fulfilling their compact, for they speedily returned and +massacred every one whom they found in the house. Cipierre himself was +not among the number. To secure him a new breach of faith was necessary. +The captain of the murderers pledged his own word to the magistrate that +if Cipierre would come forth from his hiding-place he would spare his +life. He discharged the obligation, so soon as Cipierre presented +himself, by plunging a dagger into his breast. J. de Serres, iii. +166-168; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> Petition of Condé, Aug. 23, 1568, J. de Serres, iii. 210, +211.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> Vie de Coligny (Cologne, 1686), 349, 350; J. de Serres, +iii. 166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> Ibid., iii. 165; Recordon, from MSS. of N. Pithou, +155-157; MS. Mém. historiques des Antiquités de Troyes, by Duhalle, +<i>apud</i> Bulletin de l'hist. du prot. fr., xvii. (1868) 376. Of the royal +edicts guaranteeing the Protestants, the last author remarks that "ils +firent plus de bruit que de fruit."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, ii. 364, Pièces +justificatives.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> J. de Serres, iii. 168; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> Jean de Serres does not expressly state that he refers to +the combatants, but I presume this to be his meaning.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> Relazione di Correro, Rel. des Amb. Vén., ii. 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> "Montauban, etc., faisoient conter les cloux de leurs +portes aux garnisons qu'on leur envoyoit." Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 261. It +was the <i>garrisons</i> only that were refused; the royal governors were +promptly accepted. M. de Jarnac, for instance, had no difficulty in +securing recognition at La Rochelle; but he was not permitted to +introduce troops to distress and terrify the citizens. See the letters of +the "Maire, Echevins, Conseilliers et Pairs," of La Rochelle to Charles +the Ninth, April 21st, June 6th and 30th, etc. Le Laboureur, Add. aux +Mém. de Castelnau, ii. 547-551. They deny the slanderous accusation that +the Roman Catholics have not been permitted to return since the peace, +asserting, on the contrary, that they have greeted them as brethren and +fellow-citizens. They appeal to M. de Jarnac himself for testimony to the +good order of La Rochelle. "Meanwhile," they say, "we are preserving this +city of yours in all tranquillity, and maintain it, under your obedience, +with much greater security, devotion, affection, fidelity and loyalty, +such as we have received from our predecessors, than would do all others +who were strangers and mercenaries, and not its natural subjects and +inhabitants." Norris to Queen Elizabeth, June 23, 1568: "The towne of +Rochelle hathe now the thirde time bin admonished to render itself to the +king." State Paper Office, Duc d'Aumale, ii. 367.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> His wife, Charlotte de Laval, whose brave Christian +injunctions, as we have seen, decided the reluctant admiral to take up +arms in the first religious war (see <i>ante</i>, chapter xiii., p. 35), lay +dying of a disease contracted in her indefatigable labors for the sick +and wounded soldiers at Orleans, whilst the admiral was at the siege of +Chartres. On the conclusion of the peace he hastened to her, but was too +late to find her alive. In a touching letter, written to her husband +after all hope of seeing him again in this world had fled, a letter the +substance of which is preserved by one of his biographers (Vie de +Coligny, Cologne, 1686, p. 342), she lamented the loss of a privilege +that would have alleviated the sufferings of her last hours, but consoled +herself with the thought of the object for which he was absent. She +conjured him, by the love he bore her and to her children, to fight to +the last extremity for God and religion; warning him, lest through his +habitual respect for the king—a respect which had before made him +reluctant to take up arms—he should forget the obligations he owed to +God as his first Master. She begged him to rear the children she left him +in the pure religion, that they might one day be capable of taking his +place; and, for their sakes, implored him not to hazard his life +unnecessarily. She bade him beware of the house of Guise. "I do not +know," she added, "whether I ought to say the same thing of the queen +mother, as we are forbidden to judge evil of our neighbor; but she has +given so many marks of her ambition that a little distrust is excusable." +The earlier biographer of Coligny (Gasparis Colinii Vita, 1575, p. 63, +etc.) gives an affecting picture of the deep sorrow and pious resignation +of the admiral.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> Somewhat hyperbolically, the biographer of the admiral +(Vie de Coligny, p. 346) says that the concourse at Châtillon and Noyers +was so great that the Louvre was a desert in comparison! When ten +gentlemen left by one gate, twenty entered by another. The churches +raised a purse of 100,000 crowns, one-half of which was to go to him, and +the other half to the Prince of Condé; but, though nearly ruined by the +enormous expenses of his hospitality, he declined to receive his +portion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> Noyers and Tanlay are ten or twelve miles from each other, +in the modern department of the Yonne.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> Jean de Serres, <i>ubi supra</i>. Cf. De Thou, iv. 142; +Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr. (1854), iii. 239. This +valuable periodical is mistaken in stating, vii. (1858) 120, that +"D'Andelot s'était retiré dans ses terres de Bretagne à la conclusion de +la paix." He did not leave Tanlay until after writing the letter referred +to below, and shortly before Coligny's arrival: "partant de chez lui, +pour se rendre chez son frère Andelot, il trouva qu'il étoit allé en +Bretagne." Vie de Coligny, 350. D'Andelot was in Brittany at the outbreak +of the third war. His adventures in escaping to La Rochelle will be +narrated in the next chapter. Mr. Henry White is, of course, equally +wrong when he says (Massacre of St. Bartholomew, New York, 1868, p. 291): +"The admiral had gone to this charming retreat [Tanlay], to consult with +his brother, to whom it belonged, <i>and who had joined him there</i>," and +when he mentions D'Andelot as in the suite of Condé and Coligny in their +celebrated flight (p. 292); "besides which, he (the prince) was +accompanied by the admiral and his family, <i>by Andelot</i> and his wife," +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> Lettre de François d'Andelot à la Royne mère du Roy, de +Tanlay, co 8<sup>me</sup> juillet, 1568. MS. Library of Berne. This letter has been +twice printed in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, +iv. (1856) 329-331, and vii. (1858) 121-123. The first reproduction is in +one important part more correct than the second. It is not impossible, +after all, that the author of the letter was not D'Andelot, but his +brother, Admiral Coligny himself; for M. J. Tessier mentions (Bulletin, +xxii. (1873) 47), that it exists in manuscript in the Paris National +Library (MSS. Vc. Colbert, 24, f. 161), in the admiral's own handwriting, +and signed with his usual signature, <i>Chastillon</i>. The whole tone, I must +confess, seems rather to be his.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> Norris to Queen Elizabeth, May 12, 1568, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 170; Davila, bk. iv. 128; Condé to +the king, Noyers, June 11, 1568, MS. Paris Lib., <i>apud</i> D'Aumale, ii. +351-353.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> As the prince had described the state of affairs in a +letter to the king, of July 22, 1568: "Nous nous voions tuez, pillez, +saccagez, les femmes forcées, les filles ravies des mains de leurs pères +et mères, les grands mis hors de leurs charges," etc. All this injustice +had been committed with complete impunity. In fact, to use his own +forcible words, were the king to attempt to punish the outrages done to +the Protestants, "the trees in France would have more men than leaves +upon them"—"tous les arbres seroient plus couvertz d'hommes que de +feuilles." MS. Paris Lib., <i>apud</i> D'Aumale, ii. 355, 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> J. de Serres, iii. 171-173; Davila, bk. iv. 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> The Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, ix. +(1860) 217-219, published from MSS. in the Library of the British Museum, +the letter of Charles the Ninth to the first president of the Parisian +parliament, dated "du château de Bolongne, ce premier jour d'aoust," +enclosing the formula. The pretext is "afin d'oster tout ce doubte et +différend qui règne aujourd'huy parmi nos subjectz." The president is to +associate with himself the seigneur de Nantouillet, provost of the city, +and the seigneur de Villeroy, "prévôt des marchands."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> Bulletin, etc., ix. (1860) 218, 219; Jean de Serres, iii. +175, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> Jean de Serres (Comm. de statu rel. et reipublicæ, iii. +174-183) inserts the reply of the Protestants to the proposed oath, +article by article.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> Built by Francis I., and so named because constructed on +the plan of the palace in which he lived when a captive in Spain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> It is true the writer carefully avoids mentioning the +cardinal's name, but there is no difficulty in discovering that he is +intended.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> "Uti nimirum detur opera ut vires penes Regem sint, +primoresque religionis illius occupentur, omnes conveniendi rationes +illis demantur: ut ad illas angustias redacti, quemadmodum facillimum +erit, possit hujusmodi colluvies regi regnoque adversaria, plane +pessundari, omnesque adeo reliquiæ profligari: quoniam semen profecto +esset in dies egerminaturum, nisi ea ratio observaretur, cujus a vicinis +nostris adeo luculenta exempla demonstrentur." Jean de Serres, iii. 187.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> The letter is given entire, with the exception of some +matters of no general interest, in the valuable chronicle of this period, +by Jean de Serres (s. l. 1571), iii. 185-190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> "Hæc sunt propemodum ipsa illius verba, quæ conatus sum +memoriæ mandare, ut possem ad te de rerum omnium statu certius +perscribere." Ib., iii. 188.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> "Et quoniam tunc vehementius quam assuevisset, rem illam +mihi commemoravit, et fortasse regis domini sui, qui ibi tunc erat, +mandatu, volui hac de causa te istarum rerum facere certiorem."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_568_568" id="Footnote_568_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_568_568"><span class="label">[568]</span></a> This letter, which was also intercepted by the Huguenots, +is preserved by Jean de Serres, iii. 184, 185. It bears unmistakable +marks of authenticity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_569_569" id="Footnote_569_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_569_569"><span class="label">[569]</span></a> Condé himself alludes to these words of Charles the Ninth +to his mother, in his letter of August 23d. Referring to the king's +aversion to a resort to violence, he says: "Quod mihi repetitis literis +sæpissime demonstrasti, et nuper quidem Reginæ matri, ex eo sermone quem +cum illa habebas, quo significabas quantum odiosa tibi esset turbarum +renovatio cum nimirum illam orabas, daret operam ut omnia pacificarentur, +efficeretque ne rursus ad bella civilia rediretur, quæ non possent non +extremum exitium afferre." Jean de Serres, iii, 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_570_570" id="Footnote_570_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_570_570"><span class="label">[570]</span></a> Letter <i>apud</i> J. de Serres, iii. 188-190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_571_571" id="Footnote_571_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_571_571"><span class="label">[571]</span></a> De Thou, iii. 136; Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 1, where the +sum is erroneously trebled; Davila, bk. iv., p. 130. See also Soldan, +ii., 324, and Von Polenz, ii. 365.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_572_572" id="Footnote_572_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_572_572"><span class="label">[572]</span></a> Norris, in a letter to Cecil, Sept. 25, 1568, gives almost +the very words of the angry contestants. State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_573_573" id="Footnote_573_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_573_573"><span class="label">[573]</span></a> Davila, bk. iv. 130; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_574_574" id="Footnote_574_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_574_574"><span class="label">[574]</span></a> Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, 236, 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_575_575" id="Footnote_575_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_575_575"><span class="label">[575]</span></a> Davila and De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>. De Thou seems certainly +to be wanting in his accustomed accuracy when he represents—iv. (liv. +xliv.) 136, 137—the submission of the test-oath to the Protestants as +posterior to, and consequent upon the fall of L'Hospital: "La reine +délivrée du Chancelier, et n'ayant plus personne qui s'opposât à ses +volontés, ne songea plus qu'à brouiller les affaires, etc." I have shown +that the papal bull which L'Hospital opposed was dated at Rome on the +same day (August 1, 1568) on which Charles sent his orders to the +president of the Parisian parliament to administer the oath to the +Protestants of the capital. Yet, as early as on the 12th of May, 1568, +the English ambassador, Norris, wrote to Cecil that Anjou, a cruel enemy +of the Protestants, had a privy council of which Cardinal Lorraine was +the "chiefest" member, and his own chancellor, who sealed everything +submitted to him, "which thing he [the good olde chauncelor of the +Kinges] hathe so to harte as he is retirid him to his owne house in the +towne of Paris; and wheras the King's chauncelor I meane, who nether for +love nor dread wolde seal enything against the statutes of the realme, or +that might be prejudiciall to the same, this of Mr. d'Anjou's refusithe +nothing that is proferid to him." State Paper Office, Duc d'Aumale, ii. +360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_576_576" id="Footnote_576_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_576_576"><span class="label">[576]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 191; Davila, bk. iv., p. 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_577_577" id="Footnote_577_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_577_577"><span class="label">[577]</span></a> See Soldan, Gesch. des Prot. in Frankreich, ii. 327, note +63. Yet Condé himself, shortly before the flight from Noyers, expressed +himself in strikingly confident terms as to Tavannes's probity. In a +letter to the king, complaining of the treacherous plots formed against +himself, July 22, 1568, the prince says he is sure that Tavannes is not +privy to these designs, "car je le cognois de trop longue main ennemy de +ceulx qui ne veullent qu'entretenir les troubles. Parquoy je croy que +cecy se faict à son desceu." MS. Paris Lib., <i>apud</i> D'Aumale, ii. 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_578_578" id="Footnote_578_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_578_578"><span class="label">[578]</span></a> "Le cerf est aux toiles, la chasse est préparée." See +Anquetil, Esprit de la ligue, i. 278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_579_579" id="Footnote_579_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_579_579"><span class="label">[579]</span></a> "Turbarum causas imputamus adversario illi tuo ac tuæ +dignitatis hosti Cardinali Lotharingo et sociis, quorum nimirum pravis +consiliis et arcta necessitudine et familiaritate quam cum Hispano +habent, dissensiones et simultates inter tuos subjectos ab hinc sex annis +continuantur, et misere foventur atque aluntur per cædes atque strages, +quæ ipsorum nutu quotidie ubique perpetrantur." Jean de Serres, iii. 194. +"Impurusne Presbyter, tigris, tyrannus," etc., ibid., iii. 196. +"Cardinalis Lotharingus, quasi sicariorum ac prædorum patronus," etc., +ibid., iii., 210.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_580_580" id="Footnote_580_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_580_580"><span class="label">[580]</span></a> "Quodnam item de illo judicium tulerit Cæsar Maximilianus +hodie imperans, cum ad te prescripsit, omnia bella et omnes dissensiones, +quæ inter Christianos hodie vagantur, proficisci a Granvellano et +Lotharingo Cardinalibus." Jean de Serres, iii. 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_581_581" id="Footnote_581_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_581_581"><span class="label">[581]</span></a> This petition or protestation of Condé is among the +longest public papers of the period, occupying not less than forty-three +pages of the invaluable Commentarii de statu religionis et reipublicæ of +Jean de Serres. It well repays an attentive perusal, for it contains, in +my judgment, the most important and authentic record of the sufferings of +the Huguenots during the peace. The reader will notice that I have made +great use of its authority in the preceding narrative.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_582_582" id="Footnote_582_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_582_582"><span class="label">[582]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_583_583" id="Footnote_583_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_583_583"><span class="label">[583]</span></a> The place is sufficiently designated by Ag. d'Aubigné +(Hist. univ., i. 263) "à Bonni près Sancerre;" by Jean de Serres (iii. +242) "ad Sangodoneum vicum (Saint Godon) qui tribus ferme milliaribus +distat ab ea fluminis parte, qua transiit Condæus;" by Hotman, Gasparis +Colinii Vita, 1575 (p. 68), "ad flumen accessit, quo Sancerrani collis +radices alluuntur," and by the "Vie de Coligny" (p. 351), "vis à vis de +Sancerre." It will surprise no one accustomed to the uncertainties and +perplexities of historical investigation, that while one author, quoted +by Henry White (Mass. of St. Bartholomew, 292), puts the crossing "near +les Rosiers, four leagues below Saumur," Davila (p. 129) places it at +Roanne. The two spots are, probably, not less than 230 miles apart in a +straight line.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_584_584" id="Footnote_584_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_584_584"><span class="label">[584]</span></a> See De Thou, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_585_585" id="Footnote_585_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_585_585"><span class="label">[585]</span></a> Recueil des choses mém. (Hist. des Cinq Rois), 336. The +Life of Coligny (1575), p. 68, states that the rise took place within +<i>three</i> hours after the Huguenots crossed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_586_586" id="Footnote_586_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_586_586"><span class="label">[586]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 192, and De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) +140. The dates of Condé's departure from Tanlay and arrival at La +Rochelle are, as usual, given differently by other authorities.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XVI.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="THIRD_WAR" id="THIRD_WAR"></a>THE THIRD CIVIL WAR.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Relative advantages of the Roman Catholics and Huguenots.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Enthusiasm of Huguenot youth.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Enlistment of Agrippa d'Aubigné.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> +Having narrowly escaped falling into the hands of their treacherous +enemies, and finding themselves compelled once more to take up arms in +defence of their own lives and the liberties of their fellow-believers, +the Prince of Condé and Admiral Coligny resolved to institute a vigorous +contest. A single glance at the situation, the full dangers of which were +now disclosed by the tidings coming from every quarter, was sufficient to +convince them that in a bold and decided policy lay their only hope of +success. The Roman Catholics had, it is true, enjoyed rare opportunities +for maturing a comprehensive plan of attack; although the sequel seemed +to prove that they had turned these opportunities to little practical +use. But the Huguenots possessed countervailing advantages, in close +sympathy with each other, in fervid zeal for their common faith, as well +as in an organization all but perfect. Simultaneously with their flight +from Noyers, the prince and the admiral had sent out a summons addressed +to the Protestants in all parts of the kingdom, and this was responded to +with enthusiasm by great numbers of those who had been their devoted +followers in the two previous wars. Multitudes of young men, also, with +imaginations inflamed by the recital of the exploits of their fathers and +friends, burned to enroll themselves under such distinguished leaders. +Many were the stratagems resorted to by these aspirants for military +honors. Among others, the eminent historian, Theodore Agrippa d'Aubigné, +has left an amusing account of the adventures he passed through in +reaching the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span> Huguenot recruiting station. His prudent guardian had taken +the precaution to remove Agrippa's clothes every evening, in order to +prevent him from carrying out his avowed purpose of entering the army; +but one night, on hearing the report of the arquebuse—which a number of +his companions, bent on the same course, had fired as a signal near his +place of confinement—the youth boldly lowered himself to the ground by +the sheets of his bed, and, with bare feet and no other clothing than a +shirt, made his way to Jonzac. There, after receiving an outfit from some +Protestant captains, he jotted down at the bottom of the receipt which he +gave them in return, the whimsical declaration "that never in his life +would he blame the war for having stripped him, since he could not +possibly leave it in a sorrier plight than that in which he entered +it."<a name="FNanchor_587_587" id="FNanchor_587_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_587_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The court proscribes the reformed religion.</div> + +<p>The resolution and enthusiasm of the Huguenots were greatly augmented by +the imprudent course of the court. Notwithstanding their own guilty +designs, Catharine and the Cardinal of Lorraine were taken by surprise +when the news reached them that Condé and Coligny had escaped, and that +the Huguenots were everywhere arming. So sudden an outbreak had not been +expected; and, while awaiting the muster of that portion of the troops +that had been dismissed, but was now summoned to assemble at Étaples on +the 10th of September,<a name="FNanchor_588_588" id="FNanchor_588_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_588_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> it was thought best to quiet the agitated +minds of the people. A declaration was accordingly published, assuring +all the adherents of the reformed faith who remained at home and +furnished no assistance to the enemy, of the royal protection, Charles +promising, at the same time, to give a gracious hearing to their +grievances.<a name="FNanchor_589_589" id="FNanchor_589_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_589_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> But, as soon as the Roman Catholic forces began to +collect in large numbers, and the apprehension of a sudden assault by the +Huguenots died away, the court threw off the mask of conciliation, and +Charles was made to sign two laws unsurpassed for intolerance. The first +purported to be "an irrevocable and perpetual edict."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> It rehearsed the +various steps taken by Charles the Ninth and his brother Francis in +reference to the "so-called reformed religion," from the time of the +tumult of Amboise. It alluded to the edicts of July and of January—the +latter adopted by the queen mother, by advice of the Cardinals of Bourbon +and Tournon, of the constable, of Saint André, and others, because less +objectionable than an edict tolerating the worship of that religion +<i>within</i> the walls of the cities. None of these concessions, it asserted, +having satisfied the professors of the new faith, who had collected money +and raised troops with the intent of establishing another government in +place of that which God had instituted, the king now repealed the edicts +of toleration, and henceforth prohibited his subjects, of whatever rank +and in all parts of his dominions, on pain of confiscation and death, +from the exercise of any other religious rites than those of the Roman +Catholic Church. All Protestant ministers were ordered to leave France +within fifteen days. Quiet and peaceable laymen were promised toleration +until such time as God should deign to bring them back to the true fold; +and pardon was offered to all who within twenty days should lay down +their arms.<a name="FNanchor_590_590" id="FNanchor_590_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_590_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> The second edict deprived all Protestant magistrates of +the offices they held, reserving, however, to those who did not take part +in the war, a certain portion of their former revenues.<a name="FNanchor_591_591" id="FNanchor_591_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_591_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a></p> + +<p>In order to give greater solemnity to the transaction, Charles, clothed +in robes of state and with great pomp, repaired to the parliament house, +to be present at the publication of the new edicts, and with his own +hands threw into the fire and burned up the previous edicts of +pacification. "Thus did his Royal Highness of France," writes a +contemporary German pam<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span>phleteer with intense satisfaction, "as was +seemly and becoming to a Christian supreme magistrate, <i>pronounce +sentence of death upon all Calvinistic and other heresies</i>."<a name="FNanchor_592_592" id="FNanchor_592_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_592_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Impolicy of this course.</div> + +<p>Nothing devised by the papal party could have been better adapted to +further the Huguenot cause than the course it had adopted. The wholesale +proscription of their faith united the Protestants, and led every +able-bodied man to take up arms against a perfidious government, whose +disregard of treaties solemnly made was so shamefully paraded before the +world. "These edicts," admits the candid Castelnau, "only served to make +the whole party rise with greater expedition, and furnished the Prince of +Condé and the admiral with a handle to convince all the Protestant powers +that they were not persecuted for any disaffection to the government, but +purely for the sake of religion."<a name="FNanchor_593_593" id="FNanchor_593_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_593_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Attempts to make capital of the proscriptive measures.</div> + +<p>Efforts were not spared by the Guisard party to make capital abroad out +of the new proscriptive measures. Copies of the edicts, translated from +the French, were put into circulation beyond the Rhine, accompanied by a +memorial embodying the views presented by an envoy of Charles to some of +the Roman Catholic princes of the empire. The king herein justified +himself for his previous clemency by declaring that he had entertained no +other idea than that of allowing his subjects of the "pretended" reformed +faith time and opportunity for returning to the bosom of the only true +church. Lovers of peace and good order among the Germans were warned that +they had no worse enemies than the insubordinate and rebellious Huguenots +of his Very Christian Majesty's dominions, while the adherents of the +Augsburg Confession were distinctly given to understand that Lutheranism +was safer with the Turk than where Calvin's doctrines were +professed.<a name="FNanchor_594_594" id="FNanchor_594_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_594_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span></p> + +<p>To influence the princes the offices of skilled diplomatists were called +into requisition, but to no purpose. When Blandy requested the emperor, +in Charles's name, to prevent any succor from being sent to Condé from +Germany, Maximilian replied by counselling his good friend the king to +seek means to restore concord and harmony among his subjects, and +professing his own inability to restrain the levy of auxiliary troops. +And from Duke John William, of Saxony, the same envoy only obtained +expressions of regret that the war so lately suppressed had broken out +anew, and of discontent on the part of the German princes at the rumor +that Charles had been so ill advised as to join in a league made by the +Pope and the King of Spain, with the view of overwhelming the +Protestants.<a name="FNanchor_595_595" id="FNanchor_595_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_595_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">A "crusade" preached at Toulouse.</div> + +<p>On the other hand, the new direction taken by Catharine met with the most +decided favor on the part of the fanatical populace, and the pulpits +resounded with praise of the complete abrogation of all compacts with +heresy. The Roman Catholic party in Toulouse acted so promptly, +anticipating even the orders of the royal court, as to make it evident +that they had been long preparing for the struggle. On Sunday, the +twelfth of September, a league for the extermination of heresy was +published, under the name of a <i>crusade</i>. A priest delivered a sermon +with the consent of the Parliament of Toulouse. Next day all who desired +to join in the bloody work met in the cathedral dedicated to St. +Stephen—the Christian protomartyr having, by an irony of history, more +than once been made a witness of acts more congenial to the spirit of his +persecutors than to his own—and prepared themselves for their +undertaking by a common profession of their faith, by an oath to expose +their lives and property for the maintenance of the Roman Catholic +religion, and by confession and communion. This being done, they adopted +for their motto the words, "Eamus nos, moriamur cum Christo," and +attached to their dress a white cross to distinguish them from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> their +Protestant fellow-citizens. Of success they entertained no misgivings. +Had not Attila been defeated, with his three hundred thousand men, not +far from Toulouse? Had not God so blessed the arms of "our good +Catholics" in the time of Louis the Eighth, father of St. Louis, that +eight hundred of them had routed more than sixty thousand heretics? "So +that we doubt not," said the new crusaders, "that we shall gain the +victory over these enemies of God and of the whole human race; and if +some of us should chance to die, our blood will be to us a second +baptism, in consequence of which, without any hinderance, we shall pass, +with the other martyrs, straight to Paradise."<a name="FNanchor_596_596" id="FNanchor_596_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_596_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> A papal bull, a few +months later (on the fifteenth of March, 1569), gave the highest +ecclesiastical sanction to the crusade, and emphasized the complete +extermination of the heretics.<a name="FNanchor_597_597" id="FNanchor_597_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_597_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Fanaticism of the Roman Catholic preachers.</div> + +<p>The faithful, but somewhat garrulous chronicler, who has left us so vivid +a picture of the social, religious, and political condition of the city +of Provins during a great part of the second half of this century, +describes a solemn procession in honor of the publication of the new +ordinance, which was attended by over two thousand persons, and even by +the magistrates suspected of sympathy with the Protestants. Friar Jean +Barrier, when pressed to preach, took for his text the song of Moses: "I +will sing unto the Lord, for He hath triumphed gloriously: the horse and +his rider hath He thrown into the sea." His treatment of the verse was +certainly novel, although the exegesis might not find much favor with the +critical Hebraist. The Prince of Condé was the <i>horse</i>, on whose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> back +were mounted the Huguenot ministers and preachers—the <i>riders</i> who drove +him hither and thither by their satanic doctrine. Although they were not +as yet drowned, like Pharaoh and his army in the Red Sea, France had +great reason to rejoice and praise God that the king had annulled the +Edict of January, and other pernicious laws made during his minority. As +for himself, said the good friar, he was ready to die, like another +Simeon, since he had lived to see the edicts establishing "the Huguenotic +liberty" repealed, and the preachers expelled from France.<a name="FNanchor_598_598" id="FNanchor_598_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_598_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenot places of refuge.</div> + +<p>Similar rejoicings with similar high masses and sermons by enthusiastic +monks, were heard in the capital<a name="FNanchor_599_599" id="FNanchor_599_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_599_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> and elsewhere. But the jubilant +strains were sounded rather prematurely; for the victory was yet to be +won. The Huguenot nobles, invited by Condé, were flocking to La Rochelle; +the Protestant inhabitants of the towns, expelled from their homes, were +generally following the same impulse. But others, reluctant, or unable to +traverse such an expanse of hostile territory, turned toward nearer +places of refuge. Happily they found a number of such asylums in cities +whose inhabitants, alarmed by the marks of treachery appearing in every +quarter of France, had refused to receive the garrisons sent to them in +the king's name. It was a wonderful providence of God, the historian Jean +de Serres remarks. The fugitive Huguenots of the centre and north found +the gates of Vézelay and of Sancerre open to them. Those of Languedoc and +Guyenne were safe within the walls of Montauban, Milhau, and Castres. In +the south-eastern corner of the kingdom, Aubenas, Privas, and a few other +places afforded a retreat for the women and children, and a convenient +point for the muster of the forces of Dauphiny.<a name="FNanchor_600_600" id="FNanchor_600_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_600_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Jeanne d'Albret and D'Andelot reach La Rochelle.</div> + +<p>Meantime, the Queen of Navarre, with young Prince Henry and his sister +Catharine, started from her dominions near the Pyrenees. The court had in +vain plied her with conciliatory letters and messages sent in the king's +name. Gathering her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span> troops together, and narrowly escaping the forces +despatched to intercept her, she formed a junction with a very +considerable body of troops raised in Périgord, Auvergne, and the +neighboring provinces, under the Seigneur de Piles, the Marquis de +Montamart, and others, and, after meeting the Prince of Condé, who came +as far as Cognac to receive her, found safety in the city of La +Rochelle.<a name="FNanchor_601_601" id="FNanchor_601_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_601_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a></p> + +<p>From an opposite direction, François d'Andelot, whom the outbreak of +hostilities overtook while yet in Brittany, was warned by Condé to hasten +to the same point. With his accustomed energy, the young Châtillon +rapidly collected the Protestant noblemen and gentry, not only of that +province, but of Normandy, Touraine, Maine, and Anjou, and with such +experienced leaders as the Count of Montgomery, the Vidame of Chartres, +and François de la Noue, had reached a point on the Loire a few miles +above Angers. It was his plan to seize and hold the city and bridge of +Saumur, and thus secure for the Huguenots the means of easy communication +between the two sides of the important basin intervening between the +smaller basins of the Seine and the Garonne. His expectations, however, +were frustrated principally by the good fortune of M. de Martigues, who +succeeded in making a sudden dash through D'Andelot's scattered +divisions, and in conveying to the Duke of Montpensier at Saumur so large +a reinforcement as to render it impossible for the Huguenots to dream of +dislodging him.<a name="FNanchor_602_602" id="FNanchor_602_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_602_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> For a time D'Andelot was in great peril. With only +about fifteen hundred horse and twenty-five hundred foot,<a name="FNanchor_603_603" id="FNanchor_603_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_603_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> he stood +on the banks of a river swollen by autumnal rains and supposed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> to be +utterly impassable, and in the midst of a country all whose cities were +in the hands of the enemy. He had even formed the desperate design of +retiring twenty or thirty miles northward, in hope of being able to +entice Montpensier to follow him so incautiously that he might turn upon +him, and, after winning a victory, secure for himself a passage to the +sources of the Loire or to his allies in Germany. At this moment the +joyful announcement was made by Montgomery that a ford had been +discovered. The news proved to be true. The crossing was safe and easy. +Not a man nor a horse was lost. The interposition of heaven in their +behalf was so wonderful, that, as the Huguenot troopers reached the +southern bank, the whole army, by common and irresistible impulse, broke +forth in praise to Almighty God, and sang that grand psalm of +deliverance—the seventy-sixth.<a name="FNanchor_604_604" id="FNanchor_604_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_604_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> Never had those verses of Beza been +sung by more thankful hearts or in a nobler temple.<a name="FNanchor_605_605" id="FNanchor_605_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_605_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Success in Poitou, Angoumois, etc.</div> + +<p>Full of courage, the exultant troops of D'Andelot now pressed southward. +First the city of Thouars fell into their hands; then the more important +Partenay surrendered itself to the Huguenots. Here, according to the +cruel rules of warfare of the sixteenth century, they deemed themselves +justified in hanging the commander of the place, who had thrown himself +into the castle, for having too obstinately insisted upon standing an +assault in a spot incapable of defence,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> together with some priests who +had shared his infatuation.<a name="FNanchor_606_606" id="FNanchor_606_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_606_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> Admiral Coligny now met his brother, and +the united army, with three cannon brought from La Rochelle, forming his +entire siege artillery, demanded and obtained the surrender of Niort, the +size and advantageous position of which made it a bulwark of La Rochelle +toward the east. Angoulême, Blaye, Cognac, Pons, and Saintes, were still +more valuable acquisitions. In short, within a few weeks, so large a +number of cities in the provinces of Poitou, Angoumois, and Saintonge had +fallen under the power of the Protestants, that they seemed fully to have +retrieved the losses they had experienced through the treacherous peace +of Longjumeau. "In less than two months," writes La Noue of his +fellow-soldiers, "from poor vagabonds that they were, they found in their +hands sufficient means to continue a long war."<a name="FNanchor_607_607" id="FNanchor_607_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_607_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> And the veteran +Admiral Coligny, amazed at the success attending measures principally +planned by himself, was accustomed to repeat with heartfelt thankfulness +the exclamation attributed to Themistocles: "I should be lost, if I had +not been lost!"<a name="FNanchor_608_608" id="FNanchor_608_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_608_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Affairs in Dauphiny, Provence, and Languedoc.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Powerful Huguenot army in the south.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">It effects a junction with Condé's forces.</div> + +<p>Meantime, in the south-eastern part of France, the provinces of Dauphiny, +Provence, and Lower Languedoc, the Huguenots had not been slow in +responding to the call of the Prince of Condé. The difficulty was rather +in assembling their soldiers than in raising them; for there was little +lack of volunteers after the repeal of the royal edicts in favor of the +Protestants. With great trouble the contingents of Dauphiny and Provence +were brought across the Rhône, and at Alais the Baron d'Acier<a name="FNanchor_609_609" id="FNanchor_609_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_609_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> +mustered an army to go to the succor of the Prince of Condé at La +Rochelle. A Roman Catholic historian expresses his profound astonishment +that the Huguenots of this part of the kingdom, when surprised<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> by the +violation of the peace, should so speedily have been able to mass a force +of twenty-five thousand men, well furnished and equipped, and commanded +by the most excellent captains of the age—Montbrun, Mouvans, +Pierre-Gourde, and others.<a name="FNanchor_610_610" id="FNanchor_610_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_610_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> The abbé's wonder was doubtless equalled +by the consternation which the news spread among the enemies of the +Huguenots. The Roman Catholics could bring no army capable of preventing +the junction of D'Acier's troops with those of Condé; but the Duke of +Montpensier succeeded, on the twenty-fifth of October, in inflicting a +severe loss upon one of the divisions at Messignac, near Périgueux. +Mouvans and Pierre-Gourde, who were distant from the main body, were +attacked in their quarters, by a force under Brissac, which they easily +repulsed. D'Acier, suspecting the design of the enemy, had commanded the +Huguenot captains to make no pursuit, and to await his own arrival. But +brave Mouvans was as impatient of orders as he was courageous in battle. +Disregarding the authority which sat so lightly upon him, he fell into an +ambuscade, where he atoned for his rashness by the loss of his own life +and the lives of more than a thousand of his companions. After this +disaster, D'Acier experienced no further opposition, and, on the first of +November, he met the advancing army of Condé at Aubeterre, on the banks +of the Dronne.<a name="FNanchor_611_611" id="FNanchor_611_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_611_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a></p> + +<p>With the new accessions to his army, the prince commanded<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span> a force very +considerably larger than any he had led in the previous wars. Among the +conflicting statements, we may find it difficult to fix its numbers. +Agrippa d'Aubigné says that, after the losses consequent upon the defeat +of Messignac and those resulting from camp diseases, Condé's army +consisted of only seventeen thousand foot soldiers, and two thousand five +hundred horsemen.<a name="FNanchor_612_612" id="FNanchor_612_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_612_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> A Huguenot bulletin, sent from La Rochelle for the +information of Queen Elizabeth and the Protestants of England, may have +given somewhat too favorable a view of the prince's prospects, but was +certainly nearer the truth, in assigning him twenty-five thousand +arquebusiers and a cavalry force of five or six thousand men.<a name="FNanchor_613_613" id="FNanchor_613_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_613_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> On the +other hand, Henry of Anjou, who had been placed in nominal command of the +Roman Catholic army, had not yet been able to assemble a much superior, +probably not an equal, number of soldiers. The large forces which, +according to his ambassador at the English court, Charles the Ninth could +call out,<a name="FNanchor_614_614" id="FNanchor_614_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_614_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> existed only on paper. The younger Tavannes, whose father +was the true head of the royal army, gives it but about twenty thousand +men.<a name="FNanchor_615_615" id="FNanchor_615_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_615_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a></p> + +<p>It was already nearly winter when the armies were collected, and their +operations during the remainder of the campaign were indecisive. In the +numerous skirmishes that occurred the Huguenots usually had the +advantage, and sometimes inflicted considerable damage upon the enemy. +But the Duke of Anjou, or the more experienced leaders commanding in his +name, studiously avoided a general engagement. The instructions from the +court were to wear out the courage and enthusi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span>asm of Condé's adherents +by protracting a tame and monotonous warfare.<a name="FNanchor_616_616" id="FNanchor_616_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_616_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> The prince's true +policy, on the contrary, lay in decided action. His soldiers were +inferior to none in France. The flower of the higher nobility and the +most substantial of the middle classes had flocked to his standard so +soon as it was unfurled. But, without regular commissariat, and serving +at their own costs, these troops could not long maintain themselves in +the field.<a name="FNanchor_617_617" id="FNanchor_617_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_617_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> The nobles and country gentlemen, never too provident in +their habits, soon exhausted their ready funds, with their crowd of +hungry retainers, and became a more pitiable class than even the +burgesses. The latter, whom devotion to their religious convictions, +rather than any thirst for personal distinction, had impelled to enter +the service, could not remain many months away from their workshops and +counting-rooms without involving their families in great pecuniary +distress. It was not, however, possible for Condé and Coligny to bring +about a combat which the duke was resolved to decline, and the +unparalleled severity of the season suspended, at the same time, their +design of wresting from his hands the city of Saumur, a convenient point +of communication with northern France. Early in December the vines were +frozen in the fields,<a name="FNanchor_618_618" id="FNanchor_618_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_618_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> disease broke out in either camp, and the +soldiers began to murmur at a war which seemed to be waged with the +elements rather than with their fellow-men. While Anjou's generals, +therefore, drew off their troops to Saumur, Chinon on the Vienne, and +Poitiers, Condé's army went into winter quarters a little farther west, +at Montreuil-Bellay, Loudun and Thouars, but afterward removed, for +greater commodity in obtaining provisions, to Partenay and Niort.<a name="FNanchor_619_619" id="FNanchor_619_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_619_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot reprisals and negotiations.</div> + +<p>It was while the Huguenots lay thus inactive that their leaders +deliberated respecting the best means of providing for their sup<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span>port +during the coming campaign. Jeanne d'Albret, whose masculine vigor<a name="FNanchor_620_620" id="FNanchor_620_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_620_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a> +had never been displayed more conspicuously than during this war, was +present, and assisted by her sage counsels. It was determined, in view of +the cruelties exercised upon the Protestants in those parts of the +kingdom where they had no strongholds, and of the confiscation of their +property by judicial decisions, to retaliate by selling the +ecclesiastical possessions in the cities that were now under Huguenot +power, and applying the proceeds to military uses. The order of sale was +issued under the names of the young Prince of Navarre, of Condé, Coligny, +D'Andelot and La Rochefoucauld, and a guarantee was given by them. As a +reprisal the measure was just, and as a warlike expedient nothing could +be more prudent; for, while it speedily filled the coffers of the +Huguenot army, it cut off one great source of the revenues of the court, +which had been authorized both by the Pope and by the clergy itself to +lay these possessions under contribution.<a name="FNanchor_621_621" id="FNanchor_621_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_621_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a></p> + +<p>Already the temper of the Protestant leaders had been sounded by an +unaccredited agent of Catharine de' Medici, who found Condé at Mirebeau, +and entreated him to make those advances toward a peace which would +comport better with his dignity as a subject than with that of Charles as +a king. But the prince, who saw in the mission of an irresponsible +mediator only a new attempt to impede the action of the confederates, had +dismissed him, after declaring, in the presence of a large number of his +nobles, that he had been compelled to resort to arms in order to provide +for his own defence. The war was, therefore, directed not against the +king, but against those capital enemies of the crown and of the realm, +the Cardinal of Lorraine and his associates. All knew his own vehement +desire for peace, of which his late excessive compliance was a sufficient +proof; but, since the king was surrounded by his ene<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span>mies, he intended, +with God's favor, to come and present his petitions to his Majesty in +person.<a name="FNanchor_622_622" id="FNanchor_622_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_622_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">William of Orange attempts to aid the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>Abroad the Huguenots had not been idle in endeavoring to secure the +support of advantageous alliances. So early as in the month of August, +after the disastrous defeat of Louis of Nassau, at Jemmingen, the Prince +of Orange had contemplated the formation of a league for common defence +with the Prince of Condé and Admiral Coligny. A draft of such an +agreement has been preserved; but it is unsigned, and may be regarded +rather as indicative of the friendly disposition of the French and Dutch +patriots than as a compact that was ever formally adopted.<a name="FNanchor_623_623" id="FNanchor_623_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_623_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> That same +autumn William of Orange had undertaken an expedition intended to free +the Netherlands from the tyranny of Alva. He had been met with consummate +skill. The duke refused to fight, but hung remorselessly on his skirts. +The inhabitants of Brabant extended no welcome to their liberator. The +prince's mercenaries, vexed at their reception, annoyed by the masterly +tactics of their enemy, and eager only to return to their homes, clamored +for pay and for plunder. Orange, outgeneralled, was compelled to abandon +the campaign, and would gladly have turned his arms against the +oppressors of his fellow-believers in France; but his German troops had +enlisted only for the campaign in the Netherlands, and peremptorily +declined to transfer the field of battle to another country. However, the +depth of the Meuse, which had become<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> unfordable, furnished more +persuasive arguments than could be brought forward by Genlis and the +Huguenots who with him had joined the Prince of Orange, and the army of +the patriots was forced to direct its course southward and to cross the +French frontier.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Consternation and devices of the court.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Declaration of the Prince of Orange.</div> + +<p>Great was the consternation at the court of Charles. Paris trembled for +its safety, and vigorous were the efforts made to get rid of such +dangerous guests. Marshal Cossé, who commanded for his Majesty on the +Flemish border, was too weak to copy successfully the tactics of Alva; +but he employed the resources of diplomacy. His secretary, the Seigneur +de Favelles, not content with remonstrating against the prince's +violation of the territory of a king with whom he was at peace, +endeavored to terrify him by exaggerating the resources of Charles the +Ninth and by fabricating accounts of Huguenot reverses. Condé, he said, +had been forced to recross the river Vienne in great confusion; and there +was a flattering prospect that he would be compelled to shut himself up +in La Rochelle; for "Monseigneur the Duke of Anjou" had an irresistible +army of six thousand horse and twenty-five or thirty thousand foot, +besides the forces coming from Provence under the Count de Tende, the six +thousand newly levied Swiss brought by the Duke d'Aumale, and other +considerable bodies of troops.<a name="FNanchor_624_624" id="FNanchor_624_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_624_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> Gaspard de Schomberg<a name="FNanchor_625_625" id="FNanchor_625_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_625_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> was +despatched on a similar errand by Charles himself, and offered the +prince, if he came merely desiring to pass in a friendly manner through +the country, to furnish him with every facility for so doing. In reply, +William of Orange, although the refusal of his soldiers to fight against +Charles<a name="FNanchor_626_626" id="FNanchor_626_626"></a><a href="#Footnote_626_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> left him no alternative but to embrace the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span> course marked +out for him, did not disguise his hearty sympathy with his suffering +brethren in France. In view of the attempts made, according to his +Majesty's edict of September last, to constrain the consciences of all +who belonged to the Christian religion, and in view of the king's avowed +determination to exterminate the pure Word of God, and to permit no other +religion than the Roman Catholic—a thing very prejudicial to the +neighboring nations, where there was a free exercise of the Christian +religion—the prince declared his inability to credit the assertions of +his Majesty, that it was not his Majesty's intention to constrain the +conscience of any one. He avowed his own purpose to give oppressed +Christians everywhere all aid, comfort, counsel, and assistance; +asserting his conviction that the men who professed "the religion" +demanded nothing else than the glory of God and the advancement of His +Word, while in all matters of civil polity they were ready to render +obedience to his Majesty. He averred, moreover, that if he should +perceive any indications that the Huguenots were pursuing any other +object than liberty of conscience and security for life and property, he +would not only withdraw his assistance from them, but would use the whole +strength of his army to exterminate them.<a name="FNanchor_627_627" id="FNanchor_627_627"></a><a href="#Footnote_627_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> After this declaration, +the prince prosecuted his march to Strasbourg, where he disbanded his +troops, pawning his very plate and pledging his principality of Orange, +to find the means of satisfying their demands. Great was the delight of +the royalists, great the disappointment of the Huguenots, on hearing that +the expedition had vanished in smoke. "The army of the Prince of Orange," +wrote an agent of Condé in Paris, "after having thrice returned to the +king's summons a sturdy answer that it would never leave France until it +saw religion re-established,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> has retreated, in spite of our having given +it notice of your intention to avow it. I know not the cause of this +sudden movement, for which various reasons are alleged."<a name="FNanchor_628_628" id="FNanchor_628_628"></a><a href="#Footnote_628_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> William the +Silent had not, however, relinquished the intention of going to the +assistance of the Huguenots, whose welfare, next to that of his own +provinces, lay near his heart. Retaining, therefore, twelve hundred +horsemen whom he found better disposed than the rest, he patiently +awaited the departure of the new ally of the French Protestants, +Wolfgang, Duke of Deux-Ponts (Zweibrücken), in whose company he had +determined to cross France with his brothers Louis and Henry of +Nassau.<a name="FNanchor_629_629" id="FNanchor_629_629"></a><a href="#Footnote_629_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Aid sought from England.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Generous response of the English people.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Bishop Jewel's noble plea.</div> + +<p>The Prince of Condé received more immediate and substantial assistance +from beyond the Channel. When Tavannes undertook to capture Condé and +Coligny at Noyers, it was in contemplation to seize Odet, Cardinal of +Châtillon, the admiral's elder brother,<a name="FNanchor_630_630" id="FNanchor_630_630"></a><a href="#Footnote_630_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> in his episcopal palace at +Beauvais. He received, however, timely warning, and made his escape +through Normandy to England, where Queen Elizabeth received him at her +court with marks of distinguished favor.<a name="FNanchor_631_631" id="FNanchor_631_631"></a><a href="#Footnote_631_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> His efforts to enlist the +sympathies and assistance of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> the English monarch in behalf of his +persecuted countrymen were seconded by Cavaignes, who soon arrived as an +envoy from Condé. Cavaignes was instructed to ask material aid—money to +meet the engagements made with the Duke of Deux-Ponts, and ships with +their armaments to increase the small flotilla of privateersmen, which +the Protestants had, for the first time, sent out from La Rochelle. Soon +after appeared the vice-admiral, Chastelier-Pourtaut de Latour, under +whose command the flotilla had been placed, bearing a letter from the +Queen of Navarre to her sister of England, in which she was entreated to +espouse a quarrel that had arisen not from ambition or insubordination, +but from the desire, in the first place, to defend religion, and, next, +to rescue a king who was being hurried on to ruin by treacherous +advisers.<a name="FNanchor_632_632" id="FNanchor_632_632"></a><a href="#Footnote_632_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> To these reiterated appeals, and to the solicitations for +aid addressed to them by other refugees from papal violence who had found +their way to the shores of Great Britain, the subjects of the queen +returned a more gracious answer than the queen herself. The exiled +Huguenot ministers were received with open arms by men who regarded them +as champions of a common Christianity,<a name="FNanchor_633_633" id="FNanchor_633_633"></a><a href="#Footnote_633_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a> and some Protestant noblemen +had in a few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> weeks after their arrival raised for their relief, the +sum—considerable for those days—of one hundred pounds sterling. Not +only the laity, but even the clergy of the Church of England, took a +tender pride in receiving the "few servants of God"—some three or four +thousand—whom Providence had thrown upon their shores. They welcomed +them to their cities, and resented the attempts of Pope and king to +secure their extradition. Could the Pope, who harbored six thousand +usurers and twenty thousand courtesans in his own city of Rome, call upon +the Queen of England to deny the right of asylum to "the poor exiles of +Flanders and France, and other countries, who either lost or left behind +them all that they had—goods, lands, and houses—not for adultery, or +theft, or treason, but for the profession of the Gospel?" "It pleased +God," wrote Bishop Jewel, "here to cast them on land: the queen of her +gracious pity hath granted them harbor. Is it become so heinous a thing +to show mercy?" "They are our brethren," continued their noble-minded +advocate, "they live not idly. If they have houses of us, they pay rent +for them. They hold not our grounds but by making due recompense. They +beg not in our streets, nor crave anything at our hands, but to breathe +our air, and to see our sun. They labor truly, they live sparefully. They +are good examples of virtue, travail,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> faith, and patience. The towns in +which they abide are happy, for God doth follow them with His +blessings."<a name="FNanchor_634_634" id="FNanchor_634_634"></a><a href="#Footnote_634_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Misgivings of Queen Elizabeth.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Her double-dealing and effrontery.</div> + +<p>Queen Elizabeth was less decidedly in their favor. Her court swarmed with +creatures of the Spanish king, who openly gloried in the victories of the +Guises. The ambassadors of Charles and Philip strove to the utmost to +render the Huguenots odious to her mind, and to give a false coloring to +the war raging in France. Her jealousy of the royal prerogative was +appealed to, by the repeated declaration that the Protestants of France +were turbulent men, who, for the slightest occasion and upon the most +slender suspicion, were ready to have recourse to arms—enthusiasts, who +could not be dissuaded from rash enterprises; sectaries, who employed +their consistories and their organized form of church government to levy +men, to collect arms, munitions of war, and money—rebels, in fine, who +could at any moment rise within an hour, and surprise his most Christian +Majesty's cities and provinces. The abrogation of religious liberty was, +therefore, not merely advisable, but absolutely necessary. Elizabeth was +reminded, also, of her own intolerant measures toward the Roman Catholics +of her dominions; and she was assured that her fears of a combined attack +on all the Protestants were devoid of foundation—that Charles had +neither taken up arms, nor revoked the edicts of toleration at the desire +of any other prince, still less because of the instance of any private +individuals, but of his own free will, in order to secure his +kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_635_635" id="FNanchor_635_635"></a><a href="#Footnote_635_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> These arguments, if they did not convince Elizabeth, gave +her a fair excuse for trying to maintain an appearance of +non-intervention, which the perilous position of England seemed to her to +dictate. With the problem of Scotland and Mary Stuart yet unsolved—with +a very considerable part of the lords and commons of her own kingdom +scarcely con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>cealing their affection for the Romish faith—she deemed it +hazardous to provoke too far the enmity of Philip the Second, her +brother-in-law, and a late suitor for her hand. As if any better way +could be found of warding off from her island the assaults of Philip than +by rendering efficient aid to Condé and Orange! As if England's +dissimulation and refusal to support the "Huguenots" and the "Gueux" in +any other than an underhand way were likely to retard the sailing of the +great expedition that was to turn the Pope's impotent threats against the +"bastard of England" into fearful realities! As if Protestantism, +everywhere menaced, could hope for glorious success in any other path +than a bold and combined defence!<a name="FNanchor_636_636" id="FNanchor_636_636"></a><a href="#Footnote_636_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> Unfortunately Elizabeth was fairly +launched on a sea of deceitful diplomacy, and not even Cecil could hold +her back. She gave La Mothe Fénélon, the French envoy, assurances that +would have been most satisfactory could he have closed his eyes to the +facts that gave these assurances the lie direct. At one time, with an +appearance of sincerity, she told the Spanish ambassador, it is true, +that she could not abandon the family of Châtillon, who had long been her +friends, whilst she saw the Guises, the declared enemies of her person +and state, in such authority, both in the council and the field; that she +could not feel herself secure, especially since a member of the French +council had inadvertently dropped the hint that, after everything had +been settled at home, Charles would turn his arms against England. She +had rather, consequently, anticipate than be anticipated.<a name="FNanchor_637_637" id="FNanchor_637_637"></a><a href="#Footnote_637_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> But to La +Mothe Fénélon himself she maintained unblushingly that, so far from +helping the French Protestants, "there was nothing in the world of which +she entertained such horror as of seeing a body<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> rising in rebellion +against its head, and that she had no notion of associating herself with +such a monster."<a name="FNanchor_638_638" id="FNanchor_638_638"></a><a href="#Footnote_638_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> And again and again she protested that she was not +intriguing in France—that she had sent the Huguenots no assistance.<a name="FNanchor_639_639" id="FNanchor_639_639"></a><a href="#Footnote_639_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> +At the same time Admiral Winter had been despatched with four or five +ships of war and a fleet of merchantmen, to carry to La Rochelle, in +answer to the request of Condé and of the Queen of Navarre, 100,000 +"angelots" and six pieces of cannon and ammunition.<a name="FNanchor_640_640" id="FNanchor_640_640"></a><a href="#Footnote_640_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> When the +ambassador was commissioned to lay before the queen a remonstrance +against this flagrant breach of neutrality, and to demand an answer, +within fifteen days, respecting her intentions,<a name="FNanchor_641_641" id="FNanchor_641_641"></a><a href="#Footnote_641_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> Elizabeth, in +declaring for peace, had the effrontery to assert that the assistance in +cannon and powder (for she denied that any money was left at La Rochelle) +was involuntary, not only with her, but even with the admiral himself. +Having dropped into the harbor to obtain the wine and other commodities +with which his fleet of merchantmen were to be freighted, Admiral Winter +was approached by the governor of the city, who so strongly pressed him +to sell or lend them some pieces of artillery and some powder, which they +could not do without, that, considering that he, as well as the ships, +were in their power, he thought it necessary to comply with a part of +their requests, although it was against his will.<a name="FNanchor_642_642" id="FNanchor_642_642"></a><a href="#Footnote_642_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> Such were the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> +paltry falsehoods to which Elizabeth's insincere course naturally and +directly led. La Mothe Fénélon was well aware that Admiral Winter, +besides his public commission, had been furnished with a secret order, +authorizing him to assist La Rochelle, signed by Elizabeth's own hand, +without which the wary old seaman absolutely refused to go, doubtless +fearing that he might be sacrificed when it suited his mistress's crooked +policy. What the order contained was no mystery to the French envoy.<a name="FNanchor_643_643" id="FNanchor_643_643"></a><a href="#Footnote_643_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> +Neither party in this solemn farce was deceived, but both wanted peace. +Catharine would have been even more vexed than surprised had Elizabeth +confessed the truth, and so necessitated a resort to open +hostilities.<a name="FNanchor_644_644" id="FNanchor_644_644"></a><a href="#Footnote_644_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> As the honor of the government was satisfied, even by +the notoriously false story of Winter's compulsion, there was no +necessity for pressing the question of its veracity to an inconvenient +length.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Fruitless sieges and plots.</div> + +<p>The cold winter of 1568-1569 passed without signal events, excepting the +great mortality among the soldiers of both camps from an epidemic +disease—consequent upon exposure to the extraordinary severity of the +season—and the fruitless siege of the city of Sancerre by the Roman +Catholics. Five weeks were the troops of Martinengo detained before the +walls of this small place, whose convenient proximity to the upper Loire +rendered it valuable to the Huguenots, not only as a means of +facilitating the introduction of their expected German auxiliaries into +central France, but still more as a refuge for their allies in the +neighboring provinces. The bravery of the besieged made them superior to +the forces sent to dislodge them. They repulsed, with great loss to their +enemies, two successive assaults on different parts of the works, and, at +last, gaining new courage from the advantages they had obtained, assumed +the offensive, and forced Martinengo and the captains by whom he had been +reinforced to retire humiliated from the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> hopeless undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_645_645" id="FNanchor_645_645"></a><a href="#Footnote_645_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> +Meantime, in not less than three important cities which the Huguenots +hoped to gain without striking a blow, the plans of those who were to +have admitted the Protestants within the walls failed in the execution; +and Dieppe, Havre, and Lusignan remained in the power of the Roman +Catholic party.<a name="FNanchor_646_646" id="FNanchor_646_646"></a><a href="#Footnote_646_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Growing superiority of Anjou's forces.</div> + +<p>At the opening of the spring campaign the Prince of Condé found his +position relatively to his opponents by no means so favorable as at the +close of the previous year. His loss by disease equalled, his loss by +desertion exceeded, that of the Duke of Anjou; for it was impossible for +troops serving at their own expense, however zealous they might be for +the common cause, to be kept together, especially during a season of +inaction, so easily as the forces paid out of the royal treasury. Besides +this, the Duke of Anjou had received considerable reinforcements. Two +thousand two hundred German reiters, under the Rhinegrave and +Bassompierre, had arrived in his camp. They were the first division of a +force of five thousand six hundred men who had crossed the Rhine, near +the end of December, under Philibert, Marquis of Baden, and others. The +young Count de Tende brought three thousand foot soldiers from Provence +and Dauphiny, and smaller bodies came in from other parts of France.<a name="FNanchor_647_647" id="FNanchor_647_647"></a><a href="#Footnote_647_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a> +Condé, on the contrary, had received scarcely any accessions to his +troops. The "viscounts," whose arrival had turned the scale at the +conclusion of the last war, lingered in Guyenne, with an army of six +thousand foot soldiers and a well-appointed cavalry force, preferring to +protect the Protestant territories about Montauban and Castres, and to +ravage the lands of their enemies, as far as to the gates of Toulouse, +rather than leave their homes unprotected and join Condé. A dispute +respecting precedence had not been without some influence in causing the +delay, and M. de Piles, who had been twice sent to urge them forward, had +only succeeded in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> bringing a corps of one thousand two hundred +arquebusiers and two hundred horse.<a name="FNanchor_648_648" id="FNanchor_648_648"></a><a href="#Footnote_648_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> It was now expected, however, +that realizing the vital importance of opposing to Anjou a powerful +Protestant army, the viscounts would abandon their short-sighted policy; +and it was the intention of Condé and Coligny, after effecting a +junction, to march with the combined armies to meet the Duke of +Deux-Ponts. Anticipating this plan, the court had despatched the Dukes of +Aumale and of Nemours to guard the entrance into France from the side of +Germany. There seemed to be danger that the precaution would prove +ineffectual through the jealousy existing between the two leaders; but +this danger Catharine attempted to avert by removing the royal court to +Metz, where she could exert her personal influence in reconciling the +ambitious rivals.<a name="FNanchor_649_649" id="FNanchor_649_649"></a><a href="#Footnote_649_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> In order to prevent the threatened union of Condé +and the viscounts, the Duke of Anjou now left his winter quarters upon +the Loire and moved southward. On the other hand, the Prince of Condé +left Niort, and, pursuing a course nearly parallel, passed through St. +Jean d'Angely to Saintes, thence diverging to Cognac, on the +Charente.<a name="FNanchor_650_650" id="FNanchor_650_650"></a><a href="#Footnote_650_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The armies meet on the Charente.</div> + +<p>The Charente, although by no means one of the largest rivers of France, +well deserves to be called one of the most capricious. For about a +quarter of its length it runs in a northwesterly direction. At Civray it +abruptly turns southward and flows in a meandering course as far as +Angoulême, receiving on the way the waters of the Tardouère (Tardoire), +and with it almost completely inclosing a considerable tract of land. At +Angoulême, the old whim regaining<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> supremacy, the Charente again bends +suddenly westward, and finally empties into the ocean below Rochefort, +through a narrow arm of the sea known as the Pertuis d'Antioche. The +tract of country included between the river and the shores of the Bay of +Biscay, comprising a large part of the provinces of Aunis and Saintonge, +was in the undisputed possession of the Huguenots. They held the right +bank of the river, and controlled the bridges. Here they intended to +await the arrival of the viscounts. Jarnac, an important town on this +side, a few miles above Cognac, Admiral Coligny with the advance guard of +the prince's army had wrested from the enemy. They had also recovered +Châteauneuf, a small place situated higher up, and midway between Jarnac +and Angoulême.</p> + +<p>In pursuance of his plan, the Duke of Anjou, after crossing the Charente +near Ruffec, had moved around to the south side, determined to prevent +the junction of the two Huguenot armies. Once more Châteauneuf fell into +his hands; but the garrison, after retreating to the opposite bank, had +destroyed the bridge behind them. This bridge the Roman Catholics set +themselves at once to repair. At the same time they began the +construction of a bridge of boats in the immediate vicinity. While these +constructions were pushed forward with great vigor, the royal army +marched down as far as Cognac and made a feint of attack, but retired +after drawing from the walls a furious cannonade. It was now that +prudence demanded that the Protestant army should withdraw from its +advanced position with only the Charente between its vanguard and the far +superior forces of the enemy. This was the advice of Coligny and of +others in the council of war. But Condé prevented its prompt execution, +exclaiming: "God forbid that it should ever be said that a Bourbon fled +before his enemies!"<a name="FNanchor_651_651" id="FNanchor_651_651"></a><a href="#Footnote_651_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Battle of Jarnac, March 13, 1569.</div> + +<p>The bridges being now practicable, almost the whole army of Anjou was +thrown across the Charente under cover of the dark<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span>ness, during the night +of the twelfth and thirteenth of March, only a small force remaining on +the left bank to protect Châteauneuf and the passage. So skilfully was +this movement effected that it escaped the observation even of those +divisions of the Protestant army that were close to the point of +crossing. When at length the admiral was advised that the enemy were in +force on the northern bank, he at once issued the order to fall back +toward Condé and the main body of the Huguenots. Unfortunately, the +divisions of Coligny's command were scattered; some had been discontented +with the posts assigned them, and had on their own responsibility +exchanged them for others that better suited their fancy. The very +command to concentrate was obeyed with little promptness, and the +afternoon was more than half spent before Coligny, and D'Andelot, who was +with him, could begin the retreat. Never was dilatoriness more ill-timed. +The handful of men with the admiral, near the abbey and hamlet of Bassac, +fought with desperation, but could not ward off the superior numbers of +the enemy. La Noue, in command of the extreme rear, with great courage +drove back the foremost of the Roman Catholics, but was soon overpowered +and taken prisoner. His men were thrown in disorder upon D'Andelot, who, +by an almost superhuman effort, not only sustained the shock, but retook +and for a short time held the abbey. D'Andelot was, however, in turn +forced to yield the ground.</p> + +<p>Meantime Coligny had called upon Condé for assistance, and the prince, +leaving his infantry to follow, had hurried back with the few horse that +were within reach, and now took position on the left. But it was +impossible for so unequal a struggle to continue long. The Huguenots were +outflanked and almost enclosed between their adversaries and the +Charente. It was a time for desperate and heroic venture. Coligny's +forces had lost the ground which they had been contesting inch by inch +about a raised causeway.</p> + +<p>Condé himself had but three hundred knights. One of his arms he carried +in a sling, because of a recent injury. To render his condition yet more +deplorable, his thigh had just been broken, as he rode up, by a kick from +the unmanageable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> horse of his brother-in-law, La Rochefoucauld. The +prince was no coward. Turning to his little company of followers, he +exclaimed: "My friends, true noblesse of France, here is the opportunity +we have long wished for in vain! Our God is the God of Battles. He loves +to be so called. He always declares Himself for the right, and never +fails to succor those who serve Him. He will infallibly protect us, if, +after having taken up arms for the liberty of our consciences, we put all +our hope in Him. Come and let us complete what the first charges have +begun; and remember in what a state Louis of Bourbon entered into the +combat for Christ and for his native land!" Thus having spoken, he bent +forward, and, at the head of his devoted band, and under an ensign +bearing for device the figure of the Roman hero Marcus Curtius and the +singularly appropriate motto, "Doux le peril pour Christ et le Pays," he +dashed upon a hostile battalion eight hundred strong.<a name="FNanchor_652_652" id="FNanchor_652_652"></a><a href="#Footnote_652_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Louis, Prince of Condé.</div> + +<p>The conflict was, in the judgment of that scarred old Huguenot warrior, +Agrippa d'Aubigné, the sharpest and most obstinate in all the civil +wars.<a name="FNanchor_653_653" id="FNanchor_653_653"></a><a href="#Footnote_653_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> At last Condé's horse was killed under him, and the prince was +unable to extricate himself. The day was evidently lost, and Condé, +calling two of the enemies' knights with whom he was acquainted, and the +life of one of whom he had on a former occasion saved, raised his visor, +made himself known, and surrendered. His captors pledged him their word +that his life should be spared, and respectfully endeavored to raise him +from the ground. Just at that moment another horseman rode up. It was +Montesquiou, captain of Anjou's guards, who came directly from his +master, and was charged—so it was said—with a secret commission. He +drew a pistol as he approached, and, without inquiring into the terms of +the capture, shot Condé in the back. The shot penetrated between the +joints of his armor, and caused almost instantaneous death. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span></p> + +<p>So perished a prince even more illustrious for his courage and +intrepidity than for his exalted rank—a prince who had conscientiously +espoused the reformed faith, and had felt himself constrained by his duty +to his God and to his fellow-believers to assert the rights of the +oppressed Huguenots against illegal persecution. "Our consolation," wrote +Jeanne d'Albret a few weeks later, "is that he died on the true bed of +honor, both for body and soul, for the service of his God and his king, +and the quiet of his fatherland."<a name="FNanchor_654_654" id="FNanchor_654_654"></a><a href="#Footnote_654_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> So magnanimous a hero could not be +insensible to the invasion of his claims as the representative of the +family next in the succession to the Valois; but I cannot agree with +those who believe that, in his assumption of arms in three successive +wars, he was influenced solely, or even principally, by selfish or +ambitious motives. His devotion to the cause which he had espoused was +sincere and whole-souled. If his love of pleasure was a serious blot upon +his character, let charity at least reflect upon the fearful corruption +of the court in which he had been living from his childhood, and remember +that if Condé yielded too readily to its fascinations, and fell into +shameful excesses, he yet bore with meekness the pointed remonstrances of +faithful friends, and in the end shook off the chains with which his +enemies had endeavored to bind him fast.<a name="FNanchor_655_655" id="FNanchor_655_655"></a><a href="#Footnote_655_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> As a soldier, no one could +surpass Condé for bra<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span>very.<a name="FNanchor_656_656" id="FNanchor_656_656"></a><a href="#Footnote_656_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> If his abilities as a general were not +of the very first order, he had at least the good sense to adopt the +plans of Gaspard de Coligny, the true hero of the first four civil wars. +The relations between these two men were well deserving of admiration. On +the part of Condé there was an entire absence of jealousy of the +resplendent abilities and well-earned reputation of the admiral. On the +part of Coligny there was an equal freedom from desire to supplant the +prince either in the esteem of his followers or in military rank. Coligny +was inflexible in his determination to accept no honors or distinctions +that might appear to prejudice the respect due by a Châtillon to a prince +of royal blood.<a name="FNanchor_657_657" id="FNanchor_657_657"></a><a href="#Footnote_657_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a></p> + +<p>The Prince of Condé was, unfortunately, not the only Huguenot leader +murdered in cold blood at the battle of Jarnac. Chastelier-Pourtaut de +Latour, who, having lately brought his flotilla back in safety to La +Rochelle, had hastened to take the field with the Protestants, was +recognized after his capture as the same nobleman who, five years before, +had killed the Sieur de Charry at Paris, and was killed in revenge by +some of Charry's friends. Robert Stuart, the brave leader descended from +the royal house of Scotland, who was said to have slain Constable +Montmorency in the battle of St. Denis, was assassinated after he had +been talking with the Duke of Anjou, within hearing and almost in sight +of the duke, by one of the constable's adherents.<a name="FNanchor_658_658" id="FNanchor_658_658"></a><a href="#Footnote_658_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Henry of Navarre remonstrates against the perfidy.</div> + +<p>These flagrant violations of good faith incurred severe ani<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span>madversion. A +letter is extant, written by young Prince Henry of Navarre, or in his +name, to Henry of Anjou, on the twelfth of July, 1569, about four months +after the battle of Jarnac. He begins by answering the aspersions cast +upon his mother and himself, and by asserting that, if his age (which, +however, is not much less than that of Anjou) disqualifies him from +passing a judgment upon the present state of affairs, he has lived long +enough to recognize the instigators of the new troubles as the enemies of +the public weal. It is not Henry of Navarre, whose honors and dignities +are all dependent upon the preservation of France, who seeks the ruin of +the kingdom; but, rather, they seek its ruin who, in their eagerness to +usurp the crown, have gone the length of making genealogical searches to +prove their possession of a title superior to that of the Valois, "and +have learned how to sell the blood of the house of France against +itself,<a name="FNanchor_659_659" id="FNanchor_659_659"></a><a href="#Footnote_659_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> <i>constraining the king</i>, as it were, <i>to make use of his +left arm to cut off his right</i>, so as more easily to wrest his sceptre +from him afterward." In reply to the statement of Anjou that Stuart alone +was killed in cold blood, Henry of Navarre affirms that he can enumerate +many others.<a name="FNanchor_660_660" id="FNanchor_660_660"></a><a href="#Footnote_660_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> "But I shall content myself with merely reminding you +of the manner in which the late Prince of Condé was treated, inasmuch as +it touches you, Sir, and because it is a matter well known and free of +doubt. For his death has left to posterity an example of as noted +treachery, bad faith and cruelty as was ever shown, seeing that those, +Sir, who murdered him could not be deterred from the perpetration of so +wicked an act by the respect they owed to the greatness of your blood, to +which he had the honor of being so nearly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> related, and that they dealt +with him as they would have done with the most miserable soldier of the +whole army."<a name="FNanchor_661_661" id="FNanchor_661_661"></a><a href="#Footnote_661_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a></p> + +<p>The Huguenot loss in the battle of Jarnac was surprisingly small in the +number of men killed. It is probable that, including prisoners, they lost +about four hundred men, or about twice as many as the Roman +Catholics.<a name="FNanchor_662_662" id="FNanchor_662_662"></a><a href="#Footnote_662_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> But the loss was in effect much more considerable. The +dead and the prisoners were the flower of the French nobility. Among +those that had fallen into the enemy's hands were the bastard son of +Antoine of Navarre, François de la Noue, Soubise, La Loue, and others of +nearly equal distinction. Of infantry the Huguenot army lost but few men, +as the regiments, with the exception of that of Pluviaut, did not enter +the engagement at all. Coming up too late, and finding themselves in +danger of falling into the hands of the enemy's victorious cavalry, they +evacuated Jarnac, crossed to the left bank of the Charente, and, after +breaking down the bridge, retreated leisurely toward Cognac. Admiral +Coligny, meantime, upon whom the command in chief now devolved, diverged +to the right, and conducted the cavalry in safety to Saintes. The Roman +Catholic army, apparently satisfied with the success it had gained, made +no attempt at pursuit.</p> + +<p>The Duke of Anjou entered Jarnac in triumph. With him was brought the +corpse of the Prince of Condé, tied to an ass's back, to be afterward +exposed by a pillar of the house where Anjou lodged—the butt of the +sneers and low wit of the sol<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span>diers.<a name="FNanchor_663_663" id="FNanchor_663_663"></a><a href="#Footnote_663_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> In the first glow of exultation +over a victory, the real credit of which belonged to Gaspard de +Tavannes,<a name="FNanchor_664_664" id="FNanchor_664_664"></a><a href="#Footnote_664_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> Anjou contemplated erecting a chapel on the spot where +Condé fell. The better counsels of M. de Carnavalet, however, induced him +to abandon a design which would have confirmed all the sinister rumors +respecting his complicity in the assassination.<a name="FNanchor_665_665" id="FNanchor_665_665"></a><a href="#Footnote_665_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> The prince's dead +body was given up for interment to the Prince of Navarre, and found a +resting-place in the ancestral tomb at Vendôme.<a name="FNanchor_666_666" id="FNanchor_666_666"></a><a href="#Footnote_666_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Exaggerated bulletins.</div> + +<p>Henry of Anjou was not inclined to suffer his victory to pass unnoticed. +Almost as soon as the smoke of battle had cleared away, a careful +description of his exploit was prepared for circulation, and it was no +fault of the compiler if<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> the account he gave was not sufficiently +flattering to the young prince's vanity. Condé's body had not been four +days in the hands of the Roman Catholics, before Anjou wrote to his +brother, the King of France, announcing the fact that he had already +despatched messengers with the precious document to the Pope and the Duke +of Florence, to the Dukes of Savoy, Ferrara, Parma, and Urbino, to the +Republic of Venice and the Duke of Mantua, and to Philip of Spain; while +copies were also under way, intended for the French ambassadors in +England and Switzerland, for the Parliaments of Paris, Bordeaux, and +Toulouse, the "prévôt des marchands," and the "échevins" of the capital, +and others.<a name="FNanchor_667_667" id="FNanchor_667_667"></a><a href="#Footnote_667_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Pope's sanguinary injunctions.</div> + +<p>The exaggerated bulletins of the Duke of Anjou were received with great +demonstrations of joy by all the Roman Catholic allies of France. Pope +Pius the Fifth in particular sent warm congratulations to the "Most +Christian King" and to Catharine de' Medici. But he was very careful to +couple his expressions of thanks with an earnest recommendation to pursue +the work so auspiciously begun, even to the extermination of the detested +heretics. "The more kindly God has dealt with you and us," he promptly +wrote to Charles, "the more vigorously and diligently must you make use +of the present victory to pursue and destroy the remnants of the enemy, +and wholly tear up, not only the roots of an evil so great and which had +gathered to itself such strength, but even <i>the very fibres</i> of the +roots. Unless they be thoroughly extirpated, they will again sprout and +grow up (as we have so often heretofore seen happen), where your Majesty +least expects it." Pius pledged his word that Charles would succeed in +his undertaking, "if no respect for men or for human considerations +should be powerful enough to induce him to spare God's enemies, who had +spared neither God nor him." "In no other way," he added, "will you be +able to appease God, than by avenging the injuries done to God with the +utmost severity, by the merited punishment of most accursed men." And he +set as a warning before the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> eyes of the French monarch the example of +King Saul, who, when commanded by God, through Samuel the Prophet, so to +smite the Amalekites, an infidel people, that none should escape, neither +man nor woman, neither infant nor suckling, incurred the anger and +rejection of the Almighty by sparing Agag and the best of the spoil, +instead of utterly destroying them.<a name="FNanchor_668_668" id="FNanchor_668_668"></a><a href="#Footnote_668_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a></p> + +<p>Two weeks later the pontiff received the unwelcome tidings that some of +the Huguenot prisoners taken in the battle of Jarnac had been spared. La +Noue, Soubise, and other gentlemen had actually been left alive, and were +likely to escape without paying the forfeit due to their crimes. At this +dreadful intelligence the righteous indignation of Pius was kindled. On +one and the same day (the thirteenth of April) he wrote long letters to +Catharine, to Anjou, to the Cardinal of Lorraine, to the Cardinal of +Bourbon, as well as to Charles himself.<a name="FNanchor_669_669" id="FNanchor_669_669"></a><a href="#Footnote_669_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> Of all these letters the +tenor was identical. Such slackness to execute vengeance would certainly +provoke God's patience to anger; the king must visit condign punishment +upon the enemies of God and the rebels against his own authority. To the +victor of Jarnac he was specially urgent, supplicating him to counteract +any leanings that might be shown to an impious mercy. "Your brother's +rebels have disturbed the public tranquillity of the realm. They have, so +far as in them lay, subverted the Catholic religion, have burned +churches, have most cruelly slain the priests of Almighty God, have +committed numberless other crimes; consequently they deserve to receive +those extreme penalties (<i>supplicia</i>) that are ordained by the laws. And +if any of their number shall attempt, through the intercession of your +nobles with the king your brother, to escape the penalties they deserve, +it is your duty, in view of your piety to God and zeal for the divine +honor, to reject the prayers of all that intercede for them, and to show +yourself equally inexorable to all."<a name="FNanchor_670_670" id="FNanchor_670_670"></a><a href="#Footnote_670_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The sanguinary action of the Parliament of Bordeaux.</div> + +<p>Was it in consequence of the known desire of the occupant of the Holy See +that the policy of the French courts of justice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> became more and more +sanguinary? We can scarcely doubt that the Pope's injunctions had much to +do with these increasing severities. Beginning in March, 1569, the +Parliament of Bordeaux issued a series of decrees condemning a crowd of +Protestants to death. The names that appear upon the records within the +compass of one year number not less than <i>twelve hundred and seventeen</i>. +The victims were taken out of all grades of society—from noblemen, +military men, judges, priests and monks, down to humble mechanics and +laborers. The lists made out by their enemies prove at least one fact +which the Huguenots had long maintained: that they counted in their ranks +representatives of the first families of the country, as well as of every +other class of the population. Happily sentence was pronounced generally +upon the absent, and the barbarous punishment of beheading, quartering, +and exposing to the popular gaze, remained unexecuted. But the incidental +penalty of the confiscation of the property of reputed Huguenots, which, +so far from being a mere formal threat, was in fact the principal object +contemplated by the prosecution, proved to be sober reality, and the +goods of the banished Protestants afforded rich plunder to the +informers.<a name="FNanchor_671_671" id="FNanchor_671_671"></a><a href="#Footnote_671_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Queen Elizabeth becomes colder.</div> + +<p>Upon Elizabeth of England the first effect of the reported victory at +Jarnac was clearly marked. Her favorite, the Earl of Leicester, assured +the French ambassador that, although the queen was sorry to see those +professing her religion maltreated, yet, as queen, she would arm in +behalf of Charles when fighting against his own subjects.<a name="FNanchor_672_672" id="FNanchor_672_672"></a><a href="#Footnote_672_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> Her own +declarations, however, were not so strong, or perhaps, after a little +reflection, she took a more hopeful view of the fortunes of the +Huguenots. For, although she exhibited curiosity to hear the "true" +account, which a special messenger from Charles the Ninth was +commissioned to bring her, and received the tidings in a manner +satisfactory to the French am<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span>bassador, she would not rejoice at the +death of Condé, whom she held to be a very good and faithful servant of +his Majesty's crown, and deplored a war which, whether victory inclined +to one side or the other, must lead to the diminution of Charles's best +forces and the ruin of his noblesse.<a name="FNanchor_673_673" id="FNanchor_673_673"></a><a href="#Footnote_673_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Spirit of the Queen of Navarre.</div> + +<p>In point of fact, however, the defeat which the royalists had flattered +themselves would terminate the war, and over which they had sung Te +Deums, weakened the Huguenots very little.<a name="FNanchor_674_674" id="FNanchor_674_674"></a><a href="#Footnote_674_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> The Queen of Navarre, on +hearing the intelligence, hurried to Cognac, where she presented herself +to the army, and reminded the brave men who heard her voice that, +although the Prince of Condé, their late leader, was dead, the good cause +was not dead; and that the courage of such good men ought never to fail. +God had provided, and ever would provide, fresh instruments to uphold His +own chosen work. Her brief address restored the flagging spirits of the +fugitives. When she returned to La Rochelle, to devise new means of +supplying the necessities of the army, she left behind her men resolved +to retrieve their recent losses. They did not wait long for an +opportunity. The Roman Catholics, advancing, laid siege to Cognac, +confident of easy success. But the garrison, which included seven +thousand infantry newly levied, received them with determination. Sallies +were frequent and bloody, and when, at last, the siege was raised, the +army of Anjou had sacrificed nearly as many men before the walls of a +small provincial city as the Huguenots had lost on the much vaunted field +of Jarnac.<a name="FNanchor_675_675" id="FNanchor_675_675"></a><a href="#Footnote_675_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenots recover strength.</div> + +<p>The events of the next two or three months certainly exhibited no +diminution in the power or in the spirit of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> Huguenots. St. Jean +d'Angely, into which Count Montgomery had thrown himself, defied the +entire army of Anjou, and the siege was abandoned. Angoulême, an equally +tempting morsel, he tried to obtain, but failed. At Mucidan, a town +somewhat to the south-west of Périgueux, he was more successful. But he +effected its capture at the expense of the life of Brissac, one of his +bravest officers—a loss which he attempted to avenge by murdering the +garrison, after it had surrendered on condition that life and property +should be spared.<a name="FNanchor_676_676" id="FNanchor_676_676"></a><a href="#Footnote_676_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> Within a month or two after the battle of Jarnac +the Protestants at La Rochelle wrote, for Queen Elizabeth's information, +that they were more powerful than ever, that Piles had brought them 4,000 +recruits, that D'Andelot was soon to bring the viscounts with a large +force.<a name="FNanchor_677_677" id="FNanchor_677_677"></a><a href="#Footnote_677_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of D'Andelot.</div> + +<p>But the course of that indefatigable warrior was now run. D'Andelot's +excessive labors and constant exposure had brought on a fever to which +his life soon succumbed. There were not wanting those, it is true, who +ascribed his sudden death, like most of the deaths of important +personages in the latter part of this century, to poison; and Huguenot +and loyal pamphleteers alike laid the crime at the door of Catharine de' +Medici.<a name="FNanchor_678_678" id="FNanchor_678_678"></a><a href="#Footnote_678_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> But there is no sufficient evidence to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> substantiate the +accusation, and we must not unnecessarily ascribe this base act to a +woman already responsible for too many undeniable crimes.<a name="FNanchor_679_679" id="FNanchor_679_679"></a><a href="#Footnote_679_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> The death +of so gallant and true-hearted a nobleman, a faithful and unflinching +friend of the Reformation from the time when it first began to spread +extensively among the higher classes of the French population, and who +had amply atoned for a momentary act of weakness, in the time of Henry +the Second, by an uncompromising profession of his religion on every +occasion during the reigns of that monarch's two sons, was deeply felt by +his comrades in arms. As "colonel-general of the French infantry," he had +occupied the first rank in this branch of the service,<a name="FNanchor_680_680" id="FNanchor_680_680"></a><a href="#Footnote_680_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> and his +experience was as highly prized as his impetuous valor upon the field of +battle. The brilliancy of his executive abilities seemed to all beholders +indispensable to complement the more calm and deliberative temperament of +his elder brother. It was natural, therefore, that the admiral, while +pouring out his private grief for one who had been so dear to him, in a +touching letter to D'Andelot's children,<a name="FNanchor_681_681" id="FNanchor_681_681"></a><a href="#Footnote_681_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> should experience as deep a +sorrow for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> the loss of his wise and efficient co-operation. He might be +pardoned a little despondency as he recalled the prophetic words that had +dropped from D'Andelot's lips during a brief respite from his burning +fever: "France shall have many woes to suffer with you, and then without +you; but all will in the end fall upon the Spaniard!"<a name="FNanchor_682_682" id="FNanchor_682_682"></a><a href="#Footnote_682_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> The prospect +was not bright. Peace was yet far distant—peace, which Coligny preferred +a thousand times to his own life, but would not purchase dishonorably by +the sacrifice of civil liberty and of the right to worship his God +according to the convictions of his heart and conscience. The burden of +the defence of the Protestants had appeared sufficiently heavy when +Condé, a prince of the blood, was alive to share it with him. But now, +with the entire charge of maintaining the party against a powerful and +determined enemy, who had the advantage of the possession of the person +of the king, and thus was able to cloak his ambitious designs with the +pretence of the royal authority, and deprived of a brother whom the army +had appropriately surnamed "le chevalier sans peur,"<a name="FNanchor_683_683" id="FNanchor_683_683"></a><a href="#Footnote_683_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a> the task might +well appear to demand herculean strength.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">New responsibility imposed on Admiral Coligny.</div> + +<p>Henry of Navarre had, indeed, just been recognized as general-in-chief, +and he was accompanied by his cousin, Henry of Condé; but Navarre was a +boy of little more than fifteen, and his cousin was not much older. +Nothing could for the present be expected from such striplings; and the +public, ever ready to look upon the comical side of even the most serious +matters, was not slow in nicknaming them the "admiral's two pages."<a name="FNanchor_684_684" id="FNanchor_684_684"></a><a href="#Footnote_684_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a> +Coligny, however, was not crushed by the new responsibility which +devolved upon him. No longer<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> hampered by the authority of one whose +counsels often verged on foolhardiness, he soon exhibited his consummate +abilities so clearly, that even his enemies were forced to acknowledge +that they had never given him the credit he deserved. "It was soon +perceived," observes an author by no means friendly to the Huguenots, +"that the accident (of Condé's death) had happened only in order to +reveal in all its splendor the merits of the Admiral de Châtillon. The +admiral had had during his entire life very difficult and complicated +matters to unravel, and, nevertheless, he had never had any that were not +far below his abilities, and in which, consequently, he had no need of +exerting his full capacity. Thus those qualities that were rarest, and +that exalted him most above others, remained hidden, through lack of +opportunity, and would apparently have remained always concealed during +the lifetime of the Prince of Condé, because the world would have +attributed to the prince all those results to whose accomplishment it +could not learn that the admiral had contributed more than had the +former. But, after the battle of Jarnac had permitted the admiral to +exhibit himself fully on the most famous theatre of Europe, the +Calvinists perceived that they were not so unhappy as they thought, since +they still had a leader who would prevent them from noticing the loss +they had experienced, so many singular qualities had he to repair +it."<a name="FNanchor_685_685" id="FNanchor_685_685"></a><a href="#Footnote_685_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Duke of Deux Ponts comes with German auxiliaries.</div> + +<p>Wolfgang, Duke of Deux Ponts, had at length entered France, and was +bringing to the Huguenots their long-expected succor. He had seven +thousand five hundred reiters from lower Germany, six thousand +lansquenets from upper Germany, and a body of French and Flemish +gentlemen, under William of Orange and his brother, Mouy, Esternay and +others, which may have swelled his army to about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> seventeen thousand men +in all.<a name="FNanchor_686_686" id="FNanchor_686_686"></a><a href="#Footnote_686_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> In vain did his cousin, the Duke of Lorraine, attempt to +dissuade him, offering to reimburse him the one hundred thousand crowns +he had already spent upon the preparations for the expedition. Even +Condé's death did not discourage him. He came, he said, to fight, not for +the prince, but for "the cause."<a name="FNanchor_687_687" id="FNanchor_687_687"></a><a href="#Footnote_687_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> When about entering his Most +Christian Majesty's dominions, he had published the reasons of his coming +to assist the Huguenots. In this paper he treated as pure calumnies the +accusations brought by their enemies against Condé, Coligny, and their +associates, and proved his position by quoting the king's own express +declaration, in the recent edicts of pacification, "that he recognized +everything they had attempted as undertaken by his orders and for the +good of the kingdom."<a name="FNanchor_688_688" id="FNanchor_688_688"></a><a href="#Footnote_688_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> The point was certainly well taken. Charles's +various declarations were not remarkably consistent. In one, Condé was +"his faithful servant and subject," and his acts were prompted by the +purest of motives. In the next, he and his fellow-Huguenots were +incorrigible rebels, with whom every method of conciliation had signally +failed. But Charles did not trouble himself to attempt to smooth away +these contradictions. He is even said to have replied to the envoy whom +Deux Ponts sent him (April, 1569), demanding the restitution of the Edict +of January and the payment of thirty thousand crowns due to Prince +Casimir, that "Deux Ponts was too insignificant a personage (<i>trop petit +compagnon</i>) to undertake to dictate laws to him, and that, as to the +money, he would deliberate about <i>that</i> when the duke had laid down his +arms."<a name="FNanchor_689_689" id="FNanchor_689_689"></a><a href="#Footnote_689_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span></p><p>The secret of this arrogant demeanor is found in the fact that the court +believed it impossible for the Germans to join Coligny. Even so late as +the middle of May, when Deux Ponts had penetrated to Autun in Burgundy, +Charles regarded the attempt as well nigh hopeless. The fortunes of the +Huguenots were desperate. "There remains for them as their last resort," +he wrote to one of his ambassadors, "but the single hope that the Duke of +Deux Ponts will venture so far as to go to find them where they are. But +there is little likelihood that an army of strangers, pursued by another +of about equal strength—an army destitute of cities of its own, without +means of passing the rivers, favored by no one in my kingdom, dying of +hunger, so often harassed and put to inconvenience—should be able to +make so long a journey without being lost and dissipated of itself, even +had I no forces to combat it." "The duke," continued the king, "will soon +repent of his mad project of entering France, and attempting to cross the +Loire, where such good provision has been made to obstruct him."<a name="FNanchor_690_690" id="FNanchor_690_690"></a><a href="#Footnote_690_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">They overcome all obstacles and join Coligny.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Deux Ponts.</div> + +<p>Charles had not exaggerated the difficulties of the undertaking; but Deux +Ponts, under the blessing of Heaven, surmounted them all. The discord +between Aumale and Nemours rendered weak and useless an army that might, +in the hands of a single skilful general, have checked or annihilated +him.<a name="FNanchor_691_691" id="FNanchor_691_691"></a><a href="#Footnote_691_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> Mouy and his French comrades were good guides. The Loire was +reached, while Aumale and Nemours followed at a respectful distance. +Guerchy, an officer lately belonging to Coligny's army, discovered a ford +by which a part of the Germans crossed. The main body laid siege to the +town of La Charité, which was soon reduced (on the twentieth of May), the +Huguenots thus gaining a bridge and stronghold that proved of great +utility for their future operations. Six days<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> after the king had +demonstrated the impossibility of the enterprise, Deux Ponts was on the +western side of the Loire.<a name="FNanchor_692_692" id="FNanchor_692_692"></a><a href="#Footnote_692_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> Meantime, Coligny and La Rochefoucauld +were advancing to meet him with the élite of their army and with all the +artillery they had. On approaching Limoges on the Vienne, they learned +that the Germans had crossed the river and were but two leagues distant. +Coligny at once took horse, and rode to their encampment, in order to +greet and congratulate their leader. He was too late. The general, who +had conducted an army five hundred miles through a hostile country, was +in the last agonies of death, and on the next day (the eleventh of June) +fell a victim to a fever from which he had for some time been suffering. +"It is a thing that ought for all time to be remarked as a singular and +special act of God," said a bulletin sent by the Queen of Navarre to +Queen Elizabeth, "that He permitted this prince to traverse so great an +extent of country, with a great train of artillery, infantry, and +baggage, and in full view of a large army; and to pass so many rivers, +and through so many difficult and dangerous places, of such kind that it +is not in the memory of man that an army has passed through any similar +ones, and by which a single wagon could not be driven without great +trouble, so that it appears a dream to those who have not seen it; and +that being out of danger, and having arrived at the place where he longed +to be, in order to assist the churches of this realm, God should have +been pleased, that very day, to take him to Himself; and, what is more, +that his death should have produced no change or commotion in his +army."<a name="FNanchor_693_693" id="FNanchor_693_693"></a><a href="#Footnote_693_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a></p> + +<p>Duke Wolfgang of Deux Ponts was quietly succeeded in the command of the +German troops by Count Wolrad of Mansfeld. A day later the two armies met +with lively demonstrations of joy. In honor of the alliance thus cemented +a medal was struck, bearing on the one side the names and portraits of +Jeanne and Henry of Navarre, and on the other the significant words,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> +"<i>Pax certa, victoria integra, mors honesta</i>"—the triple object of their +desires.<a name="FNanchor_694_694" id="FNanchor_694_694"></a><a href="#Footnote_694_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot success at La Roche Abeille.</div> + +<p>The combined army, now numbering about twenty-five thousand men, soon +came to blows with the enemy. The Duke of Anjou, whose forces were +somewhat superior in numbers, had approached within a very short distance +of Coligny, but, unwilling to risk a general engagement, had intrenched +himself in an advantageous position. A part of his army, commanded by +Strozzi, lay at La Roche Abeille, where it was furiously assaulted by the +Huguenots. Over four hundred royalists were left dead upon the field, and +Strozzi himself was taken prisoner. The disaster had nearly proved still +more serious; but a violent rain saved the fugitives by extinguishing the +lighted matches upon which the infantry depended for the discharge of +their arquebuses, and by seriously impeding the pursuit of the +cavalry.<a name="FNanchor_695_695" id="FNanchor_695_695"></a><a href="#Footnote_695_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Furlough of Anjou's troops.</div> + +<p>Although the Duke of Anjou had recently received considerable +reinforcements—about five thousand pontifical troops and twelve hundred +Florentines, under the command of Sforza, Count of Santa Fiore<a name="FNanchor_696_696" id="FNanchor_696_696"></a><a href="#Footnote_696_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a>—it +was now determined in a military<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> council to disband the greater part of +the army, giving to the French forces a short furlough, and, for the most +part, trusting to the local garrisons to maintain the royal supremacy in +places now in the possession of the Roman Catholics. In adopting this +paradoxical course, the generals seem to have been influenced partly by a +desire to furnish the "gentilhommes," serving at their own expense, an +opportunity to revisit their homes and replenish their exhausted purses, +and thus diminish the temptation to desertion which had thinned the +ranks; partly, also, by the hope that the new German auxiliaries of the +Huguenots would of themselves melt away in a climate to which they were +unaccustomed.<a name="FNanchor_697_697" id="FNanchor_697_697"></a><a href="#Footnote_697_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot petition to the king.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile, the admiral, whose power had never been so great as it now +was, exhibited the utmost anxiety to avert, if possible, any further +effusion of blood. Under his auspices a petition was drawn up in the name +of the Queen of Navarre, and the Princes, Seigneurs, Chevaliers, and +gentlemen composing the Protestant army. A messenger was sent to the Duke +of Anjou to request a passport for the deputies who were to carry it to +the court. But the duke was unwilling to terminate a war in which he had +(whether deservedly or not) acquired so much reputation, and reluctant to +be forced to resume the place of a subject near a brother whose +capricious and jealous humor he had already experienced. He therefore +either refused or delayed compliance with the admiral's demand.<a name="FNanchor_698_698" id="FNanchor_698_698"></a><a href="#Footnote_698_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> +Coligny succeeded, however, in forwarding the document to his cousin +Francis, Marshal of Montmorency—a nobleman who, although he had not +taken up arms with the Huguenots, virtually maintained, on his estates +near Paris, a neutrality which, from the suspicion it excited, was not +without its perils. Montmorency laid the petition before Catharine and +the king. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The single purpose of the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>The voluminous state papers of the period would possess little claim to +our attention, were it not for the singleness of purpose which they +exhibit as animating the patriotic party through a long succession of +bloody wars. The Huguenots were no rebels seeking to undermine the +authority of the crown, no obstinate democrats striving to carry into +execution an impracticable scheme of government,<a name="FNanchor_699_699" id="FNanchor_699_699"></a><a href="#Footnote_699_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> no partisans +struggling to supplant a rival faction. They were not turbulent lovers of +change. They had for their leaders princes and nobles with interests all +on the side of the maintenance of order, men whose wealth was wasted, +whose magnificent palaces were plundered of their rich contents,<a name="FNanchor_700_700" id="FNanchor_700_700"></a><a href="#Footnote_700_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> +whose lives, with the lives of their wives and children, were jeoparded +in times of civil commotion. Even the unauthorized usurpations of the +foreigners from Lorraine<a name="FNanchor_701_701" id="FNanchor_701_701"></a><a href="#Footnote_701_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span> have been sufficient to move the +greater part of them to a resort to the sword. Their one purpose, the +sole object which they could not renounce, was the securing of religious +liberty. The Guises—even that cruel and cowardly cardinal with hands +dripping with the blood of the martyrs of a score of years—were nothing +to them, except as impersonations of the spirit of intolerance and +persecution. Liberty to worship their God in good conscience was their +demand alike after defeats and after successes, under Louis de Bourbon or +under Gaspard de Coligny. They did, indeed, sympathize with the first +family of the blood, deprived of the position near the throne to which +immemorial custom entitled it—and what true Frenchman did not? But +Admiral Coligny, rather than the Prince of Condé, was the type of the +Huguenot of the sixteenth century—Coligny, the heroic figure that looms +up through the mist of the ages and from among the host of meaner men, +invested with all the attributes of essential greatness—pious, loyal, +truthful, brave, averse to war and bloodshed, slow to accept provocation, +resolute only in the purpose to secure for himself and his children the +most important among the inalienable prerogatives of manhood, the freedom +of professing and practising his religious faith.</p> + +<p>The present petition differed little from its predecessors. It reiterated +the desire of the Huguenots for peace—a desire evidenced on so many +occasions, sometimes when prudence might have dictated a course opposite +to that which they adopted. The return they had received for their +moderation could be read in broken edicts, and in "pacifications" more +sanguinary than the wars they terminated. The Protestant princes and +gentlemen, therefore, entreated Charles "to make a declaration of his +will respecting the liberty of the exercise of the reformed religion in +the form of a solemn, perpetual, and irrevocable edict." They begged him +"to be pleased to grant universally to all his subjects, of whatever +quality or condition they might be, the free exercise of that religion in +all the cities, villages, hamlets, and other places of his kingdom, +without any exception, reservation, modification, or restriction as to +persons, times, or localities, with the necessary and requisite +securities." True,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> however, to the spirit of the age, which dreaded +unbridled license of opinion as much as it did the intolerance of the +papal system, the Huguenots were careful to preclude the "Libertines" +from sheltering themselves beneath this protection, by calling upon +Charles to require of all his subjects the profession of the one or the +other religion<a name="FNanchor_702_702" id="FNanchor_702_702"></a><a href="#Footnote_702_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a>—so far were even the most enlightened men of their +country and period from understanding what spirit they were of, so far +were they from recognizing the inevitable direction of the path they were +so laboriously pursuing!</p> + +<p>It scarcely needs be said that the petition received no attention from a +court not yet tired of war. Marshal Montmorency was compelled to reply to +Coligny, on the twentieth of July, that Charles refused to take notice of +anything emanating from the admiral or his associates until they should +submit and return to their duty. Coligny answered in a letter which +closed the negotiations; protesting that since his enemies would listen +to no terms of accommodation, he had, at least, the consolation of having +done all in his power to avert the approaching desolation of the kingdom, +and calling upon God and all the princes of Europe to bear witness to the +integrity of his purpose.<a name="FNanchor_703_703" id="FNanchor_703_703"></a><a href="#Footnote_703_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny's plans overruled.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Disastrous siege of Poitiers.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots now took some advantage of the temporary weakness of the +enemy in the open field. On the one hand they reduced the city of +Châtellerault and the fortress of Lusignan, hitherto deemed +impregnable.<a name="FNanchor_704_704" id="FNanchor_704_704"></a><a href="#Footnote_704_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> On the other, they despatched into Béarn the now famous +Count Montgomery, who, joining the "viscounts," was successful in +wresting the greater part of that district from the hands of Terrides, a +skilful captain sent by Anjou, and in restoring it to the Queen of +Navarre.<a name="FNanchor_705_705" id="FNanchor_705_705"></a><a href="#Footnote_705_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> Respecting their plan of future operations a great +diversity of opinion prevailed among the Huguenot leaders. Admiral +Co<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span>ligny was strongly in favor of pressing on to the north, and laying +siege to Saumur. With this place in his possession, as it was reasonable +to suppose it soon might be, he would enjoy a secure passage across the +river Loire into Brittany, Anjou, and more distant provinces, as he +already had access by the bridge of La Charité to Burgundy, Champagne, +and the German frontier. Unfortunately the majority of the generals +regarded it as a matter of more immediate importance to capture Poitiers, +a rich and populous city, said at that time to cover more ground than any +other city in France, with the single exception of Paris. They supposed +that their recent successes at Châtellerault and Lusignan, on either side +of Poitiers, and the six pieces of cannon they had taken at Lusignan +would materially help them. Coligny reluctantly yielded to their urgency, +and the army which had appeared before Poitiers on the twenty-fourth of +July, 1569,<a name="FNanchor_706_706" id="FNanchor_706_706"></a><a href="#Footnote_706_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> began the siege three days later. It was a serious +blunder. The Huguenots succeeded, indeed, in capturing a part of the +suburbs, and in reducing the garrison to great straits for food; but they +were met with great determination, and with a singular fertility of +expedient. The Count de Lude was the royal governor. Henry, Duke of Guise +(son of the nobleman assassinated near Orleans in 1563), with his brother +Charles, Duke of Mayenne, and other good captains, had thrown himself +into Poitiers two days before Coligny made his appearance. It was Guise's +first opportunity to prove to the world that he had inherited his +father's military genius; and the glory of success principally accrued to +him. He met the assailants in the breach, and contested every inch of +ground. Their progress was obstructed by chevaux-de-frise and other +impediments. Boiling oil was poured upon them from the walls. Burning +hoops were adroitly thrown over their heads. Pitch and other inflammable +substances fell like rain upon their advancing columns. They were not +even left unmolested in their camp. A dam was constructed on the river +Clain, and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> inundation spread to the Huguenot quarters. To these +difficulties raised by man were added the ravages of disease. Many of the +Huguenot generals, and the admiral himself, were disabled, and the +mortality was great among the private soldiers.</p> + +<p>In spite of every obstacle, however, it seemed probable that Coligny +would carry the day. "The admiral's power exceedeth the king's," wrote +Cecil to Nicholas White: "he is sieging of Poitiers, the winning or +losing whereof will make an end of the cause. He is entered within the +town by assault, but the Duke of Guise, etc., are entrenched in a +stronger part of the town; and without the king give a battle, it is +thought that he cannot escape from the admiral."<a name="FNanchor_707_707" id="FNanchor_707_707"></a><a href="#Footnote_707_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> Just at this +moment, the Duke of Anjou, assembling the remnants of his forces, +appeared before Châtellerault; and the peril to the Huguenot city seemed +so imminent, that Coligny was compelled to raise the siege of Poitiers, +on the ninth of September, and hasten to its relief. Seven weeks of +precious time had been lost, and more than two thousand lives had been +sacrificed by the Huguenots in this ill-advised undertaking. The besieged +lost but three or four hundred men.<a name="FNanchor_708_708" id="FNanchor_708_708"></a><a href="#Footnote_708_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> Great was the delight manifested +in Paris, where, during the prevalence of the siege, solemn processions +had gone from Notre Dame to the shrine of Sainte Geneviève, to implore +the intercession of the patron of the city in behalf of Poitiers.<a name="FNanchor_709_709" id="FNanchor_709_709"></a><a href="#Footnote_709_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a></p> + +<p>Meanwhile the Huguenots had been more fortunate on the upper Loire, where +La Charité sustained a siege of four weeks by a force of seven thousand +Roman Catholics under Sansac. Its works were weak, its garrison small, +but every assault was bravely met. In the end the assailants, after +severe losses experienced from the enemy and from a destructive explosion +of their own magazine, abandoned their enterprise in a panic, on hearing +an ill-founded rumor of Coligny's approach.<a name="FNanchor_710_710" id="FNanchor_710_710"></a><a href="#Footnote_710_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Cruelties to the Huguenots in the prisons of Orleans.</div> + +<p>It was fortunate for the Protestants of the north and east<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> that they +still had Sancerre and La Charité as asylums from the violence of their +enemies. Far from their armed companions, there was little protection for +their lives or their property. The edict of the preceding September, +assuring to peaceable Protestants freedom from molestation in their +homes, was as much a dead letter as any of its predecessors. The +government, the courts of justice, and the populace, were equally eager +to oppress them. At Orleans the "lieutenant-general" placed all the +Huguenots of the city, without distinction of age or sex, in the public +prisons, upon pretext of providing for the public security. A few days +after (on the twenty-first of August) the people, inflamed to fanaticism +by seditious priests, attacked these buildings. They succeeded in +breaking into the first prison, and every man, woman, and child was +murdered. The door of the second withstood all their attempts to gain +admission. But the bloodthirsty mob would not be balked of its prey. The +whole neighborhood was ransacked for wood and other combustible +materials, and willing hands kindled the fire. As the flames rose high +above the doomed house, parents who had lost all hope of saving their own +lives sought to preserve the lives of their infant children by throwing +them to relatives or acquaintances whom they recognized among their +persecutors. But there are times when the heart of man knows no pity. The +laymen who had been taught that heretics must be exterminated, even to +the babe in the cradle, now put into practice the savage lesson they had +learned from their spiritual instructors. Fathers and brothers took a +cruel pleasure in receiving the hapless infants on the point of their +pikes, or in despatching them with halberds, reserving the same fate for +any of more mature age who might venture to appeal from the devouring +flames to their merciless fellow-men. The number of the victims of sword +and fire is said to have reached two hundred and eighty persons.<a name="FNanchor_711_711" id="FNanchor_711_711"></a><a href="#Footnote_711_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Montargis a safe refuge.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Flight of the refugees to Sancerre.</div> + +<p>The tragic end of the Huguenots at Orleans warned the Protestants of the +villages and open country of the dangers to which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span> they were exposed. +Many fled with their wives and children to Montargis, where the aged +Renée of Ferrara was still living, the unwilling spectator of commotions +which she had foreseen and predicted, and which she had striven to +prevent. Her palace was still what Calvin had called it in the time of +the first war, "God's hostelry." Renée's royal descent, her connection by +marriage with the Guises—for Henry, the present duke, was her +grandson—her well-known aversion to civil war,<a name="FNanchor_712_712" id="FNanchor_712_712"></a><a href="#Footnote_712_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> and, added to these, +that demeanor which ever betrayed a consciousness that she was a king's +daughter, had thus far protected her from direct insult, staunch and +avowed Protestant as she was, and had enabled her to extend to a host of +fugitives for religion's sake a hospitality which had not yet been +invaded. But, the rancor entertained by the two parties increasing in +bitterness as the third conflict advanced, it became more and more +difficult to repress the impatience felt by the fanatics of Paris to rid +themselves of an asylum for the adherents of the hated faith within so +short a distance—about seventy miles—of the orthodox capital. Montargis +was narrowly watched. Early in March the duchess was warned, in a letter, +of pretended plans formed by the refugees on her lands to succor their +friends elsewhere in the vicinity—the writer being no other than the +adventurer Villegagnon, the former<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> vice-admiral, the betrayer of +Coligny's Huguenot colony to Brazil, who was now in the Roman Catholic +service, under the Duke of Anjou.<a name="FNanchor_713_713" id="FNanchor_713_713"></a><a href="#Footnote_713_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> But the fresh flood of refugees to +Montargis rendered further forbearance impossible. The preachers stirred +up the people, and the people incited the king. Renée was told that she +must dismiss the Huguenot preachers, or submit to receiving a Roman +Catholic garrison in her castle; that the exercise of the Protestant +religion could no longer be tolerated, and the fugitives must find +another home. The duchess could no longer resist the superior forces of +her enemies, and tearfully she provided the miserable Huguenots for their +journey with such wagons as she could find. The company consisted of four +hundred and sixty persons, two-thirds women and infants in the arms of +their mothers. Scarcely knowing whither to direct their steps, they fled +toward the Loire, and hastened to place the river between them and their +pursuers. The precaution availed them little. They had barely reached the +vicinity of Châtillon-sur-Loire,<a name="FNanchor_714_714" id="FNanchor_714_714"></a><a href="#Footnote_714_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> when the approach of Cartier with a +detachment of light horse and mounted arquebusiers was announced; and the +defenceless throng, knowing that no pity could be expected from men whose +hands had already been imbrued in the blood of their fellow-believers, +and being exhorted by their ministers to meet death calmly, knelt down +upon the ground and awaited the terrible onset. At that very instant, +between the hillocks in another direction, and somewhat nearer to the +fugitives, a band of cavalry made its appearance. They numbered some one +hundred and twenty men, and, as they rode up, were taken for the advance +guard of their persecutors. But, on coming nearer and recognizing some of +the kneeling suppliants, the knights threw off their cloaks and displayed +their white cassocks, the badge of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span> adherents of the house of +Navarre. They were two cornets of Huguenot horse, on their way from Berry +to La Charité, under the command of Bourry, Teil, and other captains. In +the midst of the tearful acclamations of the women, their new friends +turned upon the exultant pursuers, and so bravely did they fight that the +Roman Catholics soon fled, leaving eighty men and two standards on the +field. The Huguenot knights, who had so providentially become their +deliverers, escorted the fugitives from Montargis to Sancerre and La +Charité, where they remained in safety until the conclusion of +peace.<a name="FNanchor_715_715" id="FNanchor_715_715"></a><a href="#Footnote_715_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "Croix de Gastines."</div> + +<p>Meantime the courts of justice emulated the example of cruelty set them +by the government and the mob. In May they began by sending to the +gallows on the Place Maubert, in Paris, a student barely twenty-two years +of age, for having taught some children the Huguenot doctrines +(huguenoterie), "without any other crime," the candid chronicler adds. +After so fair a beginning there was no difficulty in finding good +subjects for hanging. Accordingly, on the thirtieth of June, three +victims more were sacrificed on the old Place de Grève, "partly for +heresy and for celebrating the Lord's Supper in their house; partly"—so +it was pretended—"for having assisted in demolishing altars." In the +great number of similar executions with which the sanguinary records of +Paris abound, the fate of Nicholas Croquet and the two De +Gastines—father and son—would have been forgotten, but for the +extraordinary measures taken in respect to the house where the impiety +had been committed of celebrating the Lord's Supper according to the +simple scheme of its first institution. The Parisian parliament ordered +that "the house of the Five White Crosses, belonging to the De Gastines, +situated in the Rue Saint Denis," should be razed to the ground, and that +upon the site a stone cross should be placed, with an inscription +explanatory of the occasion of its erection. That spot was to serve as a +public<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> square for all time, and a fine of 6,000 livres, with corporal +punishment, was imposed upon any one who should ever undertake to build +upon it.<a name="FNanchor_716_716" id="FNanchor_716_716"></a><a href="#Footnote_716_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> It was not foreseen that military exigencies might +presently render imperative a reconciliation with the Huguenots, and that +the "perpetual" decree of parliament, like the "irrevocable" edicts of +the king, might be somewhat abridged by stern necessity.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Ferocity of parliament against Coligny and others.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">A price set on the head of the admiral.</div> + +<p>The work of blood continued. In July two noblemen were decapitated—the +Baron de Laschêne and the Baron de Courtène—and denunciation of reputed +heretics was vigorously prosecuted, by command of parliament and of the +city curates.<a name="FNanchor_717_717" id="FNanchor_717_717"></a><a href="#Footnote_717_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> Two months later a cowardly but impotent blow was +struck at a more distinguished personage. Parliament undertook to try +Gaspard de Coligny, and, having found him guilty of treason (on the +thirteenth of September), pronounced him infamous, and offered a reward +of fifty thousand gold crowns for his apprehension, with full pardon for +any offences the captor might have committed. Lest the exploit, however, +should be deemed too difficult for execution, a few days later (on the +twenty-eighth of September) the same liberal terms were held out to any +one who should murder him. As it was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> so easy to capture or +assassinate a general who was at that moment in command of an army not +greatly inferior to that of the Duke of Anjou, the court gave the +Parisian populace the cheaper spectacle of a hanging of the admiral in +effigy. It was the eve of the festival of "the Exaltation of the +Cross"—Tuesday, the thirteenth of September—and the time was deemed +appropriate for the execution of so determined an enemy of the worship of +that sacred emblem. While Coligny's escutcheon was dragged in dishonor +through the streets by four horses, the hangman amused the mob by giving +to his effigy the traditional tooth-pick, which he was said to be in the +habit of continually using—a facetious trait which the curate of St. +Barthélemi, of course, does not forget to insert in his brief diary.<a name="FNanchor_718_718" id="FNanchor_718_718"></a><a href="#Footnote_718_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a> +Nevertheless, that the decree of parliament setting a price upon the +admiral's head was no child's play, appeared about this time from the +abortive plot of one Dominique d'Albe, who confessed that he had been +hired to poison the Huguenot chief, and was hanged by order of the +princes.<a name="FNanchor_719_719" id="FNanchor_719_719"></a><a href="#Footnote_719_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> Nor was it without practical significance that the decree +itself had been translated into Latin, Italian, Spanish, German, Flemish, +English, and Scotch, and scattered broadcast through Europe by the +partisans of Guise.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenots weakened.</div> + +<p>Meantime the condition of the rival armies in western France promised +again, in the view of the court, a speedy solution of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span> military +problem. The Duke of Anjou had of late been heavily reinforced. With the +old troops that had returned to his standard, and the new troops that +poured in upon him, he had a well-appointed army of about twenty-seven +thousand men, of whom one-third were cavalry. Coligny, on the contrary, +had been so weakened by his losses at the siege of Poitiers, and by the +desertion of those whom disappointment at the delays and the expense of +the service had rendered it impossible to retain, that he was inferior to +his antagonist by nine or ten thousand men. He had only eleven or twelve +thousand foot and six thousand horse.<a name="FNanchor_720_720" id="FNanchor_720_720"></a><a href="#Footnote_720_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a> The Roman Catholic general +resolved to employ his preponderance of forces in striking a decisive +blow. This appeared the more desirable, since it was known that +Montgomery was returning from the reduction of Béarn, bringing with him +six or seven thousand veterans—an addition to the Huguenot army that +would nearly restore the equilibrium.</p> + +<p>Leaving Chinon, where he had been for some time strengthening himself, +the Duke of Anjou crossed the swollen river Vienne, on the twenty-sixth +of September, and started in pursuit of the Huguenots. Coligny had been +resting his army at Faye, a small town about midway between Chinon and +Châtellerault. It was here that the attempt upon his life, to which +allusion has just been made, was discovered. And it was from this point +that the Prince of Orange started in disguise, and undertook, with forty +mounted companions, a perilous journey across France by La Charité to +Montbéliard, for the purpose of raising in Germany the fresh troops of +which the admiral stood in such pressing need.<a name="FNanchor_721_721" id="FNanchor_721_721"></a><a href="#Footnote_721_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Battle of Moncontour, October 3, 1569.</div> + +<p>The Huguenot general had moved westward, secretly averse to giving battle +before the arrival of Montgomery, but forced to show a readiness to fight +by the open impatience of his southern troops, and by the murmurs of the +Germans, who openly threatened to desert unless they were either paid or +led against the enemy. Within a couple of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span> leagues of the town of +Moncontour, soon to gain historic renown, Coligny, believing the Roman +Catholics to be near, drew up his own men in order of battle (on the +thirtieth of September); but, receiving from his scouts the erroneous +information that there were no considerable bodies of the enemy in the +neighborhood, he resumed his march toward the town of which La Noue had +rendered himself master. The army was scarcely in motion before Mouy, +commanding the rear, was attacked by a heavy detachment of the Duke of +Anjou's vanguard, under the Duke of Montpensier. Mouy's handful of men +stood their ground well, now facing the enemy and driving him off, now +slowly retreating, and gave the rest of the Huguenot army the opportunity +of gaining the opposite side of a marshy tract, through which there +flowed a small stream. Then they themselves crossed, after losing about a +hundred of their number. Anjou neglected the chance here afforded him of +gaining an entire victory; and Coligny, after halting for a short time, +drew off toward Moncontour, which he reached on the next day without +further obstruction. The duke spent the night on the battle-field in +token of victory, and then started in pursuit; but, in order to avoid +attack while crossing the short, but deep river Dive, a tributary of the +Loire which flows by the walls of Moncontour, he turned to the left, and, +rapidly ascending to its sources, descended again on the opposite bank.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny wounded.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Heavy losses of the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>The admiral might still have succeeded in avoiding a capital engagement, +and in reaching Partenay or some other point of safety, had he not been +again embarrassed by the mutiny of the Germans, who, as usual, were most +urgent for pay on the eve of battle. As it was, before they could be +quieted, the duke had made up for his considerable détour, and overtook +the Protestants a short distance beyond Moncontour. Coligny, having given +command of the right wing to Count Louis of Nassau, interposed the left, +of which he himself assumed command, between the main body and the enemy, +hoping to get off with a mere skirmish.<a name="FNanchor_722_722" id="FNanchor_722_722"></a><a href="#Footnote_722_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a> In this he was disappointed. +Attacked in force, his troops made a sturdy resistance. The fight +resem<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span>bled in some of its incidents the conflicts of the paladins of a +past age. The elder rhinegrave rode thirty paces in front of his Roman +Catholic knights; Coligny as far in advance of the Protestants. The two +leaders met in open field. The rhinegrave was killed on the spot. The +admiral received a severe injury in his face. The blood, gushing freely +from the wound, nearly strangled him before his visor could be raised. +Reluctantly he was compelled to retire to the rear of the army. Still the +tide of battle ran high. The Swiss troops of Anjou displayed their +accustomed valor. It was matched by that of the Huguenots, who several +times seemed on the point of winning the day, and already shouted, +"Victory! Victory!" The Duke of Anjou, who, however little he was +entitled to the credit of planning the engagement, certainly displayed +great courage in the contest itself, was at one time in extreme peril, +and the Marquis of Baden was killed while riding near him. On the other +side, the Princes of Béarn and Condé, who had come to the army from +Partenay, to encourage the soldiers by their presence, endeavored by word +and example to sustain the courage of the outnumbered Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_723_723" id="FNanchor_723_723"></a><a href="#Footnote_723_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> But +at the critical moment, when the Roman Catholic line had begun to give +way, Marshal Cossé, who as yet had not been engaged, advanced with his +fresh troops and changed the fortunes of the day. The personal valor of +Louis of Nassau was unavailing. The German reiters, routed and +panic-stricken, fled from the field. Encountering their own countrymen, +the lansquenets or German infantry, they broke through their ranks and +threw them into confusion. Into the breach thus made the Swiss poured in +an irresistible flood. Inveterate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> hatred now found ample opportunity for +satisfaction. The helpless lansquenets were slaughtered without mercy. No +quarter was given. One of the German colonels, who had been the foremost +cause of the morning's mutiny, and who had prevented his soldiers from +fighting until their wages were paid, now made them tie handkerchiefs to +their pikes to show that they surrendered; but they fared no better than +the rest.<a name="FNanchor_724_724" id="FNanchor_724_724"></a><a href="#Footnote_724_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a> Others kneeled and begged for mercy of their savage foes, +crying in broken French, "<i>Bon papiste, bon papiste moi!</i>" It was all in +vain. Of four thousand lansquenets that entered the action, barely two +hundred escaped with their lives. Three thousand French, enveloped by +Anjou's cavalry, were spared by the duke's express command, but not +before one thousand of their companions had been killed. In all, two +thousand French foot soldiers and three hundred knights perished on the +field, while with the valets and camp-followers the loss was much more +considerable. La Noue was again a prisoner in the enemy's hands. So also +was the famous D'Acier. His captor, Count Santa Fiore, received from Pius +the Fifth a severe letter of rebuke for "having failed to obey his +commands <i>to slay at once every heretic that fell into his hands</i>."<a name="FNanchor_725_725" id="FNanchor_725_725"></a><a href="#Footnote_725_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a></p> + +<p>The battle of Moncontour, fought on Monday, the third of October, 1569, +was a thorough success on the side of the Guises and of Catharine de' +Medici. Compared with it, the battle of Jarnac was only an insignificant +skirmish. Although, under the skilful conduct of Louis of Nassau and of +Wolrad of Mans<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span>feld, the remnants of the army drew off to Airvault and +thence to Partenay, escaping the pursuit of Aumale and Biron, the +Huguenot losses were enormous, and the spirit of the soldiers was, for +the time, entirely crushed.<a name="FNanchor_726_726" id="FNanchor_726_726"></a><a href="#Footnote_726_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> The Roman Catholics, on the contrary, +had lost scarcely any infantry, and barely five hundred horse, although +among the cavalry officers were several persons of great distinction.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Roman Catholics exulting.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Extravagance of parliament.</div> + +<p>Fame magnified the exploit, and exalted the Duke of Anjou into a hero. +Charles himself became still more jealous of his brother's growing +reputation. Pius the Fifth, on receipt of the tidings, sent the latter a +brief, congratulating him upon his success, renewing his advice to make +thorough work of exterminating the heretics, and warning him against a +mercy than which there was nothing more cruel.<a name="FNanchor_727_727" id="FNanchor_727_727"></a><a href="#Footnote_727_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> To foreign +courts—especially to those which betrayed a leaning to the Protestant +side—the most exaggerated accounts of the victory were despatched. A +"relation" of the battle of Moncontour, with which Philip the Second was +furnished, stated the Huguenot loss at fifteen thousand men, eleven +cannon, three thousand wagons belonging to the reiters, and eight hundred +or nine hundred horses.<a name="FNanchor_728_728" id="FNanchor_728_728"></a><a href="#Footnote_728_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> For a moment the court believed that the +Protestants were ruined, and that their entire submission<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> must +inevitably ensue.<a name="FNanchor_729_729" id="FNanchor_729_729"></a><a href="#Footnote_729_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> The Parisian parliament, in the excess of its joy, +added the third of October to the number, already excessive, of its +holidays, declaring that henceforth no pleadings should be held on the +anniversary of so glorious a triumph.<a name="FNanchor_730_730" id="FNanchor_730_730"></a><a href="#Footnote_730_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a> About the same time, in order +to exhibit more clearly the spirit by which it was animated, the same +dignified tribunal gave the order that the bodies of Francis D'Andelot +and his wife should be disinterred and hanged upon a a gibbet!<a name="FNanchor_731_731" id="FNanchor_731_731"></a><a href="#Footnote_731_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Murder of De Mouy by Maurevel.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The assassin rewarded with the collar of the order.</div> + +<p>The Roman Catholics were, nevertheless, entirely mistaken in their +anticipations of the speedy subjugation of their opponents. The latter +were disheartened for a few days, but not in the least disposed to give +over the struggle. "The reformed were too numerous," a modern historian +well remarks, "too well organized, and had struck their roots too deeply, +to be subdued by the loss of a few pitched battles."<a name="FNanchor_732_732" id="FNanchor_732_732"></a><a href="#Footnote_732_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a> The prospect at +first was, indeed, very dark. It seemed almost impossible for the +Huguenots to maintain themselves in the region which for a whole year had +been the chief field of operations. As Anjou advanced southward, Partenay +was abandoned without a blow, and after occupying it he pushed on toward +Niort. Of this important place the intrepid De Mouy had been placed by +Coligny in command. Not content with a bare defence, he sallied out and +repulsed the enemy. But his boldness proved fatal to him. There was a +Roman Catholic "gentilhomme," Maurevel by name, who, allured by the +reward of fifty thousand crowns offered by parliament for the capture or +assassination of Admiral Coligny, had entered the Protestant camp with +protestations of great disgust with his former patrons the Guises, and +had vainly sought an opportu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span>nity to take the great chieftain's life. +Three years later that opportunity was to present itself in the streets +of Paris itself. Loth to return to his friends without accomplishing any +noteworthy exploit, Maurevel joined De Mouy, with whom he so ingratiated +himself that the general not only supplied him from his purse, but made +him a companion and a bed-fellow. As the Huguenots were returning to +Niort, the traitor found the conjuncture he desired. Chancing to be left +alone with De Mouy, he drew a pistol and shot him in the loins; then +putting spurs to his horse, reached with ease the advancing columns of +Anjou. De Mouy was taken back to Niort mortally wounded. His friends, +contrary to his earnest desire, insisted on taking him by boat down the +Sèvre to La Rochelle, where he died. Meanwhile Niort, in discouragement, +surrendered to the Roman Catholic army.<a name="FNanchor_733_733" id="FNanchor_733_733"></a><a href="#Footnote_733_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a> The assassin was well +rewarded. A letter is extant, written by Charles the Ninth to the Duke of +Anjou, from Plessis-lez-Tours, on the tenth of October, 1569, in which +the king begs his brother to confer on "Charles de Louvier, sieur de +Moureveil, being the person who killed Mouy," the collar of the royal +order of Saint Michael, to which he had been elected by the knights +companions, as a reward for "his signal service;" and to see that he +receive from the city of Paris a present commensurate with his +merits!<a name="FNanchor_734_734" id="FNanchor_734_734"></a><a href="#Footnote_734_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Fatal error of the court.</div> + +<p>Catharine de' Medici and the Cardinal of Lorraine came from Tours, where +they had been watching the course of the war, Niort, and the plan of +future operations was discussed in their presence. Almost every place of +importance previously held by the Huguenots toward the north and east of +La Rochelle had fallen, even to the almost impregnable Lusig<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>nan. Saint +Jean d'Angely, on the Boutonne, was the only remaining outwork, whose +capture must precede an attack on the citadel itself. Should the +victorious army of the king lay siege to Saint Jean d'Angely, or should +it continue the pursuit of Coligny and the princes, who, in order to +divert it from the undertaking, had retired from Saint Jean d'Angely to +Saintes, and thence, not long after, in the direction of Montauban? This +was the question that demanded an instant answer. Jean de Serres informs +us that the Protestant leaders were extremely anxious that their enemies +should adopt the latter course;<a name="FNanchor_735_735" id="FNanchor_735_735"></a><a href="#Footnote_735_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> yet the best military authorities on +both sides declare without hesitation that the failure of the Roman +Catholics to follow it was the one capital error that saved the +Huguenots, perhaps, from utter destruction. "Hundreds of times have I +been amazed," says the Roman Catholic Blaise de Montluc, "that so many +great and wise captains who were with Monsieur (the Duke of Anjou) should +have adopted the bad plan of laying sieges, instead of pursuing the +princes, who were routed and reduced to such extremities that they had no +means of getting to their feet again." And the Protestant François de la +Noue devotes an entire chapter of his "discourses" to the proof of the +assertion that "as the siege of Poitiers was the beginning of the mishaps +of the Huguenots, so that of Saint Jean was the means of arresting the +good fortune of the Catholics."</p> + +<p>What, it may be asked, led to the commission of so fatal an error? The +memoirs of Tavannes, who advocated the immediate pursuit of the admiral, +ascribe it to the reluctance of the Montmorencies to permit their cousin +to be overwhelmed; to the jealousy felt by Cardinal Lorraine of the +military successes which threw his brother, the Duke of Aumale, and his +nephew, the Duke of Guise, into obscurity; and to the suggestions of De +Retz, the king's favorite, who persuaded Charles that it was dangerous to +permit the renown of Anjou to increase yet further.<a name="FNanchor_736_736" id="FNanchor_736_736"></a><a href="#Footnote_736_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> It must, +however, be remembered that the younger<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> Tavannes is not always a good +authority; and that where, as in the present instance, the glory of his +father is affected, he becomes altogether untrustworthy. If we reject his +account as apocryphal, which apparently we must do, there still remains +good reason to believe that the siege of Saint Jean d'Angely was agreed +to by the majority of the Roman Catholic leaders from the sincere +conviction that its reduction, to be followed by the still more important +capture of La Rochelle, would annihilate the Huguenot party in the west, +its stronghold and refuge, and that it could then subsist but little +longer in other parts of the kingdom.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Siege of Saint Jean d'Angely.</div> + +<p>The defence of Saint Jean d'Angely had been intrusted by Coligny to +competent hands. De Piles had found the fortifications weak and +imperfect; he completed and strengthened them.<a name="FNanchor_737_737" id="FNanchor_737_737"></a><a href="#Footnote_737_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> With a small garrison +of Huguenots he repaired by night the breaches made by the enemy's cannon +during the day, and repelled every attempt to storm the place. When the +siege had advanced about two weeks, Charles himself, who was resolved not +to suffer Henry of Anjou any longer to win all the laurels of the war, +made his appearance in the Roman Catholic camp, on the twenty-sixth of +October, and summoned the garrison to surrender. De Piles, however, +declined to listen to the commands of the king, even as he had disobeyed +those of the duke, taking refuge in the feudal theory that he could give +up the place only to the Prince of Navarre, the royal governor of the +province of Guyenne, at whose hands he had received it. Yet the position +of the Protestants was growing extremely perilous. During one of the +assaults upon the wall, De Piles himself became so thoroughly convinced +that Saint Jean would be carried, that he caused a breach to be made in +the fortifications in his rear, in order to facilitate the withdrawal of +his troops. Happily, he had no need of this mode of escape on the present +occasion. Meanwhile the most honorable terms were offered him. These he +refused to accept; but, finding his stock of ammunition rapidly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> becoming +exhausted, he agreed to a truce of ten days, that he might have time to +send a messenger to the princes to obtain their orders; promising, in +case he received no succor in the interval, to surrender the city on +condition that the garrison should be permitted to retire with their +horses, arms and personal effects, and that religious liberty should be +granted to all the residents. But, before the armistice had quite +expired, Saint Surin, and forty other brave horsemen from Angoulême, +succeeded in piercing the enemy's lines, and relieved De Piles from an +engagement into which he had entered with great reluctance. The hostages +on both sides were given up, and the siege was renewed with greater fury +than ever. In the end, seeing no prospect of sufficient reinforcement to +enable him to maintain his position, De Piles capitulated (on the second +of December) on similar terms to those that he had before declined, and +the garrison marched out with flying banners. Seven weeks had they +detained the entire army of the victors of Moncontour before an +ill-fortified place. More than six thousand men had died under its walls, +by the casualties of war and by the scarcely less destructive diseases +that raged in the camp.<a name="FNanchor_738_738" id="FNanchor_738_738"></a><a href="#Footnote_738_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> One of the ablest and most enterprising of +the royal generals—Sebastian of Luxemburg, Viscount of Martigues and +governor of Brittany—had been killed.<a name="FNanchor_739_739" id="FNanchor_739_739"></a><a href="#Footnote_739_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a> Of the Protestants, only +about a hundred and eighty persons perished, nearly the half of them +inhabitants of the town; for the men of Saint Jean d'Angely, and even +the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> women and children, had labored industriously in defending their +firesides.</p> + +<p>It was a part of the compact, that, while neither De Piles nor his +soldiers should serve on the Huguenot side for four months, they should +be safely conducted without the Roman Catholic lines. The Duc d'Aumale +and other leaders seem to have endeavored conscientiously to execute the +stipulation; but their followers could not resist the temptation to +attack the Huguenots as they were traversing the suburbs. Nearly all were +robbed, and a considerable number—as many, according to Agrippa +d'Aubigné, as fell during the siege—were murdered. De Piles, on his +arrival at Angoulême, wrote to demand the punishment of those who had +committed so flagrant a breach of faith, and, when he could obtain no +satisfaction, sent a herald to the king to declare that he held himself +and his fellow-combatants absolved from all obligations, and that they +would at once resume their places in the Huguenot army.<a name="FNanchor_740_740" id="FNanchor_740_740"></a><a href="#Footnote_740_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a></p> + +<p>Nearly three months of precious time elapsed since the disastrous rout of +Moncontour before the royalists completed the reduction of the region +adjoining La Rochelle. Outside of that citadel of French Protestantism +only the little town of Tonnay, on the Charente, still held for the +Prince of Navarre. Yet so long as La Rochelle itself stood firm, the Duke +of Anjou had accomplished little; and La Rochelle had made good use of +the respite to strengthen its works. Every effort to gain a lodgement in +its neighborhood had signally failed. The end of December came, and with +it cold and discouragement. Anjou's army was dwindling away. The King of +Spain and the Pope recalled their troops, as if the battle of the third +of October had ended the war, and Santa Fiore, the pontifical general, +sent to Rome twenty-six standards, taken by the Italians at Moncontour—a +present from Charles the Ninth, which Pius accepted with great delight, +and dedicated as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> trophy in the Basilica of St. John Lateran.<a name="FNanchor_741_741" id="FNanchor_741_741"></a><a href="#Footnote_741_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> +Henry of Anjou himself was ill, or was unwilling any longer to endure +separation from a court of whose pleasures he was inordinately fond; and, +resigning the command of the army into the hands of the eldest son of the +Duke of Montpensier, François de Bourbon—generally known as the prince +dauphin—he hastened, at the beginning of the new year, to join Charles +and Catharine de' Medici at Angers. The French troops, meantime, were +either furloughed or scattered, and the generals condemned to inaction, +while the German reiters and lansquenets and the Swiss pikemen were +permitted to return to their own homes.<a name="FNanchor_742_742" id="FNanchor_742_742"></a><a href="#Footnote_742_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> Such was the suicidal policy +of the Roman Catholic party—a policy which saved the Huguenots from +prostration; for it may with truth be affirmed that the errors committed +in the siege of Saint Jean d'Angely, and in disbanding the powerful army +of Anjou, completely obliterated the advantage which had been won on the +bloody field of Moncontour.<a name="FNanchor_743_743" id="FNanchor_743_743"></a><a href="#Footnote_743_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a></p> + +<p>While the Protestants had been forced to abandon one important place +after another in Poitou, Saintonge and Aunis, they had in other parts of +the kingdom been displaying their old enterprise, and had obtained +considerable success. Vézelay in Burgundy, the birthplace of the reformer +Theodore Beza, passed through a fiery ordeal. This ancient town, built +upon the brow of a hill, and strong as well by reason of its situation as +of its walls constructed in a style that was now becoming obsolete in +France, had been captured at the beginning of the war by some of the +neighboring Huguenot noblemen,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> who scaled the walls and surprised the +garrison. One of the few points the Protestants held in the eastern part +of the kingdom, it was regarded as a place of the greatest importance to +their cause.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot successes. Vézelay.</div> + +<p>Within a few weeks Vézelay was twice besieged by a Roman Catholic army +under Sansac. A vigorous sortie, in which the Huguenots destroyed almost +all the engines of war of the assailants, on the first occasion caused +the siege to be raised. When Sansac renewed his attempt he fared no +better. The soldiers who had thrown themselves into the place, with the +enthusiastic citizens, repelled every attack, and promptly suppressed +treacherous plots by putting to death two persons whom they found engaged +in revealing their secrets to the enemy. Sansac next undertook to reduce +Vézelay by hunger; but the Huguenots broke his lines, aided by their +friends in La Charité and Sancerre, and supplied themselves abundantly +with provisions. When, on the sixteenth of December, Sansac finally +abandoned the fruitless and inglorious undertaking, he had lost, since +October, no fewer than fifteen hundred of his soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_744_744" id="FNanchor_744_744"></a><a href="#Footnote_744_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Brilliant capture of Nismes.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots of Sancerre in turn made an attempt to enter Bourges, the +capital of the province of Berry, by promising a large sum of money to +the officer second in command of the citadel; but he revealed their plan +to his superior, M. de la Chastre, governor of the province, and the +advanced party which had been admitted within the gates (on the +twenty-first of December) fell into the snare prepared for them.<a name="FNanchor_745_745" id="FNanchor_745_745"></a><a href="#Footnote_745_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> The +capture of Nismes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span>—"the city of antiquities"—more than compensated for +the failure at Bourges. Rarely has an enterprise of equal difficulty been +more patiently prosecuted, or been crowned with more brilliant success. +The exiled Protestants, a large and important class, had now for many +months been subjected to the greatest hardships, and were anxiously +watching an opportunity to return to their homes. At last a carpenter +presented himself, who had long revolved the matter in his mind, and had +discovered a method of introducing the Huguenots into the city which +promised well. There was a fountain, a short distance from the walls of +Nismes, known to the ancients by the same name as the city +itself—Nemausus—whose copious<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> stream, put to good service by the +inhabitants, turned a number of mills within the municipal limits. To +admit the waters a canal had been built, which, where it pierced the +fortifications, was protected by a heavy iron grating. Through this wet +channel the carpenter resolved that the Huguenots should enter Nismes. It +so happened that a friend of his dwelt in a house which was close to the +wall at this spot; with his help he lowered himself by night from a +window into the ditch. A cord, which was slackened or drawn tight +according as there was danger of detection or apparent security, served +to direct his operations. The utmost caution was requisite, and the +water-course was too contracted to permit more than a single person to +work at once. Provided only with a file, the carpenter set himself to +sever the stout iron bars. The task was neither pleasant nor easy. Night +after night he stood in the cold stream, with the mud up to his knees, +exposed to wind and rain, and working most industriously when the roar of +the elements covered and drowned the noise he made. It was only for a few +minutes at a time that he could work; for, as the place was situated +between the citadel and the "porte des Carmes," a sentry passed it at +brief intervals, and was scarcely out of hearing except when he went to +ring the bell which announced a change of guard. Fifteen nights, chosen +from the darkest of the season, were consumed in this perilous +undertaking; and each morning, when the approach of dawn compelled him to +suspend his labors, the carpenter concealed his progress by means of wax +and mud. All this time he had been prudent enough to keep his own +counsel; but when, on the fifteenth of November, his work was completed, +he called upon the Huguenot leaders to follow him into Nismes. A +detachment of three hundred men was placed at his disposal. When once the +foremost were in the town, and had overpowered the neighboring guards, +the Huguenots obtained an easy success. The clatter of a number of +camp-servants, who were mounted on horseback, with orders to ride in +every direction, shouting that the city was in the hands of the enemy, +contributed to facilitate the capture. Most of the soldiers, who should +have met and repelled the Protestants, shut themselves up in their houses +and refused to leave them. In a few minutes, all Nismes, with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span> the +exception of the castle, which held out a few months longer, was +taken.<a name="FNanchor_746_746" id="FNanchor_746_746"></a><a href="#Footnote_746_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny encouraged.</div> + +<p>When Admiral Coligny, wounded and defeated, was borne on a litter from +the field of Moncontour, where the hopes of the Huguenots had been so +rudely dashed to the ground, his heart almost failed him in view of the +prospects of the war and of his faith. Two persons seemed at this +critical juncture to have exercised on his mind a singular influence in +restoring him to his accustomed hopefulness. L'Estrange, a simple +gentleman, was being carried away in a plight similar to his own, when, +having been brought to the admiral's side, he looked intently upon him, +and then gave expression to his gratitude to Heaven, that, in the midst +of the chastisements with which it had seen fit to visit his +fellow-believers, there was yet so much of mercy shown, in the words, +"Yet is God very gentle!"<a name="FNanchor_747_747" id="FNanchor_747_747"></a><a href="#Footnote_747_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a>—a friendly reminder, which, the great +leader was wont to say, raised him from gloom and turned his thoughts to +high and noble resolve.<a name="FNanchor_748_748" id="FNanchor_748_748"></a><a href="#Footnote_748_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> Nor was the heroic Queen of Navarre found +wanting at this crisis. No sooner had she heard of the disaster than she +started from La Rochelle, and at Niort met the admiral, with such +remnants of the army as still clung to him. Far from yielding to +despondency, Jeanne d'Albret urged the generals to renew the contest; +and, having communicated to them a part of her own enthusiasm, returned +to La Rochelle to watch over the defence of the city, and to lend still +more important assistance to the cause, by writing to Queen Elizabeth and +the other allies of the Huguenots, correcting the exaggerated accounts of +the defeat of Moncontour which had been studiously disseminated by the +Roman Catholic party, and imploring fresh assistance.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Withdrawal of the troops of Dauphiny and Provence.</div> + +<p>As for Coligny, his plans were soon formed. The troops of Dauphiny and +Provence, always among the most reluctant to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> leave their homes, had long +been clamoring for permission to return. It was now impossible to retain +them. On the fourteenth of October they started from Angoulême, whither +they had gone without consulting the Protestant generals, and, under the +leadership of Montbrun and Mirabel, directed their course toward their +native provinces. In two days they reached the river Dordogne at +Souillac, where a part of their body, while seeking to cross, was +attacked by the Roman Catholics, and suffered great loss. The rest pushed +forward to Aurillac, in Auvergne, which had recently been captured by a +Huguenot captain, and soon found their way to Privas, Aubenas, and the +banks of the Rhône.<a name="FNanchor_749_749" id="FNanchor_749_749"></a><a href="#Footnote_749_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> Thence, after refreshing themselves for a few +days, they crossed into Dauphiny to renew the struggle for their own +firesides.<a name="FNanchor_750_750" id="FNanchor_750_750"></a><a href="#Footnote_750_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Plan of the admiral's bold march.</div> + +<p>On the eighteenth of October, four days after the departure of the +Dauphinese troops from Angoulême, Coligny set forth from Saintes upon an +expedition as remarkable for boldness of conception as for its singularly +skilful and successful execution—an expedition which is entitled to rank +among the most remarkable military operations of modern times.<a name="FNanchor_751_751" id="FNanchor_751_751"></a><a href="#Footnote_751_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> In +the face of an enemy flushed with victory, and himself leading an army +reduced to the mere shadow of its former size, the admiral deliberately +drew up the plan of a march of eight or nine months, through a hostile +territory, and terminating in the vicinity of the capital itself. As +sketched by Michel de Castelnau from the admiral's own words in +conversation with him, the objects of the Protestant general were +principally these: to satisfy the claims of his mutinous German +mercenaries by the reduction of some of the enemy's rich cities in +Guyenne; to strengthen himself by forming a junction with the army of +Montgomery and such fresh troops as "the viscounts" might be able to +raise; to meet on the lower Rhône the recruited forces of Montbrun and +Mirabel; thence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span> to turn northward, and, having reached the borders of +Lorraine, to welcome the Germans whom the Elector Palatine and William of +Orange would hold in readiness; and, at last, to bring the war to an end +by forcing the Roman Catholics to give battle, under circumstances more +advantageous to the reformed, in the immediate vicinity of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_752_752" id="FNanchor_752_752"></a><a href="#Footnote_752_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">He sweeps through Guyenne.</div> + +<p>Coligny's army was chiefly composed of cavalry; of infantry he had but +three thousand men.<a name="FNanchor_753_753" id="FNanchor_753_753"></a><a href="#Footnote_753_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> The young Princes of Navarre and of Condé, whom +he wished to accustom to the fatigues of the march and of the +battle-field, while endearing them to the Huguenots by their +participation in the same perils with the meanest private soldier, were +his companions, and had commands of their own. He had left La +Rochefoucauld in La Rochelle to protect the city and the Queen of +Navarre. The admiral's course was first directed to Montauban, that city +which has been the stronghold of Protestantism in southern France down to +the present time. But the difficulties of the way, and, particularly, the +improbability of finding easy means of crossing so near their mouths the +successive rivers, which, rising in the mountainous region of Auvergne +and the Cevennes, all flow westward and empty into the Garonne, or its +wide estuary, the Gironde, compelled Coligny to make a considerable +deflection to the left. He effected the passage of the Dordogne at +Argentat, a little above the spot where Montbrun had sustained his recent +check, and, after making a feint of throwing himself into Auvergne, +crossed the Lot below Cadenac, and reached Montauban in safety.<a name="FNanchor_754_754" id="FNanchor_754_754"></a><a href="#Footnote_754_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> The +Count of Montgomery, returning from his victorious campaign in Béarn, had +been ordered to be in readiness in this city. But learning that, by an +unaccountable delay, he was still in Condom, south of the Garonne, +Coligny marched westward to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> Aiguillon, at the confluence of the Lot and +the Garonne. Near this place he constructed, with great trouble, a +substantial bridge across the Garonne, with the intention of transporting +his army to the left bank, and ravaging the country far down in the +direction of Bordeaux. This bold movement was prevented by Blaise de +Montluc, who, adopting the suggestion of another, and appropriating the +credit due to the sagacity of this nameless genius, detached one of the +numerous floating windmills that were moored in the Garonne, and having +loaded it with stones, sent it down with the current against Coligny's +bridge. Not only were the chains that bound the structure broken, but the +very boats on which it rested were carried away as far as to Bordeaux +itself. It was with great difficulty that the admiral brought back to the +right bank the division of his army that had already crossed, and with it +the troops of Count Montgomery.<a name="FNanchor_755_755" id="FNanchor_755_755"></a><a href="#Footnote_755_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a></p> + +<p>The united army now returned to Montauban, where, in the midst of a rich +district in part friendly to the Huguenots, it spent the last days of +1569 and the greater part of the month of January, 1570. Its numbers had +by this time received such large accessions, that Coligny wrote to +Germany that he had six or seven thousand horse and fifteen thousand +foot.<a name="FNanchor_756_756" id="FNanchor_756_756"></a><a href="#Footnote_756_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> As the reformed population of Montauban had contributed enough +money to satisfy the prince's indebtedness to the importunate reiters and +lansquenets,<a name="FNanchor_757_757" id="FNanchor_757_757"></a><a href="#Footnote_757_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a> the troops were enthusiastic in their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span> devotion to the +cause, and pushed their raids under the intrepid La Loue south of the +Garonne toward the Bay of Biscay, as far as Mont de Marsan and Roquefort +in the "Pays des Landes."<a name="FNanchor_758_758" id="FNanchor_758_758"></a><a href="#Footnote_758_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">"Vengeance de Rapin."</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny pushes on to the Rhône.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots now proceeded towards Toulouse, but that city was too +strongly fortified and garrisoned to tempt them to make an attack. They +inflicted, however, a stern retribution upon the vicinity, devoting to +destruction the villas and pleasure-grounds of the members of a +parliament that had rendered itself infamous for its injustice and blind +bigotry. The cruel fate of Rapin, murdered according to the forms of law, +simply because he was a Protestant and brought from the king an edict +containing too much toleration to suit the inordinate orthodoxy of these +robed fanatics, was yet fresh in the memory of the soldiers, and fired +their blood. On ruined and blackened walls, in more than one quarter, +could be read subsequently the ominous words, written by no idle +braggarts: "<i>Vengeance de Rapin!</i>" Leaving the marks of their passage in +a desolated district, the Huguenots swept on to the friendly city of +Castres, and thence through lower Languedoc, by Carcassonne and +Montpellier, which they made no attempt to reduce, to Uzès and Nismes. +Meanwhile Piles had from Castres made a marauding expedition with a body +of picked troops to the very foot of the Pyrenees, and, in retaliation +for the aid which the Spaniards had furnished Charles the Ninth, had +penetrated to Perpignan, and ravaged the County of Roussillon.<a name="FNanchor_759_759" id="FNanchor_759_759"></a><a href="#Footnote_759_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">His singular success and its causes.</div> + +<p>Thus the Huguenots—of whom Charles had contemptuously written to his +ambassador at London, in January, that they were in so miserable a plight +that, even since Anjou had dismissed all his men-at-arms after the +capture of Saint Jean d'Angely, they dared not show their +faces<a name="FNanchor_760_760" id="FNanchor_760_760"></a><a href="#Footnote_760_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a>—had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> pushed an army from the mouth of the Gironde to the +mouth of the Rhône. If Viscount Monclar had fallen mortally wounded near +Castres, and brave La Loue had been surprised and killed near +Montpellier, the Protestants had, nevertheless, sustained little injury. +They had been largely reinforced on the way, both by the local troops +that joined them and by chivalric spirits such as M. de Piles, who +followed them so soon as he was forced to surrender Saint Jean d'Angely; +or, like Beaudiné and Renty, who had been left with La Rochefoucauld to +guard La Rochelle, but who, impatient of long inaction, at length +obtained permission to attach themselves to the princes, and caught up +with them at Castres, after a journey full of hazardous adventures. The +Huguenot army, says La Noue, had been but an insignificant snow-ball when +it started on its adventurous course; but the imprudence of its opponents +permitted it to roll on, without hinderance, until it grew to a +portentous size.<a name="FNanchor_761_761" id="FNanchor_761_761"></a><a href="#Footnote_761_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> The jealousy existing between Montluc and Marshal +Damville, who commanded for the king—the former as lieutenant-general in +Gascony, and the latter as governor in Languedoc—undoubtedly removed +many difficulties from the way of Admiral Coligny; and Montluc openly +accused his rival, who was a Montmorency, of purposely furthering the +designs of his heretical cousin. The accusation was a baseless +fabrication; yet it obtained, as such stories generally do, a wide +currency among the prejudiced and the ignorant, who could explain +Damville's failure to impede Coligny's progress in no more satisfactory +way than as the result of collusion between the son and the nephew of the +late constable.<a name="FNanchor_762_762" id="FNanchor_762_762"></a><a href="#Footnote_762_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The admiral turns toward Paris.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">His illness interrupts negotiations.</div> + +<p>Coligny had not yet accomplished his main object. Turning northward, and +hugging the right bank of the Rhône, he prosecuted his undertaking of +carrying the war to the very gates of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> Paris. The few small pieces of +artillery the Protestants possessed, it was now found difficult to drag +over rugged hills that descended to the river's edge. They were, +therefore, at first transported to the other side, and finally left +behind in some castles garrisoned by the Huguenots. The recruits that had +been expected from Dauphiny came in very small numbers, and it was with +diminished forces that Coligny and the princes, on the twenty-sixth of +May, reached Saint Étienne, at that time a small town, which modern +enterprise and capital has transformed into a great manufacturing +city.<a name="FNanchor_763_763" id="FNanchor_763_763"></a><a href="#Footnote_763_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> A little farther, at St. Rambert on the Loire, an incident +occurred which threatened to blight all the fair hopes the Protestants +had now again begun to conceive of a speedy and prosperous conclusion of +the war. Admiral Coligny fell dangerously ill, and for a time serious +fears were entertained for his life. It was a moment of anxious suspense. +Never before had the reformed realized the extent to which their fortunes +were dependent on a single man. The lesson was a useful one to the young +companions of the princes, who, in the midst of the stern discipline of +the camp, had shown some disposition to complain of the loss of the more +congenial gayety of the court.<a name="FNanchor_764_764" id="FNanchor_764_764"></a><a href="#Footnote_764_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> Louis of Nassau, brother of William +of Orange, and next in command, was the only person among the Protestants +that could have succeeded to Coligny in his responsible position; but +even Louis of Nassau could not exact the respect enjoyed by the admiral, +both with his own troops and with the enemy. Indeed, it was the conduct +of the Roman Catholics at this juncture that furnished the clearest proof +of the indispensable importance to the Huguenots of their veteran leader. +The negotiations, which must soon be adverted to, had for some time been +in progress, and the court displayed considerable anxiety to secure a +peace; but the moment it was announced that Coligny was likely to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> die, +the deputies from the king broke them off and waited to see the issue. +Being asked to explain so singular a course, and being reminded that the +Huguenots had other generals with whom a treaty might be formed in case +of Coligny's death, it is said that the deputies replied by expressing +their surprise that the Protestants did not see the weight and authority +possessed by their admiral. "Were he to die to-day," said they, +"to-morrow we should not offer you so much as a glass of water. As if you +did not know that the admiral's name goes farther in giving you +consideration than had you another army equal in size to that you have at +present!"<a name="FNanchor_765_765" id="FNanchor_765_765"></a><a href="#Footnote_765_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Engagement of Arnay-le-Duc.</div> + +<p>But Gaspard de Coligny was destined to die a death more glorious for +himself, and to leave behind him a name more illustrious than it would +have been had he died on the eve of the return of peace to his desolated +country. He recovered, and once more advanced with his brave Huguenots. +And now the distance between the Protestant camp and the Roman Catholic +capital was rapidly diminishing. To meet the impending danger, the king +ordered Marshal Cossé, who had succeeded the prince dauphin in command of +the new army, to cross into Burgundy, check the admiral's course, and, if +possible, defeat him. The two armies met on the twenty-fifth of June, in +the neighborhood of the small town of Arnay-le-Duc.<a name="FNanchor_766_766" id="FNanchor_766_766"></a><a href="#Footnote_766_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> Great was the +disparity of numbers. Cossé had four thousand Swiss, six thousand French +infantry, three thousand French, German, and Italian horse, and twelve +cannon. Coligny's army had lost so much during its incessant marches +through a thousand difficult places, and in a country where desertion or +straying from the main body was so easy, that it consisted of but +twenty-five hundred arquebusiers and two thousand horsemen, besides a few +recruits from Dauphiny.</p> + +<p>The Germans, who constituted about one-half of the cavalry, were +ill-equipped; but the French horse were as well armed as any corps the +Huguenots had been able to set on foot. All were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> hardened by toil and +well disciplined. Of artillery the admiral was entirely destitute.</p> + +<p>The armies took position upon opposite hills, separated by a narrow +valley, in which flowed a brook fed by some small ponds. Cossé made the +attack, and attempted to cross the stream; but, after an obstinate fight +of seven hours, his troops were compelled to abandon the undertaking with +considerable loss. Next the entrenchments thrown up by the Huguenots in +the neighborhood of the ponds were assaulted. Here the Roman Catholics +were subjected to a galling fire, and began to yield. Afterward, +receiving reinforcements, they seemed to be on the point of succeeding, +when Coligny brought up M. de Piles, the hero of Saint Jean d'Angely, +who, supported by Count Montgomery, soon restored the superiority of the +Huguenots. The enemy was equally unfortunate in the attempt, +simultaneously made, to turn the admiral's position; and, foiled at every +point, he retired for the day. On the morrow, both armies reappeared in +the same order of battle, but neither general was eager to renew a +contest in which the advantage was all with those who stood on the +defensive, and, after indulging in a brief and ineffective cannonade, the +order was given to the Roman Catholic troops to return to camp.<a name="FNanchor_767_767" id="FNanchor_767_767"></a><a href="#Footnote_767_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny approaches Paris.</div> + +<p>After this indecisive combat, Coligny, who had no desire to bring on a +general engagement before receiving the considerable accession of troops +of which he was in expectation, slipped away from Cossé, and though hotly +pursued by the enemy's cavalry, made his way to the friendly walls of La +Charité upon the Loire. Here he busied himself with preparations for +further undertakings, and was engaged particularly in providing his army +with a few cannon and mortars, of which he had greatly felt the need, +when activity was interrupted by a ten days' truce, dating from the +fourteenth of July, the precursor of a definite treaty of peace.<a name="FNanchor_768_768" id="FNanchor_768_768"></a><a href="#Footnote_768_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> At +the expiration of the armistice,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span> Coligny advanced, toward the end of +July, to his castle of Châtillon-sur-Loing, and distributed his troops in +the vicinity of Montargis, still nearer Paris. Marshal Cossé, at the same +time, moved in a parallel line through Joigny, and took up his position +at Sens, where he could at once protect the capital and prevent the +Huguenots from making raids in that fertile and populous province, the +"Île de France," from which the whole country had derived its name. +Leaving the admiral and his brave followers here, at the conclusion of an +adventurous expedition of over twelve hundred miles, which had consumed +more than nine months, let us glance at the negotiations for peace which +had long been in progress, and were now at length crowned with success.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Progress of the negotiations.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The English rebellion affects the terms offered.</div> + +<p>So true was it of the combatants in the French civil wars, that they +rarely carried on hostilities but they were also treating for peace, that +since the battle of Moncontour there had hardly elapsed a month without +the discussion of the terms on which arms could be laid aside by both +parties. Scarcely had the first startling impression made by the defeat +of the Huguenots passed away before Catharine de' Medici sent that +skilful diplomatist, Michel de Castelnau, to assure the Queen of Navarre, +at La Rochelle, of her personal esteem and affection, as well as of her +fervent desire to employ her influence with the king, her son, in +effecting a pacification based upon just and honorable conditions. Jeanne +replied in courteous language; but, while she insisted upon her own +hearty reciprocation of the queen mother's wish, she also expressed the +suspicion which all the reformed entertained of the sincerity of the +leading ministers in the French cabinet, whose relations with Spain and +with the Pope showed that they were intent on nothing less than the utter +ruin of the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_769_769" id="FNanchor_769_769"></a><a href="#Footnote_769_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> In November the matter took a more definite +shape, through Marshal Cossé, who appeared in La Rochelle with +propositions of peace. This statesman, otherwise moderate in his +counsels, was imbued with the notion that the Protestants were so +discouraged by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span> their late defeat, that they would gladly accept any +terms. But the Huguenots, having understood that he was empowered merely +to offer them liberty of conscience, without the right to the public +worship of God, promptly broke off the negotiations.<a name="FNanchor_770_770" id="FNanchor_770_770"></a><a href="#Footnote_770_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> A month or two +later they were induced to believe that the court was disposed to larger +concessions, or, if not, that they might at least justify themselves in +the eyes of the world by showing that they were neither unreasonable nor +desirous of prolonging the horrors of war. Two deputies—Jean de la Fin, +Sieur de Beauvoir la Nocle, and Charles de Téligny: the one sent by the +Queen of Navarre, the other sent by Coligny and the princes, who were +already far on their journey through the south of France—came to the +king at Angers, and presented the demands of the Huguenots. These demands +certainly did not breathe a spirit of craven submission. The Huguenots +called not only for complete liberty of conscience, but also for the +right to hold their religious assemblies through the entire kingdom, +without prejudice to their dignities or honors. They stipulated for the +annulling of all sentences pronounced against them; the approval of all +that they had done, as done for the welfare of the realm; the restitution +of their dignities and property, and the giving of good and sufficient +securities for the execution of the edict of pacification.<a name="FNanchor_771_771" id="FNanchor_771_771"></a><a href="#Footnote_771_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> Catharine +and her counsellors had undoubtedly gained some wholesome experience +since Cossé's first proposals. They had already discovered that a single +pitched battle had not ruined the Huguenots; and they now suspected that +a number of additional battles might be required to effect that desirable +result. It is not astonishing, however, that the queen mother was not yet +ready to grant terms which could scarcely have been conceded even on the +morrow of an overwhelming defeat. The articles sent by the king to the +Protestant leaders as a counter-proposal were therefore of a very +different character from those which they had submitted. Charles offered +to the Queen of Navarre, the Princes of Navarre and Condé, the admiral, +and their followers, entire amnesty, and consented to annul all judicial +proceedings made against them<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> during these or the late troubles. He +would exact no punishment for any treaties which they might have formed +with foreign princes, and would restore their goods, honors, and estates. +As to the religious question, he would allow them to hold two cities, in +which they might do as they pleased, the king placing in each city a +capable "gentilhomme" to maintain his authority and the public +tranquillity. Elsewhere in France he would tolerate no reformed minister, +no exercise of any other religion than his own. Neither would he +guarantee the restitution of the judicial and other offices once held by +Protestants, since others had bought them, and the money proceeding from +the sale had been spent in defraying the expenses of the war; especially +as the clergy must look to the courts for the enforcement of their claims +for indemnification for the destruction of the churches and other +ecclesiastical property. The king professed himself willing to give all +reasonable securities for the performance of his promises, but neglected +to make any specification of the nature of those securities.<a name="FNanchor_772_772" id="FNanchor_772_772"></a><a href="#Footnote_772_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a> Such +were the hard conditions offered—all that Catharine and the Guises were +willing to concede at a time when it was hoped that the Huguenots would +lose the assistance of one of their secret supporters, Elizabeth of +England; for the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland had risen in +the north, and they had not only the best wishes, but the ready +co-operation of every Spanish and French sympathizer. Charles himself was +writing to his ambassador at London a letter meant to meet the queen's +eye, instructing him to congratulate Elizabeth on the progress made in +suppressing the insurrection; and Catharine, by the same messenger, sent +a secret letter of the same date, ordering the same diplomatic agent, in +case the re<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span>bellion was not at an end, to give aid and comfort to the +rebels.<a name="FNanchor_773_773" id="FNanchor_773_773"></a><a href="#Footnote_773_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> Catharine and the Guises had not lost heart. Moved by +repeated supplications, Pius the Fifth at last decided to excommunicate +the heretical daughter of Henry and Anne Boleyn. But, as the bull of the +twenty-fifth of February, 1570, had been procured solely by the +entreaties of the rebel earls, enforced by the intercessions of the +Guises, and as it was known that Philip the Second, so far from desiring +it, was strongly opposed to the imprudent policy of the pontiff, the +document, which pretended to relieve all the queen's subjects of the +obligations of their allegiance, was committed to the charge of the +Cardinal of Lorraine, to launch at Elizabeth's devoted head whenever the +convenient moment should arrive.<a name="FNanchor_774_774" id="FNanchor_774_774"></a><a href="#Footnote_774_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a></p> + +<p>At Montréal, near Carcassonne, the admiral was again overtaken by a royal +messenger, who on this occasion was Biron, equally distinguished on the +field and in the council-chamber. While the Protestants replied to his +offer that with heartfelt satisfaction they greeted the king's +disposition to restore peace to France, and sent to Charles, who was then +at Châteaubriand, in Brittany, a delegation consisting of Téligny, +Beauvoir la Nocle, and La Chassetière, they distinctly stated that no +terms could be entertained which should not include liberty of worship. +For they declared that "the deprivation of the exercise of their religion +was more insupportable to them than death itself."<a name="FNanchor_775_775" id="FNanchor_775_775"></a><a href="#Footnote_775_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> But, in fact, the +Huguenot princes and nobles placed little reliance upon the sincerity of +the court, and had no hope of peace so long as they treated at a distance +from the capital. Accordingly, Coligny, in his march up the valley of the +Rhône, when again approached in the king's name by Biron, accompanied by +Henry de Mesmes, Sieur de Malassise, peremptorily declined to enter into +a truce which should interrupt the efficiency of his movement.<a name="FNanchor_776_776" id="FNanchor_776_776"></a><a href="#Footnote_776_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Better conditions proposed.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles and his mother for peace.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The war fruitless for its authors.</div> + +<p>But when at last the admiral reached the Loire, and, at La Charité and +Châtillon, was within a few hours of Paris, the attitude of the court in +relation to the peace seemed to undergo an entire change, and it became +evident that the negotiations, which had previously been employed for the +mere purpose of amusing the Huguenots, were now resorted to with the view +of ending a war already protracted far beyond expectation. Nor is it +difficult to discover some of the circumstances that tended to bring +about this radical mutation of policy.<a name="FNanchor_777_777" id="FNanchor_777_777"></a><a href="#Footnote_777_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> The resources of the kingdom +were exhausted. It was no longer possible to furnish the ready money +without which the German and other mercenaries, of late constituting a +large portion of the royal troops, could not be induced to enter the +kingdom. The Pope and Philip were lavish of nothing beyond promises and +exhortations that above all things Charles should make no peace with the +heretical rebels. Indeed, Philip had few men, and no money, to spare. The +French troops were in great straits. The gentlemen, who, in return for +their immunity from all taxation, were bound to serve the monarch in the +field at their own expense, had exhausted their available funds in so +long a contest, and it was impossible to muster them in such numbers as +the war demanded. Charles himself had always been averse to war. His +tastes were pacific. If he ever emulated the martial glory which his +brother Anjou had so easily acquired, the feeling was but of momentary +duration, and met with little encouragement from his mother. He had, +undoubtedly, consented to the initiation of the war only in consequence +of the misrepresentations made by those who surrounded him, respecting +its necessity and the ease of its prosecution. He had now the strongest +reasons for desiring the immediate return of peace. His marriage with the +daughter of the emperor had for some months been arranged, but Maximilian +refused to permit Elizabeth to become the queen of a country rent with +civil commotion. Catharine de' Medici, also, from the advocate of war, +had become anxious for peace—tardily<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span> returning to the conviction which +she had often expressed in former years, that the attempt to exterminate +the Huguenots by force of arms was hopeless. After two years she was no +nearer her object than when the Cardinal of Lorraine persuaded her to +endeavor to seize Condé at Noyers. Jarnac had accomplished nothing; +Moncontour was nearly as barren a victory. A great part of what had been +so laboriously effected by Anjou's army in the last months of 1569, La +Noue had been undoing in the first half of 1570.<a name="FNanchor_778_778" id="FNanchor_778_778"></a><a href="#Footnote_778_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> The Protestants, +who were, a few months since, shut up in La Rochelle, had defeated their +enemies at Sainte Gemme, near Luçon, and had retaken Fontenay, Niort, the +Isle d'Oléron, Brouage, and other places. The Baron de la Garde, who had +lately, in the capacity of "general of the galleys," been infesting the +seas in the neighborhood of La Rochelle, was compelled to retire to +Bordeaux.<a name="FNanchor_779_779" id="FNanchor_779_779"></a><a href="#Footnote_779_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a> Saintes had been besieged and captured, and the Huguenots +were advancing to the reduction of St. Jean d'Angely, not long since so +dearly won by the Roman Catholics.<a name="FNanchor_780_780" id="FNanchor_780_780"></a><a href="#Footnote_780_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a> Montluc had, it is true, met with +success in Béarn, where Rabasteins was taken and its entire garrison +massacred.<a name="FNanchor_781_781" id="FNanchor_781_781"></a><a href="#Footnote_781_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> But what were these advantages at the foot of the +Pyrenees, when an army under Gaspard de Coligny, after sweeping four +hundred leagues through the southern and western provinces, was now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> in +the immediate vicinity of Paris? His forces, indeed, were small in +numbers, but would speedily grow formidable. The French ambassador sent +from London the intelligence that letters of credit had been sent from +England to Hamburg in order to hasten the entrance into France of some +twelve or fifteen thousand Germans under Duke Casimir; that twenty-five +hundred men were to be despatched from La Rochelle to make a descent on +some point in Normandy or Brittany, in conjunction with the ships of the +Prince of Orange; and that the English were to be invited to +co-operate.<a name="FNanchor_782_782" id="FNanchor_782_782"></a><a href="#Footnote_782_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> If it had proved impracticable to prevent the Duc de +Deux Ponts from marching across France to join the confederates near the +ocean, what hope was there that the king would be able to hinder the +union of Coligny and Casimir? Or, why might not both be reinforced by the +troops of La Noue, who had been accomplishing such exploits in Aunis and +Saintonge?</p> + +<p>The princes of Germany added their intercessions to the stern logic of +the conflict. During the festivities in Heidelberg, attending the +marriage of John Casimir, Duke of Bavaria, and Elizabeth, daughter of the +Elector of Saxony, in June, 1570, the Elector Palatine, the Elector of +Saxony, the Margraves George Frederick of Brandenburg and Charles of +Baden, Louis, Duke of Würtemberg, the Landgraves William, Philip and +George of Hesse, and Adolphus, Duke of Holstein, wrote a joint letter to +Charles the Ninth of France, in which they drew his attention to the +injury which the long war he was carrying on with his subjects was +inflicting upon the states of the empire, and to the necessity of +speedily terminating it if he would retain their good-will and +friendship. And they assured him that there was no way of accomplishing +this result except by permitting the exercise of the reformed religion +throughout the kingdom, and abolishing all distinctions between his +Majesty's subjects of different faiths.<a name="FNanchor_783_783" id="FNanchor_783_783"></a><a href="#Footnote_783_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Anxiety of Cardinal Châtillon.</div> + +<p>When the war had so signally failed, it is not strange that the king and +his mother should have turned once more to the advocates of peace, with +whose return to favor the retirement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> of the Guises from court was +contemporaneous. Yet the Protestants, who knew too well from experience +the malignity of that hated family, could not but shudder lest they might +be putting themselves in the power of their most determined enemies. The +Queen of Navarre wrote to Charles urging him to use his own native good +sense, and assuring him that she feared "marvellously" that these +well-known mischief-makers would lure him into "a patched-up-peace"—<i>une +paix fourrée</i>—like the preceding pacifications. The object they had in +view was, indeed, the ruin of the Huguenots; but the first disaster, she +warned him, would fall on the monarch and his royal estate.<a name="FNanchor_784_784" id="FNanchor_784_784"></a><a href="#Footnote_784_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> Cardinal +Châtillon, when sounded by the French ambassador in England, expressed +his eagerness for peace. On selfish grounds alone he would be glad to +exchange poverty in England for his revenues of one hundred and twenty +thousand a year in France. But he had his fears. "Remembering that the +king, the queen, and monsieur (the Duke of Anjou), to confirm the last +peace, did him the honor to give him their word, placing their own hands +in his, and that those who induced them to break it were those very +persons with whom he and his associates now had to conclude the proposed +peace," he said, "his hair stood upon end with fear." All that the +Protestants wanted was security. They would be glad to transfer the war +elsewhere—a thing his brother the admiral had always desired; and, if +admitted to the king's favor, they would render his Majesty the most +notable service that had been done to the crown for two hundred +years.<a name="FNanchor_785_785" id="FNanchor_785_785"></a><a href="#Footnote_785_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Royal Edict of pacification, St. Germain, August 8, 1570.</div> + +<p>The terms of the long-desired peace were at last decided upon by the +commissioners, among whom Téligny and Beauvoir la Nocle were most +prominent on the Protestant side, while Biron and De Mesmes represented +the court. On the eighth of August, 1570, they were officially +promulgated in a royal edict signed at St. Germain-en-Laye.</p> + +<p>There were in this document the usual stipulations respecting +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> amnesty, +the prohibition of insults and recriminations, and kindred topics. The +liberty of religious profession was guaranteed. Respecting worship +according to the Protestant rites, the provision was of the following +character. All nobles entitled to "high jurisdiction"<a name="FNanchor_786_786" id="FNanchor_786_786"></a><a href="#Footnote_786_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> were permitted +to designate one place belonging to them, where they could have religious +services for themselves, their families, their subjects, and all who +might choose to attend, so long as either they or their families were +present. This privilege, in the case of other nobles, was restricted to +their families and their friends, not exceeding ten in number. To the +Queen of Navarre a few places were granted in the fiefs which she held of +the French crown, where service could be celebrated even in her absence. +In addition to these, there was a list of cities, designated by name—two +in each of the twelve principal governments or provinces—in which, or in +the suburbs of which, the reformed services were allowed; and this +privilege was extended to all those places of which the Protestants had +possession on the first of the present month of August. From all other +places—from the royal court and its vicinity to a distance of two +leagues, and especially from Paris and its vicinity to the distance of +ten leagues—Protestant worship was strictly excluded. Provision was made +for Protestant burials, to take place in the presence of not more than +ten persons. The king recognized the Queen of Navarre, the prince her +son, and the late Prince of Condé and his son, as faithful relations and +servants; their followers as loyal subjects; Deux Ponts, Orange, and his +brothers, and Wolrad Mansfeld, as good neighbors and friends. There was +to be a restitution of property, honors, and offices, and a rescission of +judicial sentences. To protect the members of the reformed faith in the +courts of justice, they were to be permitted to challenge four of the +judges in the Parliament of Paris; six—three in each chamber—in those +of Rouen, Dijon, Aix, Rennes, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> Grenoble; and four in each chamber of +the Parliament of Bordeaux. They were to be allowed a peremptory appeal +from the Parliament of Toulouse. To defend the Huguenots from popular +violence, four cities were to be intrusted to them for a period of two +years—La Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charité—to serve as places +of refuge; and the Princes of Navarre and Condé, with twenty of their +followers, were to pledge their word for the safe restoration of these +cities to the king at the expiration of the designated term.<a name="FNanchor_787_787" id="FNanchor_787_787"></a><a href="#Footnote_787_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Dissatisfaction of the clergy.</div> + +<p>Such were the leading features of the edict of pacification that closed +the third religious war, by far the longest and most sanguinary conflict +that had as yet desolated France. That the terms would be regarded as in +the highest degree offensive by the intolerant party at home and abroad +was to be expected. The Parisian curate, Jehan de la Fosse, only spoke +the common sentiment of the clergy and of the bigoted Roman Catholics +when he said that "it contained articles sufficiently terrible to make +France and the king's faithful servants tremble, seeing that the +Huguenots were reputed as faithful servants, and what they had done held +by the king to be agreeable."<a name="FNanchor_788_788" id="FNanchor_788_788"></a><a href="#Footnote_788_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> It was not astonishing, therefore, +that, although the publication of the edict was effected without delay +under the eyes of the court at Paris, it gave rise in Rouen to a serious +riot.<a name="FNanchor_789_789" id="FNanchor_789_789"></a><a href="#Footnote_789_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> The Papal Nuncio and the Spanish ambassador were indignant. +Both Pius and Philip had bitterly opposed the negotiations of the early +part of the year. Now their ambassadors made a fruitless attempt to put +off the evil day of peace; the Spanish ambassador not only offering three +thousand horse and six thousand foot to extirpate the Huguenots, but +affirming that "there were no conditions to which he was not ready to +bind himself, provided that the king would not make peace with the +heretics and rebels."<a name="FNanchor_790_790" id="FNanchor_790_790"></a><a href="#Footnote_790_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">"The limping and unsettled peace."</div> + +<p>For the first time in their history, the relations of the Huguenots of +France to the state were settled, not by a royal declaration which was to +be of force until the king should attain his majority, or until the +convocation of a general council of the Church, but by an edict which was +expressly stated to be "<i>perpetual and irrevocable</i>." Such the +Protestants, although with many misgivings, hoped that it might prove. It +was not, however, an auspicious circumstance that the popular wit, laying +hold of the fact that one of the Roman Catholic commissioners that drew +up its stipulations—Biron—was lame, while the other—Henri de +Mesmes—was best known as Lord of Malassise, conferred upon the new +compact the ungracious appellation of "<i>the limping and unsettled +peace</i>"—"la paix boiteuse et mal-assise."<a name="FNanchor_791_791" id="FNanchor_791_791"></a><a href="#Footnote_791_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> +</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_587_587" id="Footnote_587_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_587_587"><span class="label">[587]</span></a> Mémoires d'Agrippa d'Aubigné (Ed. Buchon), 475.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_588_588" id="Footnote_588_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_588_588"><span class="label">[588]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_589_589" id="Footnote_589_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_589_589"><span class="label">[589]</span></a> Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. 541; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) +145.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_590_590" id="Footnote_590_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_590_590"><span class="label">[590]</span></a> The text of the edict is given by Jean de Serres, iii. +272-281. See also De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 145, 146; Castelnau, liv. +vii., c. ii. La Fosse (Journal d'un curé ligueur, 98), gives the correct +date: "Septembre. <i>La veille du Saint Michel</i> (i.e., <i>Sept.</i> 28th) fut +rompu l'esdict de janvier, et publié dedans le palais esdict au +contraire;" while the ambassador La Mothe Fénélon alludes to it in a +despatch to Catharine as "votre édict du xxx<sup>e</sup> de Septembre." +Correspondance diplomatique, i. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_591_591" id="Footnote_591_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_591_591"><span class="label">[591]</span></a> J. de Serres, iii. 281, 282; De Thou and Castelnau, <i>ubi +supra</i>, Recordon, Le protestantisme en Champagne, 158, 159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_592_592" id="Footnote_592_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_592_592"><span class="label">[592]</span></a> Zway Edict, u. s. w., <i>ubi infra</i>, p. 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_593_593" id="Footnote_593_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_593_593"><span class="label">[593]</span></a> Castelnau, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_594_594" id="Footnote_594_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_594_594"><span class="label">[594]</span></a> I have before me this interesting publication, of which +the first lines of the title-page (inordinately long and comprehensive, +after the fashion of the times) run as follows: "Zway Edict, sampt einer +offnen Patent der Königlichen Würden in Franckreich, durch welche alle +auffrurische Predigten, versamblungen und ubung der newen unchristlichen +Secten und vermainten Religion gantz und gar abgeschafft und allain die +Römische und Bäpstische Catholische ware Religion gestattet werden +sollen.... 1568."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_595_595" id="Footnote_595_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_595_595"><span class="label">[595]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 160, 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_596_596" id="Footnote_596_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_596_596"><span class="label">[596]</span></a> "Notre sang nous sera ung secong baptême, par quoy sans +aucun empeschement, nous irons avec les autres martyrs droit en paradis." +Publication de la croisade, Hist. de Languedoc, v. (Preuves) 216, 217. +See the account, ibid., v. 290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_597_597" id="Footnote_597_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_597_597"><span class="label">[597]</span></a> Ibid., v. (Preuves) 217. The laborious author of the Hist. +de Languedoc, v. 290, makes a singular mistake in saying "that this bull +is dated March 15th, of the year 1568, which proves that the project had +been formed several months before its execution." The date of the bull +is, indeed, given as stated at the close of the document; but the +addition, "pontificatus nostri anno <i>quarto</i>," furnishes the means for +correcting it. Pius V. was not created Pope until January 7, 1566. See De +Thou, iii. (liv. xxxix.) 622.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_598_598" id="Footnote_598_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_598_598"><span class="label">[598]</span></a> Mémoires de Claude Haton, ii. 541, 542.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_599_599" id="Footnote_599_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_599_599"><span class="label">[599]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse, 99.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_600_600" id="Footnote_600_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_600_600"><span class="label">[600]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 249.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_601_601" id="Footnote_601_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_601_601"><span class="label">[601]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 255, 256; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlix.) +141. De Serres (iii. 256-266) gives interesting extracts of the letters +which Jeanne wrote to Charles, to his mother, to the Duke of Anjou, and +to her brother-in-law, the Cardinal of Bourbon. She urged the latter, by +every consideration of blood and honor, to shake off his shameful +servitude to the counsels of the Cardinal of Lorraine, whom she openly +accused of having conspired to murder Bourbon, with Marshal Montmorency +and Chancellor L'Hospital, during a recent illness of the queen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_602_602" id="Footnote_602_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_602_602"><span class="label">[602]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 267-269; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) +142, 143; D'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 2, 3 (i. 264-268).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_603_603" id="Footnote_603_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_603_603"><span class="label">[603]</span></a> J. de Serres, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_604_604" id="Footnote_604_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_604_604"><span class="label">[604]</span></a></p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"C'est en Judée proprement<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Que Dieu s'est acquis un renom;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">C'est en Israël voirement<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Qu'on voit la force de son Nom:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">En Salem est son tabernacle,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">En Sion son sainct habitacle."</span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>I quote from an edition of the unaltered Huguenot psalter (1638).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_605_605" id="Footnote_605_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_605_605"><span class="label">[605]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 270; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 144, +145; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ. liv. v., c. 4 (i. 269) states the +circumstance that the river fell a foot and a half during the four hours +consumed in the crossing, and then rose again as opportunely: "Mais il +s'en fust perdu la pluspart sans un heur nompareil; ce fut que la riviere +s'estant diminuée d'un pied et demi durant le passage de quatre heures, +se r'enfla sur la fin;" adding in one of those nervous sentences which +constitute a principal charm of his writings: "Nous dirions avec crainte +<i>ces courtoisies de Loire</i>, si nous n'avions tous ceux qui ont escrit +pour gariment."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_606_606" id="Footnote_606_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_606_606"><span class="label">[606]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 270, 271; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) +147; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 269.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_607_607" id="Footnote_607_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_607_607"><span class="label">[607]</span></a> La Noue, c. xx.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_608_608" id="Footnote_608_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_608_608"><span class="label">[608]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_609_609" id="Footnote_609_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_609_609"><span class="label">[609]</span></a> Jacques de Crussol, Baron d'Acier (or, Assier), afterwards +Duke d'Uzès, lieutenant-general of the royal armies in Languedoc, etc. +According to the Abbé Le Laboureur (iii. 56-60), it was interest that +induced him, a few years later, to become a Roman Catholic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_610_610" id="Footnote_610_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_610_610"><span class="label">[610]</span></a> Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, ii. 588. The +same author elsewhere (ii. 56-60) states the army as only 20,000. Jean de +Serres, iii. 284, 285, and De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 150-152, give an +account of the difficulties encountered in bringing these troops to the +place of rendezvous, and enumerate the leaders and contingents of the +three provinces. According to the latter, the total was 23,000 men. See +Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 5 (i. 271).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_611_611" id="Footnote_611_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_611_611"><span class="label">[611]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 286, 291, 292; De Thou, iv. (liv. +xliv.), 153, 154; Agrippa d'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>; Davila, bk. iv., p. +132, 133; Le Laboureur, ii. 588, 589. It is more than usually difficult +to ascertain the loss of the Huguenots at Messignac. Jean de Serres, who +states it at 600, and Davila, who says that it amounted to 2,000 foot and +more than 4,000 horse, are the extremes. De Thou sets it down at more +than 1,000; D'Aubigné at 1,000 or 1,200; Castelnau at 3,000 foot and 300 +horse; and Le Laboureur, following him, at over 3,000 men.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_612_612" id="Footnote_612_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_612_612"><span class="label">[612]</span></a> Hist. univ., liv. v., c. 6 (i. 273).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_613_613" id="Footnote_613_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_613_613"><span class="label">[613]</span></a> "Discours envoyé de la Rochelle," accompanying La Mothe +Fénélon's despatch of January 20, 1569. Correspondance diplomatique, i. +137, 138. Another letter of a later date gives even larger +figures—30,000 foot (25,000 of them arquebusiers) and 7,000 or 8,000 +horse, besides recruits expected from Montauban. Ibid., i. 147.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_614_614" id="Footnote_614_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_614_614"><span class="label">[614]</span></a> Upwards of 23,000 horse and 200 ensigns of foot (which we +may perhaps reckon at 40,000 men). Despatch of La Mothe Fénélon, Dec. 5, +1568, Corresp. diplomatique, i. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_615_615" id="Footnote_615_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_615_615"><span class="label">[615]</span></a> Mémoires de Tavannes, iii. 38. De Thou, iv. 154, assigns +18,000 foot and 3,000 horse to Condé; and 12,000 foot and 4,000 horse, +exclusive of the Swiss (who, according to Tavannes, numbered 6,000), to +Anjou.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_616_616" id="Footnote_616_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_616_616"><span class="label">[616]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 295, 296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_617_617" id="Footnote_617_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_617_617"><span class="label">[617]</span></a> "Resolution qui sembloit la plus nécessaire aux Réformez, +pource que difficilement pouvoient-ils maintenir une telle troupe sans +solde et sans magazins reglez." Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 6 (i. +273).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_618_618" id="Footnote_618_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_618_618"><span class="label">[618]</span></a> See "Tableau des phénomènes météorologiques, +astronomiques, etc., mentionnés dans les Mémoires de Claude Haton."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_619_619" id="Footnote_619_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_619_619"><span class="label">[619]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 304, 305; De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) +159.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_620_620" id="Footnote_620_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_620_620"><span class="label">[620]</span></a> "Cette Roine, <i>n'aiant de femme que le sexe</i>, l'âme +entière aux choses viriles, l'esprit puissant aux grands affaires, le +cœur invincible aux adversitez." Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_621_621" id="Footnote_621_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_621_621"><span class="label">[621]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 306, 307.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_622_622" id="Footnote_622_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_622_622"><span class="label">[622]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 296, 297; Relation sent from La +Rochelle, La Mothe Fénélon, i. 173. The Prince of Condé had also made a +solemn protestation in writing, and before a large assembly, before +entering upon any belligerent acts. The substance of these frequent +documents is so similar that I have deemed it unnecessary to do more than +refer to it. See J. de Serres, iii. 249, 250. The Huguenot soldiers had, +at the same time, taken an oath to support the cause until the +achievement of a peace securing the undisturbed enjoyment of life, honors +and religious liberty, and to submit to a careful military discipline. +Ibid., iii. 251, 252-255, where the oath and a summary of the rules of +discipline are inserted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_623_623" id="Footnote_623_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_623_623"><span class="label">[623]</span></a> "Projet d'alliance du Prince d'Orange avec l'Amiral de +Coligny et le Prince de Condé pour obtenir entière liberté de conscience +dans les Pays-Bas et en France. Le—août l'an 1568." Groen Van +Prinsterer, Archives de la Maison d'Orange-Nassau, iii. 282-286.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_624_624" id="Footnote_624_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_624_624"><span class="label">[624]</span></a> Letter of Favelles (Dec., 1568), Groen Van Prinsterer, +Archives, etc., iii. 312-316.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_625_625" id="Footnote_625_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_625_625"><span class="label">[625]</span></a> He was not a "maréchal," as Mr. Motley inadvertently calls +him (Dutch Republic, ii. 261), but a very prominent and successful +negotiator, whose eulogy M. de Thou, an intimate friend, has pronounced +in the 122d book of his history (ix. 285). Henry, the first Count of +Schomberg made Marshal of France, was not born until 1583.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_626_626" id="Footnote_626_626"></a><a href="#FNanchor_626_626"><span class="label">[626]</span></a> It was generally believed that Schomberg, gaining access +to the Germans through one of the principal officers, to whom he was +related, was the occasion of their disaffection. Jean de Serres, iii. +298. "Il mesnagea si bien la plus part des capitaines," says Agrippa +d'Aubigné, i. 340, "que quand le Prince leur parla d'aller joindre le +Prince de Condé, <i>il les trouva tous bons théologiens et mauvais +partisans</i>; discourans de la justice des armes, sans oublier le droit des +rois et les affaires qu'ils avoient en leur païs. Schomberg s'en revint +aiant reçeu quelques injures par Genlis."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_627_627" id="Footnote_627_627"></a><a href="#FNanchor_627_627"><span class="label">[627]</span></a> Letter of December 3, 1568, Cissonne, in Motley, Rise of +the Dutch Republic, ii. 261, 262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_628_628" id="Footnote_628_628"></a><a href="#FNanchor_628_628"><span class="label">[628]</span></a> News-letter from Paris, from the Huguenot physician of the +Duke of Jarnac, discovered in the gauntlet of the Prince of Condé, and +sent by Anjou, with other papers found on his dead body, to King Charles. +Duc d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, Pièces inéd., ii. 391.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_629_629" id="Footnote_629_629"></a><a href="#FNanchor_629_629"><span class="label">[629]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 299; Groen Van Prinsterer, Archives, +etc., iii. 316; Motley, Dutch Republic, ii. 263; Ag. d'Aubigné, liv. v., +c. 26 (i. 340).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_630_630" id="Footnote_630_630"></a><a href="#FNanchor_630_630"><span class="label">[630]</span></a> M. Froude falls into a very natural error, in calling him +(History of England, Am. edit., ix. 334) "the <i>younger</i> Châtillon." With +the exception of a brother who died in early youth, he was the oldest of +the family; but his quiet and more sluggish character inclined him to +accept the cardinal's hat, when offered to him by his uncle, the +constable; and, rich with the revenues of bishoprics and abbeys, he +subsequently renounced all his rights as eldest son to his brother +Gaspard. Froude is, however, in good company. Even the usually accurate +Tytler-Fraser says of Cardinal Châtillon: "This high-born ecclesiastic +was in most things the reverse of his <i>elder</i> brother D'Andelot." England +under Edward VI. and Mary, i. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_631_631" id="Footnote_631_631"></a><a href="#FNanchor_631_631"><span class="label">[631]</span></a> Lodged by Elizabeth in Sion House, not far from Hampton +Court, he was accorded more honor than usually fell to the lot of an +envoy of royalty. Never, says Florimond de Ræmond, did the queen meet him +but she greeted him with a kiss, and it became a popular saying that +Condé's ambassador was a much more important personage than the envoy of +the King of France. De ortu, progressu, et ruina hæreseon (Cologne, +1614), ii. 284 (l. vi., c. 15).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_632_632" id="Footnote_632_632"></a><a href="#FNanchor_632_632"><span class="label">[632]</span></a> The letter of Jeanne to Elizabeth, Oct. 15, 1568, is +inserted in Jean de Serres, iii. 288-291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_633_633" id="Footnote_633_633"></a><a href="#FNanchor_633_633"><span class="label">[633]</span></a> There were many English clergymen with whom the diversity +of order in public worship created no prejudice against the reformed +churches of France. Of this number was William Whittingham, Dean of +Durham, who, when he accompanied the Earl of Warwick, upon the occupation +of Havre in 1562, conformed the service of the English garrison to that +of the resident Protestants. Understanding that some of his countrymen +had made "frivolous" complaints of his action, the Dean justified himself +by Saint Augustine's counsel in such matters, and by alleging the +disastrous consequences a different course would have produced on the +minds of the French Protestants, who, he said, "as they had conceived +evil of the infinity of our rites and cold proceedings in religion, so if +they should have seen us (but in form only, though not in substance), to +use the same or like order in ceremonies which the papists had a little +afore observed (against whom they now venture goods and body), they would +to their great grief have suspected our doings as not sincere, and have +feared in time the loss of that liberty which after a sort they had +purchased with the bloodshedding of many thousands." And the dean +maintains the wisdom of the course pursued, having "perceived that it +wrought here a marvellous conjunction of minds between the French and us, +and brought singular comfort to all our people." The Bishop of London +seems to have concurred in these views, as well as Cuthbert Vaughan, and +probably Warwick himself. Whittingham to Cecil, Newhaven (Havre), Dec. +20, 1562, State Paper Office. It ought to be added that Whittingham, in +this letter, expresses in fact a preference for the French forms to the +English, as "most agreeable with God's Word, most approaching to the form +the godly Fathers used, best allowed of the learned and godly in these +days, and according to the example of the best reformed churches." Dean +Whittingham, who had married the sister of John Calvin, was a leader of +the Puritan party in the Church of England, and the editor and principal +translator of the "Genevan" version of the English Bible. His opponents +maintained that he was "a man not in holy orders, either according to the +Anglican or the Presbyterian rite." (History of the Church of England, by +G. G. Perry, Canon of Lincoln, New York, 1879, p. 303.) But a commission +appointed by the queen to look into the matter, after the dean had been +excommunicated by the Archbishop of York, reported that "William +Whittingham was ordained in a better sort than even the archbishop +himself." (Historic Origin of the Bible, by Edwin Cone Bissell, New York, +1873, p. 57.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_634_634" id="Footnote_634_634"></a><a href="#FNanchor_634_634"><span class="label">[634]</span></a> "A view of a seditious bull sent into England from Pius +Quintus, Bishop of Rome, 1569," etc. Works of Bishop Jewel, edited by R. +W. Jelf, vii. 263-265.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_635_635" id="Footnote_635_635"></a><a href="#FNanchor_635_635"><span class="label">[635]</span></a> Despatch of La Mothe Fénélon, Dec. 5, 1568, detailing the +justification of Charles, which he had made in an interview with Queen +Elizabeth, Correspondance diplomatique, i. 28-33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_636_636" id="Footnote_636_636"></a><a href="#FNanchor_636_636"><span class="label">[636]</span></a> Yet no one could speak more courageous words than +Elizabeth in her own interests. In December, 1560, she requested the +ambassador of Francis II. "to write to his master frankly what she was +about to say, viz., that she meant to do her best to defend herself: that +she was not of such poverty, nor so void of the obedience of her +subjects, but she trusted to be able to do this. <i>She came of the race of +lions, and therefore could not sustain the person of a sheep.</i>" +Communication with the French Ambassador, December 13, 1560, State Paper +Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_637_637" id="Footnote_637_637"></a><a href="#FNanchor_637_637"><span class="label">[637]</span></a> Despatch of La Mothe Fénélon, Dec. 21, 1568, Corresp. +dipl., i. 55, 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_638_638" id="Footnote_638_638"></a><a href="#FNanchor_638_638"><span class="label">[638]</span></a> "Qu'elle n'avoit rien en si grand horreur, en ce monde, +que de voir ung corps s'esmouvoir contre sa teste, et qu'elle n'avoit +garde de s'adjoindre à ung tel monstre." Ibid., i. 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_639_639" id="Footnote_639_639"></a><a href="#FNanchor_639_639"><span class="label">[639]</span></a> Ibid., i. 36-130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_640_640" id="Footnote_640_640"></a><a href="#FNanchor_640_640"><span class="label">[640]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 2; Agrippa d'Aubigné, +liv. v., c. 10 (i. 283); De Thou, iv. (liv. xliv.) 160. La Mothe +Fénélon's despatch of January 24, 1569 (Corr. dipl. i. 153, 154), states +the assistance at 6 cannon and furniture, 300 barrels of powder, 4,000 +balls, and £7,000.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_641_641" id="Footnote_641_641"></a><a href="#FNanchor_641_641"><span class="label">[641]</span></a> Despatch to La Mothe Fénélon, March 8, 1569, and "Articles +presantez à la royne d'Angleterre par le S<sup>r</sup> de la Mothe, etc," Corresp. +diplom., i. 224, 237-241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_642_642" id="Footnote_642_642"></a><a href="#FNanchor_642_642"><span class="label">[642]</span></a> "Considérant luy-mesmes et toute la flotte des marchands +estre en leur pouvoir, il trouva nécessaire pour luy de condescendre en +partie à leurs demandes, <i>combien quv ce fût contre sa volonté</i>." Coppie +du messaige qui a esté declairé par la Majesté de la Royne et son +conseil, par parolle de bouche, à l'amb. du Roy de France, par Jehan +Somer, clerc du signet de sa Majesté le III<sup>e</sup> jour de mars, 1568. +Corresp. diplom., i. 242-251.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_643_643" id="Footnote_643_643"></a><a href="#FNanchor_643_643"><span class="label">[643]</span></a> Despatch of Dec. 5, 1568, Corresp. diplom., i. 32, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_644_644" id="Footnote_644_644"></a><a href="#FNanchor_644_644"><span class="label">[644]</span></a> In his despatch of March 25, 1569, La Mothe Fénélon admits +to Catharine his great perplexity as to how he should act, so as neither +to show too little spirit nor to provoke Elizabeth to such a declaration +as would compel the king, his master, to declare war at so inopportune a +time. Corresp. diplom., i. 281.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_645_645" id="Footnote_645_645"></a><a href="#FNanchor_645_645"><span class="label">[645]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 307, 308; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) +169, 170; Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_646_646" id="Footnote_646_646"></a><a href="#FNanchor_646_646"><span class="label">[646]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 171, 172; Castelnau, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_647_647" id="Footnote_647_647"></a><a href="#FNanchor_647_647"><span class="label">[647]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 302, 309; De Thou, iv. 161; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, i. 277.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_648_648" id="Footnote_648_648"></a><a href="#FNanchor_648_648"><span class="label">[648]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) 174, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_649_649" id="Footnote_649_649"></a><a href="#FNanchor_649_649"><span class="label">[649]</span></a> The Earl of Leicester gives Charles a more direct part in +the war. "The king hathe bene these two monethes about Metz in Lorrayne, +to empeache the entry of the Duke of Bipounte, who is set forward by the +common assent of all the princes Protestants in Germany, with twelve +thousand horsemen, and twenty-five thousand footemen, to assiste the +Protestants in France, and to make some final end of their garboyles." +Letter to Randolph, ambassador to the Emperor of Muscovy, May 1, 1569, +Wright, Queen Elizabeth, i. 313. The facilities, even for diplomatic +correspondence, with so distant a country as Muscovy, were very scanty. +Leicester's despatch is accordingly an interesting résumé of the chief +events that had occurred in Western Europe during the past sixty days.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_650_650" id="Footnote_650_650"></a><a href="#FNanchor_650_650"><span class="label">[650]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 277; De Thou, iv. 172, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_651_651" id="Footnote_651_651"></a><a href="#FNanchor_651_651"><span class="label">[651]</span></a> "Ja Dieu ne plaise qu'on die jamais que Bourbon ait fuyt +devant ses ennemis." Lestoile, 21. It is probably to this circumstance +that the Earl of Leicester alludes, when he says that "the Prince of +Condé, through his overmuche hardines and little regard to follow the +Admirall's advise had his arme broken with a courrire shotte," etc. +Wright, Queen Elizabeth, i. 313, 314.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_652_652" id="Footnote_652_652"></a><a href="#FNanchor_652_652"><span class="label">[652]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., liv. v., c. 8 (i. 280); De +Thou, iv. 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_653_653" id="Footnote_653_653"></a><a href="#FNanchor_653_653"><span class="label">[653]</span></a> D'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>. A Huguenot patriarch, named La +Vergne, was noticed by Agrippa himself fighting in the midst of +twenty-five of his nephews and kinsmen. The dead bodies of the old man +and of fifteen of his followers fell almost on a single heap, and nearly +all the survivors were taken prisoners.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_654_654" id="Footnote_654_654"></a><a href="#FNanchor_654_654"><span class="label">[654]</span></a> Jeanne d'Albret to Marie de Clèves, April, 1569, +Rochambeau, Lettres d'Antoine de Bourbon et de Jehanne d'Albret (Paris, +1877), 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_655_655" id="Footnote_655_655"></a><a href="#FNanchor_655_655"><span class="label">[655]</span></a> I regret to say that the current representations as to the +termination of Condé's dishonorable attachment to Isabeau de Limueil are +proved by contemporary documents to be erroneous. The tears and +remonstrances of his wife Éléonore de Roye (see <i>ante</i>, chapter xiv.) may +have had some temporary effect. But an anonymous letter among the +Simancas MSS., written March 15, 1565 (and consequently more than six +months after Éléonore's death, which occurred July 23, 1564), portrays +him as "hora più che mai passionato per la sua Limolia." Duc d'Aumale, +Pièces justif., i. 552. Just as Calvin (letter of September 17, 1563, +Bonnet, Lettres franç., ii. 539) had rebuked the prince with his +customary frankness, warning him respecting his conduct, and saying that +"les bonnes gens en seront offenséz, les malins en feront leur risée," so +now Coligny and the Huguenot gentlemen of his suite united with the +Protestant ministers in begging him to renounce his present course of +life, and contract a second honorable marriage. The latter held up to him +"il pericolo et infamia propria, et il scandalo commune a tutta la +relligione per esserne lui capo;" the former threatened to leave him. I +have seen no injurious reports affecting Condé's morals after his +marriage, November 8, 1565, to Françoise Marie d'Orléans Longueville. Duc +d'Aumale, Princes de Condé, i. 263-278.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_656_656" id="Footnote_656_656"></a><a href="#FNanchor_656_656"><span class="label">[656]</span></a> Long the idol of the Huguenots, both of high or of low +degree, he enjoyed a popularity perpetuated in a spirited song ("La +Chanson du Petit Homme"), current so far back as the close of the first +war, 1563, the refrain of which, alluding to the prince's diminutive +stature, is: "<i>Dieu gard' de mal le Petit Homme!</i>" Chansonnier Huguenot, +250, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_657_657" id="Footnote_657_657"></a><a href="#FNanchor_657_657"><span class="label">[657]</span></a> The author of the Vie de Coligny (Cologne, 1686) gives +more than one instance of a deference on the part of the subject of his +biography which may seem to the reader excessive, but which alone could +satisfy the chivalrous feeling of the loyal knight of the sixteenth +century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_658_658" id="Footnote_658_658"></a><a href="#FNanchor_658_658"><span class="label">[658]</span></a> Brantôme (Hommes illustres, Œuvres, viii. 163, 164) +relates that Honorat de Savoie, Count of Villars, begged the Duke of +Anjou to have Stuart given over to him, and, having gained his request, +murdered him.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_659_659" id="Footnote_659_659"></a><a href="#FNanchor_659_659"><span class="label">[659]</span></a> "Qui par artifices merveilleusement subtils ont bien sceu +vandre le sang de la maison de France contre soy-mesmes."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_660_660" id="Footnote_660_660"></a><a href="#FNanchor_660_660"><span class="label">[660]</span></a> The Earl of Leicester wrote to Randolph: "Robert Stuart, +Chastellier, and certaine other worthy gentlemen, to the number of six, +were lykewise taken and slayne, as the Frenche tearme it, de sang froid." +Wright, Queen Elizabeth, i. 314. See also Cardinal Châtillon's letter to +the Elector Palatine, June 10, 1569, in which the writer declares +significantly of Condé's murder by Montesquiou, "ce qu'il n'eust osé +entreprendre sans en avoir commandement <i>des plus grands</i>." Kluckholn, +Briefe Friedrich des Frommen, ii. 336.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_661_661" id="Footnote_661_661"></a><a href="#FNanchor_661_661"><span class="label">[661]</span></a> Letter of Henry of Navarre to the Duke of Anjou, "escript +au Camp d'Availle le xii<sup>e</sup> jour de juillet 1569." Lettres inédites de +Henry IV. recueillies par le Prince Augustin Galitzin (Paris. 1860), +4-11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_662_662" id="Footnote_662_662"></a><a href="#FNanchor_662_662"><span class="label">[662]</span></a> The Huguenot loss is given by Jean de Serres (iii. 316) at +200 killed and 40 taken prisoners. Agrippa d'Aubigné states it at 140 +gentilhommes (Hist. univ., i. 280). The Earl of Leicester's words are: +"In which conflicte was slayne on both sydes, as we heare, not above +foure hundred men" (Wright, Queen Elizabeth, i. 313, 314). Castelnau +speaks of over a hundred Huguenot gentlemen slain and an equal number +taken prisoners (liv. vii., c. 4). The "Adviz donné par M<sup>r</sup> Norrys, +ambassadeur pour la royne d'Angleterre, prins de ses lettres, envoyées de +Metz, le 18 d'Avril" (La Mothe Fénélon, i. 362), agrees with Leicester, +but is unique in making Anjou's loss greater than that of the Huguenots. +De Thou makes the Protestants lose 400. The untruthful Davila says, "the +Huguenots lost not above seven hundred men, but they were most of them +gentlemen and cavaliers of note."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_663_663" id="Footnote_663_663"></a><a href="#FNanchor_663_663"><span class="label">[663]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 281. La Fosse and others have +preserved one of the good Catholic stanzas composed on this occasion:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">L'an mil cinq cent soixante et neuf<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Entre Congnac et Châteauneuf<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Fust apporté sur une ânesse<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Le grand ennemi de la messe.<br /></span> +<span class="i6">(Journal d'un curé ligueur, 104.)<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_664_664" id="Footnote_664_664"></a><a href="#FNanchor_664_664"><span class="label">[664]</span></a> "On donna l'honneur de cette défaicte à M. de Tavannes." +La Fosse, 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_665_665" id="Footnote_665_665"></a><a href="#FNanchor_665_665"><span class="label">[665]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) 177. Claude de Sainctes, +afterward Bishop of Evreux, who, it will be remembered, figured at the +colloquy of Poissy, is credited with the suggestion of the chapel.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_666_666" id="Footnote_666_666"></a><a href="#FNanchor_666_666"><span class="label">[666]</span></a> The principal authorities consulted for the battle of +Jarnac, or of Bassac, as it is also frequently called, from the abbey +near which it raged, are: Jean de Serres, iii. 309-315; De Thou, iv. +(liv. xlv.) 173-176; Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 4; Ag. d'Aubigné, i. +278-281; Le vray discours de la bataille donnée par monsieur le 13. iour +de Mars, 1569, entre Chasteauneuf et Jarnac, etc., avec privilege (Cimber +et Danjou, Archives curieuses, vi. 365, etc.); Discours de la bataille +donnée par Monseigneur, Duc d'Anjou et de Bourbonnoys, ... contre les +rebelles ... entre la ville d'Angoulesme et Jarnac, près d'une maison +nommée Vibrac appartenant à la Dame de Mezières; an inaccurate official +account, drawn up at Metz by Neufville on the first reception of the +news, and sent by the Spanish ambassador, Alava, to Philip II.; La Mothe +Fénélon, Corr. dip., vii. 3-11; Davila, bk. iv.; the "Relation originale" +in Documents inédits tirés des coll. MSS. de la bibliothèque royale (Fr. +gov.), iv. 483, etc. Compare the excellent narratives of the Duc d'Aumale +and Prof. Soldan. The Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., i. +(1853) 429, gives a representation of a monument, in the form of an +obelisk, about eleven feet in height, erected by the Department of the +Charente, in 1818, on the spot where Condé fell. A somewhat similar +monument, raised in 1770 by the Count de Jarnac, was destroyed during the +first French revolution.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_667_667" id="Footnote_667_667"></a><a href="#FNanchor_667_667"><span class="label">[667]</span></a> Anjou to Charles IX., March 17, 1569, Duc d'Aumale, Les +Princes de Condé, ii. 399.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_668_668" id="Footnote_668_668"></a><a href="#FNanchor_668_668"><span class="label">[668]</span></a> Apostolicarum Pii Quinti, P. M., Epistolarum libri +quinque. Antverpiæ, 1640, 152.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_669_669" id="Footnote_669_669"></a><a href="#FNanchor_669_669"><span class="label">[669]</span></a> Pii Quinti Epist., 157-166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_670_670" id="Footnote_670_670"></a><a href="#FNanchor_670_670"><span class="label">[670]</span></a> Ibid., 160, 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_671_671" id="Footnote_671_671"></a><a href="#FNanchor_671_671"><span class="label">[671]</span></a> Boscheron des Portes, Hist. du Parlement de Bordeaux +(Bordeaux, 1877), i. 214, 216. As the Huguenots were condemned, not for +heresy, but for rebellion, sacrilege, etc., the learned author finds no +mention of fagot and flame.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_672_672" id="Footnote_672_672"></a><a href="#FNanchor_672_672"><span class="label">[672]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon. i. 288-294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_673_673" id="Footnote_673_673"></a><a href="#FNanchor_673_673"><span class="label">[673]</span></a> Despatch of April 12, 1569, ibid., i. 303.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_674_674" id="Footnote_674_674"></a><a href="#FNanchor_674_674"><span class="label">[674]</span></a> It is evident that the results of the battle were +designedly exaggerated by the Roman Catholics at the time, and have been +overrated ever since. Agrippa d'Aubigné alleges that, out of 128 cornets +of cavalry in the Huguenot army, only fifteen were engaged; and that of +over 200 ensigns of infantry, barely <i>six</i>—those under Pluviaut—came +within a league of the battle-field. Hist. univ., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_675_675" id="Footnote_675_675"></a><a href="#FNanchor_675_675"><span class="label">[675]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 317, 318; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) +178, 179. De Thou reckons the losses of the Roman Catholics before Cognac +at more than 300 men.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_676_676" id="Footnote_676_676"></a><a href="#FNanchor_676_676"><span class="label">[676]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 180, 181; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 282; J. de +Serres, iii. 318, 319.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_677_677" id="Footnote_677_677"></a><a href="#FNanchor_677_677"><span class="label">[677]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, i. 367. And now, to the insulting +<i>quatrain</i> already quoted à propos of Condé's death, the Huguenot +soldiers of Angoumois replied in rough verses of their own:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Le Prince de Condé<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Il a été tué;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Mais Monsieur l'Amiral<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Est encore à cheval,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Avec La Rochefoucauld<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Pour achever tous ces Papaux.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>V. Bujeaud, Chronique protestante de l'Angoumois, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_678_678" id="Footnote_678_678"></a><a href="#FNanchor_678_678"><span class="label">[678]</span></a> Discours merveilleux de la vie de Catherine de Medicis +(Cologne, 1683), 645. See the atrocious letter to Catharine, which the +queen found upon her bed, Nov. 8, 1575, and which purports to have been +written from Lausanne. In the copy published by Le Laboureur (ii. +425-429), it is signed "Grand Champ;" in that which the editor of Claude +Haton gives in an appendix (p. 1111-1115) the name is "Emille Dardani." +The date is doubtful. Le Laboureur is apparently more correct in giving +it as "le troisième mois de la quatrième année après la trahison" (St. +Bartholomew's Day).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_679_679" id="Footnote_679_679"></a><a href="#FNanchor_679_679"><span class="label">[679]</span></a> The Vie de Coligny (Cologne, 1686), p. 360, 361, says +nothing to indicate that the author regarded D'Andelot's death as other +than natural. But Hotman's Gasparis Colinii Vita (1575), p. 75, mentions +the suspicion, and considers it confirmed by the saying attributed to +Birague, afterward chancellor, that "the war would never be terminated by +arms alone, but that it might be brought to a close very easily by +<i>cooks</i>." Cardinal Châtillon, in a letter to the Elector Palatine, June +10, 1569, alludes to his brother's having died of poison as a +well-ascertained fact, "comme il est apparent tant par l'anatomie," etc. +Kluckholn, Briefe Frederick des Frommen, ii 336.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_680_680" id="Footnote_680_680"></a><a href="#FNanchor_680_680"><span class="label">[680]</span></a> Since the outbreak of the present war, the court had +undertaken to deprive D'Andelot of his rank, and had divided his duties +between Brissac and Strozzi. Brissac had been killed, and Strozzi was now +recognized by the court as colonel-general.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_681_681" id="Footnote_681_681"></a><a href="#FNanchor_681_681"><span class="label">[681]</span></a> The letter written from Saintes, May 18, 1569, is inserted +in Gasparis Colinii Vita (1575) pp. 75-78, the author remarking, "quam +ipsius manum, atque chirographum præ manibus jam habeo." The possession +of so many family manuscripts on the part of the anonymous writer of this +valuable contemporary account, is explained by the fact that he was no +other than the distinguished Francis Hotman, in whose hands the admiral's +widow, Jaqueline d'Entremont, or Antremont, had placed all the documents +she possessed, entreating him to undertake the pious task of compiling a +life of her husband. In a remarkable letter which has but lately come to +light, dated January 15, 1572 (new style 1573), after an exordium full of +those classical allusions of which the age was so fond, she writes: "Ne +trouvez étrange, je vous supplie, si j'ai essayé de réveiller vostre +plume pour laisser à la postérité autant de témoignages de la vertu de +feu monseigneur et mari, que nos ennemis la veulent désigner," etc. +Bulletin, vi. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_682_682" id="Footnote_682_682"></a><a href="#FNanchor_682_682"><span class="label">[682]</span></a> "La France aura beaucoup de maux avec vous, et puis sans +vous; mais en fin tout tombera sur l'Espagnol." Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. +283.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_683_683" id="Footnote_683_683"></a><a href="#FNanchor_683_683"><span class="label">[683]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_684_684" id="Footnote_684_684"></a><a href="#FNanchor_684_684"><span class="label">[684]</span></a> Berger de Xivrey, Lettres missives de Henri IV. (Paris, +1843), i. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_685_685" id="Footnote_685_685"></a><a href="#FNanchor_685_685"><span class="label">[685]</span></a> Histoire de Charles IX. par le sieur Varillas (Cologne, +1686), ii. 161, 162. I am glad to embrace this opportunity of quoting a +historian in whose statements of facts I have as seldom the good fortune +to concur as in his general deductions of principles. M. de Thou (iv. +182) remarks in a similar spirit: "Il fit voir à la France (et ses +ennemis même en convinrent) qu'il étoit capable de soutenir lui seul tout +le parti Protestant dont on croyoit auparavant qu'il ne soutenoit qu'une +partie."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_686_686" id="Footnote_686_686"></a><a href="#FNanchor_686_686"><span class="label">[686]</span></a> Ranke (Civil Wars and Monarchy), 241; the statement of +Jean de Serres, iii. 325, would make the total number a little larger; +the accounts of Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 285, and De Thou, iv. 185, make it +somewhat smaller.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_687_687" id="Footnote_687_687"></a><a href="#FNanchor_687_687"><span class="label">[687]</span></a> Adviz, etc., La Mothe Fénélon, i. 363.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_688_688" id="Footnote_688_688"></a><a href="#FNanchor_688_688"><span class="label">[688]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 184; Jean de Serres, iii. 320-323. This was +in February. It was the more natural for Wolfgang to defend his course, +as he was himself an ancient ally of the King of Spain. In the Papiers +d'état du card. de Granvelle, ix. 567, we have the text of a compact +formed Oct. 1, 1565: "Lettres de Service accordées par le roi d'Espagne à +Wolfgang, comte Palatin et duc de Deux Ponts." According to this +document, the duke was bound for three years to obey Philip's summons, +although he refused to pledge himself to do anything directly or +indirectly against the Augsburg Confession or its supporters.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_689_689" id="Footnote_689_689"></a><a href="#FNanchor_689_689"><span class="label">[689]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_690_690" id="Footnote_690_690"></a><a href="#FNanchor_690_690"><span class="label">[690]</span></a> Letter of Charles IX. to La Mothe Fénélon, May 14, 1569, +Corresp. dipl., vii. 20, 21. The same incredulity respecting the +possibility of Deux Ponts's enterprise is expressed by the anonymous +author of a memorandum of a journey through France, in Documents inédits +tirés des MSS. de la bibl. royale, iv. 493. It is alluded to in the +"Remonstrance" of the Protestant princes presented after the junction of +the armies. Jean de Serres, iii. 337.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_691_691" id="Footnote_691_691"></a><a href="#FNanchor_691_691"><span class="label">[691]</span></a> Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_692_692" id="Footnote_692_692"></a><a href="#FNanchor_692_692"><span class="label">[692]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 185-188; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 285; Anquetil, +Esprit de la ligue, i. 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_693_693" id="Footnote_693_693"></a><a href="#FNanchor_693_693"><span class="label">[693]</span></a> Discours envoyé de La Rochelle à la Royne d'Angleterre. La +Mothe Fénélon, ii. 158, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_694_694" id="Footnote_694_694"></a><a href="#FNanchor_694_694"><span class="label">[694]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 188; Lestoile, 22; J. de Serres, iii. 524; +Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_695_695" id="Footnote_695_695"></a><a href="#FNanchor_695_695"><span class="label">[695]</span></a> Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 7; De Thou, iv. 192; Jean de +Serres, iii. 327 (who states the Roman Catholic loss as higher than given +in the text). Brantôme ascribes the defeat of Strozzi to the circumstance +that the matches of <i>his</i> troops were put out by the rain, and that his +infantry, unsupported by cavalry, was at the mercy of Mouy and the +Huguenot troopers. Colonnels fr., Œuvres, ed. Lalanne, vi. 60. But the +"Discours envoyé de la Rochelle à la Royne d'Angleterre" (La Mothe +Fénélon, ii. 160) states that the Huguenots would have done much greater +execution and perhaps put an end to the dispute, "n'eust été que, tout ce +jour là, la pluye fut si extrême et si grande que noz harquebouziers ne +pouvoient plus jouer." La Roche Abeille, or La Roche l'Abeille, is a +hamlet seventeen miles south of Limoges.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_696_696" id="Footnote_696_696"></a><a href="#FNanchor_696_696"><span class="label">[696]</span></a> According to J. A. Gabutius, the biographer of Pius V. +(sec. 120, p. 646), the Pope sent 4,500 foot and 1,000 horse, and Cosmo, +Duke of Florence, 1,000 foot and 200 horse. Besides these, many nobles +attached themselves to the expedition as volunteers. Santa Fiore was +instructed to leave France <i>the moment he should perceive that the +heretics were treated with</i>. "Quod si ipse summus copiarum Dux, vel de +pace vel de rerum compositione quidquam Catholicæ religioni damnosum +præsentiret; [Pius V.] imperavit e vestigio aut converso itinere in +Italiam remearet, aut ad Catholicum exercitum in Belgio cum hæreticis +bellantem sese conferret et adjungeret."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_697_697" id="Footnote_697_697"></a><a href="#FNanchor_697_697"><span class="label">[697]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 192; Vie de Coligny, 364; Gasparis Colinii +Vita, 81; Jean de Serres, iii. 331. Charles IX. in a letter to La Mothe +Fénélon, from St. Germains des Prés, July 27, 1569, alludes to the +successes of the Huguenots, whom Anjou cannot resist, "ayant donné congé +à la pluspart de sa gendarmerye de s'en aller faire ung tour en leurs +maisons." Corresp. diplom., vii. 35, 36. The furlough, which was to +expire on the 15th of August, was afterward extended by Anjou to the 1st +of October.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_698_698" id="Footnote_698_698"></a><a href="#FNanchor_698_698"><span class="label">[698]</span></a> See Vie de Coligny, 364; De Thou, iv. 192; Jean de Serres, +iii. 345, 346.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_699_699" id="Footnote_699_699"></a><a href="#FNanchor_699_699"><span class="label">[699]</span></a> Yet the "Guisards" were never tired of asserting the +contrary. Sir Thomas Smith tells us that Cardinal Lorraine maintained to +him that "they [the Huguenots] desired to bring all to the form of a +republic, like Geneva." Smith records the conversation at length in a +letter to Cecil, wishing his correspondent to perceive "how he had need +of a long spoon that should eat potage with the Devil." The discussion +must have been an earnest one. Sir Thomas was not disposed to boast of +being a finished courtier. In fact, he declares that, as to framing +compliments, he is "the verriest calf and beast in the world," and +threatens to get one Bizzarro to write him some, which he will get +translated (for all sorts of people), and learn them by heart. He managed +on this occasion to speak his mind to Lorraine pretty freely respecting +the real origin of the war (the conversation took place in 1562), and +told the churchman the uncomplimentary truth, that his brother's deed at +Vassy was the cause of all the troubles. Smith to Cecil, Rouen, Nov. 7, +1562, State Paper Office.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_700_700" id="Footnote_700_700"></a><a href="#FNanchor_700_700"><span class="label">[700]</span></a> Not to speak of Noyers, belonging to Condé, Coligny's +stately residence at Châtillon-sur-Loing fell into the hands of the +enemy. In direct violation of the terms of the capitulation, the palace +was robbed of all its costly furniture, which was sent to Paris and sold +at auction. Château-Renard, which also was the property of Coligny, was +taken by the Roman Catholics, and became the nest of a company of +half-soldiers, half-robbers, under an Italian—one Fretini—who laid +under contribution travellers on the road to Lyons. De Thou, iv. 198, +199; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_701_701" id="Footnote_701_701"></a><a href="#FNanchor_701_701"><span class="label">[701]</span></a> How deeply the Guises felt the taunt that they were +strangers in France, appears from a sentence of the cardinal's to the +Bishop of Rennes (Trent, Nov. 24, 1563), wherein, alluding to the recent +birth of a son to the Duke of Lorraine and Catharine de' Medici's +daughter, he says that he is "merveilleusement aise ... pource que sera +occasion aux Huguenots de ne nous dire plus princes estrangers." Le +Laboureur, ii. 313.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_702_702" id="Footnote_702_702"></a><a href="#FNanchor_702_702"><span class="label">[702]</span></a> "Copie d'une Remonstrance que ceulx de la Rochelle ont +mandé avoyr envoyée au Roy, après l'arrivée du duc de Deux Ponts." La +Mothe Fénélon, ii. 179-188. In Latin, Jean de Serres, iii. 333-345. +Gasparis Colinii Vita, 80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_703_703" id="Footnote_703_703"></a><a href="#FNanchor_703_703"><span class="label">[703]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 6; Jean de Serres, iii. +345, 346; De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_704_704" id="Footnote_704_704"></a><a href="#FNanchor_704_704"><span class="label">[704]</span></a> "Lusignan la pucelle." De Thou, iv. 197; Jean de Serres, +iii. 331; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_705_705" id="Footnote_705_705"></a><a href="#FNanchor_705_705"><span class="label">[705]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 294; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) +200-202; Jean de Serres, iii. 347.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_706_706" id="Footnote_706_706"></a><a href="#FNanchor_706_706"><span class="label">[706]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 298: "Pressé par les interests et +murmures des Poictevins, il sentit en cet endroit une des incommoditez +qui se trouve aux partis de plusieurs testes; sa prudence donc cedant à +sa nécessité," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_707_707" id="Footnote_707_707"></a><a href="#FNanchor_707_707"><span class="label">[707]</span></a> Letter of Sept. 8, 1569, Wright, Queen Elizabeth, i. 323.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_708_708" id="Footnote_708_708"></a><a href="#FNanchor_708_708"><span class="label">[708]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 348, etc.; Castelnau, liv. vii., c. +7; De Thou, iv. 205-214; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 297, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_709_709" id="Footnote_709_709"></a><a href="#FNanchor_709_709"><span class="label">[709]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_710_710" id="Footnote_710_710"></a><a href="#FNanchor_710_710"><span class="label">[710]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 332; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 292; De +Thou, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_711_711" id="Footnote_711_711"></a><a href="#FNanchor_711_711"><span class="label">[711]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 13 (i. 293); De Thou, iv. +(liv. xlv.) 204; Jehan de la Fosse, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_712_712" id="Footnote_712_712"></a><a href="#FNanchor_712_712"><span class="label">[712]</span></a> That Renée was, like all the other prominent Huguenots, +from the very first opposed to a resort to the horrors of war, is +certain. Agrippa d'Aubigné goes farther than this, and asserts (i. 293) +that she had become estranged from Condé in consequence of her blaming +the Huguenots for their assumption of arms: "blasmant ceux qui portoient +les armes, jusques à estre devenus ennemis, le Prince de Condé et elle, +sur cette querelle." I can scarcely credit this account, of which I see +no confirmation, unless it be in a letter to an unknown correspondent, in +the National Library (MSS. Coll. Béthune, 8703, fol. 68), of which a +translation is given in Memorials of Renée of France (London, 1859), 263, +264. It is dated Montargis, Aug. 20, 1569: "Praying you ... to employ +yourself, as I know you are accustomed to do, in whatsoever way shall be +possible to you, in striving to arrive at a good peace, in which endeavor +I, on my part, shall put forth all my power, if it shall please God. And +if it cannot be a general one, <i>at least it shall be to those who desire +it, and who belong to us</i>." Who, however, was the correspondent? The +subscription, "Your good cousin, Renée of France," would appear to point +to Admiral Coligny or some one of equal rank. Louis de Condé was no +longer living.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_713_713" id="Footnote_713_713"></a><a href="#FNanchor_713_713"><span class="label">[713]</span></a> Letter of Villegagnon to the Duchess of Ferrara, +Montereau, March 4, 1569, <i>apud</i> Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. Appendix, +1109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_714_714" id="Footnote_714_714"></a><a href="#FNanchor_714_714"><span class="label">[714]</span></a> It must be remembered that this was a different place from +Châtillon-sur-Loing, Admiral Coligny's residence, which was not more than +fifteen miles distant. The places are frequently confounded with each +other. The Loing is a tributary of the Seine, into which it empties below +Montereau, after flowing by Châtillon-sur-Loing, Montargis, and Nemours.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_715_715" id="Footnote_715_715"></a><a href="#FNanchor_715_715"><span class="label">[715]</span></a> The fullest and most graphic account of this interesting +incident I find in Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 293 (liv. v., c. 13). See De +Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) 204, and Memorials of Renée of France (London, +1859), 261-263. The Huguenot horsemen numbered not eight hundred, as the +author last quoted states, but about one hundred and twenty—"six +vingts."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_716_716" id="Footnote_716_716"></a><a href="#FNanchor_716_716"><span class="label">[716]</span></a> The "Discours de ce qui avint touchant la Croix de +Gastines, l'an 1571, vers Noel" (Mémoires de l'état de France sous +Charles IX., and Archives curieuses, vi. 475, etc.), contains the quaint +decree of the parliament. See Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la +Fosse), 107. As actually erected, the monument consisted of a high stone +pyramid, surmounted by a gilt crucifix. Besides the decree in question, +there were engraved some Latin verses of so confused a construction that +it was suggested that the composer intended to cast ridicule both on the +Roman Catholics and on the Huguenots. M. de Thou, who was a boy of +sixteen at the time—and who, as son of the first President of +Parliament, and himself, at a later time, a leading member and president +<i>à mortier</i> of that body, enjoyed rare advantages for arriving at the +truth—declares (iv. 488) that the elder Gastines was a venerable man, +beloved by his neighbors, and, indeed, by the entire city; and that the +execution was compassed by a cabal of seditious persons, who, by dint of +soliciting the judges, of exciting the people, of inducing them to +congregate and follow the judges with threats as they left parliament, +succeeded in causing to be punished with death, in the persons of the +Gastines, an offence which, until then, had been punished only with exile +or a pecuniary fine.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_717_717" id="Footnote_717_717"></a><a href="#FNanchor_717_717"><span class="label">[717]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse, 107, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_718_718" id="Footnote_718_718"></a><a href="#FNanchor_718_718"><span class="label">[718]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur, 110; Mém. de Castelnau, liv. +vii., c. 8; De Thou, iv. (liv. l) 216; Gasp. Colinii Vita (1569), 87; +Memoirs of G. de Coligny, 140, etc. The arrêt of the parliament is in +Archives curieuses, vi. 377, etc. The Latin life of Coligny (89-91) +inserts a manly and Christian letter, in the author's possession, written +(Oct. 16, 1569) by the admiral to his own children and those of his +deceased brother, D'Andelot, who were studying at La Rochelle, shortly +after receiving intelligence of this judicial sentence and of the wanton +injury done to his palace at Châtillon-sur-Loing. "We must follow our +Head, Jesus Christ, who himself leads the way," he writes. "Men have +deprived us of all that it was in their power to take from us, and if it +be God's will that we never recover what we have lost, still we shall be +happy, and our condition will be a good one, inasmuch as these losses +have not arisen from any harm done by us to those who have brought them +upon us, but solely from the hatred they bear toward me for the reason +that it has pleased God to make use of me in assisting His Church."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_719_719" id="Footnote_719_719"></a><a href="#FNanchor_719_719"><span class="label">[719]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 356, 357; Mem. of Coligny, 136; De +Thou, iv. 216, 217; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 302.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_720_720" id="Footnote_720_720"></a><a href="#FNanchor_720_720"><span class="label">[720]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iii. 363; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 221; +Castelnau, vii., c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_721_721" id="Footnote_721_721"></a><a href="#FNanchor_721_721"><span class="label">[721]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 216; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 302. The place was +also known by the name of Foie la Vineuse.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_722_722" id="Footnote_722_722"></a><a href="#FNanchor_722_722"><span class="label">[722]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 305.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_723_723" id="Footnote_723_723"></a><a href="#FNanchor_723_723"><span class="label">[723]</span></a> In the heat of the engagement, the excited imaginations of +the combatants even saw visions of celestial champions, as Theseus was +fabled to have appeared at Marathon. A renegade Protestant captain +afterward assured the Cardinal of Alessandria that on that eventful day +he had seen in mid-air an array of warriors with refulgent armor and +blood-red swords, threatening the Huguenot lines in which he fought; and +he had instantly embraced the Roman Catholic faith, and vowed perpetual +service under the banners of the pontiff. There were others, we are told, +to corroborate his account of the prodigy. Joannis Antonii Gabutii Vita +Pii Quinti Papæ (Acta Sanctorum, Maii 5), § 125, pp. 647, 648.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_724_724" id="Footnote_724_724"></a><a href="#FNanchor_724_724"><span class="label">[724]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 307. "Ne se trouva oncques gens plus +fidelles au camp catholicque que lesditz estrangers, et singulièrement +les Suisses, lesquelz ne pardonnèrent à ung seul de leur nation +germanique de ceux qui tombèrent en leurs mains." Mém. de Claude Haton, +ii. 582.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_725_725" id="Footnote_725_725"></a><a href="#FNanchor_725_725"><span class="label">[725]</span></a> "Che non avesse il comandamanto di lui osservato +d'ammazzar subito qualunque heretico gli fosse venuto alle mani." Catena, +Vita di Pio V., <i>apud</i> White, Mass. of St. Bartholomew, 305, and De Thou, +iv. (liv. xlvi.) 228. With singular inconsistency—so impossible is it +generally to carry out these horrible theories of extermination—the +Roman pontiff himself afterward liberated D'Acier without exacting any +ransom. De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>. "Si Santafiore lui avoit obéï," says an +annotator, "Jacques de Crussol (D'Acier) ne se seroit pas converti, et +n'auroit pas laissé une si illustre poterité."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_726_726" id="Footnote_726_726"></a><a href="#FNanchor_726_726"><span class="label">[726]</span></a> On the battle of Moncontour, consult J. de Serres, iii. +357-362; De Thou, iv. 224-228; Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 9; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 17; a Roman Catholic relation in Groen van +Prinsterer, Archives de la Maison d'Orange Nassau, iii. 324-326.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_727_727" id="Footnote_727_727"></a><a href="#FNanchor_727_727"><span class="label">[727]</span></a> "Nihil est enim ea pietate misericordiaque crudelius, quæ +in impios et ultima supplicia meritos confertur." Pius V. to Charles IX., +Oct. 20, 1569. Pii V. Epistolæ (Antwerp, 1640), 242. The French victories +of Jarnac and Moncontour were celebrated by a medal struck at Rome, with +the legend, "<i>Fecit potentiam in bracchio suo, dispersit superbos</i>," and +a representation of Pius kneeling and invoking the aid of heaven against +the heretics. In the distance is seen a combat, and above it appears the +Divine Being directing the issue. Figured in "Le Trésor de Numismatique +et de Glyptique, par Paul Delaroche" (Médailles des Papes, plate 15, No. +5), Paris, 1839.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_728_728" id="Footnote_728_728"></a><a href="#FNanchor_728_728"><span class="label">[728]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 65, etc., from Simancas MSS. So +Claude Haton, who is rarely behindhand in such matters, makes the +Protestants lose fifteen thousand or sixteen thousand men. Mémoires, ii. +582. Admiral Coligny was for a time believed by the court to be dead or +mortally wounded, "mais ne fut rien." Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_729_729" id="Footnote_729_729"></a><a href="#FNanchor_729_729"><span class="label">[729]</span></a> If we may credit the curate Claude, Catharine de' Medici +alone was vexed at the completeness of the rout and the number of +Huguenots slain, "inasmuch as she gave them as much support as possible, +and encouraged them in rebellion, that the civil wars might continue, in +which she took pleasure because of the management of affairs they threw +into her hands"—"pour le maniment des affaires qu'elle entreprenoit et +manioit." Mémoires, ii. 583.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_730_730" id="Footnote_730_730"></a><a href="#FNanchor_730_730"><span class="label">[730]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 110.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_731_731" id="Footnote_731_731"></a><a href="#FNanchor_731_731"><span class="label">[731]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse, 112. The date is stated as "about Oct. +17th."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_732_732" id="Footnote_732_732"></a><a href="#FNanchor_732_732"><span class="label">[732]</span></a> Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, i. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_733_733" id="Footnote_733_733"></a><a href="#FNanchor_733_733"><span class="label">[733]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 230; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 310. The +murderer's name is variously written Maurevel, Moureveil, Montrevel, +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_734_734" id="Footnote_734_734"></a><a href="#FNanchor_734_734"><span class="label">[734]</span></a> This letter, respecting which I confess that I find some +difficulties, possesses a history of its own. On the 13th of Ventôse, in +the second year of the republic, the original was sent to the national +convention, which, the next day, ordered its insertion in the official +bulletin, and its preservation in the national library, as emanating +"from one of the Neros of France." See App. to Journal de Lestoile, ed. +Michaud, pt. i., p. 307, 308, and the revolutionary bulletins.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_735_735" id="Footnote_735_735"></a><a href="#FNanchor_735_735"><span class="label">[735]</span></a> "Ut sese Montalbani cum Vicecomitibus conjungerent, et +sperantes Andium, dum se persequeretur, ab San-Jani oppugnandæ instituto +destiturum." De statu rel. et reip., iii. 365.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_736_736" id="Footnote_736_736"></a><a href="#FNanchor_736_736"><span class="label">[736]</span></a> See Soldan, iii. 372, 373; Anquetil, Esprit de la ligue, +i. 317, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_737_737" id="Footnote_737_737"></a><a href="#FNanchor_737_737"><span class="label">[737]</span></a> With his usual inaccuracy, Davila speaks of Saint Jean +d'Angely as "excellently fortified" (Eng. trans., p. 166).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_738_738" id="Footnote_738_738"></a><a href="#FNanchor_738_738"><span class="label">[738]</span></a> This number, given by Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 313, and by De +Thou, iv. (liv. xlv.) 242, seems the most probable. La Popelinière swells +it to near 10,000 (Soldan, ii. 375), while Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 10, +reduces it to "over 8,000." Strange to say, Jean de Serres, who, writing +and publishing this portion of his history within a year after the +conclusion of the third civil war, almost uniformly gives the highest +estimates of the Roman Catholic losses, here makes them about 2,000, or +lower than any one else.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_739_739" id="Footnote_739_739"></a><a href="#FNanchor_739_739"><span class="label">[739]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, who was generous enough to appreciate +valor even in an enemy, calls him "celui qui entamoit toutes les parties +difficiles, à qui rien n'estoit dur ny hazardeux, qui en tous les +exploits de son temps avoit fait les coups de partie" (i. 312). Lestoile +in his journal (p. 22, Ed. Mich.) affirms that he was killed just as he +had uttered a blasphemous inquiry of the Huguenots, where was now their +"Dieu le Fort," and taunted them with his having become "à ceste heure +leur Dieu le Faible." "Le Dieu, le Fort, l'Éternel parlera," was the +first line of a favorite Huguenot psalm.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_740_740" id="Footnote_740_740"></a><a href="#FNanchor_740_740"><span class="label">[740]</span></a> On the siege of Saint Jean d'Angely, see J. de Serres, +iii. 369, 370; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 311-313; De Thou, iv. 238-242; +Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 10. It scarcely needs to be mentioned that +Davila, bk. v., p. 166, knows nothing of any treachery on the part of the +Roman Catholics, but duly mentions that De Piles did not observe his +promise.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_741_741" id="Footnote_741_741"></a><a href="#FNanchor_741_741"><span class="label">[741]</span></a> Davila, bk. v. (Eng. tr., p. 163 and 167); De Thou, iv. +(liv. xlvi.) 250. Gabutius, in his life of Pius V., transcribes the +exultant inscription, dictated by the pontiff himself (§ 126, p. 648), +and claims for the canonized subject of his panegyric the chief credit of +the victory. According to him the Italians were the first to engage with +the heretics, and the last to desist from the pursuit.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_742_742" id="Footnote_742_742"></a><a href="#FNanchor_742_742"><span class="label">[742]</span></a> Davila, bk. 5th (Eng. tr., p. 167); Mém. de Claude Haton, +ii. 591.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_743_743" id="Footnote_743_743"></a><a href="#FNanchor_743_743"><span class="label">[743]</span></a> "L'hiver arriva, il fallut mettre les troupes en quartier; +et le fruit d'une victoire si complette, l'effort d'une armée royale si +formidable, fut la prise de quelques places médiocres, pendant que La +Rochelle, la plus utile de toutes, restoit aux vaincus, et que les +princes rétablissoient les affaires, à l'aide d'un délai qu'ils n'avoient +point osé se promettre." Anquetil, L'Esprit de la ligue, i. 317.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_744_744" id="Footnote_744_744"></a><a href="#FNanchor_744_744"><span class="label">[744]</span></a> J. de Serres, iii. 372; De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 234, +235, who makes the loss in the first siege 300 men, and in the second +over 1,000 horsemen; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., l. v., c. 19 (i. +315, 316), who states the total at 1,400 foot and near 400 horse; while +Castelnau, l. vii., c. 10, speaks of but 300 in all. Vézelay, famous in +the history of the Crusades (see Michaud, Hist. des Croisades, ii. 125) +as the place where St. Bernard in 1146 preached the Cross to an immense +throng from all parts of Christendom, is equidistant from Bourges and +Dijon, and a little north of a line uniting these two cities.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_745_745" id="Footnote_745_745"></a><a href="#FNanchor_745_745"><span class="label">[745]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 246, 247; Agrippa d'Aubigné, +liv. v., c. 19 (i. 317); J. de Serres, iii. 370. About twenty prisoners +were taken, to whom their captors promised their lives. Afterward there +were strenuous efforts made, especially by the priests, to have them put +to death as rebels and traitors. M. de la Chastre resisted the pressure, +disregarding even a severe order of the Parliament of Paris, accompanied +by the threat of the enormous fine of 2,000 marks of gold, which bade him +send them to the capital. (Hist. du Berry, etc., par M. Louis Raynal, +1846, iv, 104, <i>apud</i> Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., iv. +(1856) 27.) Even Charles IX. wrote to him, but the governor was +inflexible. His noble reply has come to light, dated Jan. 21, 1570, just +one month after the failure of the Protestant scheme. After urging the +danger of retaliation by the Huguenots of La Charité and Sancerre upon +the prisoners they held, to the number of more than forty, and the +inexpediency of accustoming the people of Bourges to bloody executions +which they would not fail to repeat, he concludes his remonstrance in +these striking words: "Nevertheless, Sire, if you should find it +expedient, for the good of your service, to put them to death, the +channel of the courts of justice is the most proper, without recompensing +my services, or sullying my reputation with a stain that will ever be a +ground of reproach against me. And I beg you, Sire, to make use of me in +other matters more worthy of a gentleman having the heart of his +ancestors, who for five hundred years have served their king without +stain of treachery or act unworthy of a gentleman." Inedited letter, +<i>apud</i> Bulletin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 28, 29. M. de la Chastre became one of the +marshals of France. He conducted, three years later, the terrible siege +of Sancerre, famous in history. He had the reputation among the Huguenots +of being very severe, if not bloodthirsty—a reputation which he +deserved, if he was, as Henry of Navarre styles him, "un des principaux +exécuteurs de la Sainct Barthélemy." (Deposition in the trial of La Mole, +Coconnas, etc. Archives curieuses, viii. 150.) La Chastre tried to clear +himself of the imputation, by recalling the events of 1569. To Jean de +Léry he maintained "qu'il n'est point sanguinaire, ainsi qu'on a opinion, +comme aussi il l'avoit desjà bien monstré aux autres troubles, lorsqu'il +avoit en sa puissance les sieurs d'Espeau, baron de Renty, et le +capitaine Fontaine, qui est en son armée: car encores que la cour du +parlement de Paris luy fist commandement de les représenter, à peine de +2,000 marcs d'or, il ne le voulut faire." Jean de Léry, "Discours de +l'extrême famine ... dans la ville de Sancerre," Archives curieuses, +viii. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_746_746" id="Footnote_746_746"></a><a href="#FNanchor_746_746"><span class="label">[746]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 235-237; Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. +v., c. 19 (i. 316, 317); Jean de Serres, iii. 368, 369.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_747_747" id="Footnote_747_747"></a><a href="#FNanchor_747_747"><span class="label">[747]</span></a> "Si est-ce que Dieu est très-doux."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_748_748" id="Footnote_748_748"></a><a href="#FNanchor_748_748"><span class="label">[748]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, l. v., c. 18 (i. 309). The words were, +as M. Douen reminds us (Clément Marot et le Psautier huguenot, 1878, 13) +the first line of the seventy-third psalm of the Huguenot psalter.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_749_749" id="Footnote_749_749"></a><a href="#FNanchor_749_749"><span class="label">[749]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 232; Jean de Serres, iii. 366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_750_750" id="Footnote_750_750"></a><a href="#FNanchor_750_750"><span class="label">[750]</span></a> Ibid., iii. 372, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_751_751" id="Footnote_751_751"></a><a href="#FNanchor_751_751"><span class="label">[751]</span></a> Even in December, Languet could scarcely imagine that +Coligny would not return and winter at La Rochelle. Letter of Dec. 12, +1569, Epist. secr., i. 130.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_752_752" id="Footnote_752_752"></a><a href="#FNanchor_752_752"><span class="label">[752]</span></a> Mém. de Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_753_753" id="Footnote_753_753"></a><a href="#FNanchor_753_753"><span class="label">[753]</span></a> At least, so says Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 18 (i. +309).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_754_754" id="Footnote_754_754"></a><a href="#FNanchor_754_754"><span class="label">[754]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 233; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 309, +318 (liv. v., cs. 18 and 20). The two authorities are not in exact +agreement, De Thou stating that Coligny went to Montauban before his +march to meet Montgomery, while D'Aubigné makes him follow the left bank +of the Dordogne down to Aiguillon. Gasparis Colinii Vita (1575), 91, 92, +supports De Thou.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_755_755" id="Footnote_755_755"></a><a href="#FNanchor_755_755"><span class="label">[755]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvi.) 249; Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. v., +c. 20 (i. 318); Gasparis Colinii Vita (1575), 94. The author of this +valuable and authentic life of the admiral gives a full description of +the bridge. Professor Soldan is mistaken in saying that the bridge was +not yet completed (Geschichte des Prot. in Frank., ii. 377). It had been +completed, and two days had been spent in taking over the German cavalry +("opere effecto, biduoque in traducendis Germanis equitibus consumpto") +when the disaster occurred.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_756_756" id="Footnote_756_756"></a><a href="#FNanchor_756_756"><span class="label">[756]</span></a> Languet, Letter of January 3, 1570, Epist. secretæ, i. +133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_757_757" id="Footnote_757_757"></a><a href="#FNanchor_757_757"><span class="label">[757]</span></a> Gasparis Colinii Vita (1576), 91; Vie de Coligny (Cologne, +1686), 378, where the account of the expedition, however, is full of +blunders. Mr. Browning, following this untrustworthy authority, makes +Admiral Coligny cross the Garonne and pass through Béarn, on his way from +Saintes to Montauban! A glance at the map of France will show that this +would have required a much greater bend to the right than he in reality +made to the left, since Béarn lay entirely south of the river Adour. To +reach Béarn by land <i>before</i> crossing the Garonne, as the "Vie" evidently +imagines he did, would almost have required Aladdin's lamp. In fact, the +entire passage is a jumble of the exploits of Montgomery and Coligny.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_758_758" id="Footnote_758_758"></a><a href="#FNanchor_758_758"><span class="label">[758]</span></a> La Popelinière, <i>apud</i> Soldan, ii. 378.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_759_759" id="Footnote_759_759"></a><a href="#FNanchor_759_759"><span class="label">[759]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 303-306; Agrippa d'Aubigné, +liv. v., c. 20 (i. 319, 320); Davila, bk. v., p. 168; Raoul de Cazenove, +"Rapin-Thoyras, sa famille," etc., 49, 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_760_760" id="Footnote_760_760"></a><a href="#FNanchor_760_760"><span class="label">[760]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_761_761" id="Footnote_761_761"></a><a href="#FNanchor_761_761"><span class="label">[761]</span></a> "L'imprudence des Catholiques, lesquels laissant rouler, +sans nul empeschement, ceste petite pelote de neige, en peu de temps elle +<i>se fit grosse comme une maison</i>." Mém. de la Noue, c. xxix.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_762_762" id="Footnote_762_762"></a><a href="#FNanchor_762_762"><span class="label">[762]</span></a> Of course, Davila (bk. v., p. 167, 168), who rarely +rejects a good story of intrigue, especially if there be a dainty bit of +treachery connected with it, adopts unhesitatingly the popular rumor of +Marshal Damville's infidelity to his trust.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_763_763" id="Footnote_763_763"></a><a href="#FNanchor_763_763"><span class="label">[763]</span></a> St. Étienne possessed already, at the time the "Vie de +Coligny" was written, that branch of industry which still constitutes one +of its chief sources of wealth. It was described as a "petite ville +fameuse par la quantité d'armes qui s'y fait, et qui se transportent dans +les païs étrangers, en sorte que c'est ce qui nourrit presque toute la +province." P. 381.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_764_764" id="Footnote_764_764"></a><a href="#FNanchor_764_764"><span class="label">[764]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, liv. v., c. 21 (i. 322).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_765_765" id="Footnote_765_765"></a><a href="#FNanchor_765_765"><span class="label">[765]</span></a> Gasparis Colinii Vita, 97, 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_766_766" id="Footnote_766_766"></a><a href="#FNanchor_766_766"><span class="label">[766]</span></a> Arnay-le-Duc, or René-le-Duc, as the place was +indifferently called, is situated about thirty miles south-west of Dijon, +on the road to Autun.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_767_767" id="Footnote_767_767"></a><a href="#FNanchor_767_767"><span class="label">[767]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 312-314; Agrippa d'Aubigné, +liv. v., c. 22 (i. 321-325); Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 12; Davila, bk. v. +169.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_768_768" id="Footnote_768_768"></a><a href="#FNanchor_768_768"><span class="label">[768]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 315. Davila attributes to the +connivance of Marshal Cossé the escape of the Protestants from +Arnay-le-Duc. This is consistent with the same writer's statement that it +was the marshal's intentional slowness that enabled Coligny to seize upon +Arnay-le-Duc and post himself so advantageously.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_769_769" id="Footnote_769_769"></a><a href="#FNanchor_769_769"><span class="label">[769]</span></a> Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_770_770" id="Footnote_770_770"></a><a href="#FNanchor_770_770"><span class="label">[770]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 301.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_771_771" id="Footnote_771_771"></a><a href="#FNanchor_771_771"><span class="label">[771]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 302.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_772_772" id="Footnote_772_772"></a><a href="#FNanchor_772_772"><span class="label">[772]</span></a> The articles, a copy of which was sent to the ambassador +at the court of Elizabeth, in a letter from Angers, Feb. 6, 1570, are +printed in La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 86-88. I omit reference in the text to +the articles prohibiting foreign alliances and the levy of money, +prescribing the dismissal of foreign troops, etc. The two cities referred +to in the fifth article are rather to be regarded as places of +worship—the only places in the kingdom where Protestant worship would be +tolerated—than as pledges for the performance of the projected edict, as +Prof. Soldan apparently regards them chiefly, if not exclusively. +Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, ii. 379.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_773_773" id="Footnote_773_773"></a><a href="#FNanchor_773_773"><span class="label">[773]</span></a> Charles to ambassador, Jan. 14th; letter of Catharine, +same date; La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 77, 78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_774_774" id="Footnote_774_774"></a><a href="#FNanchor_774_774"><span class="label">[774]</span></a> See Froude, History of England, x. 9. etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_775_775" id="Footnote_775_775"></a><a href="#FNanchor_775_775"><span class="label">[775]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 305. Cf. Soulier, Hist. des +édits de pacification, 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_776_776" id="Footnote_776_776"></a><a href="#FNanchor_776_776"><span class="label">[776]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 311. It was at St. Étienne in Forez, that the +incident occurred.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_777_777" id="Footnote_777_777"></a><a href="#FNanchor_777_777"><span class="label">[777]</span></a> For a fuller discussion of these circumstances than the +limits of this history will permit me to give, I must refer the reader to +the work of Prof. Soldan, Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich, +ii. 385.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_778_778" id="Footnote_778_778"></a><a href="#FNanchor_778_778"><span class="label">[778]</span></a> La Noue was one of the most modest, as well as one of the +most capable of generals. "I have felt myself so much the more obliged to +speak of it," writes the historian De Thou respecting the battle of +Sainte Gemme, "as La Noue, the most generous of men, who has written on +the civil wars with as much fidelity as judgment, always disposed to +render conspicuous the merit of others, and very reserved respecting his +own, has not said a word of this victory." De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) +320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_779_779" id="Footnote_779_779"></a><a href="#FNanchor_779_779"><span class="label">[779]</span></a> Brantôme has written the eulogy of this personage, whose +true name was Antoine Escalin. He was first ambassador at Constantinople, +where his good services secured his appointment as general of the +galleys. After undergoing the displeasure of the king, and a three years' +imprisonment for his participation in the massacre of the Vaudois, he was +reinstated in office. Subsequently he was temporarily displaced by the +grand prior, and by the Marquis of Elbeuf. It is an odd mistake of Mr. +Henry White (Mass. of St. Bartholomew, p. 14, note) when he says: "In the +religious wars he sided with the Huguenots." Brantôme says: "Il haïssoit +mortellement ces gens-là."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_780_780" id="Footnote_780_780"></a><a href="#FNanchor_780_780"><span class="label">[780]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 316-325; Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 325-335.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_781_781" id="Footnote_781_781"></a><a href="#FNanchor_781_781"><span class="label">[781]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_782_782" id="Footnote_782_782"></a><a href="#FNanchor_782_782"><span class="label">[782]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, iii. 210, 215. Despatch of June 21st.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_783_783" id="Footnote_783_783"></a><a href="#FNanchor_783_783"><span class="label">[783]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 287, 288; Kluckholn, Briefe Friedrich des +Frommen, ii. 398.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_784_784" id="Footnote_784_784"></a><a href="#FNanchor_784_784"><span class="label">[784]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, iii. 256, 257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_785_785" id="Footnote_785_785"></a><a href="#FNanchor_785_785"><span class="label">[785]</span></a> Letter of April 17, 1570, Rochambeau, Lettres d'Antoine de +Bourbon et de Jehanne d'Albret (Paris, 1877), 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_786_786" id="Footnote_786_786"></a><a href="#FNanchor_786_786"><span class="label">[786]</span></a> Chassanée in his "Consuetudines ducatus Burgundiæ, fereque +totius Galliæ" (Lyons, 1552), 50, defines the "haute justice" by the +possession of the power of life and death: "De secundo vero gradu meri +imperii, seu altæ justiciæ, est habere gladii potestatem ad +animadvertendum in facinorosos homines."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_787_787" id="Footnote_787_787"></a><a href="#FNanchor_787_787"><span class="label">[787]</span></a> See the edict itself in Jean de Serres, iii. 375-390; +summaries in De Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 328, 329, and Agrippa d'Aubigné, +i. 364, 365.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_788_788" id="Footnote_788_788"></a><a href="#FNanchor_788_788"><span class="label">[788]</span></a> Journal d'un curé ligueur, 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_789_789" id="Footnote_789_789"></a><a href="#FNanchor_789_789"><span class="label">[789]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_790_790" id="Footnote_790_790"></a><a href="#FNanchor_790_790"><span class="label">[790]</span></a> Castelnau, liv. vii., c. 12. The work of this very +fair-minded historian terminates with the conclusion of the peace. De +Thou, iv. (liv. xlvii.) 327.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_791_791" id="Footnote_791_791"></a><a href="#FNanchor_791_791"><span class="label">[791]</span></a> "On la disoit boiteuse et mal-assise," says Henri de +Mesmes himself in his account of these transactions, adding with a +delicate touch of sarcasm: "Je n'en ay point vû depuis vingt-cinq ans qui +ait guère duré." Le Laboureur, Add. aux Mém. de Castelnau, ii. 776. Prof. +Soldan has already exposed the mistake of Sismondi and others, who apply +the popular nickname to the preceding peace of Longjumeau. See <i>ante</i>, +chap. xv.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XVII.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="PEACE2" id="PEACE2"></a>THE PEACE OF SAINT GERMAIN.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Sincerity of the peace.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span> +A problem of cardinal importance here confronts us, in the inquiry +whether the peace which had at length dawned upon France was or was not +concluded in good faith by the young king and his advisers. Was the +treaty a necessity forced upon the court by the losses of men and +treasure sustained during three years of almost continual civil conflict? +Were the queen mother and those in whose hands rested the chief control +of affairs, really tired of a war in which nothing was to be gained and +everything was in jeopardy, a war whose most brilliant successes had been +barren of substantial fruits, and had, in the sequel, been stripped of +the greater part of their glory by the masterly conduct of a defeated +opponent? Or, was the peace only a prelude to the massacre—a skilfully +devised snare to entrap incautious and credulous enemies?</p> + +<p>The latter view is that which was entertained by the majority of the +contemporaries of the events, who, whether friends or foes of Charles and +Catharine, whether Papists or Protestants, could not avoid reading the +treaty of pacification in the light of the occurrences of the "bloody +nuptials." The Huguenot author of the "Tocsin against the murderers" and +Capilupi, author of the appreciative "Stratagem of Charles the +Ninth"—however much they may disagree upon other points—unite in +regarding the royal edict as a piece of treachery from beginning to end. +It was even believed by many of the most intelligent Protestants that the +massacre was already perfected in the minds of its authors so far back as +the conference of Bayonne, five years before the peace of St. Germain, +in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> accordance with the suggestions of Philip the Second and of Alva. +This last supposition, however, has been overthrown by the discovery of +the correspondence of Alva himself, in which he gives an account of the +discussions which he held with Catharine de' Medici on that memorable +occasion. For we have seen that, far from convincing the queen mother of +the necessity for adopting sanguinary measures to crush the Huguenots, +the duke constantly deplores to his master the obstinacy of Catharine in +still clinging to her own views of toleration. It seems equally clear +that the peace of St. Germain was no part of the project of a +contemplated massacre of the Protestants. The Montmorencies, not the +Guises, were in power, and were responsible for it. The influence of the +former had become paramount, and that of the latter had waned. The +Cardinal of Lorraine had left the court in disgust and retired to his +archbishopric of Rheims, when he found that the policy of war, to which +he and his family were committed, was about to be abandoned. Even in the +earlier negotiations he had no part, while the queen mother and the +moderate Morvilliers were omnipotent.<a name="FNanchor_792_792" id="FNanchor_792_792"></a><a href="#Footnote_792_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> And when Francis Walsingham +made his appearance at the French court, to congratulate Charles the +Ninth upon the restoration of peace, he found his strongest reasons of +hope for its permanence, next to the disposition and the necessities of +the king, in the royal "misliking toward the house of Guise, who have +been the nourishers of these wars,"<a name="FNanchor_793_793" id="FNanchor_793_793"></a><a href="#Footnote_793_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> and in the increase of the royal +"favor to Montmorency, a chief worker of this peace, who now carrieth the +whole sway of the court, and is restored to the government of +Paris."<a name="FNanchor_794_794" id="FNanchor_794_794"></a><a href="#Footnote_794_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span></p><p>At home and abroad, the peace was equally opposed by those who could not +have failed to be its warmest advocates had it been treacherously +designed. We have already seen that both Pope Pius the Fifth, and the +King of Spain insisted upon a continuance of the war, and offered +augmented assistance, in case the government would pledge itself to make +no compact with the heretical rebels. The pontiff especially was +unremitting in his persuasions and threats; denouncing the righteous +judgment of God upon the king who preferred personal advantage to the +claims of religion, and reminding him that the divine anger was wont to +punish the sins of rulers by taking away their kingdoms and giving them +to others.<a name="FNanchor_795_795" id="FNanchor_795_795"></a><a href="#Footnote_795_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> The project of a massacre of Protestants, had it in +reality been entertained by the French court while adopting the peace, +could scarcely have been kept so profound a secret from the king and the +pontiff who had long been urging a resort to such measures, nor would +Pius and Philip have been suffered through ignorance to persist in so +open a hostility to the compact which was intended to render its +execution feasible.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The designs of Catharine de' Medici.</div> + +<p>If the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, as enacted on the fatal Sunday +of August, was not premeditated in the form it then assumed—if the peace +of St. Germain was not, as so many have imagined, a trick to overwhelm +the Huguenots taken unawares—are we, therefore, to believe that the idea +of such a deed of blood was as yet altogether foreign to the mind of +Catharine de' Medici? I dare not affirm that it was. On the contrary, +there is reason to believe that the conviction that she might some day +find herself in a position in which she could best free herself from +entanglement by some such means had long since lodged in her mind. It was +not a strange or repulsive notion to the careful student of the code of +morality laid down in "Il Principe." Alva had familiarized her with it, +and the civil wars had almost invested it in her eyes with the appearance +of justifiable retaliation. She had gloated in secret over the story of +the Queen Blanche, mother of Louis the Ninth, and her successful struggle +with her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> son's insubordinate nobles, telling her countryman, the +Venetian ambassador Correro, with a significant laugh such as she was +wont occasionally to indulge in, that she would be very sorry to have it +known that she had been reading the old manuscript chronicle, for they +would at once infer that she had taken the Castilian princess as her +pattern.<a name="FNanchor_796_796" id="FNanchor_796_796"></a><a href="#Footnote_796_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> More unscrupulous than the mother of St. Louis, she had +revolved in her mind various schemes for strengthening her authority at +the expense of the lives of a few of the more prominent Huguenot chiefs, +convinced, as she was, that Protestantism would cease to exist in France +with the destruction of its leaders. But, despite pontifical injunctions +and Spanish exhortations, she formed no definite plans; or, if she did, +it was only to unravel on the morrow what she had woven the day before. +What Barbaro said of her at one critical juncture was true of her +generally in all such deliberations: "Her irresolution is extreme; she +conceives new plans from hour to hour; within the compass of a single +day, between morning and evening, she will change her mind three +times.<a name="FNanchor_797_797" id="FNanchor_797_797"></a><a href="#Footnote_797_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a>"</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles the Ninth in earnest.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">He tears out the record against Cardinal Châtillon.</div> + +<p>While it is scarcely possible to believe Catharine to have been more +sincere in the adoption of this peace than in any other event of her +life, we may feel some confidence that her son was really in favor of +peace for its own sake. He was weary of the war, jealous of his brother +Anjou, disgusted with the Guises, and determined to attempt to conciliate +his Huguenot subjects, whom he had in vain been trying to crush. +Apparently he wished to make of the amnesty, which the edict formally +proclaimed, a veritable act of oblivion of all past offences, and +intended to regard the Huguenots, in point of fact as well as in law, as +his faithful subjects. An incident which occurred about two months after +the conclusion of peace, throws light upon the king's new disposition. +Cardinal Odet de Châtillon, deprived by the Pope of his seat in the Roman +consistory, had, on motion of Cardinal Bourbon, been declared by the +Parisian parliament to have lost his bishopric<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span> of Beauvais, on account +of his rebellion and his adoption of Protestant sentiments. All such +judicial proceedings had indeed been declared null and void by the terms +of the pacification, but the parliaments showed themselves very reluctant +to regard the royal edict. In October, 1570, Charles the Ninth happening +to be a guest of Marshal Montmorency at his palace of Écouen, a few +leagues north of Paris, sent orders to Christopher de Thou, the first +president, to wait upon him with the parliamentary records. Aware of the +king's object, De Thou, pleading illness, sent four of his counsellors +instead; but these were ignominiously dismissed, and the presence of the +chief judge was again demanded. When De Thou at last appeared, Charles +greeted him roughly. "Here you are," he said, "and not very ill, thank +God! Why do you go counter to my edicts? I owe our cousin, Cardinal +Bourbon, no thanks for having applied for and obtained sentence against +the house of Châtillon, <i>which has done me so much service, and took up +arms for me</i>." Then calling for the records, he ordered the president to +point out the proceedings against the admiral's brother, and, on finding +them, tore out with his own hand three leaves on which they were +inscribed; and on having his attention directed by the marshal, who stood +by, to other places bearing upon the same case, he did not hesitate to +tear these out also.<a name="FNanchor_798_798" id="FNanchor_798_798"></a><a href="#Footnote_798_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">His assurances to Walsingham.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Gracious answer to the German electors.</div> + +<p>To all with whom he conversed Charles avowed his steadfast purpose to +maintain the peace inviolate. He called it his own peace. He told +Walsingham, "he willed him to assure her Majesty, that the only care he +presently had was to entertain the peace, whereof the Queen of Navarre +and the princes of the religion could well be witnesses, as also +generally the whole realm."<a name="FNanchor_799_799" id="FNanchor_799_799"></a><a href="#Footnote_799_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> And the shrewd diplomatist believed that +the king spoke the truth;<a name="FNanchor_800_800" id="FNanchor_800_800"></a><a href="#Footnote_800_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a> although, when<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span> he looked at the adverse +circumstances with which Charles was surrounded, and the vicious and +irreligious education he had received, there was room for solicitude +respecting his stability.<a name="FNanchor_801_801" id="FNanchor_801_801"></a><a href="#Footnote_801_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> There was, indeed, much to strengthen the +hands of Charles in his new policy of toleration. On the twenty-sixth of +November he married, with great pomp and amid the display of the popular +delight, Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian the Second. This +union, far from imperilling the permanence of the peace in France,<a name="FNanchor_802_802" id="FNanchor_802_802"></a><a href="#Footnote_802_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> +was likely to render it more lasting, if the bridegroom could be induced +to copy the conciliatory and politic example of his father-in-law. Not +long after Charles received at Villers-Cotterets an embassy sent by the +three Protestant electors of Germany and the other powerful princes of +the same faith. They congratulated him upon the suppression of civil +disorder in France, and entreated him to maintain freedom of worship in +his dominions such as existed in Germany and even in the dominions of the +Grand Turk; lending an ear to none who might attempt to persuade him that +tranquillity could not subsist in a kingdom where there was more than one +religion. Charles made a gracious answer, and the German ambassadors +retired, leaving the friends of the Huguenots to entertain still better +hopes for the recent treaty.<a name="FNanchor_803_803" id="FNanchor_803_803"></a><a href="#Footnote_803_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine warned by the Huguenots.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Infringement on the edict at Orange.</div> + +<p>It cannot be denied, however, that the Huguenots could see much that was +disquieting and calculated to prevent them from laying aside their +suspicions. There were symptoms of the old constitutional timidity on the +part of Catharine de' Medici. She showed signs of so far yielding to the +inveterate enemies of the Huguenots as to abstain from insisting upon the +concession of public religious worship where it had been accorded by the +Edict of St. Germain. No wonder that the Huguenots, on their side, warned +her, with friendly sincerity and frankness, that, should she refuse to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> +entertain their just demands, <i>the present peace would be only a brief +truce, the prelude to a relentless civil war</i>. "We will all die," was +their language, "rather than forsake our God and our religion, which we +can no more sustain without public exercise than could a body live +without food and drink."<a name="FNanchor_804_804" id="FNanchor_804_804"></a><a href="#Footnote_804_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a> Not only did the courts throw every +obstacle in the way of the formal recognition of the law establishing the +rights of the Huguenots, but the outbreaks of popular hatred against the +adherents of the purer faith were alarming evidence that the chronic sore +had only been healed over the surface, and that none of the elements of +future disorder and bloodshed were wanting. Thus, in the little city and +principality of Orange, the Roman Catholic populace, taking advantage of +the supineness of the governor and of the consuls, introduced within the +walls, under cover of a three days' religious festival, a large number of +ruffians from the adjoining Comtât Venaissin. This was early in February, +1571. Now began a scene of rapine and bloodshed that might demand +detailed mention, were it not that at the frequent repetition of such +ghastly recitals the stoutest heart sickens. Men, and even mere boys, of +the reformed faith were butchered in their homes, in the arms of their +wives or their mothers. The goods of Protestants were plundered and +openly sold to the highest bidder.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span> Of many, a ransom was exacted for +their safety. The work went on for two weeks. At last a deputy from +Orange reached the Huguenot princes and the admiral at La Rochelle, and +Count Louis of Nassau, who was still there, wrote to Charles with such +urgency, in the name of his brother, the Prince of Orange, that measures +were taken to repress and punish the disorder.<a name="FNanchor_805_805" id="FNanchor_805_805"></a><a href="#Footnote_805_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Protestants at Rouen attacked, March 4, 1571.</div> + +<p>A much more serious infringement upon the protection granted to the +Protestants by the edict, took place at Rouen about a month later. Unable +to celebrate their worship within the city walls, the Protestants had +gone out one Sunday morning to the place assigned them for this purpose +in the suburbs. Meantime a body of four hundred Roman Catholics posted +themselves in ambush near the gates to await their return. When the +unsuspecting Huguenots, devoutly meditating upon the solemnities in which +they had been engaged, made their appearance, they were greeted first +with imprecations and blasphemies, then with a murderous attack. Between +one hundred and one hundred and twenty are said to have been killed or +wounded. The punishment of this audacious violation of the rights of the +Protestants was at first left by parliament to the inferior or presidial +judges, and the investigation dragged. The judges were threatened as they +went to court: "Si l'on sçavoit que vous eussiez informé, on vous +creveroit les yeux; si vous y mectez la main, on vous coupera la gorge!" +The people broke into the prisons and liberated the accused. The civic +militia refused to interfere. It was evident that no justice could be +obtained from the local magistrates. The king, however, on receiving the +complaints of the Huguenots, displayed great indignation, and despatched +Montmorency to Rouen with twenty-seven companies of soldiers, and a +commission authorized to try the culprits. The greater part of these, +however, had fled. Only five persons received the punishment of death; +several hundred fugitives were hung in effigy. Montmorency attempted to +secure the Protestants against fur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span>ther aggression by disarming the +entire population, with the exception of four hundred chosen men, and by +compelling the parliament, on the fifteenth of May, to swear to observe +the Edict of Pacification—precautions whose efficacy we shall be able to +estimate more accurately by the events of the following year.<a name="FNanchor_806_806" id="FNanchor_806_806"></a><a href="#Footnote_806_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "Croix de Gastines" again.</div> + +<p>The strength of the popular hatred of the Huguenots was often too great +for even the government to cope with. The rabble of the cities would hear +of no upright execution of the provisions respecting the oblivion of past +injuries, and resisted with pertinacity the attempt to remove the traces +of the old conflict. The Parisians gave the most striking evidence of +their unextinguished rancor in the matter of the "Croix de Gastines," a +monument of religious bigotry, the reasons for whose erection in 1569 +have been sufficiently explained in a previous chapter.<a name="FNanchor_807_807" id="FNanchor_807_807"></a><a href="#Footnote_807_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a></p> + +<p>More than a year had passed since the promulgation of the royal edict of +pacification annulling all judgments rendered against Protestants since +the death of Henry the Second; and yet the Croix de Gastines still stood +aloft on its pyramidal base, upon the site of the Huguenot place of +meeting. Several times, at the solicitation of the Protestants, the +government ordered its demolition. The municipal officers of Paris +declined to obey, because it had not been erected by them; the +parliament, because, as they alleged, the sentence was just and they +could not retract; the Provost of Paris, because he was not above +parliament, which had placed it there.<a name="FNanchor_808_808" id="FNanchor_808_808"></a><a href="#Footnote_808_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a> Charles himself wrote with +his own hand to the provost: "You deliberate whether to obey me, and +whether you will have that fine pyramid overturned. I forbid you to +appear in my presence until it be cast down."<a name="FNanchor_809_809" id="FNanchor_809_809"></a><a href="#Footnote_809_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> The end was not yet. +The monks preached against the sacrilege of lowering the cross. Maître +Vigor, on the first Sunday of Advent, praised the people of Paris for +having opposed the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> demolition, maintaining that they had acted "only +from zeal for God, who upon the cross suffered for us." "The people," he +declared, "had never murmured when they had taken down Gaspard de +Coligny, who had been hung in effigy, and <i>would soon, God willing, be +hung in very deed!</i>"<a name="FNanchor_810_810" id="FNanchor_810_810"></a><a href="#Footnote_810_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a> Meantime, the mob of Paris exhibited its zeal +for the honor of the cross by assailing the soldiers sent to tear down +the "Croix de Gastines," and by breaking open and plundering the contents +of several Huguenot houses. It was not until the provost had called in +the assistance of Marshal Montmorency, and the latter had killed a few of +the seditious Parisians who opposed his progress, and hung one man to the +windows of a neighboring house, that the disturbance ceased. The pyramid +was then destroyed, and the cross transferred to the Cimetière des +Innocents, where it is said to have remained until the outbreak of the +French Revolution.<a name="FNanchor_811_811" id="FNanchor_811_811"></a><a href="#Footnote_811_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a> The "plucking down of the cross" was a +distasteful draught to the fanatics. "The common people," wrote an +eye-witness, "ease their stomacks onely by uttering seditious words, +which is borne withal, for that was doubted. The Protestants by the +overthrow of this cross receive greater comfort, and the papists the +contrary."<a name="FNanchor_812_812" id="FNanchor_812_812"></a><a href="#Footnote_812_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Projected marriage of Anjou to Queen Elizabeth.</div> + +<p>The Huguenot leaders, rejoicing at any evidence of the royal favor, +desired to strengthen it and render it more stable. For this purpose they +found a rare opportunity in projecting matrimonial alliances. Queen +Elizabeth, of England, was yet unmarried, a princess of acknowledged +ability, and reigning over a kingdom, which, if it had not at that time +attained the wealth of industry and commerce which it now possesses, was, +at least, one of the most illustrious in Christendom. Where could a more +advantageous match be sought for Henry of Anjou, the French monarch's +brother? True, the Tudor princess was no longer young, and her personal +appearance was scarcely praised, except by her courtiers. She had been a +candidate for many projected nuptials, but in none had the disparity of +age been so great as in the present case, for, being a maiden of +thirty-seven, she lacked but a single year of being twice as old as +Anjou.<a name="FNanchor_813_813" id="FNanchor_813_813"></a><a href="#Footnote_813_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> Besides these objections, and independently of the difference +of creed between the queen and Anjou, she had the unenviable reputation +of being irresolute, fickle, and capricious. And yet, in spite of all +these difficulties, the match was seriously proposed and entertained in +the autumn and winter succeeding the ratification of peace.</p> + +<p>It is worthy of notice that the scheme originated with the French +Protestants. Cardinal Châtillon, the admiral's brother, and the Vidame of +Chartres, both of them zealous partisans of the Reformation, and at this +time engaged in negotiations in England, were the first to make mention +of the plan, and probably it took its rise in their minds. Their object +was manifest: if France could be united to Protestant England by so +distinguished a marriage, the permanence of the peace of St. Germain +might be regarded as secure. Under such auspices, the Huguenots, long +proscribed and persecuted, might hope for such favor and toleration as +they had never yet enjoyed.</p> + +<p>Catharine de' Medici, when approached on the subject, gave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> indications +of hearty acquiescence. Of late there had been a growing estrangement +between the French and Spanish courts. The selfishness and arrogance of +Philip and his ministers had been particularly evident and offensive +during the late war. It was sufficiently clear that the Catholic king +opposed the peace less from hatred of heresy or of rebellion, than +because of his scarcely disguised hope of profiting by the misfortunes of +France. The queen mother was consequently quite inclined to tighten the +bonds of amity and friendship with England, when those that had +previously existed with Spain were loosened. The prospect of a crown for +her favorite son was an alluring one—doubly so, because of Nostradamus's +prophecy that she would see all her sons upon the throne, to which she +gave a superstitious credence, trembling lest it should involve in its +fulfilment their untimely death. It is true that, in view of Elizabeth's +age, she would have preferred to marry the Duke of Anjou to some princess +of the royal house of England, whom Elizabeth might first have proclaimed +her heir and successor.<a name="FNanchor_814_814" id="FNanchor_814_814"></a><a href="#Footnote_814_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> However, as the English queen was, perhaps, +even more reluctant than the majority of mankind to be reminded of her +advancing years and of her mortality, Catharine's ambassador may have +deemed it advisable to be silent regarding the suggestion of so palpable +a "memento mori," and contented himself with offering for her own +acceptance the hand of one whom he recommended as "the most accomplished +prince living, and the most deserving her good graces."<a name="FNanchor_815_815" id="FNanchor_815_815"></a><a href="#Footnote_815_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> Elizabeth +received the proposal with courtesy, merely alluding to the great +difference between her age and Anjou's, but admitted her apprehension +lest, since "she was already one whose kingdom rather than herself was to +be wedded," she might marry one who would honor her as a queen rather +than love her as a woman. In fact, the remembrance of the amours of the +father and grandfather made her suspicious of the son, and the names of +Madame d'Estampes and of Madame de Valentinois (Diana of Poitiers) +inspired her with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span> no little fear. All which coy suggestions La Mothe +Fénélon, astute courtier that he was, knew well how to answer.<a name="FNanchor_816_816" id="FNanchor_816_816"></a><a href="#Footnote_816_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Machinations to dissuade Anjou.</div> + +<p>Soon, however, the difficulty threatened to be the unwillingness of the +suitor, rather than the reluctance of the lady. Henry of Anjou was the +head of the Roman Catholic party in France. Charles's orthodoxy might be +suspected; there was no doubt of his brother's. His intimacy with the +Guises, his successes as general of the royal forces in what was styled a +war in defence of religion, were guarantees of his devotion to the papal +cause. All his prestige would be lost if he married the heretical +daughter of Henry the Eighth and Anne Boleyn. Hence desperate efforts +were made to deter him—efforts which did not escape the Argus-eyed +Walsingham. "The Pope, the King of Spain, and the rest of the +confederates, upon the doubt of a match between the queen, my mistress, +and monsieur, do seek, by what means they can, to dissuade and draw him +from the same. They offer him to be the head and chief executioner of the +league against the Turk, a thing now newly renewed, though long ago +meant; which league is thought to stretch to as many as they repute to be +Turks, although better Christians than themselves. The cause of the +Cardinal of Lorraine's repair hither from Rheims, as it is thought, was +to this purpose."<a name="FNanchor_817_817" id="FNanchor_817_817"></a><a href="#Footnote_817_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles indignant at the interference.</div> + +<p>Charles the Ninth was indignant at this interference, and said: "If this +matter go forward, it behooveth me to make some counter-league," having +his eye upon the German Protestant princes and Elizabeth.<a name="FNanchor_818_818" id="FNanchor_818_818"></a><a href="#Footnote_818_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a> Besides, +there were at this juncture other reasons for displeasure, especially +with Spain. Charles and his mother had received a rebuff from Sebastian +of Portugal, to whom they had offered Margaret of Valois in marriage. The +young king had replied,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> through Malicorne, "that they were both young, +and that therefore about eight years hence that matter might be better +talked of," "which disdainful answer," the English ambassador wrote from +the French court, "is accepted here in very ill part, and is thought not +to be done without the counsel of Spain."<a name="FNanchor_819_819" id="FNanchor_819_819"></a><a href="#Footnote_819_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Alençon to be substituted as suitor.</div> + +<p>With Henry of Anjou, however, much to the disgust and disappointment of +his mother, the "league" succeeded too well. Scarcely had a month passed, +before Catharine was compelled to write to the envoy in England, telling +him that Henry had heard reports unfavorable to Elizabeth's character, +and positively declined to marry her.<a name="FNanchor_820_820" id="FNanchor_820_820"></a><a href="#Footnote_820_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> In her extreme perplexity at +this unexpected turn of events, the queen mother suggested to La Mothe +Fénélon that perhaps the Duke of Alençon would do as well, and might step +into the place which his brother had so ungallantly abandoned.<a name="FNanchor_821_821" id="FNanchor_821_821"></a><a href="#Footnote_821_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a> Now, +as this Alençon was a beardless boy of sixteen, and, unlike Charles and +Henry, small for his age, it is not surprising that La Mothe declared +himself utterly averse to making any mention of him for the present, lest +the queen should come to the very sensible conclusion that the French +were "making sport of her."<a name="FNanchor_822_822" id="FNanchor_822_822"></a><a href="#Footnote_822_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Anjou's new ardor.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Elizabeth interposes obstacles.</div> + +<p>But there was at present no need of resorting to substitution. For a time +the ardor of Anjou was rekindled, and rapidly increased in intensity. +Catharine first wrote that Anjou "condescended" to marry Elizabeth;<a name="FNanchor_823_823" id="FNanchor_823_823"></a><a href="#Footnote_823_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a> +presently, that "he desired infinitely to espouse her."<a name="FNanchor_824_824" id="FNanchor_824_824"></a><a href="#Footnote_824_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> A month or +two later he declared to Walsingham: "I must needs confess that, through +the great commendation that is made of the queen your mistress, for her +rare gifts as well of mind as of body, being (as even her very enemies +say) the rarest creature that was in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> Europe these five hundred years; my +affection, grounded upon so good respects, hath now made me yield to be +wholly hers."<a name="FNanchor_825_825" id="FNanchor_825_825"></a><a href="#Footnote_825_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> On the other hand, Elizabeth began to exhibit such +coldness that her most intimate servants doubted her sincerity in the +entire transaction. With more candor than courtiers usually exhibit in +urging a suit which they suspect to be distasteful to their sovereign, +Lord Burleigh, the Earl of Leicester, and Sir Francis Walsingham used +every means of persuading the queen to decisive action. "My very good +Lord," wrote Walsingham, on the fourteenth of May, 1571, "the Protestants +here do so earnestly desire this match; and on the other side, the +papists do so earnestly seek to impeach the same, as it maketh me the +more earnest in furthering of the same. Besides, when I particularly +consider her Majesty's state, both at home and abroad, so far forth as my +poor eyesight can discern; and how she is beset with foreign peril, the +execution whereof stayeth only upon the event of this match, I do not see +how she can stand if this matter break off."<a name="FNanchor_826_826" id="FNanchor_826_826"></a><a href="#Footnote_826_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a> Lord Burleigh, in +perplexity on account of Elizabeth's conduct, exclaimed that "he was not +able to discern what was best;" but added: "Surely I see no continuance +of her quietness without a marriage, and therefore I remit the success to +Almighty God."<a name="FNanchor_827_827" id="FNanchor_827_827"></a><a href="#Footnote_827_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a> The situation of Elizabeth's servants was, indeed, +extremely embarrassing. Their mistress had laid an insuperable obstacle +in the way. She did not, indeed, require Anjou to abjure his faith, but +her demands virtually involved this. Not only did she refuse to grant the +duke, by the articles of marriage, public or even private worship for +himself and his attendants, according to the rites of the Roman Catholic +Church, but she wished to bind him to make no request to that effect +after marriage.<a name="FNanchor_828_828" id="FNanchor_828_828"></a><a href="#Footnote_828_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a> In vain did Catharine protest that this was to +require him to become an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span> atheist, and her own advisers solemnly warn her +that this could but lead to an entire rupture of the negotiations. Under +the pretence of excluding all exercise of Popery from England, the queen +disappointed the ardent hopes of thousands of sincere and thorough +Protestants in France and of many more in England, who viewed the +marriage as by far the most advisable cure—far better than a simple +treaty of peace—for the ills of both kingdoms. "If you find not in her +Majesty," wrote Walsingham to Leicester, "a resolute determination to +marry—a thing most necessary for our staggering state—then were it +expedient to take hold of amity, which may serve to ease us for a time, +though our disease requireth another remedy;" and again, a few days later +(on the third of August, 1571): "My lord, if neither marriage nor amity +may take place, the poor Protestants here do think then their case +desperate. They tell me so with tears, and therefore I do believe them. +And surely, if they say nothing, beholding the present state here, I +could not but see it most apparent."<a name="FNanchor_829_829" id="FNanchor_829_829"></a><a href="#Footnote_829_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Papal and Spanish efforts.</div> + +<p>The fears of the Protestants were not baseless. As the marriage, and the +consequent close friendship with England, seemed to insure the growth and +spread of the reformed faith,<a name="FNanchor_830_830" id="FNanchor_830_830"></a><a href="#Footnote_830_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> the failure of both was an almost +unmistakable portent of the triumph of the opposite party and of the +renewal of persecution and bloodshed. And so also the fanatical Roman +Catholics read the signs of the times, and again they plied Anjou with +their seductions. "Great practices are here for the impeachment of this +match," wrote the English ambassador, near the end of July, 1571. "The +Papal Nuncio, Spain, and Portugal, are daily courtiers to dissuade this +match. The clergy here have offered Monsieur a great pension, to stay him +from proceeding. In conclusion, there is nothing left undone, that may be +thought fit to hinder."<a name="FNanchor_831_831" id="FNanchor_831_831"></a><a href="#Footnote_831_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Vexation of Catharine at Anjou's fresh scruples.</div> + +<p>And these intrigues were not fruitless. Anjou now declared to his mother +that he would not go to England without public assurances that he should +enjoy the liberty to exercise his own religion. He was unwilling even to +trust the queen's word, as Catharine and Charles would have wished him to +do. Catharine meantime expressed her vexation in her despatches to La +Mothe Fénélon.<a name="FNanchor_832_832" id="FNanchor_832_832"></a><a href="#Footnote_832_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a> "We strongly suspect," she said, "that Villequier, +Lignerolles, or Sarret, or possibly all three, may be the authors of +these fancies. If we succeed in obtaining some certainty respecting this +matter, I assure you that they will repent of it."<a name="FNanchor_833_833" id="FNanchor_833_833"></a><a href="#Footnote_833_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a> But she added +that, should the negotiation unfortunately fail, she was resolved to put +forth all her efforts in behalf of her son Alençon, who would be more +easily suited.<a name="FNanchor_834_834" id="FNanchor_834_834"></a><a href="#Footnote_834_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a></p> + +<p>In fact, while Anjou was indifferent, or perhaps disgusted at the +obstacles raised in the way of the marriage, and was unwilling to +sacrifice his attachment to the party in connection with which he had +obtained whatever distinction he possessed; and while Elizabeth, who was +by no means blind, saw clearly enough that she was likely to get a +husband who would regard his bride rather as an incumbrance than as an +acquisition,<a name="FNanchor_835_835" id="FNanchor_835_835"></a><a href="#Footnote_835_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a> there were<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span> two persons who were as eager as +Elizabeth's advisers, or the Huguenots themselves, to see the match +effected. These were Charles the Ninth and Catharine de' Medici, both of +whom just now gave abundant evidence of their disposition to draw closer +to England and to the Huguenots of France and the Gueux of Holland, while +suffering the breach between France and Spain to become more marked.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Louis of Nassau confers with the king.</div> + +<p>Count Louis of Nassau, ever since the conclusion of peace, had remained +with the Huguenots within the walls of La Rochelle. At the repeated +solicitations of his brother, the Prince of Orange, he had entered into +correspondence with the king, and urged him to embrace an opportunity +such as might never return, to endear himself to the Netherlanders, and +add materially to the extent and power of France by espousing the cause +of constitutional rights. His advances were so favorably received that he +now came in disguise, accompanied by La Noue, Téligny, and Genlis, to +confer with Charles upon the subject. They met at Lumigny-en-Brie, +whither the king had gone to indulge in his favorite pastime of the +chase, and on several consecutive days held secret conferences.<a name="FNanchor_836_836" id="FNanchor_836_836"></a><a href="#Footnote_836_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a> +Louis was a nobleman whose history and connections entitled him to +respect; but his frank and sincere character was a still more powerful +advocate in his behalf.<a name="FNanchor_837_837" id="FNanchor_837_837"></a><a href="#Footnote_837_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> He proved to the king how justly he might +interfere in defence of the Low Countries, where Philip was seeking "to +plant, by inquisition, the foundation of a most horrible tyranny, the +overthrow of all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> freedoms and liberties." He traced the course of events +since the humiliating treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, and added: "If you +think in conscience and honor you may not become the protector of this +people, you should do well to forbear, for otherwise the success cannot +be gained. If you think you may, then weigh in policy how beneficial it +will be for you, and how much your father would have given, to have had +the like opportunity offered unto him that is now presented unto you +gratis; which, if you refuse, the like you must never look for."</p> + +<p>Both Charles and his mother appeared well pleased with the proposal, and +the king, who had listened attentively to the recital of the follies into +which Philip had fallen in consequence of listening to evil advice, +exclaimed: "Similar counsellors, by violating my edict, wellnigh brought +me into like terms with my subjects, wherefrom ensued the late troubles; +but now, thank God, He has opened my eyes to discern what their meaning +was." Next, Louis showed that success was not difficult. The Roman +Catholics and the Protestants in the Netherlands equally detested the +tyranny of the Spaniards. The towns were ready to receive garrisons. +Philip had not in the whole country over three thousand troops upon whose +fidelity he could rely. The addition of a dozen ships to those already +possessed by the patriots would enable them effectually to prevent the +landing of Spanish reinforcements. In short, the Netherlands were ripe +for a division which would amply recompense France and the German +princes, as well as Queen Elizabeth, should she, as was hoped, consent to +take part in the enterprise: for the provinces of Flanders and Artois, +which had once belonged to the French crown, would gladly give themselves +up to Charles; Brabant, Gelderland, and Luxemburg would be restored to +the empire; and Holland, Zealand, and the rest of the islands would fall +to the share of the queen.<a name="FNanchor_838_838" id="FNanchor_838_838"></a><a href="#Footnote_838_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Admiral Coligny consulted.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">He marries Jacqueline d'Entremont.</div> + +<p>So favorably did Charles and his mother, with those counsellors to whom +the secret was intrusted, receive the count's advances, that it was +clearly advisable to bring them into com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span>munication with Admiral Coligny, +to whose conduct the enterprise, if adopted, must be confided, and for +whom the young king expressed great esteem. Indeed, so urgently was the +admiral invited, and so intimately did the success or failure of the +attempt to enlist France in the Flemish war seem to be dependent upon his +personal influence, that Gaspard de Coligny, despite the ill-concealed +solicitude of many of his more suspicious friends, consented to trust +himself in the king's hands. As for himself, the admiral had little +desire to leave the secure retreat of La Rochelle. Here he was surrounded +by friends. Here his happiness had been enhanced by two marriages which +promised to add greatly to the wealth and influence he already possessed. +Jacqueline d'Entremont, the widow of a brave officer killed in the civil +wars, had long entertained an admiration, which she made no attempt to +disguise, for the bravery and piety of the stern leader of the Huguenots. +Possessed of very extensive estates in the dominions of the Duke of +Savoy, she had also the qualities of mind and disposition which fitted +her to become the wife of so upright and magnanimous a man. The proposals +of marriage are said to have come from her relatives, nor did the lady +herself hesitate to express the wish before her death to become the +Marcia of the new Cato.<a name="FNanchor_839_839" id="FNanchor_839_839"></a><a href="#Footnote_839_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> The nuptials were celebrated with great pomp +at La Rochelle, whither Jacqueline, after having been married by +proxy,<a name="FNanchor_840_840" id="FNanchor_840_840"></a><a href="#Footnote_840_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> was escorted by a goodly train of Huguenot nobles. Great were +the rejoicings of the people, but not less great the anger of the Duke of +Savoy, who, as Jacqueline's feudal lord, claimed the right to dispose of +her hand, and had peremptorily forbidden her to marry the admiral. The +barbarous revenge which Emmanuel Philibert too soon found it in his power +to inflict upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> the unfortunate widow of Coligny forms the subject for +one of the darkest pages of modern history.<a name="FNanchor_841_841" id="FNanchor_841_841"></a><a href="#Footnote_841_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a> Under no less auspicious +circumstances was consummated the union of Coligny's daughter, Louise de +Châtillon, to Téligny, a young noble whose skill as a diplomatist seemed +to have destined him to hold a foremost rank among statesmen. Scarcely +less unhappy, however, than her step-mother, Louise was to behold both +her father and her husband perish in a single hour by the same dreadful +catastrophe.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Accepts the invitation to court.</div> + +<p>Was it foolish rashness or overweening presumption that led the admiral +to leave the new home he had made within the strong defences of La +Rochelle; or was he moved solely by a conscientious persuasion that he +had no right to consider personal danger when the great interests of his +country and his faith were at stake? The former view has not been without +its advocates, some of whom have gloried in finding the proofs of a +judicial blindness sent by Heaven to hasten the self-induced destruction +of the Huguenots. A more careful consideration of all the circumstances +of the case, illustrated by a better appreciation of Coligny's character, +rather induces me to adopt the opposite conclusion. Certainly the noble +language of Coligny in reply to the warnings of his friends, both now and +later, when he was about to venture within the walls of Paris, displayed +no unconsciousness of the perils by which he was environed. "Better, +however, were it," he said, "to die a thousand deaths, than by undue +solicitude for life to be the occasion of keeping up distrust throughout +an entire kingdom."</p> + +<p>About the beginning of September, 1571, Charles and his court repaired to +Blois, on the banks of the Loire.<a name="FNanchor_842_842" id="FNanchor_842_842"></a><a href="#Footnote_842_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> The avowed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> object of the movement +was to meet Coligny and the Protestant princes. "There are many practices +(intrigues) to overthrow this journey," wrote Walsingham, about the +middle of the preceding month, "but the king sheweth himself to be very +resolute. I am most constantly assured that the king conceiveth of no +subject that he hath, better than of the admiral, and great hope there is +that the king will use him in matters of greatest trust; for of himself +he beginneth to see the insufficiency of others—some, for that they are +more addicted to others than to himself; others, for that they are more +Spanish than French, or else given more to private pleasures than public. +There is none of any account within this realm, whose as well +imperfections as virtues, he knoweth not. Those that do love him, do +lament that he is so much given to pleasure: they hope the admiral's +access unto the court will yield some redress in that case. Queen mother, +seeing her son so well affected towards him, laboreth by all means to +cause him to think well of her. She seemeth much to further the +meeting."<a name="FNanchor_843_843" id="FNanchor_843_843"></a><a href="#Footnote_843_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">His honorable reception.</div> + +<p>Nothing could surpass the honorable reception of the admiral, when, on +the twelfth of September, he arrived with a small retinue at court in the +city of Blois. On first coming into the royal presence, he humbly +kneeled, but Charles graciously lifted him up, and embraced him, calling +him his father, and protesting that he regarded this as one of the +happiest days of his life, since he saw the war ended and tranquillity +confirmed by Coligny's return. "You are as welcome," said he, "as any +gentleman that has visited my court in twenty years." And in the same +interview, he expressed his joy in words upon which subsequent events +placed a sinister construction, but which nevertheless appear to have +been uttered in good faith: "At last we have you with us, and you will +not leave us again whenever you wish."<a name="FNanchor_844_844" id="FNanchor_844_844"></a><a href="#Footnote_844_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a> Nor was Catharine behind her +son in affability. She surprised the courtiers by honoring the Huguenot +leader with a kiss. And even Anjou, who chanced to be indisposed, +received him in his bedchamber with a show of friendliness. More +substantial tokens of favor followed. The same person, who, as the +principal general of the rebels, had been attainted of treason, his +castle and possessions being confiscated or destroyed by decree of the +first parliament of France, and a reward of fifty thousand gold crowns +being set upon his head, now received from the king's private purse the +unsolicited gift of one hundred thousand livres, to make good his losses +during the war. Moreover, he was presented with the revenues of his +lately deceased brother, the Cardinal Odet de Châtillon, for the space of +one year, and was intrusted with the lucrative office of guardian of the +house of Laval during the minority of its heir. Indeed, throughout his +stay at Blois, which was protracted through several weeks, Coligny was +the favored confidant of Charles, who sometimes even made him preside in +the royal council.<a name="FNanchor_845_845" id="FNanchor_845_845"></a><a href="#Footnote_845_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span></p><p>Moreover, it was doubtless at Coligny's suggestion that the king at this +time wrote to the Duke of Savoy interceding for those Waldenses who in +the recent wars had aided the French Protestants in arms, and who since +their return to the ducal dominions had experienced severe persecution on +that account. "I desire," he says in this letter, "to make a request of +you, a request of no ordinary character, but as earnest as you could +possibly receive from me—that, just as for the love of me you have +treated your subjects in this matter with unusual rigor, so you would be +pleased, for my sake, and by reason of my prayer and special +recommendation, to receive them into your benign grace, and reinstate +them in the possessions which have for this cause been confiscated." He +added that he desired not only to exhibit to his Protestant subjects his +intention to execute his edict, but to extend to their allies from abroad +the same love and protection.<a name="FNanchor_846_846" id="FNanchor_846_846"></a><a href="#Footnote_846_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Disgust of the Guises and of Alva.</div> + +<p>These and other marks of honorable distinction shown to the acknowledged +head of the Huguenots, must have been excessively distasteful both to the +Guises and to the Spaniard. The former now retired from court, and left +Charles completely in the hands of the Montmorencies and the +admiral.<a name="FNanchor_847_847" id="FNanchor_847_847"></a><a href="#Footnote_847_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a> Earlier in the year, the Duke of Alva had met with a signal +rebuff at the hands of the French, when, in return for the aid furnished +to Charles by his Catholic Majesty during the late wars, he requested him +to supply him with German reiters, to allow him to levy in France troops +to serve against the Prince of Orange, and to detain the fleet which was +said to be preparing for the prince at La Rochelle. The first two demands +were peremptorily refused, while the ships, it was re<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span>plied, were +intended merely to make reprisals upon the Spaniards, who had taken some +Protestant vessels, drowned a part of their crew in the ocean, and +delivered others into the power of the Inquisition, and could not be +interfered with.<a name="FNanchor_848_848" id="FNanchor_848_848"></a><a href="#Footnote_848_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> The Spanish ambassador had borne with the +offensiveness of this answer; but the favor with which the Huguenots were +now received, and the openness with which the Flemish war was discussed, +rendered his further stay impossible. It is true that the interviews of +Louis of Nassau with the king were held with great secrecy, and that +Charles even had the effrontery to deny that he had met the brother of +Orange at all.<a name="FNanchor_849_849" id="FNanchor_849_849"></a><a href="#Footnote_849_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a> It was impossible to deny that Philip's subjects were +despoiled by vessels which issued with impunity from La Rochelle. But, +although the ambassador declared that these grievances must be redressed, +or war would ensue, he was bluntly informed by Charles that "Philip might +not look to give laws to France." Catharine partook of her son's +indignation, the more so as she seems at this time to have shared in the +current belief that her daughter Elizabeth had been poisoned by her royal +husband.<a name="FNanchor_850_850" id="FNanchor_850_850"></a><a href="#Footnote_850_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a> At last, in November, the ambassador withdrew from court, +without taking leave of the king, after having, in scarcely disguised +contempt,<a name="FNanchor_851_851" id="FNanchor_851_851"></a><a href="#Footnote_851_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a> given away to the monks the silver plate which Charles had +presented to him.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles gratified.</div> + +<p>While the new policy of conciliation and toleration thus disgusted one, +at least, of those foreign powers which had spurred on the government to +engage in suicidal civil contests, it was at home producing the +beneficent results hoped for by its authors. Charles himself appeared to +be daily more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> convinced of its excellence. In a letter to President Du +Ferrier, the French envoy at Constantinople, written during the admiral's +stay at Blois, he exposed for the sultan's benefit the reasons for the +mutation in his treatment of the Huguenots, and for the cordial reception +he had given Coligny at his court. "You know," he said, "that this +kingdom fell into discord and division, in which it still is involved. I +forgot no prescription which I thought might cure it of this ulcerous +wound; at one time trying mild remedies, at others applying the most +caustic, without sparing my own person, or those whom nature made most +dear to me.... But, having at length discovered that only time could +alleviate the ill, and <i>that those who were at the windows were very glad +to see the game played at my expense</i>,<a name="FNanchor_852_852" id="FNanchor_852_852"></a><a href="#Footnote_852_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> I had recourse to my original +plan, which was that of mildness; and by good advice I made my Edict of +Pacification, which is the seal of public faith, under whose benign +influence peace and quiet have been restored." And referring to Coligny's +arrival, he added: "You know that experience is dearly bought and is +worth much. I must therefore tell you that the chief result which I hoped +from his coming begins already to develop, inasmuch as the greater part +of my subjects, who lately lived in some distrust, have by this +demonstration gained such assurance of my kindness and affection, that +all partisan feeling and faction are visibly beginning to fade +away."<a name="FNanchor_853_853" id="FNanchor_853_853"></a><a href="#Footnote_853_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Proposed marriage of Henry of Navarre and the king's sister.</div> + +<p>Besides the Flemish project, an important domestic affair engaged the +attention of the king and his counsellors at the time of Coligny's visit. +This was the proposed marriage of young Henry, the Prince of Béarn, and +after his mother's death heir of the crown of Navarre, to Margaret of +Valois, the youngest sister of Charles the Ninth. Margaret, who had +lately entered upon her twen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span>tieth year, was a year and a half older than +the prince.<a name="FNanchor_854_854" id="FNanchor_854_854"></a><a href="#Footnote_854_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a> In a court and a state of society where the birth of a +daughter was the signal for the initiation of an unlimited number of +matrimonial projects, it is not surprising that this match, among many +others, was talked of in the very infancy of the parties, perhaps with +little expectation that anything would ever come of it. The prince was a +sprightly boy, and, it is said, so delighted his namesake, Henry the +Second, that the monarch playfully asked him whether he would like to be +his son-in-law—a question which the boy found no difficulty in answering +in the affirmative. In fact, the matter went so far that, when the young +Bearnese was little over three years of age, Antoine of Bourbon wrote to +his sister, the Duchess of Nevers, with undisguised delight, of "the +favor the king has been pleased to show me by the agreement between us +for the marriage of Madam Margaret, his daughter, with my eldest son—a +thing which I accept as so particular a token of his good grace, that I +am now at rest and satisfied with what I could most ardently desire in +this world."<a name="FNanchor_855_855" id="FNanchor_855_855"></a><a href="#Footnote_855_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a> But the boy's mother had not been inclined to accept +the king's offer to take and educate him with his own children.<a name="FNanchor_856_856" id="FNanchor_856_856"></a><a href="#Footnote_856_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a> She +was not very familiar with the disorders of the royal court; but she had +seen enough to convince her that the quiet plains at the foot of the +Pyrenees could furnish a safer school of manners and morals. More than +once the idea of the connection between the crowns of France and Navarre +was revived, and in 1562 Catharine bethought herself of it as a means of +detaching the unfortunate Antoine from the triumvirs, whose cause he had +espoused with such strange in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span>fatuation.<a name="FNanchor_857_857" id="FNanchor_857_857"></a><a href="#Footnote_857_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> But other plans soon +diverted the ambitious mind of the Italian queen. Moreover, the civil +wars between Protestants and Roman Catholics made the marriage of the +daughter of the "Very Christian King" to the son of the most obstinate +Huguenot in France appear to be out of the range of propriety or +likelihood. Meantime, Margaret's union with Sebastian of Portugal was +seriously discussed.<a name="FNanchor_858_858" id="FNanchor_858_858"></a><a href="#Footnote_858_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a> The tiresome negotiations ended in January, +1571, with a haughty refusal of her hand, dictated, as we have seen, by +Philip himself. A few weeks later, as Margaret informs us in her +Mémoires—which may generally be credited, except where the fair author's +love affairs are concerned—the Prince of Navarre began again to be +mentioned as an available candidate for her hand. She expressly states +that it was from the Montmorencies that the first suggestion +came<a name="FNanchor_859_859" id="FNanchor_859_859"></a><a href="#Footnote_859_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a>—that is, from François de Montmorency, the constable's oldest +son. This nobleman, while he had inherited a great part of his father's +influence, as the head of one of the most honorable feudal families in +France, having its seat in the very neighborhood of the capital, had +ranged himself with the party opposed to that with which Anne had been +identified, and, although in outward profession a Roman Catholic, was in +full sympathy with the liberal political views of his cousin, Admiral +Coligny. This fact effectually disposes of the story that the marriage +was proposed, however much it may subsequently have been entertained, as +a trap to ensnare the Huguenots, thus thrown off their guard.</p> + +<p>Marshal Biron, another statesman of the same type, was the messenger to +carry the royal proposals to La Rochelle. He pictured to the Queen of +Navarre in glowing colors the advantages that would flow from this +alliance, the strength it would impart to the friends of mutual +toleration, the consternation<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> and dismay it would carry into the camp of +the enemy. At the same time he declared that Charles the Ninth felt +confident that, although he had not as yet obtained from the Pope the +dispensation which the relationship subsisting between the parties, as +well as their religious differences, rendered necessary, Pius the Fifth +would ultimately place no obstacle in the way. Jeanne d'Albret gratefully +acknowledged the honor offered by the king to her son, but, before +accepting it, professed herself compelled to consult her spiritual +advisers respecting the question whether such a marriage might in good +conscience be entered into by a member of the reformed church.<a name="FNanchor_860_860" id="FNanchor_860_860"></a><a href="#Footnote_860_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a> As +for Margaret herself, she gives us in her Mémoires little light as to the +state of her own feelings at this time. If we may imagine her so +indifferent, she demurely expressed her acquiescence in whatever her +mother might decide, but begged her to remember that "she was very +Catholic," and that "she would be very sorry to marry any one who was not +of her religion."<a name="FNanchor_861_861" id="FNanchor_861_861"></a><a href="#Footnote_861_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> A few months later, however, when the prospects of +the marriage became less bright, because of the difficulties arising from +religion, it would seem that, with a perversity not altogether<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span> +unexampled, Margaret became more anxious to have it consummated. At +least, Francis Walsingham writes to Lord Burleigh: "The gentlewoman, +being most desirous thereof, falleth to reading of the Bible, and to the +use of the prayers used by them of the religion."<a name="FNanchor_862_862" id="FNanchor_862_862"></a><a href="#Footnote_862_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Anjou match abandoned.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile, the project of a marriage between Elizabeth and Anjou had, as +we have seen, been virtually abandoned. The matter of religion was the +ostensible stumbling-block; it can scarcely have been the real difficulty +on either side. As to Anjou, the sincerity of his religious convictions +is certainly not above suspicion. But he was the head of a party in his +brother's kingdom, a party that professed unalterable devotion to the +"Holy See" and the old faith. If the eternal rewards of his fidelity to +the papacy were at all problematical, there was no doubt whatever in his +mind of the advantage of so powerful support as that which the +ecclesiastics of France could give him. He was resolved not to throw away +this advantage by openly agreeing to renounce all exercise of his own +religion in England, and this, too, without the certainty that the +concession would secure to him the hand of the queen. And, unfortunately, +it was impossible for him to gain this certainty. Elizabeth was already +pretty well understood. Her fancies and freaks it was beyond the power of +the most astute of her ministers to predict or to comprehend. If the +barrier of religion were demolished, there was no possibility of telling +what more formidable works might be unmasked. And so Henry, rather more +sensible upon this point than even Catharine and Charles, who would have +had him shrink from no concessions, made a virtue of necessity, +definitely withdrew from competition for the hand of a woman for whose +personal appearance it was impossible for him to entertain any +admiration; whose moral character, he had often been told and he more +than half suspected, was bad;<a name="FNanchor_863_863" id="FNanchor_863_863"></a><a href="#Footnote_863_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a> and told his friends, and probably +believed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span> that he had had a narrow escape. The queen, on the other hand, +was perhaps not conscious of insincerity of purpose. She must marry, if +not from inclination, for protection's sake—the protection of her +subjects and herself—so all the world told her; and a marriage that +would secure to England the support of France against Spain was the best. +But that she sought excuses for not taking the Duke of Anjou is evident, +even though she strove to make it appear to others, as well as to +herself, that the refusal came at last from him.<a name="FNanchor_864_864" id="FNanchor_864_864"></a><a href="#Footnote_864_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a> And she had her +advisers—subjects who in secret aspired to her hand, or others—who, in +an underhand way, stimulated her aversion to Henry. It is not unlikely +that the Earl of Leicester, despite his ardent protestations of zealous +support of the match, was the most insidious of its opponents. "While +'the poor Huguenots' were telling Walsingham in tears that an affront +from England would bring back the Guises, and end in a massacre of +themselves, Leicester was working privately upon the queen, who was but +too willing to listen to him, feeding her through the ladies of the +bedchamber with stories that Anjou was infected with a loathsome disease, +and assisting his Penelope to unravel at night the web which she had +woven under Cecil's direction in the day."<a name="FNanchor_865_865" id="FNanchor_865_865"></a><a href="#Footnote_865_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The praise of Alençon.</div> + +<p>So the negotiation of a marriage between Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of +Anjou, after being virtually dead for about a half-year, breathed its +last in January, 1572. But the full accord between the two kingdoms was +too important to the interests of both, and the opportunity of obtaining +a crown for one of her sons too precious in the eye of Catharine. +Accordingly the discussion of the terms of the treaty of amity was +pressed with still greater zeal, while the French envoy to England was +instructed to offer Alençon to Elizabeth in place of his brother. And now +were the wits of the statesmen on both sides of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span> channel exercised to +find good reasons why the match would be no incongruous one. +Unfortunately, Alençon, as already stated, was short even for his age; +but this was no insuperable obstacle. "Nay," said Catharine de' Medici to +Sir Thomas Smith, when she was sounding him respecting his mistress's +disposition, "he is not so little; he is so high as you, or very near." +"For that matter, madam," replied Smith, "I for my part make small +account, if the queen's majestie can fancie him. For <i>Pipinus Brevis</i>, +who married <i>Bertha</i>, the King of Almain's daughter, was so little to +her, that he is standing in Aquisgrave, or Moguerre, a church in Almain, +she taking him by the hand, and his head not reaching to her girdle; and +yet he had by her Charlemain, the great Emperor and King of France, which +is reported to be almost a giant's stature."<a name="FNanchor_866_866" id="FNanchor_866_866"></a><a href="#Footnote_866_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a> It was not so easy to +dispose of the disparity in years,<a name="FNanchor_867_867" id="FNanchor_867_867"></a><a href="#Footnote_867_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a> and perhaps still less of +Alençon's disfigurement by small-pox; for that unlucky prince added this +to the long catalogue of his misfortunes. The course of the treaty for +mutual defence was, happily, somewhat smoother than that of the +matchmaking. On the eighteenth of April the treaty was formally +concluded,<a name="FNanchor_868_868" id="FNanchor_868_868"></a><a href="#Footnote_868_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a> and shortly after, Marshal Montmorency and M. de Foix +were despatched to administer the oath to Queen Elizabeth. This solemn +ceremony was performed on Sunday, the fifteenth of June. The deputies +were received with every mark of distinction, and the marshal was +publicly presented by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> queen with the insignia of the Order of the +Garter.<a name="FNanchor_869_869" id="FNanchor_869_869"></a><a href="#Footnote_869_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a> The commission of the French envoys instructed them to press +upon Elizabeth the Alençon marriage as a powerful means of cementing the +alliance; and it empowered them to expend money to the extent of ten or +twelve thousand crowns in buying the consent of those lords who had +hitherto opposed the union. The Earl of Leicester, whose +straightforwardness may have been suspected, was to be tempted by the +special offer of some French heiress in marriage, the name of +Mademoiselle de Bourbon being suggested.<a name="FNanchor_870_870" id="FNanchor_870_870"></a><a href="#Footnote_870_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a> But the marriage was not +destined to be accomplished, although the negotiations were kept up until +the very time of the massacre, and Elizabeth sent to Catharine de' Medici +her hearty acknowledgment of the honor she had done her <i>in offering her +all her sons successively</i>.<a name="FNanchor_871_871" id="FNanchor_871_871"></a><a href="#Footnote_871_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a> At the very moment when the fearful blow +fell which was to render any such marriage impossible, Catharine was +planning and proposing an interview between Elizabeth on the one side, +and herself and Alençon on the other. That the dignity of neither party +might be compromised, it was suggested that the meeting might take place +some calm day on the water between Dover and Boulogne.<a name="FNanchor_872_872" id="FNanchor_872_872"></a><a href="#Footnote_872_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> Elizabeth had +reconsidered her partial refusal, and encouraged the project; the nobles, +the ladies of the court, the council, all favored it; and in a letter +written four days after the streets of Paris flowed with blood, but +before the appalling intelligence had reached him, the French ambassador +wrote to Catharine: "All who are well affected cry to us, 'Let my Lord +the Duke come!'"<a name="FNanchor_873_873" id="FNanchor_873_873"></a><a href="#Footnote_873_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Pope Pius the Fifth alarmed.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The Cardinal of Alessandria sent to Paris.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The king's assurances.</div> + +<p>It cannot be supposed that such a leaning could be manifested toward the +Huguenot party, and such amity concluded with the Protestant kingdom of +England, without arousing grave soli<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span>citude on the part of the Pope and +other Roman Catholic sovereigns of Europe. Pius the Fifth determined, if +possible, to deter Charles from permitting the hateful marriage between +his sister and the heretical Prince of Navarre. He therefore promptly +despatched his nephew, the Cardinal of Alessandria,<a name="FNanchor_874_874" id="FNanchor_874_874"></a><a href="#Footnote_874_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a> first to +Sebastian of Portugal, whom he found no great difficulty in persuading +again to entertain the project of a marriage with Margaret of Valois, and +thence, with the utmost haste, to the court of Charles the Ninth.<a name="FNanchor_875_875" id="FNanchor_875_875"></a><a href="#Footnote_875_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> +The legate, when admitted to an audience, unfolded at great length the +grievances of the pontiff—the mission of a heretic, formerly a bishop, +as envoy to Constantinople, the rumored opposition of the king to the +Holy League against the Turk, but especially the contemplated nuptials of +a daughter of France with the son of Jeanne d'Albret. Charles replied to +these charges in the most politic manner. He prayed that the earth might +open and swallow him up, rather than that he should stand in the way of +so illustrious and holy league as that against the infidel. As to his +zeal for the Christian faith, he demonstrated it—albeit some might +object that the fraternal affection which was reported to subsist between +the parties hardly rendered this argument convincing—by the fact of his +having exposed, in its<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> defence, his dearest brother, the Duke of Anjou, +to all the perils of war. By civil war the resources of his kingdom had +been so weakened that they barely sufficed for its protection. He +justified the Navarrese marriage by alleging the remarkable traits which +made Henry superior to any other prince of the Bourbon family, and by the +great benefit which religion would gain from his conversion. In short, +Charles was profuse in protestations of his sincere determination to +maintain the Catholic faith; and, drawing a valuable diamond ring from +his finger, he presented it to the legate as a pledge, he said, of his +unalterable fidelity to the Holy See, and a token that he would more than +redeem his promises. The cardinal legate, however, declined to receive +the gift, saying that he was amply satisfied with the plighted word of so +great a king, a security more firm than any other pledge that could be +given to him.<a name="FNanchor_876_876" id="FNanchor_876_876"></a><a href="#Footnote_876_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> Such seem to have been the assurances given by Charles +on this celebrated occasion, vague and indefinite, but calculated to +allay to a certain extent the anxiety of the head of the papal +church.<a name="FNanchor_877_877" id="FNanchor_877_877"></a><a href="#Footnote_877_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a> There is good reason to believe that the king's intention of +fulfilling them, not to say his plan for doing so, was equally undefined; +although, so far as his own faith was concerned, he had no thought of +abandoning the church of his fathers. The expressions by means of which +Charles is made to point with unmistakable clearness to a contemplated +massacre,<a name="FNanchor_878_878" id="FNanchor_878_878"></a><a href="#Footnote_878_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a> of which, how<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span>ever the case may stand with respect to his +mother, it is all but certain that he had at this time no idea, can only +be regarded as fabulous additions of which the earliest disseminators of +the story were altogether ignorant. The fact that the cardinal legate's +rejection of the ring was publicly known<a name="FNanchor_879_879" id="FNanchor_879_879"></a><a href="#Footnote_879_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a> seems to be a sufficient +proof that it was offered simply as a pledge of the king's general +fidelity to the Holy See, not of his intention to violate his edict and +murder his Protestant subjects. The government made the attempt in like +manner to quiet the people, whom even the smallest amount of concession +and favor to the Huguenots rendered suspicious; and the words uttered +for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[Pg 403]</a></span> this purpose were often so flattering to the Roman Catholics, that, +in the light of subsequent events, they seem to have a reference to acts +of treachery to which they were not intended to apply.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Jeanne d'Albret becomes more favorable to her son's marriage.</div> + +<p>The doubt propounded by Jeanne d'Albret to the reformed ministers, +respecting the lawfulness of a mixed marriage, having been satisfactorily +answered, and the devout queen being convinced that the union of Henry +and Margaret would rather tend to advance the cause to which she +subordinated all her personal interests, than retard it by casting +reproach upon it, the project was more warmly entertained on both sides. +Yet the subject was not without serious difficulty. Of this the religious +question was the great cause. To the English ambassadors, Walsingham and +Smith, Jeanne declared (on the fourth of March, 1572) in her own forcible +language, "that now she had the wolf by the ears, for that, in concluding +or not concluding the marriage, she saw danger every way; and that no +matter (though she had dealt in matters of consequence) did so much +trouble her as this, for that she could not tell how to resolve." She +could neither bring herself to consent that her son with his bride should +reside at the royal court without any exercise of his own religion—a +course which would not only tend to make him an atheist, but cut off all +hope of the conversion of his wife—nor that Margaret of Valois should be +guaranteed the permission to have mass celebrated whenever she came into +Jeanne's own domains in Béarn, a district which the queen "had cleansed +of all idolatry." For Margaret would by her example undo much of that +which had been so assiduously labored for, and the Roman Catholics who +had remained would become "more unwilling to hear the Gospel, they having +a staff to lean to."<a name="FNanchor_880_880" id="FNanchor_880_880"></a><a href="#Footnote_880_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Her solicitude.</div> + +<p>It was this uncertainty about Margaret's course, and the consequent gain +or loss to the Protestant faith, that rendered it almost impossible for +Jeanne d'Albret to master her anxiety. "In view," she wrote to her son, +"of Mar<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span>garet's judgment and the credit she enjoys with the queen her +mother and the king and her brothers, if she embrace 'the religion,' I +can say that we are the most happy people in the world, and not only our +house but all the kingdom of France will share in this happiness.... If +she remain obstinate in her religion, being devoted to it, as she is said +to be, it cannot be but that this marriage will prove the ruin, first, of +our friends and our lands, and such a support to the papists that, with +the good-will the queen mother bears us, we shall be ruined with the +churches of France." It would almost seem that a prophetic glimpse of the +future had been accorded to the Queen of Navarre. "My son, if ever you +prayed God, do so now, I beg you, as I pray without ceasing, that He may +assist me in this negotiation, and that this marriage may not be made in +His anger for our punishment, but in His mercy for His own glory and our +quiet."<a name="FNanchor_881_881" id="FNanchor_881_881"></a><a href="#Footnote_881_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a></p> + +<p>But there were other grounds for solicitude. Catharine de' Medici was the +same deceitful woman she had always been. She would not allow Jeanne +d'Albret to see either Charles or Margaret, save in her presence. She +misrepresented the queen's words, and, when called to an account, denied +the report with the greatest effrontery. She destroyed all the hopes +Jeanne had entertained of frank discussion.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Queen of Navarre is treated with tantalizing insincerity.</div> + +<p>"You have great reason to pity me," the Queen of Navarre wrote to her +faithful subject in Béarn, "for never was I so disdainfully treated at +court as I now am.... Everything that had been announced to me is +changed. They wish to destroy all the hopes with which they brought +me."<a name="FNanchor_882_882" id="FNanchor_882_882"></a><a href="#Footnote_882_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> Catharine showed no shame when detected in open falsehood. She +told Jeanne d'Albret that her son's governor had given her reason to +expect that Henry would consent to be married by proxy according to the +Romish ceremonial. But when she was hard pressed and saw that Jeanne did +not believe her, she coolly rejoined: "Well, at any rate, he told me +something." "I am quite sure of it, madam, but it was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span> something that did +not approach that!" "Thereupon," writes Jeanne in despair, "she burst out +laughing; for, observe, she never speaks to me without trifling."<a name="FNanchor_883_883" id="FNanchor_883_883"></a><a href="#Footnote_883_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">She is shocked at the morals of the court.</div> + +<p>But it was particularly the abominable immorality of the royal court that +alarmed the Queen of Navarre for the safety of her only son, should he be +called to sojourn there. The lady Margaret, she wrote—and her words +deserve the more notice on account of the infamy into which the life as +yet apparently so guileless was to lead—"is handsome, modest, and +graceful; but nurtured in the most wicked and corrupt society that ever +was. I have not seen a person who does not show the effects of it. Your +cousin, the marquise, is so changed in consequence of it, that there is +no appearance of religion, save that she does not go to mass; for, as for +her mode of life, excepting idolatry, she acts like the papists, and my +sister the princess still worse.... I would not for the world that you +were here to live. It is on this account that I want you to marry, and +your wife and you to come out of this corruption; for although I believed +it to be very great, I find it still greater. Here it is not the men that +solicit the women, but the women the men. Were you here, you would never +escape but by a remarkable exercise of God's mercy.... I abide by my +first opinion, that you must return to Béarn. My son, you can but have +judged from my former letters, that they only try to separate you from +God and from me; you will come to the same conclusion from this last, as +well as form some idea respecting the anxiety I am in on your account. I +beg you to pray earnestly to God; for you have great need of His help at +all times, and above all at this time. I pray to Him that you<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> may obtain +it, that He may give you, my son, all your desires."<a name="FNanchor_884_884" id="FNanchor_884_884"></a><a href="#Footnote_884_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Jeanne d'Albret, June 9, 1572.</div> + +<p>Such were the anxieties of the Queen of Navarre in behalf of a son whom +she had carefully reared, hoping to see in him a pillar of the Protestant +faith. She was to be spared the sight both of those scenes in his life +which might have flushed her cheek with pride, and of other scenes which +would have caused her to blush with shame. At length the last +difficulties in the way of Henry of Navarre's marriage, so far as the +court and the queen were concerned, were removed.<a name="FNanchor_885_885" id="FNanchor_885_885"></a><a href="#Footnote_885_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> Charles and +Catharine no longer insisted that Margaret should be allowed the mass +when in Béarn; while Jeanne reluctantly abandoned her objections to the +celebration of the marriage ceremony in the city of Paris. Accordingly, +about the middle of May the Queen of Navarre left Blois and came to the +capital for the purpose of devoting her attention to the final +arrangements for the wedding. She had not, however, been long in Paris +before she fell sick of a violent fever, to which it became evident that +she must succumb. We are told by a writer who regards this as a manifest +provocation of Heaven, that one of her last acts before her sudden +illness had been a visit to the Louvre to petition the king that, on the +approaching festival of Corpus Christi (Fête-Dieu), the "idol," as she +styled the wafer, might not be borne in solemn procession past the house +in which she lodged; and that the king had granted her request.<a name="FNanchor_886_886" id="FNanchor_886_886"></a><a href="#Footnote_886_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> +During the short interval before her death she exhibited the same +devotion as previously to the purer Christianity she had embraced, +mingled with affectionate solicitude for her son and daughter, so soon to +be left orphans. Her constancy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span> and fortitude proved her worthy of all +the eulogies that were lavished upon her.<a name="FNanchor_887_887" id="FNanchor_887_887"></a><a href="#Footnote_887_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a> On Monday, the ninth of +June, she died, sincerely mourned by the Huguenots, who felt that in her +they had lost one of their most able and efficient supports, the weakness +of whose sex had not made her inferior to the most active and resolute +man of the party. Even Catharine de' Medici, who had hated her with all +her cowardly heart, made some show of admiring her virtues, now that she +was no longer formidable and her straightforward policy had ceased to +thwart the underhanded and shifting diplomacy in which the queen mother +delighted. Yet the report gained currency that Jeanne had been poisoned +at Catharine's instigation. She had, it was said, bought gloves of +Monsieur René, the queen mother's perfumer<a name="FNanchor_888_888" id="FNanchor_888_888"></a><a href="#Footnote_888_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a>—a man who boasted of his +acquaintance with the Italian art of poisoning—and had almost instantly +felt the effects of some subtle powder with which they were impregnated. +To contradict this and other sinister stories, the king ordered an +examination of her remains to be made; but no corroborative evidence was +discovered. It is true that the physicians are said to have avoided, +ostensibly through motives of humanity, any dissection of the brain, +where alone the evidence could have been found.<a name="FNanchor_889_889" id="FNanchor_889_889"></a><a href="#Footnote_889_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a> Be this as it may, +the charge of poisoning is met so uniformly in the literature of the +sixteenth century, on occasion of every sudden death, that the most +credulous reader becomes sceptical as to its truth, and prefers to +indulge the hope that perhaps the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> age may not have been quite so bad as +it was represented by contemporaries.</p> + +<p>The Prince of Béarn now became King of Navarre; and, as the court went +into mourning for the deceased queen, his nuptials with Margaret of +Valois were deferred until the month of August.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny and the boy king.</div> + +<p>Admiral Coligny, instead of returning to La Rochelle after his friendly +reception at the court at Blois, had gone to Châtillon, where his ruined +country-seat and devastated plantations had great need of his +presence.<a name="FNanchor_890_890" id="FNanchor_890_890"></a><a href="#Footnote_890_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> Here he was soon afterward joined by his wife, travelling +from La Rochelle with a special safe-conduct from the king, the preamble +of which declared Charles's will and intention to retain Coligny near his +own person, "in order to make use of him in his most grave and important +affairs, as a worthy minister, whose virtue is sufficiently known and +tried."<a name="FNanchor_891_891" id="FNanchor_891_891"></a><a href="#Footnote_891_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a> Coligny was not left long in his rural retirement. Charles +expressed, and probably felt, profound disgust with his former advisers, +and knew not whom to trust. On one occasion, about this time, he held a +conversation with Téligny respecting the Flemish war. Téligny had just +entreated his Majesty not to mention to the queen mother the details into +which he entered—a promise which Charles readily gave, and swore with +his ordinary profanity to observe. And then the poor young king, with a +desperation which must enlist our sympathy in his behalf, undertook to +explain to Coligny's son-in-law his own solitude in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[Pg 409]</a></span> midst of a +crowded court. There was no one, he said, upon whom he could rely for +sound counsel, or for the execution of his plans. Tavannes was prudent, +indeed; but, having been Anjou's lieutenant, and almost the author of his +victories, would oppose a war that threatened to obscure his laurels. +Vieilleville was wedded to his cups. Cossé was avaricious, and would sell +all his friends for ten crowns. Montmorency alone was good and +trustworthy, but so given to the pleasures of the chase that he would be +sure to be absent at the very moment his help was indispensable.<a name="FNanchor_892_892" id="FNanchor_892_892"></a><a href="#Footnote_892_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> It +is not strange, under these circumstances, that Charles should have +turned with sincere respect, and almost with a kind of affection, to that +stern old Huguenot warrior, upright, honorable, pious, a master of the +art of war, never more to be dreaded than after the reverses which he +accepted as lessons from a Father's hands.</p> + +<p>As for Coligny himself, his task was not one of his own seeking. But he +pitied from his heart the boy-king—still more boyish in character than +in years—as he pitied and loved France. Above all, he was unwilling to +omit anything that might be vitally important for the progress of the +Gospel in his native land and abroad. His eyes were not blind to his +danger. When, at the king's request, he came to Paris, he received +letters of remonstrance for his imprudence, from all parts of France. He +was reminded that other monarchs before Charles had broken their pledges. +Huss had been burned at Constance notwithstanding the emperor's safe +conduct, and the maxim that no faith need be kept with heretics had +obtained a mournful currency.<a name="FNanchor_893_893" id="FNanchor_893_893"></a><a href="#Footnote_893_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a> To these warnings Admiral Coligny +replied at one moment with some annoyance, indignant that his young +sovereign should be so suspected; at another, with more calmness, +magnanimously dismissing all solicitude for himself in comparison with +the great ends he had in view. When he was urged to consider that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[Pg 410]</a></span> other +Huguenots, less hated by the papists than he was, had been treacherously +assassinated—as was the general opinion then—Andelot, Cardinal +Châtillon, and lately the Queen of Navarre—his reply was still the same: +"I am well aware that it is against me principally that the enmity is +directed. And yet how great a misfortune will it be for France, if, for +the sake of my individual preservation, she must be kept in perpetual +alarm and be plunged on every occasion into new troubles! Or, what +benefit will it be to me to live thus in continual distrust of the king? +If my prince wishes to slay me, he can accomplish his will in any part of +the realm. As a royal officer, I cannot in honor refuse to comply with +the summons of the king, meantime committing myself to the providence of +Him who holds in his hand the hearts of kings and princes, and has +numbered my years—nay, the very hairs of my head. If I succeed in going +in arms to the Low Countries, I hope that I may do signal service, and +change hatred into good-will. But, if I fall there, at least the enmity +against me will cease, and perhaps men will live in peace, without its +being needful to set a whole world in commotion for the protection of the +life of a single man."<a name="FNanchor_894_894" id="FNanchor_894_894"></a><a href="#Footnote_894_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The dispensation delayed.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The king's earnestness.</div> + +<p>The juncture was critical, although the future still looked auspicious. +Charles was resolved that the marriage of his sister should go forward, +and seemed almost as resolute, when he had thus secured peace at home +between Papist and Huguenot, to embark in a war against Spain—the +natural enemy of French repose and greatness. Gregory the Thirteenth—for +Pius the Fifth had died on the first of May, 1572, although his maxims +and his counsels were unhappily still alive, and endowed with a +mischievous activity—refused to grant the dispensation for the marriage +except on impossible conditions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[Pg 411]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_895_895" id="FNanchor_895_895"></a><a href="#Footnote_895_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> But Charles was too impatient to +await his caprice. "My dear aunt," he once said to the Queen of Navarre, +a short time before her death, "I honor you more than the Pope, and I +love my sister more than I fear him. I am not indeed a Huguenot, but +neither am I a blockhead; and if the Pope play the fool too much, I will +myself take Margot," his common nickname for his sister, "by the hand, +and give her away in marriage in full prêche."<a name="FNanchor_896_896" id="FNanchor_896_896"></a><a href="#Footnote_896_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a></p> + +<p>Charles was apparently equally in earnest in his intention to maintain +his edict for the advantage of the Huguenots. Accordingly he published a +new declaration to this effect, and sent it to his governors, accompanied +with a letter expressive of his great gratification that the spirit of +distrust was everywhere giving place to confidence, a proof of which was +to be found in the recent restitution of the four cities of La Rochelle, +Montauban, La Charité, and Cognac, by those in whose hands they were +intrusted by the edict of St. Germain.<a name="FNanchor_897_897" id="FNanchor_897_897"></a><a href="#Footnote_897_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> And Charles's correspondence +shows still further that the projects urged by Coligny, Louis of Nassau, +and other prominent patriots, had made a deep impression upon his +imagination, now that for the first time the prospect of a truly noble +campaign opened before him. In carrying out the extensive plan against +the Spanish king, it was indispensable—so thought the wisest politicians +of the time—to secure the co-operation of the Turk. The extent of +Philip's dominions in the Old and the New World, the prestige of his +successes, the enormous treasure he was said to derive yearly from his +colonial establishments in the Indies, all gave him a reputation for +power which a more critical examination would have dissipated; but the +time for this had not yet arrived.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[Pg 412]</a></span> Consequently Charles had sent his +ambassador to Constantinople, intending through him to conclude an +alliance offensive and defensive with the Moslems. And his declarations +to the half-Protestant prelate were explicit enough: "All my humors +conspire to make me oppose the greatness of the Spaniards, and I am +deliberating how I may therein conduct myself the most skilfully that I +can."<a name="FNanchor_898_898" id="FNanchor_898_898"></a><a href="#Footnote_898_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a> "I have concluded a league with the Queen of England—a +circumstance which, with the understanding I have with the Princes of +Germany, puts the Spaniards in a wonderful jealousy."<a name="FNanchor_899_899" id="FNanchor_899_899"></a><a href="#Footnote_899_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> Not only so, +but he instructs the ambassador to inform the Grand Seignior that he has +a large number of vessels ready, with twelve or fifteen thousand troops +about to embark, ostensibly to protect his own harbors, "but in reality +intended to keep the Catholic king uneasy, and to give boldness to those +Beggars of the Netherlands to bestir themselves and form such enterprises +as they already have done."<a name="FNanchor_900_900" id="FNanchor_900_900"></a><a href="#Footnote_900_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> If these assurances had been addressed +to a Protestant prince, it would readily be comprehended that they might +have had for their object to lull his co-religionists into a fatal +security. But, as they were intended only for a Mohammedan ruler, I can +see no room for the suspicion that Charles was at this time animated by +anything else than an unfeigned desire to realize the plan of Coligny, of +a confederacy that should shatter the much-vaunted empire of Philip the +Second.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Mons and Valenciennes captured.</div> + +<p>An event now occurred which for a time raised high the hopes of the +French Huguenots. This was the capture of the important cities of Mons +and Valenciennes. To Count Louis of Nassau the credit of this bold and +successful stroke was due. With the secret connivance of Charles, he had +recruited in France a body of five hundred horsemen and a thousand foot +soldiers, among whom, as was natural, the Huguenot element predominated. +With these he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[Pg 413]</a></span> now set foot again in the Netherlands. The success that +first attended his enterprise was owing, however, rather to a well +executed trick than to any practical exhibition of generalship; for the +gates of Mons were opened from within by a party that had entered on the +previous day in the disguise of wine-merchants.<a name="FNanchor_901_901" id="FNanchor_901_901"></a><a href="#Footnote_901_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a> Nevertheless the +capture of Mons, the capital of the province of Hainault (on Saturday, +the twenty-fourth of May), was so brilliant an exploit, coming as it did +close upon the heels of other reverses of the Duke of Alva, that the +French Huguenots and all who sympathized with them may be pardoned for +having indulged even in somewhat extravagant demonstrations of joy. They +seem to have believed that it was pretty nearly over with that hated +instrument of Spanish tyranny. They fancied that, with his five hundred +horse, Louis might penetrate the country by a rapid movement, and either +take Alva prisoner, or, if the duke should retire to Antwerp, raise the +whole country in revolt.<a name="FNanchor_902_902" id="FNanchor_902_902"></a><a href="#Footnote_902_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's indecision.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Queen Elizabeth inspires no confidence.</div> + +<p>For the next two months the Huguenot leaders were indefatigable in their +efforts to persuade Charles to take open and decided ground against +Spain; but they were met by Anjou and the party in his interest with +arguments drawn from the difficulty or injustice of the undertaking, and +by the suggestion that Elizabeth, as was her wont, would be likely to +withdraw so soon as she saw France once engaged in war with her powerful +neighbor, and to use Charles's embarrassments as a means of securing +private advantages. In point of fact, Charles was personally unwilling to +commit himself until sure of England's support. Meanwhile, Catharine, +from whose Argus-eyed inspection nothing that was debated in the royal +presence, openly or secretly, ever escaped notice, awaited with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[Pg 414]</a></span> her +accustomed irresolution Elizabeth's decision, before herself deciding +whether to throw her influence into the scale with Coligny (of whose +growing favor with her son she had begun to entertain some suspicion), or +with Anjou and the Spaniards. But Elizabeth was as ever a riddle, not +only to her allies, but even to her most confidential advisers. Certainly +she was no friend to Philip and Alva; yet she would not abruptly enter +into war against them. She could not help seeing that the interests of +her person and of her kingdom, to say nothing of her Protestant faith, +were bound up in the success of the Prince of Orange, who was about to +cross the Rhine with twenty-five thousand Germans for the relief of Mons, +now invested by Alva. For the duke wisely regarded the recapture of this +place as the first step in extricating himself from his present +embarrassments. In such a strife as that upon which Elizabeth must before +long enter, whether with or without her consent, the cordial alliance of +France would be valuable beyond computation. And yet, with a fatal +perversity, she dallied with the proposal of marriage. One day she would +not hear of Alençon, alleging that his age and personal blemishes placed +the matter out of all consideration. On another she gave hopes, and +agreed to take a month's consideration.<a name="FNanchor_903_903" id="FNanchor_903_903"></a><a href="#Footnote_903_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a> Thus she tantalized her +suitor. Thus she convinced the cunning Italian woman who, although she +made no present show of holding the reins of power in France, was ready +at any moment to resume them, that there was no reliance to be placed on +England's promise of support against Philip.<a name="FNanchor_904_904" id="FNanchor_904_904"></a><a href="#Footnote_904_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rout of Genlis.</div> + +<p>The golden opportunity was in truth fast slipping away. Alva had struck +promptly at that opponent whose thrust was likely to be most deadly. Mons +must soon fall. A French Huguenot force, under command of Jean de +Hangest, Sieur de<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[Pg 415]</a></span> Genlis, was sent forward to relieve it. But the +Frenchman was no match for the cooler prudence of his antagonist,<a name="FNanchor_905_905" id="FNanchor_905_905"></a><a href="#Footnote_905_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a> +and suffered himself, on the march, to be surprised (on the nineteenth of +July) and taken prisoner by Don Frederick of Toledo and Chiappin Vitelli. +Of his army, barely one hundred foot soldiers found their way into the +beleaguered town. Twelve hundred were killed on the field of +battle—almost in sight of Mons—and a much larger number butchered by +the peasantry of the neighborhood.<a name="FNanchor_906_906" id="FNanchor_906_906"></a><a href="#Footnote_906_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a> A handful of officers and men, +scarcely more fortunate, shared the captivity of their commander, and +were destined to have their fortunes depend for a considerable time upon +the fluctuating interests of two unprincipled courts.<a name="FNanchor_907_907" id="FNanchor_907_907"></a><a href="#Footnote_907_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a></p> + +<p>The rout of Genlis was not in itself a decisive event. While Coligny +could bring forward a far more numerous army, and Orange was in command +of a considerable German force, the loss of this small detachment was but +one of those many reverses that are to be looked for in every war. But, +happening under the peculiar circumstances of the hour, it was invested +with a consequence disproportioned to its real importance. The fate of +the French Huguenots was quivering in the balance. The papal party was +known to be bitterly opposed to the war against Spain, and to be merely +awaiting an opportunity to strike a deadly blow at the heretics whom the +royal edict still protected. Catharine was undecided; but, with her, +indecision was the ordinary prelude to the sudden adoption of some one of +many conflicting projects, which had been long brooded over, but between +which the choice was, in the end, the result rather<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[Pg 416]</a></span> of accident, +caprice, or temporary impressions, than of calm deliberation.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">It determines Catharine to take the Spanish side.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Loss of the golden opportunity.</div> + +<p>This reverse at Mons, limited in its extent as it was, would be likely, +so the Huguenot leaders of France foresaw—and they were not mistaken—to +determine Catharine to take the Spanish side. With the queen mother in +favor of Spain and intolerance, experience had taught them that there was +little to expect from her weak son's intentions, however good they might +be. The only ground of hope for Orange and the Netherlands, and the only +prospect for security and religious toleration at home, lay in the +success of the Flemish project at Paris; and of this but a single chance +seemed to remain—in Elizabeth's finally espousing their cause with some +good degree of resolution. "Such of the religion," wrote Walsingham to +Lord Burleigh, inclosing the particulars of the disaster of Genlis, "as +before slept in security, begin now to awake and to see their danger, and +do therefore conclude that, unless this enterprise in the Low Countries +have good success, their cause groweth desperate."<a name="FNanchor_908_908" id="FNanchor_908_908"></a><a href="#Footnote_908_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a> To the Earl of +Leicester Walsingham was still more explicit in his warnings: "The +gentlemen of the religion, since the late overthrow of Genlis, weighing +what dependeth upon the Prince of Orange's overthrow, have made +demonstration to the king, that, his enterprise lacking good success, it +shall not then lie in his power to maintain his edict. They therefore +desire him to weigh whether it were better to have foreign war with +advantage, or inward war to the ruin of himself and his estate.<a name="FNanchor_909_909" id="FNanchor_909_909"></a><a href="#Footnote_909_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> The +king being not here, his answer is not yet received. They hope to receive +some such resolution as the danger of the cause requireth. In the +mean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[Pg 417]</a></span>time, the marshal (Montmorency) desired me to move your lordship to +deal with her Majesty to know whether she, upon overture to be made to +the king, cannot be content to join with him in assistance of this poor +prince." And the faithful ambassador did not forget to remind his +mistress that the success of Philip in Flanders was still more dangerous +for Elizabeth than for Charles.<a name="FNanchor_910_910" id="FNanchor_910_910"></a><a href="#Footnote_910_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The admiral retains his courage.</div> + +<p>Meantime, Admiral Coligny, although disappointed at the rout of the +vanguard of the expedition which was to have been fitted out for the +liberation of the Netherlands, and yet more at the coolness which it had +occasioned among those who up to this moment had been not unfriendly, did +not yield to despondency, but labored all the more strenuously to engage +Charles in an undertaking fitted to call forth the nobler faculties of +his soul, and to free him from the thraldom under narrow-minded and +interested counsellors to which he had been subject all his life long. +Even before Genlis's defeat (in June, 1572), the admiral had presented an +extended paper, wherein the justice and the fair prospects of the war had +been set forth with rare force and cogency.<a name="FNanchor_911_911" id="FNanchor_911_911"></a><a href="#Footnote_911_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a> It may be that now, +under the influence of a sincere and unselfish devotion that took no +account of personal risks, the admiral distinctly told his young master +that he could never be a king in the true sense until he should +emancipate himself from his mother's control, and until he should find, +outside of France, some occupation for his brother Henry of Anjou, such +as the vacancy of the Polish throne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[Pg 418]</a></span> seemed to offer.<a name="FNanchor_912_912" id="FNanchor_912_912"></a><a href="#Footnote_912_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a> Such frankness +would have been patriotic and timely, although a politician, influenced +only by a regard for his own safety, would have regarded it as foolhardy +in the extreme.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles and Catharine at Montpipeau.</div> + +<p>This advice, promptly and faithfully reported to Catharine by the spies +she kept around the king's person,<a name="FNanchor_913_913" id="FNanchor_913_913"></a><a href="#Footnote_913_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> was the last drop in the cup of +Coligny's offences. Charles, at the time of her discovery of this fact, +was absent from court, seeking a few days' recreation at Montpipeau. +Thither his mother, now really alarmed for the continuance of her +influence, pursued him in precipitate haste.<a name="FNanchor_914_914" id="FNanchor_914_914"></a><a href="#Footnote_914_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a> Shutting herself up +with him apart from his followers, she burst into tears and plied Charles +with an artful harangue. For this woman, who had a masculine will and a +heart as cold and devoid of pity as the most utter scepticism could make +it, had the ability to counterfeit the feminine tenderness which she did +not possess. "I had not thought it possible," she said amid her sobs to +her son, who trembled like a culprit detected in his crime, "I had not +thought it possible that, in return for my pains in rearing you—in +return for my preservation of your crown, of which both Huguenots and +Catholics were desirous of robbing you, and after having sacrificed +myself and incurred such risks in your behalf, you would have been +willing to make me so miserable a requital. You hide yourself from me, +your mother, and take counsel of your enemies. You snatch yourself from +my arms that saved you, in order to rest in the arms of those who wished +to murder you. I know that you hold secret deliberations with the +admiral. You desire inconsiderately to plunge into a war with Spain, and +so to expose your kingdom, as well<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[Pg 419]</a></span> as yourself and us, a prey to 'those +of the religion.' If I am so miserable, before compelling me to witness +such a sight, give me permission to withdraw to my birthplace,<a name="FNanchor_915_915" id="FNanchor_915_915"></a><a href="#Footnote_915_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a> and +send away your brother, who may well style himself unfortunate in having +employed his life for the preservation of yours. Give him at least time +to get out of danger and from the presence of enemies made in your +service—the Huguenots, who do not wish for a war with Spain, but for a +French war and a subversion of all estates, which will enable them to +gain a secure footing."<a name="FNanchor_916_916" id="FNanchor_916_916"></a><a href="#Footnote_916_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Rumors of Elizabeth's desertion of her allies.</div> + +<p>Such was a portion of the queen mother's crafty speech. But there was +another point upon which she doubtless touched, and which she used to no +little purpose. A report had reached her from England to the effect that +Queen Elizabeth had decided to issue a proclamation recalling the English +who had gone to Flushing to assist the patriots. The story was false; so +the secretary, Sir Thomas Smith, subsequently assured Walsingham. +Elizabeth neither had done so, nor intended anything of the kind.<a name="FNanchor_917_917" id="FNanchor_917_917"></a><a href="#Footnote_917_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a> +But it was wonderfully like the usual practice of Henry the Eighth's +daughter, and Catharine believed it, and looked with horror at the +precipice before which she stood. Deserted by her faithless ally, France +was entering single-handed a contest of life or death with the +world-empire of Spain. In fact, the English ambassador ascribed to the +receipt of this intelligence alone both the queen mother's tears and +entreaties at Montpipeau and the king's altered policy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[Pg 420]</a></span> "Touching +Flemish matters," he wrote to Lord Burleigh, "the king had proceeded to +an open dealing, had he not received advertisement out of England, that +her Majesty meant to revoke such of her subjects as are presently in +Flanders; whereupon such of his council here as incline to Spain, have +put the queen mother in such a fear, that the enterprise cannot but +miscarry without the assistance of England, as she with tears had +dissuaded the king for the time, who otherwise was very resolute."<a name="FNanchor_918_918" id="FNanchor_918_918"></a><a href="#Footnote_918_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a></p> + +<p>Catharine had not mistaken her power over the feeble intellect and the +inconstant will of her son. Terrified less by the prospect of a Huguenot +supremacy which she held forth, than by the menace of her withdrawal and +that of Anjou, Charles, who was but too well acquainted with their +cunning and ambition, admitted his fault in concealing his plans, and +promised obedience for the future.<a name="FNanchor_919_919" id="FNanchor_919_919"></a><a href="#Footnote_919_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles thoroughly cast down.</div> + +<p>It was a sore disappointment to Admiral Coligny. The young king had, +until this time, shown himself so favorable, that "commissions were +granted, ready to have been sealed, for the levying of men in sundry +provinces." But he had now lost all his enthusiasm, and spoke coldly of +the enterprise.<a name="FNanchor_920_920" id="FNanchor_920_920"></a><a href="#Footnote_920_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a> Gaspard de Coligny did not, however, even now lose +courage or forsake the post of duty to which God and his country +evidently called him. In truth, the superiority of his mental and moral +constitution, less evident in prosperity, now became resplendent, and +chained the attention of every beholder. "How perplexed the admiral is, +who foreseeth the mischief that is like to follow, if assistance come +not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[Pg 421]</a></span> from above," wrote Walsingham, full of admiration, to the Earl of +Leicester, "your lordship may easily guess. And surely to say truth, he +never showed greater magnanimity, nor never was better followed nor more +honored of those of the religion than now he is, which doth not a little +appal the enemies. In this storm he doth not give over the helm. He +layeth before the king and his council the peril and danger of his +estate, and though he cannot obtain what he would, yet doth he obtain +somewhat from him."<a name="FNanchor_921_921" id="FNanchor_921_921"></a><a href="#Footnote_921_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny partially succeeds in reassuring him.</div> + +<p>So wrote that shrewd observer, Sir Francis Walsingham, just two weeks +before the bloody Sunday of the massacre, and eight days before the +marriage of Navarre, little suspecting, in spite of his anxiety, the +flood of misery which was so soon to burst upon that devoted land. To all +human foresight there was still hope that Charles, weak, nerveless, +addicted to pleasure, but not yet quite lost to a sense of honor, might +yet be induced to adopt a policy which would place France among the +foremost champions of intellectual and civil liberty, and transfer to the +north of the Pyrenees the prosperity which the Spanish monarchs had +misused and had employed only as an instrument of oppression and +degradation. And, indeed, Coligny was partially successful; for the +impression made upon Charles by his mother's complaints and menaces at +Montpipeau gradually wore away, and again he listened with apparent +interest to the manly arguments of the great Huguenot leader.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Elizabeth toys with dishonorable proposals from Netherlands.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Fatal results.</div> + +<p>Could Elizabeth at this moment have brought herself to a more noble +course, could she for once have forgotten to "deal under hand," and help +secretly while in public she disavowed—could she, in short, have +realized for a single instant her responsibility as a great Protestant +princess, and been willing to expose even her own life to peril in order +to secure to the Reformation a chance of fair play, it might not even now +have been too late. But what was she doing at this very moment? According +to the admission of her own secretary, she was engaged in detaining +volunteers from the Netherlands, on the pre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[Pg 422]</a></span>text of "fearing too much +disorder there through lack of some good head;" and "gently answering +with a dilatory and doubtful answer" the Duke of Alva, when he demanded +the revocation of the queen's subjects in Netherlands.<a name="FNanchor_922_922" id="FNanchor_922_922"></a><a href="#Footnote_922_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> Was she +projecting anything still more dishonorable? The Spanish envoy in +England, Anton de Guaras, affirms it, in a letter of the thirtieth of +June to the Duke of Alva; and we have no means of disproving his +assertions. In his account of a private audience granted him by Queen +Elizabeth, the ambassador writes: "She told me that emissaries were +coming every day from Flushing to her, proposing to place the town in her +hands. If it was for the service of his Majesty, and if his Majesty +approved, she said that she would accept their offer. With the English +who were already there, and with others whom she would send over for the +purpose, it would be easy for her to take entire possession of the place, +and she would then make it over to the Duke of Alva or to any one whom +the duke would appoint to receive it."<a name="FNanchor_923_923" id="FNanchor_923_923"></a><a href="#Footnote_923_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> Guaras can scarcely be +suspected of misrepresenting the conversation upon so important a topic +and in a confidential communication to the Spanish Governor of the +Netherlands. The most charitable construction of Elizabeth's words seems +to be that they were a clumsy attempt to propitiate the duke "with a +dilatory answer," as Sir Thomas Smith somewhat euphemistically expresses +it, and that she had no intention of making good her engagements. But it +was a sad blunder on her part, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[Pg 423]</a></span> likely to be ruinous to her friends, +the French Protestants. Alva was not slow in concluding that Elizabeth's +offer was of greater value as documentary proof of her untrustworthy +character, than as a means of recovering Flushing. "There is no positive +proof," remarks the historian to whom we are indebted for an acquaintance +with the letter of Guaras, "that Alva communicated Elizabeth's offers to +the queen mother and the King of France, but he was more foolish than he +gave the world reason to believe him to be if he let such a weapon lie +idle in his writing-desk."<a name="FNanchor_924_924" id="FNanchor_924_924"></a><a href="#Footnote_924_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a> And so that inconstant, unprincipled +Italian woman, on whose fickle purpose the fate of thousands was more +completely dependent than even her contemporaries as yet knew, at last +reached the definite persuasion that Elizabeth was preparing to play her +false, at the very moment when Coligny was hurrying her son into war with +Spain. Even if France should prove victorious, Catharine's own influence +would be thrown into perpetual eclipse by that of the admiral and his +associates. This result the queen mother resolved promptly to forestall, +and for that purpose fell back upon a scheme which had probably been long +floating dimly in her mind.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<blockquote><div class="sidenote">Mémoires de Michel de la Huguerye.</div> + +<p>The <i>Mémoires inédits de Michel de la Huguerye</i>, of which the +first volume was recently published (Paris, 1877), under the +auspices of the National Historical Society, present some +interesting points, and deserve a special reference. At first +sight, the disclosures, with which the author tells us he was +favored, would seem to establish the bad faith of the court in +entering upon the peace of St. Germain, and the long +premeditation of the succeeding massacre. A closer examination +of the facts, assuming La Huguerye's thorough veracity, shows +that this is a mistake. La Huguerye may, indeed, have been +informed by companions on the way to Italy, who supposed him +to be a partisan of the Guises, that a great blow would be +struck at the Huguenots when the proper time arrived; and La +Huguerye may have been confident that he was telling the +truth, when, about Martinmas (November 11th), 1570, he stated +to De Briquemault, that "the king, seeing that he could not +attain his object by way of arms without greatly +weakening—nay, endangering his kingdom, had resolved upon +taking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[Pg 424]</a></span> another road, by which, in a single day, he would +cleanse his whole state." He may have been assured, on what he +deemed good authority, that the Pope was in the plot, and +would keep the King of Spain from doing anything that might +interfere with the execution, and have inferred that, the +peace being a treacherous one, the only hope of the Huguenots +lay in skilfully enlisting Charles in its maintenance, +contrary to his original purpose. So he was confirmed in his +belief by the contents of the despatches of the Spanish +ambassador at the French court, treacherously submitted to the +Huguenots by an unfaithful agent of the envoy. But the former +statements were, at most, little better than rumors, to which +the circumstances of the hour gave color. The air was full of +dark hints; but, apparently, they had no more solid foundation +than the fact that, in an age abounding in perfidious schemes, +the Protestants had already placed themselves partially in the +power of their great enemies, and were likely soon to be more +completely in their hands. The information received by La +Huguerye was a very different thing from an authoritative +avowal of a concealed purpose made by Catharine or by Charles +himself. On the other hand, the assurances in the Spanish +despatches were just of the same general nature as others with +which the French government endeavored to quiet Philip, Alva, +and the Roman pontiff himself.</p> + +<p>The only other peculiarity of La Huguerye to which I shall +allude is his studied misrepresentation of the character of +Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre. Contrary to the uniform +portraiture given by contemporaries of both religious parties, +she here appears as "an inconsiderate woman (femme légère), +with little forethought," "known to be jealous of the +authority of the admiral," "whom she thwarted by her authority +as much as was possible, at whatever cost or danger it might +be." She had "intermeddled with affairs in the last war, +unsolicited and of her own accord, not so much for conscience' +sake, as because of the hatred her house bore to the popes, +sole cause of the loss of the kingdom of Navarre, and +especially through jealousy of the late Prince of Condé, whom +she saw to be in the enjoyment of such credit, and to be so +well followed, that she suspected great injury might result to +her son in the event of his succession to the throne." She +was, consequently, "not very sorry" to hear of Condé's death +at Jarnac. Having been disappointed in securing for her son +the sole (nominal) command of the Huguenots, she vented her +vengeance upon Coligny, whom she held responsible for the +association of the young Condé in the leadership with his +cousin. From that time forward she took every opportunity to +cross the admiral, with the view of compelling him to retire +in disgust from the management of affairs. In one of the +speeches—Sallustian, I suspect—in which the Mémoires abound, +Count Louis of Nassau is represented as lamenting: "It is a +great pity to have to do with a woman who has no other counsel +than her own head, which is too little and light (légère) to +contain so many reasons and precautions, and who is of such +weight in matters of so great consequence. And the mischief is +that she has such an aversion to the admiral through foolish +jealousy," etc. At last the admiral is goaded on to +unpardonable imprudence. In the spring of 1572 he yields to +the importunities of Marshal Cossé, and goes from La Rochelle +to the royal court at Blois: "weary of being near this +princess,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[Pg 425]</a></span> he exposed himself to the evident peril, of which +he had had advices and arguments enough."</p> + +<p>To all this misrepresentation, the remarks of La Huguerye's +editor, the Baron de Ruble, are a sufficient answer: "No other +historian of the period, Catholic or Huguenot, has accused the +Queen of Navarre of so much jealousy, frivolity, and spite. To +the calumnies of La Huguerye we should oppose the verdict +which every impartial judge can pronounce respecting this +princess, in accordance with the letters published by the +Marquis de Rochambeau and the testimony of contemporaries." </p></blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_792_792" id="Footnote_792_792"></a><a href="#FNanchor_792_792"><span class="label">[792]</span></a> "La Royne et mons de Morvillier trettent eus deus seulz +avecques eus, <i>ce sont aujourdhuy les grans cous</i>." See two important +letters of Lorraine to his sister-in-law, the Duchess of Nemours, April +24th and May 1, 1570, in Soldan, Geschichte d. Prot. in Frank., ii. +Appendix, 593, 594, from MSS. of the Bibliothèque nationale.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_793_793" id="Footnote_793_793"></a><a href="#FNanchor_793_793"><span class="label">[793]</span></a> "Though of late the Cardinal of Lorrain hath had access to +the king's presence, yet is he not repaired in credit, neither dealeth he +in government." Walsingham to Leicester, Aug. 29, 1570, Digges, Compleat +Ambassador, p. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_794_794" id="Footnote_794_794"></a><a href="#FNanchor_794_794"><span class="label">[794]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>. Yet it is but fair to add that +Walsingham notes that "the great conference that is between the queen +mother and the cardinal breedeth some doubt of some practise to impeach +the same."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_795_795" id="Footnote_795_795"></a><a href="#FNanchor_795_795"><span class="label">[795]</span></a> Letter of April 23, 1570, Pii Quinti Epistolæ, 272.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_796_796" id="Footnote_796_796"></a><a href="#FNanchor_796_796"><span class="label">[796]</span></a> Relations des Amb. Vén. (Tommaseo), ii. 110. Correro's +relation is of 1569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_797_797" id="Footnote_797_797"></a><a href="#FNanchor_797_797"><span class="label">[797]</span></a> Baschet, La diplomatie vénitienne, p. 518.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_798_798" id="Footnote_798_798"></a><a href="#FNanchor_798_798"><span class="label">[798]</span></a> The only account of this striking occurrence which I have +seen is given by Jehan de la Fosse, p. 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_799_799" id="Footnote_799_799"></a><a href="#FNanchor_799_799"><span class="label">[799]</span></a> Walsingham and Norris to Elizabeth, Jan. 29, 1571, Digges, +24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_800_800" id="Footnote_800_800"></a><a href="#FNanchor_800_800"><span class="label">[800]</span></a> "The best ground of continuance," he writes to Leicester, +"that I can learn, by those that can best judge, is the king's own +inclination, which is thought sincerely to be bent that way." Jan. 28, +1571, Digges, 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_801_801" id="Footnote_801_801"></a><a href="#FNanchor_801_801"><span class="label">[801]</span></a> "Thus, sir, you see, for that he is not settled in +religion, how he is carried away with worldly respects, a common misery +to those of his calling." Ibid., 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_802_802" id="Footnote_802_802"></a><a href="#FNanchor_802_802"><span class="label">[802]</span></a> Walsingham to Leicester, Aug. 29, 1570, Digges, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_803_803" id="Footnote_803_803"></a><a href="#FNanchor_803_803"><span class="label">[803]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 330-333. See Digges, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_804_804" id="Footnote_804_804"></a><a href="#FNanchor_804_804"><span class="label">[804]</span></a> Letter of the Queen of Navarre to the queen mother, Dec. +17, 1570, Rochambeau, Lettres d'Antoine de Bourbon et de Jehanne d'Albret +(Paris, 1877), 306. A few lines of this admirable paper (which is, +however, much mutilated) may be quoted as having an almost prophetic +significance: "Et vous diray, Madame, les larmes aus yeulx, avecq une +afection pure et entière que, s'il ne plaist au Roy et à vous nous +aseureur nos tristes demandes, que je ne puis espérer qu'une treve ... en +ce royaulme par ceste guerre siville, car nous y mourrons tous plustost +que quiter nostre Dieu et nostre religion, laquelle nous ne pouvons tenir +sans exersise, non plus qu'un corps ne sauré vivre sans boire et +manger.... Je vous en ay dit le seul moyen; ayés pitié de tant de sang +répandu, de tant d'impiétés commises en la ... de ceste guerre et <i>que +vous ne pourrez bien d'un seul mot faire cesser</i>." "Et sur cella, Madame, +je supliray Dieu qui tient les cueurs des Roys en sa main disposer celui +du Roi et le vostre à mectre le repos en ce royaulme à sa gloire et +contentement de Vos Majestés, <i>maugré le complot de M. le Cardinal de +Lorrayne</i>, dont il a descouvert la trame à Villequagnon," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_805_805" id="Footnote_805_805"></a><a href="#FNanchor_805_805"><span class="label">[805]</span></a> Discours du massacre fait à Orange, from the Mém. de +l'état de France sous Charles IX., Archives curieuses, vi. 459-470; De +Thou, iv. 483.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_806_806" id="Footnote_806_806"></a><a href="#FNanchor_806_806"><span class="label">[806]</span></a> Floquet, Histoire du Parlement du Normandie, iii. 87-112, +whose account is in great part derived from the registers of the +parliament and the archives of the Hôtel de Ville of Rouen. De Thou, iv. +(liv. l.) 483, certainly greatly underestimates the number of Protestants +killed, when he limits it to <i>five</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_807_807" id="Footnote_807_807"></a><a href="#FNanchor_807_807"><span class="label">[807]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chapter xvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_808_808" id="Footnote_808_808"></a><a href="#FNanchor_808_808"><span class="label">[808]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse (Sept., 1571), 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_809_809" id="Footnote_809_809"></a><a href="#FNanchor_809_809"><span class="label">[809]</span></a> Ibid. (Nov., 1571), 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_810_810" id="Footnote_810_810"></a><a href="#FNanchor_810_810"><span class="label">[810]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse (Dec., 1571), 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_811_811" id="Footnote_811_811"></a><a href="#FNanchor_811_811"><span class="label">[811]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 4 (liv. i., c. 1); De Thou, iv. +(liv. l.) 487-489; Discours de ce qui avint touchant la Croix de Gastines +(from Mém. de l'état de Charles IX.), in Cimber et Danjou, Arch. cur., +vi. 475, 476; Jehan de la Fosse, <i>ubi supra</i>. According to the recently +published journal of La Fosse, Charles the Ninth expressed himself to the +preachers of Paris, who had come to remonstrate with him in language +which may at first sight appear somewhat suspicious: "attestant ledict +roy vouloir vivre et mourir en la religion de ses prédécesseurs roys, +religion catholique et romaine, toutefois qu'il avoit fait abattre la +croix pour certaine cause laquelle il vouloit taire et avoir faict +plusieurs choses contre sa conscience, toutefois par contrainte à cause +du temps, et supplioit les prédicateurs n'avoir mauvaise opinion de luy" +(pp. 138, 139). There is good reason, however, to believe that the secret +reason which the king was unwilling to name was not a contemplated +massacre of the Protestants, but rather the Navarrese and English +marriages, and the war with Spain in the Netherlands.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_812_812" id="Footnote_812_812"></a><a href="#FNanchor_812_812"><span class="label">[812]</span></a> Walsingham to Burleigh, Dec. 7, 1571, Digges, p. 151. +"Marshal Montmorency repaired to this town the third of this moneth +accompanied with 300 horse. The next day after his arrival he and the +Marshal de Coss conferred with the chief of this town about the plucking +down of the cross, which was resolved on, and the same put in execution, +the masons employed in that behalf being guarded by certain +harquebusiers."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_813_813" id="Footnote_813_813"></a><a href="#FNanchor_813_813"><span class="label">[813]</span></a> Queen Elizabeth was born September 7, 1533; Henry was born +in September, 1551 (the day is variously given as the 18th, 19th, and +21st), and was just nineteen.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_814_814" id="Footnote_814_814"></a><a href="#FNanchor_814_814"><span class="label">[814]</span></a> Letter of Catharine to La Mothe Fénélon, Oct. 20, 1570, +Correspondance diplomatique, vii. 143-146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_815_815" id="Footnote_815_815"></a><a href="#FNanchor_815_815"><span class="label">[815]</span></a> Despatch of La Mothe Fénélon, Dec. 29, 1570. Ibid., vol. +iii. 418, 419.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_816_816" id="Footnote_816_816"></a><a href="#FNanchor_816_816"><span class="label">[816]</span></a> And with a freedom which might be mistaken for Arcadian +simplicity, did we not know that innocence was no characteristic of +either court in that age. "J'en cognoissoys ung," he told her, "qui +estoit nay à tant de sortes de vertu, qu'il ne failloit doubter qu'elle +n'en fût fort honnorée et singulièrement bien aymée, et dont j'espèrerois +qu'au bout de neuf mois après, elle se trouveroit mère d'ung beau filz," +etc. La Mothe Fénélon, iii. 439, 454, 455.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_817_817" id="Footnote_817_817"></a><a href="#FNanchor_817_817"><span class="label">[817]</span></a> Despatch to Cecil, Jan. 28, 1571, Digges, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_818_818" id="Footnote_818_818"></a><a href="#FNanchor_818_818"><span class="label">[818]</span></a> Ibid., 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_819_819" id="Footnote_819_819"></a><a href="#FNanchor_819_819"><span class="label">[819]</span></a> Digges, 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_820_820" id="Footnote_820_820"></a><a href="#FNanchor_820_820"><span class="label">[820]</span></a> Catharine to La Mothe Fénélon, Feb. 2, 1571, Corresp. +diplom., vii. 179; and Walsingham to Cecil, Feb. 18, 1571, Digges, 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_821_821" id="Footnote_821_821"></a><a href="#FNanchor_821_821"><span class="label">[821]</span></a> Catharine, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_822_822" id="Footnote_822_822"></a><a href="#FNanchor_822_822"><span class="label">[822]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, March 6, 1571, ibid., iv. 11, 12. The +ambassador exhibits his own incredulity respecting the stories circulated +to the queen's disadvantage.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_823_823" id="Footnote_823_823"></a><a href="#FNanchor_823_823"><span class="label">[823]</span></a> To La Mothe Fénélon, Feb. 18, 1571, ibid., vii. 183.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_824_824" id="Footnote_824_824"></a><a href="#FNanchor_824_824"><span class="label">[824]</span></a> To the same, March 2, 1571, ibid., vii. 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_825_825" id="Footnote_825_825"></a><a href="#FNanchor_825_825"><span class="label">[825]</span></a> Walsingham to Burleigh, May 25, 1571, Digges, 101.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_826_826" id="Footnote_826_826"></a><a href="#FNanchor_826_826"><span class="label">[826]</span></a> Digges, 96.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_827_827" id="Footnote_827_827"></a><a href="#FNanchor_827_827"><span class="label">[827]</span></a> Ibid., 55.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_828_828" id="Footnote_828_828"></a><a href="#FNanchor_828_828"><span class="label">[828]</span></a> "So it doth appear, if he would omit that demand, and put +it in silence, yet will her Majestie straitly capitulate with him, that +he shall in no way demand it hereafter at her hands. Which scruple, I +believe, will utterly break off the matter; wherefore I am in small hope +that any marriage will grow this way." Leicester to Walsingham, July 7, +1571, Digges, 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_829_829" id="Footnote_829_829"></a><a href="#FNanchor_829_829"><span class="label">[829]</span></a> Digges, 119, 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_830_830" id="Footnote_830_830"></a><a href="#FNanchor_830_830"><span class="label">[830]</span></a> A league with France, Walsingham maintained, would be an +advancement of the Gospel there and everywhere, and "though it yieldeth +not so much <i>temporal</i> profit, yet in respect of the <i>spiritual fruit</i> +that thereby may insue, I think it worth the imbracing." Ibid., p. 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_831_831" id="Footnote_831_831"></a><a href="#FNanchor_831_831"><span class="label">[831]</span></a> Digges, 120.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_832_832" id="Footnote_832_832"></a><a href="#FNanchor_832_832"><span class="label">[832]</span></a> Anjou's humor, she told him, "me faict bien grande peyne." +Letter of July 25, 1571, Corresp. diplom., vii. 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_833_833" id="Footnote_833_833"></a><a href="#FNanchor_833_833"><span class="label">[833]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>. This expression deserves to be noticed +particularly, inasmuch as it effectually disposes of the story—which can +scarcely be regarded otherwise than as a fable—that the assassination of +Lignerolles, a little over four months later (December, 1571), was +compassed by Charles IX. and his mother, because they discovered that he +had become possessed of the secret of the projected massacre of St. +Bartholomew. If these royal personages had anything to do with the +murder, which is very improbable, they hated Lignerolles for marring the +plan of the English match, which they so much desired.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_834_834" id="Footnote_834_834"></a><a href="#FNanchor_834_834"><span class="label">[834]</span></a> "Je suis résolue de faire tous mes efforts pour réheussir +pour mon fils d'Alençon, qui ne sera pas si difficile." Ibid., vii. 235.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_835_835" id="Footnote_835_835"></a><a href="#FNanchor_835_835"><span class="label">[835]</span></a> It must be admitted that some indignation on Queen +Elizabeth's part was pardonable, if, as we learn from La Mothe Fénélon +(despatch of May 2, 1571), she had heard that a certain person of high +rank in the French court had recommended Anjou to marry the English +"granny"—"ceste vieille"—and administer to her, under some pretext, a +"French potion"—"un breuvage de France"—so as to become a widower +within six months of the wedding day. Then he might marry Mary, Queen of +Scots, and reign with her peaceably over the whole island! Correspondance +diplomatique, iv. 84. However sincere or zealous Elizabeth may have been +previously, I doubt whether she ever forgave the suggestion, or the fair +princess whose charms were thus exalted above her own.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_836_836" id="Footnote_836_836"></a><a href="#FNanchor_836_836"><span class="label">[836]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. l.) 492.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_837_837" id="Footnote_837_837"></a><a href="#FNanchor_837_837"><span class="label">[837]</span></a> "I would your lordship knew the gentleman," +enthusiastically writes Walsingham (August 12th, 1571) to the Earl of +Leicester. "For courage abroad and counsell at home they give him here +the reputation to be another [name in cipher]. He is in speech eloquent +and pithy; but which is chiefest, he is in religion, as religious in life +as he is sincere in profession. I hope God hath raised him up in these +days, to serve for an instrument for the advancement of His glory." +Digges, 128. In another letter, without date, the ambassador speaks of +him as "surely the rarest gentleman which I have talked withal since I +came to France," Ibid., 176.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_838_838" id="Footnote_838_838"></a><a href="#FNanchor_838_838"><span class="label">[838]</span></a> The substance of Louis of Nassau's secret interviews is +best given by Walsingham in a long communication, of August 12, 1571, to +Lord Burleigh, Digges, 123-127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_839_839" id="Footnote_839_839"></a><a href="#FNanchor_839_839"><span class="label">[839]</span></a> "Contre les deffences et proscriptions de son duc, qui à +plat avoit refusé le Roi de souffrir ce mariage, elle s'en vint à la +Rochelle pour avoir nom avant de mourir (ainsi qu'elle disoit) la Martia +de Caton." Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_840_840" id="Footnote_840_840"></a><a href="#FNanchor_840_840"><span class="label">[840]</span></a> "A quoi ses ennemis trouvèrent à redire, publiant qu'il +n'apartenoit qu'aux <i>princes</i> d'épouser par procurateur. Mais ceux qui +parloient des choses sans passion, imputoient ces sortes de discours à +médisance, soûtenant de leur côté qu'il ne pouvoit faire autrement, +puisqu'il n'y avoit pas de sureté pour lui à l'aller épouser," etc. Vie +de Coligny, 386.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_841_841" id="Footnote_841_841"></a><a href="#FNanchor_841_841"><span class="label">[841]</span></a> A very interesting account of the long imprisonment of +Coligny's widow is to be found in Count Jules Delaborde's monograph, +"Jacqueline d'Entremont," <i>apud</i> Bulletin de la Société de l'hist. du +prot. fr., xvi. (1867) 220-246.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_842_842" id="Footnote_842_842"></a><a href="#FNanchor_842_842"><span class="label">[842]</span></a> A few months before the admiral's departure from La +Rochelle, there had been held in this Huguenot asylum a convocation of +historical importance. The sessions of the seventh national synod, +lasting from the second to the eleventh of April, 1571, were consumed in +important deliberations respecting the doctrines and discipline of the +reformed church (see Aymon, Tous les synodes, i. 98-111). The Queen of +Navarre, the Princes of Navarre and Condé, Count Louis of Nassau, and +Admiral Coligny were present. At the request of the synod, they added +their signatures to those of the ministers and elders, upon three copies +of the Confession of Faith, engrossed on parchment, which were to be kept +at La Rochelle, in Béarn, and at Geneva respectively (see the eighth +general article). The moderator on this occasion was Theodore Beza, who +had been specially invited to France. The reformer was certainly not +destitute of courage, for he could not have forgotten the dangers to +which he had been exposed on previous visits to France. They were even +greater than Beza himself probably knew. In June, 1563, after the +conclusion of the first civil war, there was a rumor at Brussels that +Beza could not return to Geneva, because of a quarrel he had had with +Calvin. Thereupon, the Duchess of Parma, Regent of the Netherlands, +suspecting that he might be tempted to come through the Spanish +dominions, issued secret orders that the frontiers should be watched, and +offered a reward of one thousand florins to any one who should bring him, +dead or alive. He was described as "homme de moïenne stature, ayant barbe +à demy blanche, et le visage hault et large." Letters of the Duchess of +Parma, June 11th and 25th, 1563, <i>apud</i> Charles Paillard, Histoire des +troubles religieux de Valenciennes (Paris and Brussels, 1875, 1876), iii. +339, 340, 356.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_843_843" id="Footnote_843_843"></a><a href="#FNanchor_843_843"><span class="label">[843]</span></a> Walsingham to Burleigh, Aug. 12, 1571, Digges, 122. The +ambassador informs Elizabeth, in this letter, of the intense desire of +the French Protestants that she should express to the French envoy her +approval of the invitation extended to the princes and Coligny, and +should say "that so rare a subject as the admiral is was not to be +suffered to live in such a corner as Rochelle." It was thought that her +commendations would greatly advance his credit with the king.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_844_844" id="Footnote_844_844"></a><a href="#FNanchor_844_844"><span class="label">[844]</span></a> I know not on what authority Miss Freer states (Henry III. +of France, his Court and Times, i. 70) that "even Coligny was startled at +the ominous significance of these words; the shadow, however, vanished +before the warmth and frankness of Charles's manner." Compare Agrippa +d'Aubigné, ii. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_845_845" id="Footnote_845_845"></a><a href="#FNanchor_845_845"><span class="label">[845]</span></a> Walsingham's account in a letter of La Mothe Fénélon +(Corresp. dipl., iv. 245, 246), its accuracy being vouched for by a +letter of Charles IX. himself (ibid., vii. 268); Tocsain contre les +massacreurs, Cimber et Danjou, vii. 34, 35; De Thou, iv. (liv. l.) 493.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_846_846" id="Footnote_846_846"></a><a href="#FNanchor_846_846"><span class="label">[846]</span></a> Charles IX. to Emmanuel Philibert, Blois, Sept. 28, 1571, +<i>apud</i> Leger, Hist. gén. des églises vaudoises (Leyden, 1669), i. 47, +48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_847_847" id="Footnote_847_847"></a><a href="#FNanchor_847_847"><span class="label">[847]</span></a> "Durant ce moys, Gaspard de Coligny, remis par l'édit de +pacification en l'estat d'admiral, fut mandé par le roy et vint de la +Rochelle trouver le Roy à Bloys, et se retira hors de la cour toute la +maison de Guise, de sorte que le Roy estoit gouverné par ledit admiral et +Montmorency." Jehan de la Fosse, Journal d'un curé ligueur, 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_848_848" id="Footnote_848_848"></a><a href="#FNanchor_848_848"><span class="label">[848]</span></a> Walsingham to Cecil, March 5, 1571. Digges, 48, 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_849_849" id="Footnote_849_849"></a><a href="#FNanchor_849_849"><span class="label">[849]</span></a> "And as for conference had with the Count Lewis of Nassau, +he told him, that he was misinformed;" first letter of Walsingham to +Burleigh, of Aug. 12th, Digges, 122. Yet the second letter of the same +date gives a detailed account of this conference. It must be admitted +that the diplomacy of the sixteenth century was sufficiently barefaced in +its impostures. Louis of Nassau told Walsingham of an enterprise of +Strozzi against Spain, determined upon by Charles IX. "onely to amaze the +king there;" but, as to Strozzi, "the king here meaneth notwithstanding +to disallow [him] openly." Ibid., 125.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_850_850" id="Footnote_850_850"></a><a href="#FNanchor_850_850"><span class="label">[850]</span></a> Digges, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_851_851" id="Footnote_851_851"></a><a href="#FNanchor_851_851"><span class="label">[851]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse, 134.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_852_852" id="Footnote_852_852"></a><a href="#FNanchor_852_852"><span class="label">[852]</span></a> "Et que ceulx qui estoient à la fenestre estoient bien +aises de veoir jouer le jeu à mes despens." It is scarcely necessary to +say that this characteristic expression alludes primarily to the King of +Spain and the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_853_853" id="Footnote_853_853"></a><a href="#FNanchor_853_853"><span class="label">[853]</span></a> Charrière, Négociations de la France dans le Levant, +Documents inédits (publ. by the Imperial Government), Paris, 1853, iii. +200. Cf. Sir James Mackintosh, Hist. of England, vol. iii., App. A., pp. +345, 346, audience of Sr. de la Bourdaizière at Rome, cir. Sept., 1571.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_854_854" id="Footnote_854_854"></a><a href="#FNanchor_854_854"><span class="label">[854]</span></a> Margaret being born May 14, 1552, and Henry of Navarre, +Dec. 13, 1553.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_855_855" id="Footnote_855_855"></a><a href="#FNanchor_855_855"><span class="label">[855]</span></a> Letter of March 21, 1556/7, Rochambeau, Lettres d'Antoine +de Bourbon et de Jehanne d'Albret (Paris, 1877), 145. The story of the +promise of Margaret by her father to Henry of Navarre is confirmed by a +letter of Charles IX., now in the National Library, dated October 5, +1571. "The Queen of Navarre," he writes to Ferralz (Ferrails), at Rome, +"has several times invited me to do her son the honor to marry him to my +sister, <i>whereby also the promise would be fulfilled which my father gave +to the late King of Navarre</i>." Fr. von Raumer, Briefe aus Paris (Leipsic, +1830), i. 290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_856_856" id="Footnote_856_856"></a><a href="#FNanchor_856_856"><span class="label">[856]</span></a> Mlle. Vauvilliers, Hist. de Jeanne d'Albret (Paris, 1818), +i. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_857_857" id="Footnote_857_857"></a><a href="#FNanchor_857_857"><span class="label">[857]</span></a> Soldan, Gesch. des Prot. in Frankreich, ii. 413.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_858_858" id="Footnote_858_858"></a><a href="#FNanchor_858_858"><span class="label">[858]</span></a> "I thinke," wrote Sir Thomas Smith, as early as January +17, 1563, "your Majestie hath understood of the marriage practized +betwixt the Prince of Portugall and Madame Margaret, the king's sister." +Forbes, State Papers, ii. 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_859_859" id="Footnote_859_859"></a><a href="#FNanchor_859_859"><span class="label">[859]</span></a> Mémoires et Lettres de Marguerite de Valois, edited by M. +F. Guessard (Publications of the French Historical Society), Paris, 1842, +23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_860_860" id="Footnote_860_860"></a><a href="#FNanchor_860_860"><span class="label">[860]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. l.) 491, 492. Notwithstanding the +frequent assertions in royal letters (as, for instance, in one which I +have already quoted), that the Queen of Navarre herself urged the +marriage, it is certain that she did not initiate it, while it is even +maintained that she was only brought to consent by threats. "La reine fut +ouie un temps sans vouloir approuver ledit mariage, jusqu'à cette +extrémité qu'on la menaça de faire declarer son fils illegitime, à cause +du mariage qui avoit été contracté entre elle et le Duc de Cleves. Enfin +vaincue, elle declare qu'elle n'en esperait que tout malheur." Fr. von +Raumer, Briefe aus Paris, i. 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_861_861" id="Footnote_861_861"></a><a href="#FNanchor_861_861"><span class="label">[861]</span></a> Mémoires de Marg. de Valois, 24. The absurdity of the +story that Margaret was averse to this marriage, because of a romantic +attachment to young Henry of Guise, is sufficiently clear from the +circumstance that the Duke of Guise had been married for some time when +the match between the Prince of Navarre and Margaret of Valois was first +talked of in earnest. He married, on the 17th of September, 1570, +Catharine of Cleves, widow of Prince Porcien. ("<i>Hodie</i> celebrantur +Lutetiæ Ducis Guisii, qui ducit in uxorem viduam principis Portiani," +etc. Languet, Sept. 17, 1570, Epist. secr., i. 163.) It is not probable +that Margaret would object to the advantageous marriage with Henry of +Navarre on account of her affection for a former lover, who, at the time +of her nuptials, had been for two years married to another woman.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_862_862" id="Footnote_862_862"></a><a href="#FNanchor_862_862"><span class="label">[862]</span></a> Digges, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_863_863" id="Footnote_863_863"></a><a href="#FNanchor_863_863"><span class="label">[863]</span></a> "La Reyna mi madre," said Anjou one day to a lady, +"muestra tener pena de que esta desbaratado mi casamiento, y yo estoy el +mas contento hombre del mundo de haber escapado de casar con una puta +publica." Francis de Alava to Philip, May 11, 1571, <i>apud</i> Froude, Hist. +of Eng., x. 224.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_864_864" id="Footnote_864_864"></a><a href="#FNanchor_864_864"><span class="label">[864]</span></a> She gravely proposed to her council to have a stipulation +for the restitution of Calais inserted in the articles of marriage, and +Burleigh, Sussex, and Leicester had some difficulty in persuading her to +omit the mention. Lord Burleigh, June 5, 1571, Digges, 104.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_865_865" id="Footnote_865_865"></a><a href="#FNanchor_865_865"><span class="label">[865]</span></a> Froude, Hist. of England, x. 230. This statement, in +itself sufficiently credible in view of Leicester's subsequent career, +rests on a passage in a MS. from Simancas, which Mr. Froude inserts in a +foot-note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_866_866" id="Footnote_866_866"></a><a href="#FNanchor_866_866"><span class="label">[866]</span></a> Despatch of March 22, 1572, Digges, 197.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_867_867" id="Footnote_867_867"></a><a href="#FNanchor_867_867"><span class="label">[867]</span></a> Unless by means of La Mothe Fénélon's arithmetic, who, in +conversation with Queen Elizabeth, maintained that, since her majesty was +at least <i>nine</i> years younger in her <i>disposition</i>, and Alençon <i>eight</i> +years older <i>in manly vigor</i>, both parties were of precisely the same +age, namely, twenty-seven! Corresp. diplom., v. 91, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_868_868" id="Footnote_868_868"></a><a href="#FNanchor_868_868"><span class="label">[868]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 289; Dumont, Corps diplomatique, +v., 211-215. It cannot but be regarded as a singular instance of +Elizabeth's irresolution and of that perversity with which she was wont +to try the patience of her council almost beyond endurance, that she +gravely proposed to include in the treaty an article providing for the +<i>protection</i> of the King of Spain—a stipulation against which Walsingham +earnestly protested as the climax of folly, since it was certain "that +the end of this league is onely to bridle his greatness." Digges, 175.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_869_869" id="Footnote_869_869"></a><a href="#FNanchor_869_869"><span class="label">[869]</span></a> "The like hath not been seen in any man's memory," wrote +Lord Burleigh. Montmorency received "a Cupboard of Plate Gilt," "a great +cup of gold of 111 ounces," etc. Digges, 218; De Thou, iv. (liv. li.) +537, 538.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_870_870" id="Footnote_870_870"></a><a href="#FNanchor_870_870"><span class="label">[870]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_871_871" id="Footnote_871_871"></a><a href="#FNanchor_871_871"><span class="label">[871]</span></a> Ibid., v. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_872_872" id="Footnote_872_872"></a><a href="#FNanchor_872_872"><span class="label">[872]</span></a> Ibid., vii. 317-319.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_873_873" id="Footnote_873_873"></a><a href="#FNanchor_873_873"><span class="label">[873]</span></a> "Que Monseigneur le Duc vienne!" Despatch of Aug. 28, +1572. Corresp. diplom., v. 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_874_874" id="Footnote_874_874"></a><a href="#FNanchor_874_874"><span class="label">[874]</span></a> Pius the Fifth—Saint Pius, for his name is commemorated +in the prayers of the Church on the 5th of May—was, we are told by his +biographer, a model of severity to his own kindred; and, if the fact that +he elevated his grand-nephew, Michael Bonelli, to the sacred college +should be alleged as casting some doubt upon this characteristic of his, +we must hasten to add that he did so, we are assured, only in consequence +of the urgent solicitations of Cardinal Farnese and others. He deserves +the credit, however, of yielding to their persuasions with reasonable +promptness, for the nomination of his nephew took place within two months +of the Pope's accession. Michael, being like his uncle a native of the +vicinity of Alessandria, in Piedmont, naturally succeeded to the +designation of "il cardinale Alessandrino," which Pius relinquished on +assuming the tiara. Gabutius, Vita Pii Quinti Papæ, <i>apud</i> Acta Sanctorum +(Bolandi) Maii, § 48, p. 630.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_875_875" id="Footnote_875_875"></a><a href="#FNanchor_875_875"><span class="label">[875]</span></a> The Guises, in the same spirit, had at one time proposed +as a candidate for Margaret's hand the Cardinal of Este, for whom they +hoped easily to obtain from the Pope a dispensation from his vow of +celibacy. Walsingham to Cecil, Feb. 18, 1571, Digges, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_876_876" id="Footnote_876_876"></a><a href="#FNanchor_876_876"><span class="label">[876]</span></a> Capilupi, Lo stratagema di Carlo IX., 1573, Orig. edit., +p. 11; Gabutius, Vita Pii Quinti, <i>ubi supra</i>, § 244-246, p. 676.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_877_877" id="Footnote_877_877"></a><a href="#FNanchor_877_877"><span class="label">[877]</span></a> So also says Tavannes: "Il est renvoyé avec paroles +générales que Sa Majesté ne feroit rien au prejudice de l'obéissance de +Sa Saincteté." Mémoires (ed. Petitot), iii. 198. Tavannes is explicit in +his declarations that the massacre was not premeditated. "Tant s'en faut +que l'on pensast faire la Sainct Barthélemy à ces nopces, que sans +Madame, fille du Roy, qui y avoit inclination, il se deslioit" (iii. +194). "L'entreprise de la Sainct Barthélemy, qui n'estoit pas seulement +pourpensée, et dont la naissance vint de l'imprudence huguenotte." Ibid., +iii. 198.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_878_878" id="Footnote_878_878"></a><a href="#FNanchor_878_878"><span class="label">[878]</span></a> <i>E.g.</i>: "Si j'avois quelque autre moyen de me vanger de +mes ennemis, je ne ferois point ce mariage; mais je n'en ai point d'autre +moyen que cetui-ci." Cardinal D'Ossat's letter of Sept. 22, 1599, to +Villeroy, Lettres (ed. of 1698), ii. 100. It must be noticed that D'Ossat +had a particular purpose in producing testimony to show that Charles IX. +<i>constrained</i> his sister to marry, as it would assist him in obtaining a +divorce for Henry IV. If, as D'Ossat affirms, the Cardinal of Alessandria +exclaimed, on hearing of the massacre, "God be praised! The King of +France has kept his word to me," this would agree equally well with the +supposition that Charles IX. had contented himself with general +promises.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_879_879" id="Footnote_879_879"></a><a href="#FNanchor_879_879"><span class="label">[879]</span></a> "<i>The foolish cardinal</i>," wrote Sir Thomas Smith, English +ambassador at the French court during Walsingham's temporary absence +(March 3, 1571/2), "went away as wise as he came; he neither brake the +marriage with Navarre, nor got no dismes of the Church of France, nor +perswaded the King to enter into the League with the Turk, nor to accept +the Tridentine, or to break off Treaty with us; and <i>the foolishest part +of all, at his going away, he refused a diamond which the King offered +him of 600 crowns</i>, yet he was here highly feasted. He and his train cost +the King above 300 crowns a day, as they said." Digges, 193. Gabutius +adds that after the death of Pius V.—probably after the +massacre—Charles IX. sent the ring to the cardinal with this inscription +upon the bezel: "Non minus hæc solida est pietas, ne pietas possit mea +sanguine solvi." Vita Pii Quinti, <i>ubi supra</i>, § 246, p. 676. The +inscription had doubtless been cut since the first proffer of the ring. +It appears to me most probable that the ring was offered by Charles to +the cardinal with the idea that its acceptance would bind him to support +the king in his suit for a dispensation for the marriage of Henry and +Margaret, and that the prudent churchman declined it for the same reason. +Subsequently, with the same view, Charles sent it to his ambassador at +Rome, M. de Ferralz, instructing him to give it to the Cardinal of +Alessandria. But Ferralz, on consultation with the Cardinal of Ferrara +and others in the French interest, came to the conclusion that the gift +would be useless, and so retained it, at the same time notifying his +master. The reason may have been either that Alessandria had too little +influence, since his uncle's death, to effect what was desired, or that +the matter was of less consequence when once Charles had resolved to go +on with the marriage without waiting further for the dispensation. So I +understand Charles's words to Ferralz (Aug. 24, 1572): "J'ai aussi sceu +par vostre dicte mémoire, que par l'avis de mon cousin le cardinal de +Ferrare, <i>vous avez retenu le diamant que je vous avois envoyé pour le +donner de ma part au cardinal Alexandrin</i>, puisque mon dict cousin et mes +autres ministres trouvent que <i>le don seroit inutile et perdu</i>." +Mackintosh, iii., App. C., p. 348.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_880_880" id="Footnote_880_880"></a><a href="#FNanchor_880_880"><span class="label">[880]</span></a> Despatch of March 29, 1572, Digges, 182, 183. It must be +noticed that the permission to have mass celebrated in Béarn had been +purposely left out in the original basis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_881_881" id="Footnote_881_881"></a><a href="#FNanchor_881_881"><span class="label">[881]</span></a> Jeanne d'Albret to Henry of Navarre, Tours, Feb. 21, 1572, +Rochambeau, Lettres d'Antoine de Bourbon et de Jehanne d'Albret (Paris, +1877), 340.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_882_882" id="Footnote_882_882"></a><a href="#FNanchor_882_882"><span class="label">[882]</span></a> Jeanne d'Albret to M. de Beauvoir, Blois, March 11, 1572, +ibid., 345.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_883_883" id="Footnote_883_883"></a><a href="#FNanchor_883_883"><span class="label">[883]</span></a> "'Il m'a donc dit quelque chose.' 'Je croy bien qu'ouy, +Madame, mais c'est quelque chose qui n'approche point de cela.' Elle se +prist à rire, car nottez qu'elle ne parle à moy qu'en badinant." Same +letter, ibid., 348. How keenly Jeanne felt this treatment may be inferred +from a characteristic sentence: "Je vous diray encores que je m'esbahis +comme je peux porter les traverses que j'ay, car <i>l'on me gratte, l'on me +picque, l'on me flatte, l'on me brave, l'on me veult tirer les vers du +nez</i>, sans se laisser aller, bref je n'ay que Martin <i>seul qui marche +droict, encores qu'il ait la goutte</i>, et M. le comte (Nassau) qui me +faict tous les bons offices qu'il peut." Same letter, ibid., 353.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_884_884" id="Footnote_884_884"></a><a href="#FNanchor_884_884"><span class="label">[884]</span></a> The letter is inserted entire in La Laboureur, Additions +aux Mém. de Castelnau, i. 859-861. There is much in this letter that +lends probability to Miss Freer's view (Henry III., i. 89) that Catharine +had at this time begun to be opposed to an alliance which she feared +might result in the diminution of her influence at court, and that she +therefore "sought, by denying all that had before been conceded, and by +proposing in lieu conditions which she knew Jeanne could not accept, to +throw the odium of a rupture on the Queen of Navarre."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_885_885" id="Footnote_885_885"></a><a href="#FNanchor_885_885"><span class="label">[885]</span></a> The contract of marriage was signed at Blois, April 11th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_886_886" id="Footnote_886_886"></a><a href="#FNanchor_886_886"><span class="label">[886]</span></a> Jehan de la Fosse (Journal d'un curé ligueur), 143, 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_887_887" id="Footnote_887_887"></a><a href="#FNanchor_887_887"><span class="label">[887]</span></a> See an interesting account of the Queen of Navarre's last +days, her will, etc., in Vauvilliers, Hist. de Jeanne d'Albret, iii. +179-188.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_888_888" id="Footnote_888_888"></a><a href="#FNanchor_888_888"><span class="label">[888]</span></a> He is said already to have obtained the surname of +"l'empoisonneur de la reine." Vauvilliers, iii. 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_889_889" id="Footnote_889_889"></a><a href="#FNanchor_889_889"><span class="label">[889]</span></a> Vauvilliers, Hist. de Jeanne d'Albret, <i>ubi supra</i>. +Unfortunately for the "glove" theory, the Reveille-Matin des Massacreurs, +written within the next year (see p. 172, Cimber and Danjou, "du mois +d'aoust <i>dernier passé</i>"), makes Jeanne to have died in consequence of a +drink (un boucon) given her at a festival at which Anjou was present. So +in the Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi, 1574 (the same book virtually), +Jeanne dies, "veneno in quibusdam epulis propinato, quibus Dux +Andegavensis intererat, ut quidem mihi a domestico ipsius aliquo narratum +est," i. 25, 26. The testimony of the physicians, who seem to have been +unprejudiced, is given in a note in Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, +vii. 170, 171.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_890_890" id="Footnote_890_890"></a><a href="#FNanchor_890_890"><span class="label">[890]</span></a> It is said that Charles IX. suggested to him the propriety +of this visit, accompanying the suggestion by the words: "I know that you +are fond of gardening"—a sly reference to the occasion when Coligny, +just before the explosion of the second civil war, was found by the royal +spies busily engaged in his vineyards, pruning-hook in hand, and, by his +apparent engrossment in the labors of the field, dispelled the suspicions +of a Huguenot rising. It was ominous, according to these writers, that +Charles should at this moment recall the circumstances of that narrow +escape at Meaux from falling into the hands of the Huguenots. Agrippa +d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., ii. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_891_891" id="Footnote_891_891"></a><a href="#FNanchor_891_891"><span class="label">[891]</span></a> "Estant nostre vouloir et intention le retenir près de +nous pour nous servir de luy en nos plus graves et importans affaires, +comme ministre digne, la vertu duquel est assez cogneue et expérimentée." +MS. passport dated September 24, 1571, Biblioth. nat., <i>apud</i> Bulletin de +la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, xvi. (1867) 220.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_892_892" id="Footnote_892_892"></a><a href="#FNanchor_892_892"><span class="label">[892]</span></a> Le Tocsain contre les massacreurs (orig. ed., Rheims, +1579), 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_893_893" id="Footnote_893_893"></a><a href="#FNanchor_893_893"><span class="label">[893]</span></a> Le Reveille-Matin des François et de leurs voisins. +Composé par Eusebe Philadelphe Cosmopolite, en forme de Dialogues. A +Edinbourg, de l'imprimerie de Jaques James. Avec permission. 1574. <i>Apud</i> +Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, vii. 171. Dialogi Euseb. +Philadelphi. Edimburgi, 1574, i. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_894_894" id="Footnote_894_894"></a><a href="#FNanchor_894_894"><span class="label">[894]</span></a> Le Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 40 (Archives +curieuses). So Jean de Tavannes—a writer certainly not prejudiced in +Coligny's favor—gives him credit for preferring to hazard his life +rather than renew the civil war. Yet he adds: "Il ne voyoit ny ne +prevoyoit ce qui n'estoit pour lors, d'autant plus qu'il n'y avoit encor +rien de resolu contre luy, quoy que les ignorans des affaires d'estat +ayent escrit ou dit." Mémoires de Gaspard de Tavannes (Ed. Petitot), iii. +257.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_895_895" id="Footnote_895_895"></a><a href="#FNanchor_895_895"><span class="label">[895]</span></a> These were four in number: that Navarre should make a +secret profession of the Catholic faith, express a desire for the +dispensation, restore ecclesiastical property in his domains, and marry +Margaret before the Church. Charles IX. to Ferralz (Ferrails), July 31, +1572, <i>apud</i> Mackintosh, iii., Appendix III.; Fr. von Raumer, Briefe aus +Paris (Leipsic, 1831), i. 292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_896_896" id="Footnote_896_896"></a><a href="#FNanchor_896_896"><span class="label">[896]</span></a> Journal de Lestoile, p. 24; Le Reveille-Matin des +Français, etc.; Arch. curieuses, vii. 172; Dialogi Eusebii Philadelphi, +i. 31; Vauvilliers, iii. 177; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 12:—"Ce vieux bigot +avec ses cafarderies fait perdre un bon temps à ma grosse sœur +Margot."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_897_897" id="Footnote_897_897"></a><a href="#FNanchor_897_897"><span class="label">[897]</span></a> Charles IX. to Mandelot, Blois, May 3, 1572, +Correspondance du roi Charles IX. et du sieur de Mandelot, Gouverneur de +Lyons, edited by P. Paris (Paris, 1830), pp. 9-11. Also Charrière, +Négociations du Levant, iii. 228.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_898_898" id="Footnote_898_898"></a><a href="#FNanchor_898_898"><span class="label">[898]</span></a> "Toutes mes fantaisies sont bandées pour m'opposer à la +grandeur des Espagnols," etc. Henri de Valois et la Pologne en 1572, par +le Marquis de Noailles (3 vols., Paris, 1867), i. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_899_899" id="Footnote_899_899"></a><a href="#FNanchor_899_899"><span class="label">[899]</span></a> De Noailles, i. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_900_900" id="Footnote_900_900"></a><a href="#FNanchor_900_900"><span class="label">[900]</span></a> "De tenir le Roy Catholique en cervelle, et donner +hardiesse à ces gueulx des Païs-Bas de se remuer et entreprendre," etc. +Ibid., i. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_901_901" id="Footnote_901_901"></a><a href="#FNanchor_901_901"><span class="label">[901]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 674; Motley, Dutch Republic, ii. 369, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_902_902" id="Footnote_902_902"></a><a href="#FNanchor_902_902"><span class="label">[902]</span></a> "Thence with great celerity the Count Lodovick should send +500 horse to Bruxels under the conduct of M. de la Nue (Noue), where if +he hap to find the Duke of Alva, it will grow to short wars, in respect +of the intelligence they have with the town, who undertook with the aid +of 100 soldiers to take the duke prisoner. If he retires to Antwerp, as +it is thought he wil, then it is likely that all the whole country will +revolt. I the rather credit this news for that it agreeth with the plot +laid by Count Lodovick, before his departure hence," etc. Walsingham to +Burleigh, Paris, May 29, 1572, Digges, 204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_903_903" id="Footnote_903_903"></a><a href="#FNanchor_903_903"><span class="label">[903]</span></a> Queen Elizabeth to Walsingham, July 23, 1572, Digges, +226-230.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_904_904" id="Footnote_904_904"></a><a href="#FNanchor_904_904"><span class="label">[904]</span></a> "More tremendous issues," Mr. Froude forcibly remarks, +"were hanging upon Elizabeth's decision than she knew of. But she did +know that France was looking to her reply—was looking to her general +conduct, to ascertain whether she would or would not be a safe ally in a +war with Spain, and that on her depended at that moment whether the +French government would take its place once for all on the side of the +Reformation." History of England, x. 370.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_905_905" id="Footnote_905_905"></a><a href="#FNanchor_905_905"><span class="label">[905]</span></a> In fact, he was acting in violation of the instructions of +Louis of Nassau, by whom he had been despatched for aid to France. +Apprehending danger, Nassau repeatedly bid him avoid the direct road to +Mons, and make a circuit through the territory of Cambray, and effect a +junction with the Prince of Orange. Genlis justified his neglect of these +directions by alleging the orders of Admiral Coligny. De Thou, iv. 680.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_906_906" id="Footnote_906_906"></a><a href="#FNanchor_906_906"><span class="label">[906]</span></a> Motley, Dutch Republic, ii. 383, 384; De Thou, iv. 680, +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_907_907" id="Footnote_907_907"></a><a href="#FNanchor_907_907"><span class="label">[907]</span></a> It may be noted, by way of anticipation, that Genlis, +after an imprisonment of over a year, was secretly strangled by Alva's +command, in the castle of Antwerp. With characteristic mendacity, the +duke spread the report that the prisoner had died a natural death. Ibid., +<i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_908_908" id="Footnote_908_908"></a><a href="#FNanchor_908_908"><span class="label">[908]</span></a> Walsingham to Burleigh, July 26, 1572, Digges, 225.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_909_909" id="Footnote_909_909"></a><a href="#FNanchor_909_909"><span class="label">[909]</span></a> It was such arguments as these that afterward, when +everything that might be so employed as to justify or palliate the +atrocity of Coligny's assassination was eagerly laid hold of, were +construed as threats of a Huguenot rising, in case Charles should refuse +to engage in the Flemish war. Compare, <i>e.g.</i>, the unsigned extract found +by Soldan (ii. 433) in the National Library of Paris, No. 8702, fol. 68. +But does it need a word to prove that the reference was to a <i>papal</i> +rising, or, at least, papal compulsion to violate the edict of +toleration?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_910_910" id="Footnote_910_910"></a><a href="#FNanchor_910_910"><span class="label">[910]</span></a> Walsingham to Leicester, July 26, 1572, Digges, 225, 226.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_911_911" id="Footnote_911_911"></a><a href="#FNanchor_911_911"><span class="label">[911]</span></a> This document was written by the illustrious Philippe du +Plessis Mornay, then a youth twenty-three years of age, and bears the +impress of his vigorous mind. De Thou gives an excellent summary (iv., +liv. li., 543-554); and it may be found entire in the Mémoires de Du +Plessis Mornay (ii. 20-37). Morvilliers, Bishop of Orleans, and keeper of +the seals until Birague's appointment in January, 1571, was requested by +the king to prepare the answer of the opposite party in the royal +council—a task which he discharged with great ability. Summary in De +Thou, iv. (liv. li.) 555-563, and Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 9, 10. Jean de +Tavannes's memoirs of his father contain arguments of Marshal Tavannes +and of the Duke of Anjou. dictated by the marshal, against undertaking +the Flemish war, as both unjust and impolitic.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_912_912" id="Footnote_912_912"></a><a href="#FNanchor_912_912"><span class="label">[912]</span></a> Mémoires de Tavannes (Ed. Petitot), iii. 290.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_913_913" id="Footnote_913_913"></a><a href="#FNanchor_913_913"><span class="label">[913]</span></a> In this case the chief spy, according to the Tocsain +contre les massacreurs, p. 78, and the younger Tavannes, was Phizes, +sieur de Sauve, the king's private secretary for the Flemish matter; and +Tavannes is certainly correct in making a chief element in Catharine's +influence, "la puissance que ladicte Royne a sur ses enfans par ses +créatures qu'elle leur a donné pour serviteurs dez leur enfance." +Mémoires, 290, 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_914_914" id="Footnote_914_914"></a><a href="#FNanchor_914_914"><span class="label">[914]</span></a> In fact, Catharine, who spared neither herself nor her +attendants in her furious driving in her "<i>coche</i>" on such occasions, +lost one or more of the horses, which dropped dead. Tocsain contre les +massacreurs, p. 78.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_915_915" id="Footnote_915_915"></a><a href="#FNanchor_915_915"><span class="label">[915]</span></a> Or, only to her estates in Auvergne, according to the +Tocsain, pp. 78, 79. It will be remembered that Catharine's mother was a +French heiress of the famous family of La Tour d'Auvergne.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_916_916" id="Footnote_916_916"></a><a href="#FNanchor_916_916"><span class="label">[916]</span></a> The younger Tavannes, in the memoirs of his father (Edit. +Petitot), iii. 291, 292, gives the most complete summary of this +remarkable conversation; but it is substantially the same as the briefer +sketch in the Tocsain contre les massacreurs de France, Rheims 1579, pp. +78, 79—a treatise of which the preface (L'Imprimeur aux lecteurs, dated +June 25, 1577) shows that it was written before the death of Charles IX., +but the publication of which was from time to time deferred in the vain +hope that the authors of the inhuman massacre might yet repent. The new +and "more detestable perfidy, fury, and impetuosity" of which the +Huguenots were the victims in the first years of Henry III.'s reign, +finally brought it to the light. The <i>Archives curieuses</i> contain only a +part of the treatise.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_917_917" id="Footnote_917_917"></a><a href="#FNanchor_917_917"><span class="label">[917]</span></a> Smith to Walsingham, Aug. 22, 1572, Digges, 236.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_918_918" id="Footnote_918_918"></a><a href="#FNanchor_918_918"><span class="label">[918]</span></a> Walsingham to Burleigh, Aug. 10, 1572, Digges, 233. This +news and the interview, which must have taken place about the first week +of August, are the burden of three letters written by Walsingham on the +same day. "Herein nothing prevailed so much as the tears of his mother," +he wrote to Leicester, "who without the army of England cannot consent to +any open dealing. And because they are, as I suppose, assured by their +ambassadors that her Majesty will not intermeddle, they cannot be induced +to make any overture" (p. 233). Walsingham was disheartened at the loss +of so critical an opportunity. "Pleasure and youth will not suffer us to +take profit of advantages, and those who rule under [over] us are +fearfull and irresolute."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_919_919" id="Footnote_919_919"></a><a href="#FNanchor_919_919"><span class="label">[919]</span></a> Mém. de Tavannes, iii. 291.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_920_920" id="Footnote_920_920"></a><a href="#FNanchor_920_920"><span class="label">[920]</span></a> Walsingham to Leicester, Aug. 10, 1572, Digges, 233.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_921_921" id="Footnote_921_921"></a><a href="#FNanchor_921_921"><span class="label">[921]</span></a> "I am requested to desire your lordship to hold him +excused in that he writeth not," he adds, "for that at this time he is +overwhelmed with affairs." Walsingham to Leicester, Aug. 10, 1572, +Digges, 234.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_922_922" id="Footnote_922_922"></a><a href="#FNanchor_922_922"><span class="label">[922]</span></a> Sir Thomas Smith's plea in her behalf is interesting and +plausible, but will not receive the sanction of any one who takes into +account the vast difference in the positions of Elizabeth and Charles, or +considers the principles of which the former was, or should have been, +the advocate. The good secretary, I need not remind my reader, was never +reluctant to parade his Latinity: "If you there [in France] do +<i>tergiversari</i> and work <i>tam timide</i> and underhand with open and outward +edicts, besides excuses at Rome and at Venice by your ambassadors, you, I +say, which have Regem expertem otii, laboris amantem, cujus gens +bellicosa jampridem assueta est cædibus tam exterioris quam vestri +sanguinis, quid faciemus gens otiosa et paci assueta, quibus imperat +Regina, et ipsa pacis atque quietis amantissima." Smith to Walsingham, +Aug. 22, 1572, Digges, 237.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_923_923" id="Footnote_923_923"></a><a href="#FNanchor_923_923"><span class="label">[923]</span></a> Puntos de Cartas de Anton de Guaras al Duque de Alva, June +30th: MS. Simancas, <i>apud</i> Froude, x. 383.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_924_924" id="Footnote_924_924"></a><a href="#FNanchor_924_924"><span class="label">[924]</span></a> Froude, x. 385.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="MASSACRE" id="MASSACRE"></a>THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW'S DAY.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenot nobles reach Paris.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[Pg 426]</a></span> +The marriage of Henry of Navarre and Margaret of Valois had been delayed +in consequence of the death of the bridegroom's mother, but could now no +longer be deferred. The young queen of Charles the Ninth was soon to +become a mother, and it was desirable that she should have the +opportunity to leave the crowded and unhealthy capital as soon as +possible. Jeanne d'Albret's objection to the celebration of the wedding +in Paris had been overruled. The bride herself, indifferent enough, to +all appearance, on other points, was resolute as to this matter—she +would have her nuptials celebrated in no provincial town. Accordingly, +the King of Navarre, followed by eight hundred gentlemen of his party, as +well as by his cousin the Prince of Condé, and the admiral, made his +solemn entry into the city, which so few of his adherents were to leave +alive. Although still clad in mourning for the loss of the heroic Queen +of Navarre, they bore no unfavorable comparison with the gay courtiers, +who, with Anjou and Alençon at their head, came out to escort them into +Paris with every mark of respect.<a name="FNanchor_925_925" id="FNanchor_925_925"></a><a href="#Footnote_925_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Betrothal of Henry and Margaret.</div> + +<p>The betrothal took place in the palace of the Louvre, on Sunday the +seventeenth of August. Afterward there was a supper and a ball; and when +these came to an end, Margaret was conducted by her mother, her brothers, +and a stately retinue, to the episcopal palace, on the Île de la Cité, +adjoining the cathedral, there, according to the immemorial custom of the +princesses of the blood, to pass the night<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[Pg 427]</a></span> before her wedding. No papal +dispensation had arrived. Gregory XIII. was as obstinate as his +predecessor in the pontifical chair, in denying the requests of the +French envoys to Rome.<a name="FNanchor_926_926" id="FNanchor_926_926"></a><a href="#Footnote_926_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> But Charles was determined to proceed; and, +in order to silence the opposition of the Cardinal of Bourbon, who still +refused to perform the ceremony without the pope's approval, a forged +letter was shown to him, purporting to come from the Cardinal of +Lorraine, or the royal ambassador at Rome, and announcing that the bull +of dispensation had actually been sealed, and would shortly arrive.<a name="FNanchor_927_927" id="FNanchor_927_927"></a><a href="#Footnote_927_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></p> + +<p>Preparations had been made for the wedding in a style of magnificence +extraordinary even for that age of reckless expenditure. To show their +cordial friendship and fidelity, Charles and his brothers, Anjou and +Alençon, and Henry and his cousin of Condé, assumed a costume precisely +alike—a light yellow satin, covered with silver embroidery, and enriched +with pearls and precious stones. Margaret wore a violet velvet dress with +fleurs-de-lis. Her train was adorned with the same emblems. She was +wrapped in a royal mantle, and had upon her head an imperial crown +glittering with pearls, diamonds, and other gems of incalculable value. +The queens were resplendent in cloth of gold and silver.<a name="FNanchor_928_928" id="FNanchor_928_928"></a><a href="#Footnote_928_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> A lofty +platform had been erected in front of the grand old pile of Notre Dame. +Hither Margaret was brought in great pomp, from the palace of the Bishop +of Paris, escorted by the king, by Catharine de' Medici, by the Dukes of +Anjou and Alençon, and by the Guises, the marshals, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[Pg 428]</a></span> other great +personages of the realm. Upon the platform she met Henry of Navarre, with +his cousins Condé and Conty, Admiral Coligny, Count de la Rochefoucauld, +and a numerous train of Protestant lords from all parts of the kingdom. +In the sight of an immense throng, the nuptial ceremony was performed by +the Cardinal of Bourbon, Henry's uncle, according to the form which had +been previously agreed upon.<a name="FNanchor_929_929" id="FNanchor_929_929"></a><a href="#Footnote_929_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a> The bridal procession then entered the +cathedral by a lower platform, which extended through the nave to the +choir. Here Henry, having placed his bride before the grand altar to hear +mass, himself retired with his Protestant companions to the episcopal +palace, and waited for the service to be over. When notified of its +conclusion by Marshal Damville, Henry and his suite returned to the +choir, and with his bride and all the attending grandees soon sat down to +a sumptuous dinner in the episcopal palace.</p> + +<p>Among those who had been admitted to the choir of Notre Dame after the +close of the mass, was the son of the first president of parliament, +young Jacques Auguste de Thou, the future historian. Happening to come +near Admiral Coligny, he looked with curious and admiring gaze upon the +warrior whose virtues and abilities had combined to raise the house of +Châtillon to its present distinction. He saw him point out to his cousin +Damville the flags and banners taken from the Huguenots on the fields of +Jarnac and Moncontour, still suspended from the walls of the cathedral, +mournful trophies of a civil contest. "These will soon be torn down," De +Thou heard Coligny say, "and in their place others more pleasing to the +eye will be hung up." The words had unmistakable reference to the +victories which he hoped soon to win in a war against Spain. It is not +strange, however, that the malevolent endeavored to prove that they +contained an allusion to the renewal of a domestic war, which it is +certain that the admiral detested with his whole heart.<a name="FNanchor_930_930" id="FNanchor_930_930"></a><a href="#Footnote_930_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[Pg 429]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Entertainment in the Louvre.</div> + +<p>Later in the day, a magnificent entertainment was given by Charles in the +Louvre to the municipality of Paris, the members of parliament, and other +high officers of justice. Supper was succeeded by a short ball, and this +in turn by one of those allegorical representations in which French fancy +and invention at this period ran wanton. Through the great vaulted saloon +of the Louvre a train of wonderful cars was made slowly to pass. Some +were rocks of silver, on whose summits sat in state the king's brothers, +Navarre, Condé, the prince dauphin, Guise, or Angoulême. On others +sea-monsters disported themselves, and the pagan gods of the water, +somewhat incongruously clothed in cloth of gold or various colors, +serenely looked on. Charles himself rode in a chariot shaped like a +sea-horse, the curved tail of which supported a shell holding Neptune and +his trident. When the pageant stopped for a moment, singers of surpassing +skill entertained the guests. Étienne le Roy, the king's especial +favorite, distinguished himself by the power and beauty of his +voice.<a name="FNanchor_931_931" id="FNanchor_931_931"></a><a href="#Footnote_931_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a></p> + +<p>The entertainment was prolonged far into the night; but Admiral Coligny, +before giving himself repose, snatched from sleep<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[Pg 430]</a></span> a few minutes to write +a letter to his wife, whom he had left in Châtillon. It is the last which +has been preserved, and is otherwise important because of the light it +throws upon the hopes and fears of the great Huguenot at this critical +time.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny's letter to his wife.</div> + +<p>"My darling," he said, "I write this bit of a letter to tell you that +to-day the marriage of the king's sister and the King of Navarre took +place. Three or four days will be spent in festivities, masks, and mock +combats. After that the king has assured me and given me his promise, +that he will devote a few days to attending to a number of complaints +which are made in various parts of the kingdom, touching the infraction +of the edict. It is but reasonable that I should employ myself in this +matter, so far as I am able; for, although I have infinite desire to see +you, yet should I feel great regret, and I believe that you would +likewise, were I to fail to occupy myself in such an affair with all my +ability. But this will not delay so much the departure from this city, +but that I think that the court will leave it at the beginning of next +week. If I had in view only my own satisfaction, I should take much +greater pleasure in going to see you, than in being in this court, for +many reasons which I shall tell you. But we must have more regard for the +public than for our own private interests. I have many other things to +tell you, when I am able to see you, for which I am so anxious that you +must not think that I waste a day or an hour. What remains for me to say +is that to-day, at four o'clock after noon, the bride's mass was said. +Meanwhile, the King of Navarre walked about in a court with all those of +the religion who accompanied him. Other incidents occurred which I will +reserve to relate to you; but first I must see you. And meantime I pray +our Lord, my darling, to keep you in His holy guard and protection. From +Paris, this eighteenth day of August, 1572. <i>Mandez-moy comme se porte le +petit ou petite.</i> ... I assure you that I shall not be anxious to attend +all the festivities and combats that are to take place during these next +days. Your very good husband and friend, <span class="smcap">Châtillon</span>."<a name="FNanchor_932_932" id="FNanchor_932_932"></a><a href="#Footnote_932_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[Pg 431]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Festivities and mock combats.</div> + +<p>The festivities and combats—so distasteful to a statesman who recognized +the critical condition of French affairs, and regarded this merry-making +as ill-timed—pursued their uninterrupted course through Tuesday, +Wednesday, and Thursday of that eventful week. But the description of +most of the elaborate pageants would contribute little to the value of +our conceptions of the character of the age. An exception may perhaps be +made in favor of an ingenious tournament that took place on Wednesday in +the Hôtel Bourbon. Here the Isles of the Blessed, the Elysian Fields, and +Tartarus were represented by means of costly mechanisms. Charles and his +brothers figured as knights defending Paradise, which Navarre and others, +dressed as knights-errant, endeavored to enter by force of arms, but were +repulsed and thrust into Tartarus. After some time the defeated champions +were rescued from their perilous situation by the compassion of their +victors, and the performance terminated in a startling, but harmless +display of fireworks.<a name="FNanchor_933_933" id="FNanchor_933_933"></a><a href="#Footnote_933_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a> As the assailants were mostly Protestants, the +defenders Roman Catholics, it was not strange that a sinister +interpretation was soon put upon the strange plot;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[Pg 432]</a></span> but, unless we are to +suppose the authors of the massacre, whose success depended upon the +surprise of the victims, so infatuated as to wish to forewarn them of +their fate, it is scarcely credible that they intended to prefigure the +ruin of the reformed faith in France.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot grievances to be redressed.</div> + +<p>The time that had been allotted to pleasure was fast passing. The king +was soon to meet Coligny, according to his promise, for the transaction +of important business relating both to the internal and to the foreign +affairs of France. There were religious grievances to be redressed. The +admiral was particularly anxious to bring to the king's notice the +flagrant outrage recently perpetrated in Troyes, where a fanatical Roman +Catholic populace, indignant that the Huguenots, through the kindness of +Marie de Clèves, the betrothed of the Prince of Condé,<a name="FNanchor_934_934" id="FNanchor_934_934"></a><a href="#Footnote_934_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a> had been +permitted to hold their worship so near the city as her castle of +Isle-au-Mont, scarcely three leagues distant,<a name="FNanchor_935_935" id="FNanchor_935_935"></a><a href="#Footnote_935_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> had met the +Protestants on their return from service with aggravated insult, and had +killed in the arms of its nurse an infant that had just been baptized +according to the reformed rites.<a name="FNanchor_936_936" id="FNanchor_936_936"></a><a href="#Footnote_936_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a> Catharine and her son Anjou<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[Pg 433]</a></span> saw +with consternation that the impression made by the "tears of Montpipeau" +was already in a great degree obliterated, and feared the complete +destruction of their influence if Charles were longer permitted to have +intercourse with Coligny. In that case a Flemish war would be almost +inevitable. Charles's anger against the Spaniards had kindled anew when +he heard of Alva's inhumanity to Genlis and his fellow-prisoners. But, +when he was informed that Alva had put French soldiers to the torture, in +order to extract the admission of their monarch's complicity in the +enterprise, his passion was almost ungovernable, as he asked his +attendants again and again: "Do you know that the Duke of Alva is putting +me on trial?"<a name="FNanchor_937_937" id="FNanchor_937_937"></a><a href="#Footnote_937_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> It seems to have been at this juncture that Catharine +and her favorite son came to the definite determination to put the great +Huguenot out of the way. Henry of Anjou is here his own accuser. In that +strange confession which he made to his physician, Miron,<a name="FNanchor_938_938" id="FNanchor_938_938"></a><a href="#Footnote_938_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a> shortly +after his arrival in Cracow—a confession made under the influence, not +so much of remorse, as of the annoyance occasioned by the continual +reminders of the massacre which were thrown in his way as he travelled to +assume the throne of Poland—he gives us a partial view of the +development of the murderous plot.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Jealousy of Catharine and Anjou.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The Duchess of Nemours and Henry of Guise.</div> + +<p>Several times had Anjou and Catharine perceived that, whenever Charles +had conversed in private with the admiral, his demeanor was visibly +changed toward them. He no longer exhibited his accustomed respect for +his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[Pg 434]</a></span> mother or his wonted kindness for his brother. Once, in +particular—and it was, so Anjou tells us, only a few days before St. +Bartholomew's Day—Henry happened to enter the room just after Coligny +had gone out. Instantly the king's countenance betrayed extreme anger. He +began to walk furiously to and fro, taking great strides, and keeping his +eyes fixed upon his brother with an expression that boded no good, but +without uttering a word. Again and again he placed his hand on his +dagger, and Anjou expected nothing less than that his brother would +attack him. At last, taking advantage of an opportunity when Charles's +back was turned, he hastily retreated from the room. This circumstance +led Catharine and Anjou to compare their observations and their plans. +"Both of us," says Henry, "were easily persuaded, and became, as it were, +certain that it was the admiral who had impressed some evil and sinister +opinion of us upon the king. We resolved from that moment to rid +ourselves of him, and to concert the means of doing so with the Duchess +of Nemours. To her alone we believed that we might safely disclose our +purpose, on account of the mortal hatred which we knew that she bore to +him."<a name="FNanchor_939_939" id="FNanchor_939_939"></a><a href="#Footnote_939_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a> The Duchess of Nemours was born of an excellent mother; for +she was Anne d'Este, daughter of Renée of France, the younger child of +Louis the Twelfth. In her youth, at the court of her father, the Duke of +Ferrara, and in society with that prodigy of feminine precocity, Olympia +Morata, she had shown evidences of extraordinary intellectual development +and of a kindly disposition.<a name="FNanchor_940_940" id="FNanchor_940_940"></a><a href="#Footnote_940_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a> Although she subsequently married +Francis of Guise, the leading persecutor of the Protestants, she had not +so lost her sympathy with the oppressed as to witness without tears and +remonstrances the atrocious executions by which the tumult of Amboise was +followed. But the assassination of her husband turned any affection or +compassion she may have entertained for Protestantism into violent +hatred. Against Coligny, whom, in spite of his protestations, she +persisted in believing to be the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[Pg 435]</a></span> instigator of Poltrot's crime, she bore +an implacable enmity; and now, having so often failed in obtaining +satisfaction from the king by judicial process, she eagerly accepted the +opportunity of avenging herself by a deed more dastardly than that which +she laid to the charge of her enemy. Entering heartily into the project +which Catharine and Anjou laid before her, the Duchess of Nemours +enlisted the co-operation of her son, Henry of Guise, and her +brother-in-law, the Duke of Aumale, and herself arranged the details of +the plan, which was at once to be put into execution.<a name="FNanchor_941_941" id="FNanchor_941_941"></a><a href="#Footnote_941_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Was the massacre long premeditated?</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Salviati's testimony.</div> + +<p>Such was the germ of the massacre as yet not resolved upon, which, +rapidly developing, was to involve the murder of thousands of innocent +persons throughout France. In opposition to the opinion that became +almost universal among the Protestants, and gained nearly equal currency +among the Roman Catholics—that the butchery had long been contemplated, +and that Charles was privy to it—and notwithstanding the circumstances +that seem to give color to this opinion,<a name="FNanchor_942_942" id="FNanchor_942_942"></a><a href="#Footnote_942_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a> I am compelled to acquiesce +in the belief expressed by the Papal Nuncio, Salviati, who, in his +despatches, written in cipher to the cardinal secretary of state, could +certainly have had no motive to disguise his real sentiments, and whom it +is impossible to suppose ignorant of any scheme for the general +extirpation of the Protestants, had such a scheme existed for any +considerable length of time: "As to all the statements that will be made +respecting the firing upon the admiral and his death, different from that +which I have written to you, you will in time find out how true they are. +Madame the regent, having come to be at variance with him [the admiral], +and having decided upon this step a few<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[Pg 436]</a></span> days before, caused him to be +fired upon. This was <i>without the knowledge of the king</i>, but with the +participation of the Duke of Anjou, the Duchess of Nemours, and her son, +the Duke of Guise. If the admiral had died at once, no others would have +been slain. But, inasmuch as he survived, and they apprehended that some +great calamity might happen should he draw closer to the king, they +resolved to throw aside shame, and to have him killed together with the +rest. And this was put into execution that very night."<a name="FNanchor_943_943" id="FNanchor_943_943"></a><a href="#Footnote_943_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The king's cordiality.</div> + +<p>As the hour approached, Coligny exhibited no apprehension of special +danger. Others, however, more suspicious, or possessed of less faith in +Heaven, felt alarm; and some acted upon their fears. The very "goodness" +of the king terrified one. Another said that he had rather be saved with +fools than perish with the wise, and hastily forsook the capital. Dark +hints had been thrown out by courtiers—such surmises were naturally bred +by the defenceless position of the Protestants in the midst of a +population so hostile to their faith as the population of Paris—that +more blood than wine would be spilled at this wedding. And there were +rumors of some mysterious enterprise afloat; so, at least, it was said +after the occurrence. But Coligny moved not from the post which he +believed had been assigned to his keeping. On Wednesday<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[Pg 437]</a></span> Charles assured +him, with laughing countenance, that if the admiral would but give him +four days more for amusement, he would not stir from Paris until he had +contented him;<a name="FNanchor_944_944" id="FNanchor_944_944"></a><a href="#Footnote_944_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a> and the sturdy old Huguenot made no objection when +the king, in order to prevent any disturbance which the partisans of +Guise might occasion in seeking a quarrel with the followers of the house +of Châtillon, proposed to introduce a considerable force of soldiers into +the city. "My father," said Charles, with his usual appearance of +affection, "you know that you have promised not to give any cause of +offence to the Guises so long as you remain here; and they have in like +manner promised to respect you and all yours. I am fully persuaded that +you will keep your word; but I am not so well assured of their good faith +as of yours; for, besides the fact that it is they that would avenge +themselves, I know their bravadoes and the favor this populace bears to +them."<a name="FNanchor_945_945" id="FNanchor_945_945"></a><a href="#Footnote_945_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny is wounded, August 22.</div> + +<p>On Friday morning, the twenty-second of August, Admiral Coligny went to +the Louvre, to attend a meeting of the royal council, at which Henry of +Anjou presided. It was between ten and eleven o'clock, when, according to +the more primitive hours then kept, he left the palace to return home for +dinner.<a name="FNanchor_946_946" id="FNanchor_946_946"></a><a href="#Footnote_946_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a> Meeting Charles just coming out<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[Pg 438]</a></span> of a chapel in front of the +Louvre, he retraced his steps, and accompanied him to the tennis-court, +where he left him playing with Guise, against Téligny and another +nobleman. Accompanied by about a dozen gentlemen, he again sallied forth, +but had not proceeded over a hundred paces when from behind a lattice an +arquebuse was fired at him.<a name="FNanchor_947_947" id="FNanchor_947_947"></a><a href="#Footnote_947_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a> The admiral had been walking slowly, +intently engaged in reading a petition which had just been handed to him. +The shot had been well aimed, and might have proved fatal, had not the +victim at that very moment turned a little to one side. As it was, of the +three balls with which the arquebuse was loaded, one took off a finger of +his right hand, and another lodged in his left arm, making an ugly wound. +Supported by De Guerchy and Des Pruneaux, between whom he had previously +been walking, Coligny was carried to his house in the little Rue de +Béthisy,<a name="FNanchor_948_948" id="FNanchor_948_948"></a><a href="#Footnote_948_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a> only a few steps farther on. As he went he pointed out to +his friends the house from which the shot had been fired. To a gentleman +who expressed the fear that the balls were poisoned, he replied with +composure: "Nothing will happen but what it may please God to +order."<a name="FNanchor_949_949" id="FNanchor_949_949"></a><a href="#Footnote_949_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a></p> + +<p>The attempted assassination had happened in front of the cloisters of St. +Germain l'Auxerrois. The house was recognized as one belonging to the +Duchess Dowager of Guise, in which Villemur, the former tutor of young +Henry of Guise, had lodged.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[Pg 439]</a></span> The door was found locked; but the indignant +followers of Coligny soon burst it open. They found within only a woman +and a lackey. The assassin, after firing, had fled to the rear of the +house. There he found a horse awaiting him; this he exchanged at the +Porte Saint Antoine for a fresh Spanish jennet. He was out of Paris +almost before pursuit was fairly undertaken. Subsequent investigation +left no doubt as to his identity. It was that same Maurevel of infamous +memory, who during the third civil war had traitorously shot De Mouy, +after insinuating himself into his friendship, and sharing his room and +his bed. The king's assassin, "le tueur du roi"—a designation he had +obtained when Charles or his advisers gave a special reward for that +exploit<a name="FNanchor_950_950" id="FNanchor_950_950"></a><a href="#Footnote_950_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a>—had been selected by Catharine, Anjou and the Guises, as +possessing both the nerve and the experience that were requisite to make +sure of Coligny's death. It was found that he had been placed in the +house by De Chailly, "maître d'hôtel" of the king, and that the horse by +means of which he effected his escape had been brought to the door by the +groom of the Duke of Guise.<a name="FNanchor_951_951" id="FNanchor_951_951"></a><a href="#Footnote_951_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Agitation of the king.</div> + +<p>Charles was still in the tennis-court, when De Piles came in, sent by +Coligny, to inform him of the bloody infraction of the Edict of +Pacification. On hearing the intelligence, the king was violently +agitated. Throwing down his racket, he exclaimed: "Am I, then, never to +have peace? What! always new troubles?" and retired to his room in the +Louvre, with a countenance expressive of great dejection.<a name="FNanchor_952_952" id="FNanchor_952_952"></a><a href="#Footnote_952_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a> And when, +later in the day, the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condé, and La +Rochefoucauld, after seeing Coligny's wounds dressed, came to the palace +and begged him for permission to leave a city in which there was no +security for their lives,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[Pg 440]</a></span> Charles swore to them, with his accustomed +profanity, that he would inflict upon the author and abettors of the +crime so signal a punishment that Coligny and his friends would be +satisfied, and posterity have a warning example. Coligny had received the +wound, he said, but the smart was <i>his</i>. Catharine, who was present, +chimed in, and declared the outrage so flagrant, that just retribution +must speedily be meted out, or insolence would be pushed so far as that +the king would be attacked in his own palace.<a name="FNanchor_953_953" id="FNanchor_953_953"></a><a href="#Footnote_953_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny courageous.</div> + +<p>Meantime the admiral bore his sufferings with serenity, and, far from +needing any comfort his friends could give him, himself administered +consolation to the noblemen around his bed. His sufferings were acute. +Amboise Paré, the famous surgeon of the king, himself a Huguenot, was +called in; but the instruments at hand were dull, and it was not until +the third attempt that he could satisfactorily amputate the wounded +finger. "My friends," said Coligny to Merlin, his minister, and to other +friends, "why do you weep? As for me, I think myself happy in having +received these wounds for the name of God." And when Merlin exhorted him +"to thank God for His mercy in preserving his mental faculties sound and +entire, and to continue to divert his thoughts and feelings from his +assassin and his wounds, and to turn them, as he was doing, from all +things else to God, since it was from His hands that he had received +them," the admiral's reply was, that sincerely and from the heart he +forgave the person who had wounded him, and those who had instigated him, +holding it for certain that it was beyond their power to injure him, +since, should they even kill him, death would be an assured passage to +life.<a name="FNanchor_954_954" id="FNanchor_954_954"></a><a href="#Footnote_954_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a> Thus, with quiet submission, and with edifying prayers which +it would be too long to insert, the Admiral de Coligny passed those hours +which his enemies subsequently, in their desperate attempts to justify or +palliate the most abominable of crimes, represented as given up to +infamous plots against king and state. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[Pg 441]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">He is visited by the king and his mother.</div> + +<p>That afternoon, between two and three o'clock, Charles visited the +wounded man, at the suggestion of Téligny and Damville; for Coligny had +expressed a desire to see the monarch, that he might communicate certain +matters which concerned him greatly, but of which he feared there was no +one else that would inform him.<a name="FNanchor_955_955" id="FNanchor_955_955"></a><a href="#Footnote_955_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a> The king came, accompanied by his +mother, his brothers, the Duke of Montpensier, Cardinal Bourbon, Marshals +Damville, Tavannes and Cossé, Count de Retz, and the younger +Montmorencies, Thoré and Méru.<a name="FNanchor_956_956" id="FNanchor_956_956"></a><a href="#Footnote_956_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a> The interview was kind and +reassuring. The admiral, who lay upon his bed, heartily thanked the king +for the honor he had deigned to do him, and for the measures he had +already taken in his behalf. And Charles praised the patience and +magnanimity exhibited by Coligny, and bade him be of good courage. Then +more important topics were introduced. There were three points respecting +which the admiral wished to speak to Charles. The first was his own +loyalty, which, however much it had been maligned by his enemies, he +desired now solemnly to reaffirm, in the presence of Him before whose bar +he might soon be called to stand, and he declared that the sole cause of +the hostility he had aroused was his attempt to set bounds to the fury of +those who presumed to violate royal edicts. Next, he commended to the +king the Flemish project. Never had any predecessor of Charles enjoyed so +splendid an opportunity as now offered, when several cities of the +Netherlands had declared their desire for his favor and protection. But +these advances were openly derided by some of the courtiers about the +king; while state secrets were so badly kept, that "one could not turn an +egg, nor utter a word in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[Pg 442]</a></span> council, but it was forthwith reported to +the Duke of Alva." And, indeed, what else could be expected, since those +who were present, and even his own brothers, communicated to foreigners +and enemies the king's most confidential deliberations? He earnestly +begged Charles to apply a prompt remedy to this matter in future. The +last point was the observance of the Edict of Pacification. What opinion +would foreign nations form of the king, if he suffered a law solemnly +made, and frequently confirmed by oath, to be openly trampled upon? In +proof of this assertion, he alleged the recent attack upon the +Protestants of Troyes returning from their place of worship, the tragic +termination of which has already been noticed.</p> + +<p>To that part of Coligny's remarks which related to the war in Flanders, +it is said that Charles made no direct reply; but he declared that he had +never suspected the admiral's loyalty, and that he accounted him a good +man, and a great and generous captain. There was not another man in the +kingdom whom he would prefer to him. And he again asseverated his +intention to enforce a religious observance of his edicts; for which +purpose, indeed, he had recently despatched commissioners into all the +provinces, as the queen could inform him. "That is true, Monsieur +l'amiral," said Catharine, "and you know it." "Yes, madam," he replied, +"commissioners have been sent, among whom are some that condemned me to +be hung, and set a price of fifty thousand crowns on my head." "Then," +rejoined Charles, "we must send others who are open to no suspicion." +Again he promised with his accustomed oath to see that the attempt upon +the admiral's life should be so punished that the retribution would be +forever remembered;<a name="FNanchor_957_957" id="FNanchor_957_957"></a><a href="#Footnote_957_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a> after which he inquired whether Coligny were +satisfied with the judges whom he had appointed to conduct the +investigation. Coligny replied that he committed himself in this matter +to the king's prudence, but suggested that Cavaignes, the recently +appointed maître de requêtes, and two other Huguenots be added to the +commission. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[Pg 443]</a></span></p> + +<p>The king and De Retz both endeavored to persuade the admiral to permit +himself to be transported, for safety's sake, to the Louvre; but +Coligny's friends would not consent to a removal which might endanger his +life. Charles requested, before he left, to see the ball extracted from +the wounded arm, and examined it with apparent curiosity. Catharine took +it next, and said that she was glad that it had been removed, for she +remembered that, when the Duke of Guise was shot, the physicians +repeatedly said that, even if the ball were poisoned, there was no danger +to be apprehended when once the ball was taken out. Many afterward +regarded it as a significant circumstance that the queen mother's mind +should have reverted on this occasion to the murder of which the Lorraine +family still persisted in accusing Coligny of having been the +instigator.<a name="FNanchor_958_958" id="FNanchor_958_958"></a><a href="#Footnote_958_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine attempts to break up the conference.</div> + +<p>Such was, according to the solitary Huguenot who was present by Coligny's +bed, and who survived the subsequent massacre, the substance of the +conversation at this celebrated interview. But, if we may credit the +account which purports to have been given by Henry of Anjou, there was an +incident which he failed to mention. At a certain point in the +conversation Coligny asked to be allowed to speak to the king in private, +a request which Charles willingly granted, motioning Henry and Catharine +to withdraw. They accordingly retired to the middle of the room, where +they remained standing during the suspicious colloquy. Meanwhile their +apprehensions were awakened as they noticed that there were more than two +hundred gentlemen and captains of the admiral's party in this and an +adjacent room and below stairs. The sad looks of the Huguenots, their +gestures expressive of discontent, their suppressed whispers, as they +passed to and fro, before and behind the queen and her favorite son, with +less respect than the latter thought was due to them, impressed them with +the idea that they were objects of distrust. Catharine afterward admitted +to Henry that never in her life was she so glad to get out of any other +place. Her impatience soon impelled her to cut short the con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[Pg 444]</a></span>ference +between Charles and Coligny—much to the regret of Charles—on the +pretext that longer conversation might retard the sick man's recovery.</p> + +<p>Scarcely had the royal party left the admiral's lodgings, when Catharine +began to ply Charles with questions respecting Coligny's private +communication. Several times he absolutely refused to satisfy her +curiosity. But at last, losing all patience, he roughly answered her with +an oath: "What the admiral told me was true: kings are recognized as such +in France only so far as they have the power to reward or punish their +subjects and servants; and this power and the management of the affairs +of the entire state have insensibly slipped into your hands. But this +authority of yours, the admiral told me, may some day become highly +prejudicial both to me and to my whole kingdom, and I ought to look upon +it with suspicion, and to be on my guard. Of this he had desired, as one +of my best and most faithful subjects, to warn me before he died. Well +then, <i>mon Dieu</i>, since you will know it, this is what the admiral was +telling me." "This was uttered," Anjou subsequently said, "with so much +passion and fury, that the speech cut us to the heart. We concealed our +emotion as best we could, and vindicated ourselves. This discourse we +pursued from the admiral's lodgings to the Louvre. There, after having +left the king in his own room, we retired to that of the queen, my +mother, who was nettled and offended in the highest degree by this +language of the admiral to the king, and still more by the credit the +king seemed to give it, fearing that this might occasion some change in +our affairs and in the conduct of the state. To be frank, we found +ourselves so unprovided with counsel and understanding, that, being +unable to come to any determination at that time, we separated, deferring +the matter until the morrow."<a name="FNanchor_959_959" id="FNanchor_959_959"></a><a href="#Footnote_959_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles writes letters expressing his displeasure.</div> + +<p>Meantime, Charles, not content with closing all the gates of Paris, save +two, which were to be strictly guarded, and with ordering a speedy +judicial investigation, despatched, on the very day of the attempt on +Coligny's life, a circular letter to all the governors of the provinces, +and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[Pg 445]</a></span> a similar letter to his ambassadors at foreign courts, declarative +of his profound displeasure at this audacious crime. In the former he +said: "I am at once sending in every direction in pursuit of the +perpetrator, with a view to catch him and inflict such punishment upon +him as is required by a deed so wicked, so displeasing, and, moreover, so +inconvenient; for the reparation of which I wish to forget nothing." And +lest any persons, whether Protestants or Roman Catholics, should be +aroused by this news to make a disturbance of the peace, he called upon +all the governors to explain the full circumstances of the case. "Assure +every one," he wrote, "that it is my intention to observe inviolate my +edict of pacification, and so strictly to punish those who contravene its +provisions, that men may judge how sincere is my will."<a name="FNanchor_960_960" id="FNanchor_960_960"></a><a href="#Footnote_960_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a> In a similar +strain he wrote to his ambassador in England, that he was "infinitely +sorry" (infiniment marry), and that he desired him to acquaint Queen +Elizabeth with his determination to cause such signal justice to be +executed, that every one in his realm might take example therefrom. +"Monsieur de la Mothe Fénélon," he added in a postscript, "I must not +forget to tell you that this wicked act proceeds from the enmity between +his [the admiral's] house and the Guises. I shall know how to provide +that they involve none of my subjects in their quarrels; for I intend +that my edict of pacification be observed in all points."<a name="FNanchor_961_961" id="FNanchor_961_961"></a><a href="#Footnote_961_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Vidame de Chartres advises the Huguenots to leave Paris.</div> + +<p>Not long after the king had left Coligny's room, the admiral Was visited +by Jean de Ferrières, Vidame de Chartres, a leading Huguenot, who came to +condole with him. He also had a more practical object in view. In a +conference of the great nobles of the reformed faith, held in the room +adjoining the admiral's, he advocated the instant departure of the +Protestants from Paris, and urged it at considerable length. He saw in +the event of the day the first act of a tragedy whose catastrophe could +not be long deferred. The Huguenots had thrust their head into the very +jaws of the lion; it were prudent to draw it out while it was yet time. +But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[Pg 446]</a></span> this sensible advice, based less upon any distinct evidence of a +plot for their destruction than upon the obvious temptation which their +defenceless situation offered to a woman proverbially unscrupulous, was +overruled by the majority of those present. Téligny, in particular, the +accomplished and amiable son-in-law of Coligny, opposed a scheme which +not only might endanger the admiral's life, but would certainly displease +the king, by betraying distrust of his ability or his inclination to +defend his Protestant subjects.<a name="FNanchor_962_962" id="FNanchor_962_962"></a><a href="#Footnote_962_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a></p> + +<p>Saturday morning came, and with it a report from Coligny's physicians, +announcing that his wounds would not prove serious. Meanwhile the +investigation into the attempted assassination was pursued, and disclosed +more and more evidence of the complicity of the Guises. The young duke +and his uncle Aumale, conscious of the suspicion in which they were held, +and fearful perhaps of the king's anger, should the part they had taken +become known, prepared to retire from Paris, and came to Charles to ask +for leave of absence, telling him at the same time that they had long +noticed that their services were not pleasing to him. Charles, with +little show of courtesy, bade them depart. Should they prove guilty, he +said, he would find means to bring them to justice.<a name="FNanchor_963_963" id="FNanchor_963_963"></a><a href="#Footnote_963_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine and Anjou come to a final decision.</div> + +<p>And now the time had arrived when Catharine and the Duke of Anjou must +come to a final decision respecting the means of extricating themselves +from their present embarrassments. Maurevel's shot had done no execution. +Coligny was likely to recover, to be more than ever the idol of the +Huguenots, to become more than ever the favorite of the king. In that +case the influence of Catharine and her younger son would be +irretrievably lost; especially if the judicial investigation now in +progress should reveal the fact that they were the prime movers in the +plan of assassination. Certainly neither Henry of Guise nor his mother +would consent to bear the entire responsibility. More than that, the +Huguenots were uttering loud demands for justice, which to guilty +consciences sounded like threats of retribution.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[Pg 447]</a></span></p> + +<p>We must here recur to Henry of Anjou's own account of this critical +period; for that strange confession throws the only gleam of light upon +the process by which the young king was moved to the adoption of a course +whereby he earned the reputation—of which it will be difficult to divest +him—of a monster of cruelty. "I went," says Anjou, "to see my mother, +who had already risen. I was filled with anxiety, as also she was on her +side. We adopted at that time no other determination than to despatch the +admiral by whatever means possible. As artifice and cunning could no +longer be employed, we must proceed by open measures. But, to do this, we +must bring the king to this same resolution. We decided that we would go +in the afternoon to his private room, and would bring in the Duke of +Nevers, Marshals Tavannes and Retz, and Chancellor Birague, solely to +obtain their advice as to the means we should employ in executing the +plan upon which my mother and I had already agreed.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">They ply Charles with arguments.</div> + +<p>"As soon as we had entered the room in which the king my brother was, my +mother began to represent to him that the party of the Huguenots was +arming against him on account of the wounding of the admiral, the latter +having sent several despatches to Germany to make a levy of ten thousand +horse, and to the cantons of Switzerland for another levy of ten thousand +foot; that most of the French captains belonging to the Huguenot party +had already left in order to raise troops within the kingdom; and that +the time and place of assembling had been fixed upon. Let so powerful an +army as this once be joined to their French troops—a thing which was +only too practicable—and the king's forces would not be half sufficient +to resist them, in view of the intrigues and leagues they had, inside and +outside of the kingdom, with many cities, communities, and nations. Of +this she had good and certain advices. Their allies were to revolt in +conjunction with the Huguenots under pretext of the public good; and for +him (Charles), being weak in pecuniary resources, she saw no place of +security in France. And, indeed, there was besides a new consequence of +which she wished to warn him. It was that all the Catholics, wearied by +so long a war, and vexed by so many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[Pg 448]</a></span> sorts of calamities, were determined +to put an end to them. In case he refused to follow their counsel, they +also had determined among themselves to elect a captain-general to +undertake their protection, and to form a league offensive and defensive +against the Huguenots. Thus he would remain alone, enveloped in great +danger, and without power or authority. All France would be seen armed by +two great parties, over which he would have no command, and from which he +could exact just as little obedience. But, to ward off so great a danger, +a peril impending over him and his entire state, so much ruin, and so +many calamities which were in preparation and just at hand, and the +murder of so many thousands of men—to avert all these misfortunes, a +single thrust of the sword would suffice—the admiral, the head and +author of all the civil wars, alone need be put to death. The designs and +enterprises of the Huguenots would perish with him; and the Catholics, +satisfied with the sacrifice of two or three men, would remain obedient +to him (the king)."</p> + +<p>Such arguments, and many more of a similar character, does Henry tell us +that he and his wily mother addressed to the unhappy Charles. At first +their words irritated him, and, without convincing, drove him into a +frenzy of excitement. A little later, giving credit to the oft-repeated +assertions of his false advisers, and his imagination becoming inflamed +by the picture of the dangers surrounding him which they so skilfully +painted, he would, nevertheless, hear nothing of the crime to which he +was urged, but began anxiously to consult those who were present whether +there were no other means of escape. Each man gave his opinion in +succession; and each supported Catharine's views, until it came to the +turn of Retz, who, contrary to the expectation of the conspirators, gave +expression to more noble sentiments.<a name="FNanchor_964_964" id="FNanchor_964_964"></a><a href="#Footnote_964_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a> If any one were justified in +hating Coligny and his faction, he said, it was himself, maligned, as he +had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[Pg 449]</a></span> been, both in France and abroad; but he was unwilling, in avenging +private wrongs, to involve France and its royal family in dishonor. The +king would justly be taxed with perfidy, and all confidence in his word +or in public faith would be lost. Henceforth it would be impossible to +treat for terms of peace in those new civil wars in which the French must +be involved, and of which their children would not see the end.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The king consents reluctantly.</div> + +<p>These wholesome words at first struck speechless the advocates of murder. +Then they undertook, by repeating their arguments, to destroy the effect +of the prophetic warning to which the king had just listened. They +succeeded but too well. "That instant," says Henry of Anjou, "we +perceived a sudden change, a strange and wonderful metamorphosis in the +king. He placed himself on our side, and adopted our opinion, going much +beyond us and to more criminal lengths; since, whereas before it was +difficult to persuade him, now we had to restrain him. For, rising and +addressing us, while imposing silence upon us, he told us in anger and +fury, swearing by God's death that, 'since we thought it good that the +admiral should be killed, he would have it so; but that with him all the +Huguenots of France must be killed, in order that not one might remain to +reproach him hereafter; and that we should promptly see to it.' And going +out furiously, he left us in his room, where we deliberated the rest of +the day, during the evening, and for a good part of the night, and +decided upon that which seemed advisable for the execution of such an +enterprise."<a name="FNanchor_965_965" id="FNanchor_965_965"></a><a href="#Footnote_965_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a></p> + +<p>This is the strange record of the change by which Charles, from being the +friend of Admiral Coligny, became the accomplice in his murder and in +countless other assassinations throughout France. The admission of his +guilt by one of the principal actors in the tragedy is so frank and +undisguised that we find it difficult to believe that the narrative can +have emanated from his lips. But the freaks of a burdened conscience are +not to be easily accounted for. The most callous or reticent criminal +sometimes is aroused to a recognition of his wicked<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[Pg 450]</a></span>ness, and burns to +communicate to another the fearful secret whose deposit has become +intolerable to himself. And fortunately the confession of the princely +felon does not stand alone. The son of another of the wretches who +persuaded Charles to imbrue his hands in the blood of his subjects has +given us the account which he undoubtedly received from his father +shortly before his death, and we find the two statements to be in +substantial agreement. Tavannes says: "The king notified (of the attempt +upon Coligny's life), is offended, and threatens the Guises, not knowing +whence the blow came. After a while, he is appeased by the queen, +assisted by the sieur de Retz. They make his Majesty angry with the +Huguenots—a vice peculiar to his Majesty, who is of choleric humor. They +induce him to believe that they have discovered an enterprise of the +Huguenots directed against him. He is reminded of the designs of Meaux +and of Amboise. Suddenly gained over, as his mother had promised herself +that he would be, he abandons the Huguenots, and remains sorry, with the +rest, that the wound had not proved mortal."<a name="FNanchor_966_966" id="FNanchor_966_966"></a><a href="#Footnote_966_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Few victims selected at first.</div> + +<p>And now, the assassination of the admiral having received the king's +approval, it only remained to decide upon the number of Protestants who +should be involved with him in a common destruction, and to perfect the +arrangements for the execution of the murderous plot. How many, and who +were the victims whose sacrifice was predetermined? This is a question +which, with our present means of information, we are unable to answer. +Catharine, it is true, used to declare in later times that she +contemplated no general massacre; that she took upon her conscience the +blood of only five or six persons;<a name="FNanchor_967_967" id="FNanchor_967_967"></a><a href="#Footnote_967_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a> and, although the unsupported +assertion of so perfidious a woman is certainly not entitled to any great +consideration, we can readily see that the heads of half a dozen leaders +might have fully contented her. She was not seeking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[Pg 451]</a></span> for revenge so much +as paving the way for her ambition. There were few Huguenots who were +apparently so powerful as to interfere with her projects. Coligny, their +acknowledged head; the Count of Montgomery, personally hated as the +occasion of the death of her husband, Henry the Second, in the ill-fated +tournament; the Vidame of Chartres; and La Rochefoucauld—these were +doubtless of the number. Would she have desired to include the King of +Navarre and the Prince of Condé? Not the former, on account of his recent +marriage with her daughter. Yet to whom the Bourbons were indebted for +the omission of their names from the proscriptive roll we cannot tell. +After the accession of Henry the Fourth, it became the interest of all +the families concerned to put the conduct of their ancestors in the most +favorable light. Thus, Jean de Tavannes states that his father saved the +life of the Bearnese in that infamous conclave; but so little did the +latter believe him, that, on the contrary, he persistently refused to +confer upon him the marshal's baton, which he would otherwise have +received, on the ground that Gaspard de Tavannes was an instigator of the +massacre.<a name="FNanchor_968_968" id="FNanchor_968_968"></a><a href="#Footnote_968_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Religious hatred.</div> + +<p>Thus much must be held to be clearly established: that fancied political +exigencies demanded the assassination of only very few persons; that +personal hatred, on the part of the principal or of the minor +conspirators, added many more; that a still greater number were murdered +in cold blood, simply that their spoils might enrich the assassins. What +part must be assigned to religious zeal?<a name="FNanchor_969_969" id="FNanchor_969_969"></a><a href="#Footnote_969_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a> To any true outgrowth of +religion, none at all; but much to the malice and the depraved moral +teachings<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[Pg 452]</a></span> of its professed representatives. The hatred of Protestantism, +engendered in the minds of the people by long years devoted to traducing +the character and designs of the reformers, now bore fruit after its own +kind, in revolting crimes of every sort; while the lesson, sedulously +inculcated by priests, bishops, and monks, that obstinate heretics might +righteously be, and ought to be exterminated from the face of the earth, +permitted many a Parisian burgess to commit acts from which any but the +most diabolic nature would otherwise have recoiled in horror. But of the +measure of the responsibility of the Roman pontiff and his clergy for +this stupendous crime, it will be necessary to speak in the sequel.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Precautionary measures.</div> + +<p>In devising the plan for the destruction of the Huguenots, the queen +mother and her council were greatly assisted by the course pursued by the +Huguenots themselves, and by the very circumstances of the case. Under +pretence of taking measures to secure the safety of the Protestants, the +"quarteniers" could go, without exciting suspicion, from house to house, +and make a complete list of all belonging to the reformed church.<a name="FNanchor_970_970" id="FNanchor_970_970"></a><a href="#Footnote_970_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a> +The same excuse served to justify the court in posting a body of twelve +hundred arquebusiers, a part along the river, a part in the immediate +neighborhood of Coligny's residence.<a name="FNanchor_971_971" id="FNanchor_971_971"></a><a href="#Footnote_971_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a> And now the Protestants +themselves, startled by the unusual commotion which they noticed in the +city, and by the frequent passage to and fro of men carrying arms, sent a +gentleman to the Louvre to ask the king for a few guards to protect the +dwelling of their wounded leader. The request was only for five or six +guards; but Charles, feigning astonishment and deep regret that there +should be any reason for such apprehensions, insisted, at the suggestion +of his brother Anjou, who stood by, upon despatching fifty, under command +of Cosseins. So well known was the captain's hostility to Coligny and the +Protestants, that Thoré, Montmorency's brother, whispered to the Huguenot +messenger as he withdrew: "You could not have been given in guard to a +worse enemy;" but the royal direction was so positive that no +remonstrance seemed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[Pg 453]</a></span> possible. Accordingly, Cosseins and his arquebusiers +took possession, in the king's name, of two shops adjoining Coligny's +abode.<a name="FNanchor_972_972" id="FNanchor_972_972"></a><a href="#Footnote_972_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> With as little ceremony, Rambouillet, the "maréchal des +logis," turned the Roman Catholic gentlemen out of the lodgings he had +previously assigned them in the Rue de Béthisy, and gave the quarters to +the Protestant gentlemen instead.<a name="FNanchor_973_973" id="FNanchor_973_973"></a><a href="#Footnote_973_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a> The reason assigned for this +action was that the Huguenots might be nearer to each other and to the +admiral, for mutual protection; the real object seems to have been to +sweep them more easily into the common net of destruction.</p> + +<p>And yet the majority of the Huguenot leaders were not alive to the +dangers of their situation. In a second conference held late on Saturday, +the Vidame of Chartres was almost alone in urging instant retreat. +Navarre, Condé, and others thought it sufficient to demand justice, and +the departure of the Guises, as possessing dangerous credit with the +common people. Téligny again dwelt upon the wrong done to Charles in +distrusting his sincerity, and deprecated a course that might naturally +irritate him. One Bouchavannes was noticed in the conference—a professed +Protestant, but suspiciously intimate with Catharine, Retz, and other +avowed enemies of the faith. He said nothing, but listened attentively. +So soon as the meeting was over, Bouchavannes went to the Louvre and +related the discussion to the queen mother.<a name="FNanchor_974_974" id="FNanchor_974_974"></a><a href="#Footnote_974_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a> The traitor's report, +doubtless grossly exaggerated, is supposed to have decided Catharine to +prompt action. It is certain, at least, that the calumnious perversion of +the speeches and resolutions of the Huguenot conference was employed to +inflame the passions of the mob, as well as to justify the atrocities of +the morrow in the eyes of the world.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Orders issued to the prévôt des marchands.</div> + +<p>It was now late in the evening of Saturday, the twenty-third of August. +Coligny had been writing to his friends throughout France, recommending +them to be quiet, and informing them of the investigations now in +progress. God and the king, he said, would do justice. His wounds were +not mortal, thank God. If<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[Pg 454]</a></span> his <i>arm</i> was wounded, his <i>brain</i> was yet +sound.<a name="FNanchor_975_975" id="FNanchor_975_975"></a><a href="#Footnote_975_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a> Meantime, the original framers of the murderous plot had +called in the Guises, who in reality had not left Paris.<a name="FNanchor_976_976" id="FNanchor_976_976"></a><a href="#Footnote_976_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a> It had been +arranged that the execution should be intrusted to them, in conjunction +with the Bastard of Angoulême, Charles's natural brother, and Marshal +Tavannes. And now at last we emerge from the mist that envelops many of +the preliminaries of the night of horrors. The records of the Hôtel de +Ville contain the first documentary evidence of the coming massacre. +There is no longer any doubt, unfortunately, of Charles's approval and +complicity. "This day, the twenty-third day of August, very late in the +evening," Charles sends for Charron, "prévôt des marchands," to come to +the Louvre. Here, in the presence of the queen mother, the Duke of Anjou +and other princes and lords, his Majesty "declares that he has received +intelligence that those of the new religion intend to make a rising by +conspiracy against himself and his state, and to disturb the peace of his +subjects and of his city of Paris; and that this very night some great +personages of the said new religion and rebels have conspired against him +and his said state, going to such lengths as to send his Majesty some +arrogant messages which sounded like menaces." Consequently, in order to +protect himself and the royal family, Charles directs the prévôt to seize +the keys of all the gates of the city, and to keep them carefully closed, +in order to prevent any one from entering or leaving Paris. He also +commands him to remove all the boats moored along the Seine, so as to +prevent any one from crossing the river; and to put under arms all +captains, lieutenants, ensigns, and burgesses capable of doing military +duty.<a name="FNanchor_977_977" id="FNanchor_977_977"></a><a href="#Footnote_977_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a> The orders were faithfully and promptly obeyed. Long before +morning dawned they had been transmitted successively to the lower +municipal officers, quarteniers, dizainiers, etc.; the wherry-men had +been stopped, and the troops and burgesses of Paris having armed +themselves as best they could, were assembled ready for action<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[Pg 455]</a></span> in front +of the Hôtel de Ville, on that famous Place de Grève, so often drenched +in martyr's blood.<a name="FNanchor_978_978" id="FNanchor_978_978"></a><a href="#Footnote_978_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The first shot and the bell of St. Germain l'Auxerrois.</div> + +<p>To the guilty plotters that was a sleepless night. Unable to rest +quietly, at a little before dawn, Catharine with her two elder sons found +her way to the portal of the Louvre, adjoining the tennis court. There, +in a chamber overlooking the "bassecour," they sat down to await the +beginning of their treacherous enterprise. If we may believe Henry of +Anjou, none of them as yet realized its full horrors; but as they quietly +watched in that hour of stillness for the first signs of the coming +outbreak, the report of a pistol-shot reached their ears. Instantly it +wrought a marvellous revulsion in their feelings. Whether the shot +wounded or killed any one, they knew not; but it brought up vividly to +their imaginations the results of the terrible deluge of blood whose +flood-gates they had raised. Hastily they send a servant to the Duke of +Guise, and countermand the instructions of the evening, and bid him do no +injury to the admiral. It is too late! The messenger soon returns with +the tidings that Coligny is already dead, that the work is about to begin +in all the rest of the city. This news produces a fresh change. With one +of those fluctuations which are so easy for souls that have no firm or +established principles, but shift according to the deceptive, +ever-varying tide of apparent interest, the mother and her sons return +heartily to their former purpose. The die is cast, the deed is half done; +let it be fully and boldly consummated. No room now for pity or +regret.<a name="FNanchor_979_979" id="FNanchor_979_979"></a><a href="#Footnote_979_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a></p> + +<p>It was a Sunday morning, the twenty-fourth of August—a day sacred in the +Roman calendar to the memory of Saint Bartholomew. Torches and blazing +lights had been burning all night in the streets, to render the task +easy. The houses in which Protestants lodged had been distinctly marked +with a white cross. The assassins themselves had agreed upon badges for +mutual recognition—a white cross on the hat, and a handkerchief tied +about the right arm. The signal for beginning was to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[Pg 456]</a></span> given by the +great bell of the "Palais de Justice" on the island of the old +"cité."<a name="FNanchor_980_980" id="FNanchor_980_980"></a><a href="#Footnote_980_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a></p> + +<p>The preparations had not been so cautiously made but that they attracted +the notice of some of the Huguenots living near Coligny. Going out to +inquire the meaning of the clash of arms, and the unusual light in the +streets, they received the answer that there was to be a mock combat in +the Louvre—a pleasure castle was to be assaulted for the king's +diversion.<a name="FNanchor_981_981" id="FNanchor_981_981"></a><a href="#Footnote_981_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a> But, as they went farther and approached the Louvre, +their eyes were greeted by the sight of more torches and a great number +of armed men. The guards, full of the contemplated plot, could not +refrain from insults. It soon came to blows, and a Gascon soldier wounded +a Protestant gentleman with his halberd. It may have been at this time +that the shot was fired which Catharine and her sons heard from the open +window of the Louvre. Declaring that the fury of the troops could no +longer be restrained, the queen now gave orders to ring the bell of the +neighboring church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois.<a name="FNanchor_982_982" id="FNanchor_982_982"></a><a href="#Footnote_982_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Murder of Admiral Coligny.</div> + +<p>Meantime Henry of Guise, Henry of Valois, the Bastard of Angoulême, and +their attendants, had reached the admiral's house. The wounded man was +almost alone. Could there be any clearer proof of the rectitude of his +purpose, of the utter falsity of the charges of conspiracy with which his +enemies afterward attempted to blacken his memory?<a name="FNanchor_983_983" id="FNanchor_983_983"></a><a href="#Footnote_983_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a> Guerchy and other +Protestant gentlemen had expressed the desire to spend the night with +him; but his son-in-law, Téligny, full of confidence in Charles's good +intentions, had declined<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[Pg 457]</a></span> their offers, and had, indeed, himself gone to +his own lodgings, not far off, in the Rue St. Honoré.<a name="FNanchor_984_984" id="FNanchor_984_984"></a><a href="#Footnote_984_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a> With Coligny +were Merlin, his chaplain, Paré, the king's surgeon, his ensign Cornaton, +La Bonne, Yolet, and four or five servants. In the court below there were +five of Navarre's Swiss guards on duty.<a name="FNanchor_985_985" id="FNanchor_985_985"></a><a href="#Footnote_985_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a> Coligny, awakened by the +growing noise in the streets, had at first felt no alarm, so implicitly +did he rely upon the protestations of Charles, so confident was he that +Cosseins and his guards would readily quell any rising of the +Parisians.<a name="FNanchor_986_986" id="FNanchor_986_986"></a><a href="#Footnote_986_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a> But now some one knocks at the outer door, and demands an +entrance in the king's name. Word is given to La Bonne, who at once +descends and unlocks. It is Cosseins, followed by the soldiers whom he +commands. No sooner does he pass the threshold than he stabs La Bonne +with his dagger. Next he seeks the admiral's room, but it is not easy to +reach it, for the brave Swiss, even at the risk of their own lives, +defend first the door leading to the stairs, and then the stairs +themselves. And now Coligny could no longer doubt the meaning of the +uproar. He rose from his bed, and, wrapping his dressing-gown about him, +asked his chaplain to pray; and while Merlin endeavored to fulfil his +request, he himself in audible petitions invoked Jesus Christ as his God +and Saviour, and committed to His hands again the soul he had received +from Him. It was then that the person to Whom we are indebted for this +account—and he can scarcely have been another than Cornaton—rushed into +the room. When Paré asked him what the disturbance imported, he turned to +the admiral and said: "My lord, it is God that is calling us to Himself! +The house has been forced, and we have no means of resistance!" To whom +the admiral, unmoved by fear, and even, as all who saw him testified, +without the least change of countenance, replied: "For a long time have I +kept myself in readiness for death. As for you, save yourselves, if you +can.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[Pg 458]</a></span> It were in vain for you to attempt to save my life. I commend my +soul to the mercy of God." Obedient to his directions, all that were with +him, save Nicholas Muss or de la Mouche, his faithful German interpreter, +fled to the roof, and escaped under cover of the darkness.</p> + +<p>One of Coligny's Swiss guards had been shot at the foot of the stairs. +When Cosseins had removed the barricade of boxes that had been erected +farther up, the Swiss in his own company, whose uniform of green, white, +and black, showed them to belong to the Duke of Anjou, found their +countrymen on the other side, but did them no harm. Cosseins following +them, however, no sooner saw these armed men, than he ordered his +arquebusiers to shoot, and one of them fell dead. It was a German +follower of Guise, named Besme, who first reached and entered Coligny's +chamber, and who for the exploit was subsequently rewarded with the hand +of a natural daughter of the Cardinal of Lorraine. Cosseins, Attin, +Sarlaboux, and others, were behind him. "Is not this the admiral?" said +Besme of the wounded man, whom he found quietly seated and awaiting his +coming. "I am he," Coligny calmly replied. "Young man, thou oughtest to +have respect for my old age and my feebleness; but thou shalt not, +nevertheless, shorten my life."<a name="FNanchor_987_987" id="FNanchor_987_987"></a><a href="#Footnote_987_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a> There were those who asserted that +he added: "At least, would that some man, and not this blackguard, put me +to death." But most of the murderers—and among them Attin, who confessed +that never had he seen any one more assured in the presence of +death—affirmed that Coligny said nothing beyond the words first +mentioned. No sooner had Besme heard the admiral's reply, than, with a +curse, he struck him with his sword, first in the breast, and then on the +head.<a name="FNanchor_988_988" id="FNanchor_988_988"></a><a href="#Footnote_988_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a> The rest took part, and quickly despatched him.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[Pg 459]</a></span></p><p>In the court below, Guise was impatiently waiting to hear that his +mortal enemy was dead. "Besme," he cried out at last, "have you +finished?" "It is done," the assassin replied. "Monsieur le Chevalier +(the Bastard of Angoulême) will not believe it," again said Guise, +"unless he sees him with his own eyes. Throw him out of the window!" +Besme and Sarlaboux promptly obeyed the command. When the lifeless +remains lay upon the pavement of the court, Henry of Guise stooped down +and with his handkerchief wiped away the blood from the admiral's face. +"I recognize him," he said; "it is he himself!" Then, after ignobly +kicking the face of his fallen antagonist, he went out gayly encouraging +his followers: "Come, soldiers, take courage; we have begun well. Let us +go on to the others, for so the king commands!" And often through the day +Guise repeated the words, "The king commands; it is the king's pleasure; +it is his express command!" Just then a bell was heard, and the cry was +raised that the Huguenots were in arms to kill the king.<a name="FNanchor_989_989" id="FNanchor_989_989"></a><a href="#Footnote_989_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a></p> + +<p>As for Admiral Coligny's body, after the head had been cut off by an +Italian of the guard of the Duke de Nevers, the trunk was treated with +every indignity. The hands were cut off, and it was otherwise mutilated +in a shameless manner. Three days was it dragged about the streets by a +band of inhuman boys.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[Pg 460]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_990_990" id="FNanchor_990_990"></a><a href="#Footnote_990_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a> Meantime the head had been carried to the +Louvre, where, after Catharine and Charles had sufficiently feasted their +eyes on the spectacle, it was embalmed and sent to Rome, a grateful +present to the Cardinal of Lorraine and Pope Gregory the Thirteenth.<a name="FNanchor_991_991" id="FNanchor_991_991"></a><a href="#Footnote_991_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a> +It has been questioned whether the ghastly trophy ever reached its +destination. Indeed, the French court seems to have become ashamed of its +inhumanity, and to have regretted that so startling a token of its +barbarous hatred had been allowed to go abroad. Accordingly, soon after +the departure of the courier, a second courier was despatched in great +haste to Mandelot, governor of Lyons, bidding him stop the first and take +away from him the admiral's head. He arrived too late, however; four +hours before Mandelot received the king's letter, "a squire of the Duke +of Guise, named Pauli," had passed through the city, doubtless carrying +the precious relic.<a name="FNanchor_992_992" id="FNanchor_992_992"></a><a href="#Footnote_992_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a> That it was actually placed in the hands of the +Cardinal of Lorraine at Rome, need not be doubted.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny's character and work.</div> + +<p>Gaspard de Coligny was in his fifty-sixth year at the time of his death. +For twelve years he had been the most prominent man in the Huguenot +party, occupying a position secured to him not more by his resplendent +abilities as a general than by the respect exacted by high moral +principles. With the light and frivolous side of French character he had +little in common. It was to a sterner and more severe class that he +belonged—a class of which Michel de l'Hospital might be regarded as the +type. Men who had little affinity with them, and bore them still less +resemblance, but who could not fail to admire their excellence, were wont +to liken both the great Huguenot warrior and the chancellor to that Cato +whose grave demeanor and imposing dignity were a perpetual censure upon +the flippancy and lax morality of his countrymen. Although not above the +ordinary height of men, his appearance was dignified and commanding. In +speech he was slow and deliberate.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[Pg 461]</a></span> His prudence, never carried to the +extreme of over-caution, was signalized on many occasions. Success did +not elate him; reverses did not dishearten him. The siege of the city of +St. Quentin, into which he threw himself with a handful of troops, and +which he long defended against the best soldiers of Spain, displayed on a +conspicuous stage his military sagacity, his indomitable determination, +and the marvellous control he maintained over his followers. It did much +to prevent Philip from reaping more substantial fruits from the brilliant +victory gained by Count Egmont on the feast-day of St. Lawrence.<a name="FNanchor_993_993" id="FNanchor_993_993"></a><a href="#Footnote_993_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a> It +was, however, above all in the civil wars that his abilities shone forth +resplendent. Equally averse to beginning war without absolute necessity, +and to ending it without securing the objects for which it had been +undertaken, he was the good genius whose wholesome advice was frequently +disregarded, but never without subsequent regret on the part of those who +had slighted it. We have seen, in a former chapter,<a name="FNanchor_994_994" id="FNanchor_994_994"></a><a href="#Footnote_994_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a> the touching +account given by Agrippa d'Aubigné of the appeal of the admiral's wife, +which alone was successful in moving him to overcome his almost +invincible repugnance to taking up arms, even in behalf of a cause which +he knew to be most holy. I find a striking confirmation of the accuracy +of the report in a passage of his will, wherein he defends himself from +the calumnies of his enemies.<a name="FNanchor_995_995" id="FNanchor_995_995"></a><a href="#Footnote_995_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a> "And for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[Pg 462]</a></span>asmuch as I have learned that +the attempt has been made to impute to me a purpose to attack the persons +of the king, the queen, and the king's brothers, I protest before God +that I never had any such will or desire, and that I never was present at +any place where such plans were ever proposed or discussed. And as I have +also been accused of ambition in taking up arms with those of the +reformed religion, I make the same protestation, that only zeal for +religion, together with fear for my own life, compelled me to assume +them. And, indeed, I must confess my weakness, and that the greatest +fault which I have always committed in this respect has been that I have +not been sufficiently alive to the acts of injustice and the slaughter to +which my brethren were subjected, and that the dangers and the traps that +were laid for myself were necessary to move me to do what I have done. +But I also declare before God, that I tried every means in my power, in +order so long as possible to maintain peace, fearing nothing so much as +civil disturbances and wars, and clearly foreseeing that these would +bring after them the ruin of this kingdom, whose preservation I have +always desired and labored for to the utmost of my ability."</p> + +<p>To Coligny's strategy too much praise could scarcely be accorded. The +Venetian ambassador, Contarini, in the report of his mission to the +senate, in the early part of the year 1572, expressed his amazement that +the admiral, a simple gentleman with slender resources, had waged war +against his own powerful sovereign, who was assisted by the King of Spain +and by a few German and several Italian princes; and that, in spite of +many battles lost, he preserved so great a reputation that the reiters +and lansquenets never rebelled, although their wages were much in +arrears, and their booty was often lost in adverse combats. He was, in +fact, said the enthusiastic Italian, entitled to be held in higher esteem +than Hannibal, inasmuch as the Carthaginian general retained the respect +of foreign nations by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[Pg 463]</a></span> being uniformly victorious; but the admiral +retained it, although his cause was almost always unsuccessful.<a name="FNanchor_996_996" id="FNanchor_996_996"></a><a href="#Footnote_996_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a></p> + +<p>But all Coligny's military achievements pale in the light of his manly +and unaffected piety. It is as a type of the best class among the +Huguenot nobility that he deserves everlasting remembrance. From his +youth he had been plunged in the engrossing pursuits of a soldier's life; +but he was not ashamed, so soon as he embraced the views of the +reformers, to acknowledge the superior claims of religion upon his time +and his allegiance. He gloried in being a Christian. The influence of his +faith was felt in every action of his life. In the busiest part of an +active life, he yet found time for the recognition of God; and, whether +in the camp or in his castle of Châtillon-sur-Loing, he consecrated no +insignificant portion of the day to devotion. Of the ordinary life of +Admiral Coligny, the anonymous author of his Life, who had himself been +an inmate in his house, has left an interesting description, derived from +what he himself saw and heard:</p> + +<p>"As soon as he had risen from bed, which was always at an early hour, +putting on his morning-gown, and kneeling, as did those who were with +him, he himself prayed in the form which is customary with the churches +of France. After this, while waiting for the commencement of the sermon, +which was delivered on alternate days, accompanied with psalmody, he gave +audience to the deputies of the churches who were sent to him, or devoted +the time to public business. This he resumed for a while after the +service was over, until the hour for dinner. When that was come, such of +his domestic servants as were not prevented by necessary engagements +elsewhere, met in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[Pg 464]</a></span> hall where the table was spread, standing by +which, with his wife at his side, if there had been no preaching service, +he engaged with them in singing a psalm, and then the ordinary blessing +was said.</p> + +<p>"On the removal of the cloth, rising and standing with his wife and the +rest of the company, he either returned thanks himself or called on his +minister to do so. Such, also, was his practice at supper, and, finding +that the members of his household could not, without much discomfort, +attend prayers so late as at bedtime—an hour, besides, which the +diversity of his occupations prevented from being regularly fixed—his +orders were that, so soon as supper was over, a psalm should be sung and +prayer offered. It cannot be told how many of the French nobility began +to establish this religious order in their own families, after the +example of the admiral, who used often to exhort them to the practice of +true piety, and to warn them that it was not enough for the father of a +family to live a holy and religious life, if he did not by his example +bring all his people to the same rule.</p> + +<p>"On the approach of the time for the celebration of the Lord's Supper, +calling together all the members of his household, he told them that he +had to render an account to God, not only of his own life, but also of +their behavior, and reconciled such of them as might have had +differences.... Moreover, he regarded the institution of colleges for +youth, and of schools for the instruction of children, a singular benefit +from God, and called the school a seminary of the church and an +apprenticeship of piety; holding that ignorance of letters had introduced +into both church and state that thick darkness in which the tyranny of +the Pope had had its birth and increase.... This conviction led him to +lay out a large sum in building a college at Châtillon, and there he +maintained three very learned professors of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, +respectively, and a number of students.</p> + +<p>"There could not be a stronger proof of his integrity, and of the +moderation of his desires with respect to the possession of property, +than that, notwithstanding the high offices he held, and the +opportunities they afforded, as is usual with courtiers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[Pg 465]</a></span> of attending to +his own interests and acquiring great wealth, he did not increase his +patrimonial estates by a single acre; and, although he was an excellent +economist, yet the number of persons of high rank, and, indeed, of all +conditions, that came to consult him on public affairs from all parts of +France, obliged him to draw largely on the savings effected by his good +management; so that he left to his heirs not less than forty thousand +livres of debts, besides six thousand livres of interest which he paid +annually to his creditors."<a name="FNanchor_997_997" id="FNanchor_997_997"></a><a href="#Footnote_997_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a></p> + +<p>Such was the Christian hero whom his enemies represented as breathing out +menaces upon the bed on which Maurevel's arquebuse had laid him, and as +exclaiming: "If my arm is wounded, my head is not. If I have to lose my +arm, I shall get the head of those who are the cause of it. They intended +to kill me; I shall anticipate them." Such was the disinterested patriot +whom, in the infatuation of their lying fabrications, the murderers of +Paris, their hands still reeking with the blood of thousands of women and +children incontestably innocent of any crime laid to the charge of their +husbands or fathers, pictured as plotting the wholesale assassination of +the royal family—even to the very Henry of Navarre whose wedding he had +come to honor by his presence—that he might place upon the throne of +France that stubborn heretic, the Prince of Condé!<a name="FNanchor_998_998" id="FNanchor_998_998"></a><a href="#Footnote_998_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Murder of Huguenot nobles in the Louvre.</div> + +<p>While the murder of Coligny was in course of execution, or but shortly +after, a tragedy not less atrocious was enacted in the royal palace +itself. A number of Huguenot gentlemen of the highest distinction were +lodged in the Louvre. Charles, after the admiral's wound, had suggested +to the King of Navarre that he would do well to invite some of his +friends to act as a guard against any attack that might be made upon him +by the Duke of Guise, whom he characterized<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[Pg 466]</a></span> as a "mauvois garçon."<a name="FNanchor_999_999" id="FNanchor_999_999"></a><a href="#Footnote_999_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a> +Late on Saturday night, as Margaret of Valois informs us in her Memoirs, +and long after she and her husband had retired, these Huguenot lords, +gathered around Henry of Navarre's bed to the number of thirty, had +discussed the occurrences of the last two eventful days, and declared +their purpose to go to the king on the morrow and demand the punishment +of the Guises. Margaret herself had been purposely kept in ignorance of +the plan for the extirpation of the Protestants. For, if the Huguenots +suspected her, because she was a Roman Catholic, the papists suspected +her equally because she had married a Protestant. On parting with her +mother for the night, her elder sister Claude, Duchess of Lorraine, who +happened to be on a visit to the French court, had vainly attempted to +detain Margaret, expressing with tears the apprehension that some evil +would befall her. But Catharine had peremptorily sent her to bed, +assuring her with words which, seen in the light of subsequent +revelations, approach the climax of profanity: "That, if God pleased, she +would receive no injury."<a name="FNanchor_1000_1000" id="FNanchor_1000_1000"></a><a href="#Footnote_1000_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> So deep was the impression of impending +danger made upon Margaret's mind, that she remained awake, she tells us, +until morning, when her husband arose, saying that he would go and divert +himself with a game of tennis until Charles should awake. After his +departure, the Queen of Navarre, relieved of her misgivings, as the night +was now spent, ordered her maid to lock her door, and composed herself to +sleep.<a name="FNanchor_1001_1001" id="FNanchor_1001_1001"></a><a href="#Footnote_1001_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a></p> + +<p>Meantime the Protestant gentlemen who accompanied Navarre, and all the +others who lodged in the Louvre, had been disarmed by Nançay, captain of +the guard. In this defenceless condition ten or twelve of their number +were conducted, one by one, to the gate of the building. Here soldiers +stood in readiness, and despatched them with their halberds as they +successively made their appearance. Such was the fate of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[Pg 467]</a></span> brave +Pardaillan, of St. Martin, of Boursis, of Beauvais, former tutor of Henry +of Navarre, and of others; some of whom in a loud voice called upon +Charles, whom they saw at a window, an approving spectator of the +butchery, to remember the solemn pledges he had given them. M. de +Piles—that brave Huguenot captain, whose valor, if it did not save St. +Jean d'Angely in the third civil war, had at least detained the entire +Roman Catholic army for seven weeks before fortifications that were none +of the best, and rendered Moncontour a field barren of substantial +fruits<a name="FNanchor_1002_1002" id="FNanchor_1002_1002"></a><a href="#Footnote_1002_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a>—was the object of special hatred, and his conduct was +particularly remarked for its magnanimity. Observing among the bystanders +a Roman Catholic acquaintance in whose honor he might perhaps confide, he +stripped himself of his cloak, and would have handed it to him, with the +words: "De Piles makes you a present of this; remember hereafter the +death of him who is now so unjustly put to death!" "Mon capitaine," +answered the other, fearful of incurring the enmity of Catharine and +Charles, "I am not of the company of these persons. I thank you for your +cloak; but I cannot take it upon such conditions." The next moment M. de +Piles fell, pierced by the halberd of one of the archers of the guard. +"These are the men," cried the murderers at their bloody work, "who +resorted to violence, in order to kill the king afterward."<a name="FNanchor_1003_1003" id="FNanchor_1003_1003"></a><a href="#Footnote_1003_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a> One of +the victims marked out for the slaughter escaped the death of his +fellows. Margaret of Valois had not been long asleep, when her slumbers +were rudely disturbed by loud blows struck upon the door, and shouts of +"Navarre! Navarre!" Her attendant, supposing it to be Henry himself, +hastily opened the door; when there rushed in instead, a Huguenot +nobleman, the Viscount de Léran,<a name="FNanchor_1004_1004" id="FNanchor_1004_1004"></a><a href="#Footnote_1004_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a> wounded in the arm by sword and +halberd, and pursued by four archers. In his terror he threw himself on +Margaret's bed, and when she jumped up, in doubt of what could be the +meaning of this strange incident, he clung to her<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[Pg 468]</a></span> night-dress which was +drenched with his blood. Nançay angrily reproved the indiscretion of his +soldiers, and Margaret, leaving the Huguenot in her room to have his +wounds dressed, suffered herself to be conducted to the chamber of her +sister, the Duchess of Lorraine. It was but a few steps; but, on the way, +a Huguenot was killed at three paces' distance from her, and two +others—the first gentleman of the King of Navarre, and his first +valet-de-chambre—ran to her imploring her to save their lives. She +sought and obtained the favor on her knees before Catharine and +Charles.<a name="FNanchor_1005_1005" id="FNanchor_1005_1005"></a><a href="#Footnote_1005_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a> A few other Huguenots who were in the Louvre were ready to +purchase their lives at any price, even to that of abjuring their faith. +They obtained pardon on promising the king to comply with all his +commands; and this, we are told, "the more easily, as Charles very well +knew that they had little or no religion."<a name="FNanchor_1006_1006" id="FNanchor_1006_1006"></a><a href="#Footnote_1006_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Navarre and Condé spared.</div> + +<p>The King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were spared, although there +were not wanting those who would gladly have seen the ruin of the family +of Bourbon. Navarre was brother-in-law of Charles, and Condé of the Duke +of Nevers; this may have guaranteed their safety. Both of the young +princes, however, were summoned into the king's presence, where Charles, +acknowledging the murder of Coligny, the great cause of disturbances, and +the similar acts then perpetrated throughout the city, as sanctioned by +his authority, sternly told the two youths that he intended no longer to +tolerate two religions in his dominions. He desired them, therefore, to +conform to that creed which had been professed by all his predecessors, +and which he intended to uphold. They must renounce the profane doctrines +they had embraced, and return to the Catholic and Roman religion. If they +refused, they must expect to suffer the treatment which had just been +experienced by so many others.<a name="FNanchor_1007_1007" id="FNanchor_1007_1007"></a><a href="#Footnote_1007_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[Pg 469]</a></span></p> + +<p>The replies of the two princes were singularly unlike. Henry of Navarre, +bold enough where only physical bravery was demanded, exhibited for the +first time that lamentable absence of moral courage which was to render +his life, in its highest relations, a splendid failure. His countenance +betrayed agitation and faint-heartedness.<a name="FNanchor_1008_1008" id="FNanchor_1008_1008"></a><a href="#Footnote_1008_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a> With great +"humility"—almost whining, it would appear—he begged that his own life +and the life of Condé might be spared, and reminded Charles of his +promised protection. "He would act," he said, "so as to satisfy his +Majesty; yet he besought him to remember that conscience was a great +thing, and that it was hard to renounce the religion in which one had +been brought up from infancy." On the other hand, Henry of Condé, in no +way abashed,<a name="FNanchor_1009_1009" id="FNanchor_1009_1009"></a><a href="#Footnote_1009_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a> declared "that he could not believe that his royal +cousin intended to violate a promise confirmed by so solemn an oath. As +to fealty, he had always been an obedient subject of the king, and would +ever be. Touching his religion, if the king had given him the exercise of +its worship, God had given him the knowledge of it; and to Him he must +needs give up an account. So far as his body and his possessions were +concerned, they were in the king's hands to dispose of as he might +choose. Yet it was his own determination to remain constant in his +religion, which he would always maintain to be the true religion, even +should he be compelled to lay down his life for it." So stout an answer +kindled the anger of Charles, who was in no mood to meet with opposition. +He called Condé "a rebel," "a seditious man," and "the son of a seditious +father," and warned him that he would lose his head, if, within three +days, he should not think better of the matter.<a name="FNanchor_1010_1010" id="FNanchor_1010_1010"></a><a href="#Footnote_1010_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The massacre becomes general.</div> + +<p>And now the great bell of the "Palais de Justice" pealed forth the +tocsin. About the Louvre the work of blood had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[Pg 470]</a></span> begun when Catharine, +impatient, and fearful lest Charles's resolution should again waver at +the last moment, gave orders to anticipate the appointed time by ringing +the bell of the neighboring church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois. But now +the loud and unusual clangor from the tower of the parliament house +carried the warning far and wide. All Paris awoke. The conspirators +everywhere recognized the stipulated signal, and spread among the excited +townsmen the wildest and most extravagant reports. A foul plot, formed by +the Huguenots, against the king, his mother, and his brothers, had come +to light. They had killed more than fifteen of the royal guards. The +king, therefore, commanded that quarter should not be given to a single +Huguenot.<a name="FNanchor_1011_1011" id="FNanchor_1011_1011"></a><a href="#Footnote_1011_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a></p> + +<p>Nothing more was needed to inflame the popular hatred of the Huguenots, +nor to prepare the rabble for an indiscriminate slaughter of the +Protestants.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">La Rochefoucauld and Téligny fall.</div> + +<p>Among the earliest victims of this day of carnage was Count de la +Rochefoucauld. This witty and lively young noble had been in the Louvre +until a late hour on Saturday night, diverting himself with the king, +with whom he was a great favorite. Apparently in his anxiety to save La +Rochefoucauld's life, Charles invited, and even urged him, to spend the +night in the royal "garde-robe;" but the count, suspecting no danger, +insisted on returning to his lodgings,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[Pg 471]</a></span> while the king reluctantly +abandoned his boon companion to his fate, rather than betray his secret. +Early awakened from his sleep at his lodgings by loud knocking at the +door and by demands for admission in the king's name, and seeing a band +of masked men enter, he recalled Charles's threat at parting, that he +would come and administer to him a whipping. The practical joke would not +have been unlike many of the mad antics of the royal jester, and La +Rochefoucauld, addressing himself to the person whom he supposed to be +his Majesty in disguise, begged him to treat him with humanity. His +deception was not long continued; for the maskers, after rifling his +trunks, drew him from his place of concealment and murdered him. His +lifeless body was dragged through the streets of Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1012_1012" id="FNanchor_1012_1012"></a><a href="#Footnote_1012_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a></p> + +<p>Téligny was, perhaps, even more unfortunate than the rest, because he +awoke too late to the fact that his own blind confidance in the word of a +faithless prince had been a chief instrument of involving his +father-in-law and his friends in destruction. He was among the first to +pay the penalty of his credulity. More than one of the parties sent to +destroy him, it is said, overcome by compassion for his youth and manly +beauty, or by respect for his graceful manners and extraordinary +learning, left their commission unexecuted. To avoid further peril, he +ascended to the roof, from which he made his way to an adjoining house; +but he had not gone far before he was seen and shot with an arquebuse by +one of the Duke of Anjou's guards.<a name="FNanchor_1013_1013" id="FNanchor_1013_1013"></a><a href="#Footnote_1013_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Self-defense of a few nobles.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots, attacked in the midst of their slumbers by the courtiers +and the soldiers of the royal guard,<a name="FNanchor_1014_1014" id="FNanchor_1014_1014"></a><a href="#Footnote_1014_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a> among whom were prominent the +Swiss of Charles or his brother, or by the people of Paris, who every +moment swelled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[Pg 472]</a></span> the ranks of the assassins, were too much taken by +surprise to offer even the slightest resistance. Guerchy, the same +gentleman who had offered his services to Coligny the night before, is +almost the only man reported to have fought for his life. With his sword +in his right hand, and winding his cloak around his left arm, he defended +himself for a long time, though the breastplates of his enemies were +proof against his blows. At last, he fell, overborne by numbers.<a name="FNanchor_1015_1015" id="FNanchor_1015_1015"></a><a href="#Footnote_1015_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a> +The Lieutenant de la Mareschaussée, if not more determined, was better +prepared for the combat. All day long, with a single soldier as his +comrade, he defended his house against the assailants, expecting at every +moment to be relieved from his perilous situation by the king. But, far +from meriting such confidence on the part of his subjects, Charles was +indignant at his prolonged resistance, and sent a powerful detachment of +guards, with orders to bring him the lieutenant's head. The brave +Huguenot, however, still maintained the unequal siege, and fought till +his last breath. The soldiers had only the poor satisfaction of pillaging +his house, of dragging his sick daughter naked through the streets until +she died of maltreatment, and of wounding and imprisoning his wife.<a name="FNanchor_1016_1016" id="FNanchor_1016_1016"></a><a href="#Footnote_1016_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Victims of personal hatred.</div> + +<p>Personal hatred, jealousy, cupidity, mingled with religious and political +zeal, and private ends were attained in fulfilling the king's murderous +commands. Bussy d'Amboise, meeting his Protestant cousin, the Marquis de +Renel (half-brother of the late Prince of Porcien), by a well-directed +blow with his poniard rid himself of an unpleasant suit at law which +Renel had come to Paris to prosecute.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Adventure of young La Force.</div> + +<p>The case of Caumont de la Force was still more revolting. His daughter, +Madame de la Châtaigneraie, in accordance with the shameless code of +morals in vogue at the French court, had taken for her lover Archan, +captain of the guard of Henry of Anjou; and it was to gratify her +covetousness that Archan obtained from the Duke the order to despatch La +Force and his two sons. The plan was successfully executed so far as the +father and his elder son were concerned.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[Pg 473]</a></span> The second, a boy of twelve, +escaped by his remarkable presence of mind and self-control. Certain that +his youth would excite no pity in the breast of his inhuman assailants, +when his father and his brother fell at his side and he perceived himself +covered with their blood, he dropped down with the exclamation that he +was dead. So perfectly did he counterfeit death, all that long day, that, +although his body was examined by successive bands of plunderers, and +deprived not only of every valuable, but even of its clothing, he did not +by a motion betray that he was alive. Most of these persons applauded the +crime. It was well, they said, to kill the little wolves with the +greater. But, toward evening, a more humane person came, who, while +engaged in drawing off a stocking which had been left on the boy's foot, +gave expression to his abhorrence of the bloody deed. To his astonishment +the boy raised his head, and whispered, "I am not dead." The +compassionate man at once commanded him not to stir, and went home; but +as soon as it was dark he returned with a cloak, which he threw about +young La Force's shoulders, and bade him follow. It was no easy matter to +thread the streets unmolested; but his guide dispelled the suspicions of +those who questioned him respecting the boy by declaring that it was his +nephew whom he had found drunk, and was going to whip soundly for it. In +the end the young nobleman reached the arsenal, where his relative, +Marshal Biron, was in command. Even there, however, the avarice of his +unnatural sister pursued him. Vexed that, on account of his preservation, +she must fail to secure the entire inheritance of the family, Madame de +la Châtaigneraie tried to effect herself what she had not been able to do +by means of another; she visited the marshal in the arsenal, and, after +expressing great joy that her brother had been saved, begged to be +permitted to see and care for him. Biron thought it necessary, in order +to preserve the boy's life, to deny her request.<a name="FNanchor_1017_1017" id="FNanchor_1017_1017"></a><a href="#Footnote_1017_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[Pg 474]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Pitiless butchery.</div> + +<p>The frenzy that had fallen upon Paris affected all classes alike. Every +feeling of pity seemed to have been blotted out. Natural affection +disappeared. A man's foes were those of his own household. On the plea of +religious zeal the most barbarous acts were committed. Spire Niquet, a +poor bookbinder, whose scanty earnings barely sufficed to support the +wants of his seven children, was half-roasted in a bonfire made of his +own books, and then dragged to the river and drowned.<a name="FNanchor_1018_1018" id="FNanchor_1018_1018"></a><a href="#Footnote_1018_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a> The weaker +sex was not spared in the universal carnage, and, as in a town taken by +assault, suffered outrages that were worse than death. Matron and maiden +alike welcomed as merciful the blow that liberated them from an existence +now rendered insupportable. Women approaching maternity were selected for +more excruciating torments, and savage delight was exhibited in +destroying the unborn fruit of the womb. Nor was any rank respected. +Madame d'Yverny, the niece of Cardinal Briçonnet, was recognized, as she +fled, by the costly underclothing that appeared from beneath the shabby +habit of a nun which she had assumed; and, after suffering every +indignity, upon her refusal to go to mass, was thrown from a bridge into +the Seine and drowned.<a name="FNanchor_1019_1019" id="FNanchor_1019_1019"></a><a href="#Footnote_1019_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a> Occasionally the women rivalled the cruelty +of the men. A poor carpenter, of advanced age, with whom the author of +the "Tocsain contre les massacreurs" was personally acquainted, had been +taken by night and cast into the river. He swam, however, to a bridge, +and succeeded in climbing up by its timbers, and so fled naked to the +house of a relative near the "Cousture Sainte Catherine,"<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[Pg 475]</a></span> where his wife +had taken refuge. But, instead of welcoming him, his wife drove him away, +and he was soon recaptured and killed.<a name="FNanchor_1020_1020" id="FNanchor_1020_1020"></a><a href="#Footnote_1020_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> It is related that the +daughter of one Jean de Coulogne, a mercer of the "Palais," betrayed her +own mother to death, and subsequently married one of the murderers.<a name="FNanchor_1021_1021" id="FNanchor_1021_1021"></a><a href="#Footnote_1021_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a> +The very innocence of childhood furnished no sufficient protection—so +literally did the pious Catholics of Paris interpret the oft-repeated +exhortations of their holy father to exterminate not only the roots of +heresy, but the very fibres of the roots.<a name="FNanchor_1022_1022" id="FNanchor_1022_1022"></a><a href="#Footnote_1022_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a> Two infants, whose +parents had just been murdered, were carried in a hod and cast into the +Seine. A little girl was plunged naked in the blood of her father and +mother, with horrible oaths and threats that, if she should become a +Huguenot, the like fate would befall her. And a crowd of boys, between +nine and ten years of age, was seen dragging through the streets the body +of a babe yet in its swaddling-clothes, which they had fastened to a rope +by means of a belt tied about its neck.<a name="FNanchor_1023_1023" id="FNanchor_1023_1023"></a><a href="#Footnote_1023_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Shamelessness of the court ladies.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Anjou encourages the assassins.</div> + +<p>The bodies of the more inconspicuous victims lay for hours in whatever +spot they happened to be killed; but the court required ocular +demonstration that the leaders of the Huguenots who had been most +prominent in the late wars were really dead. Accordingly the naked +corpses of Soubise, of Guerchy, of Beaudiné, d'Acier's brother, and of +others, were dragged from all quarters to the square in front of the +Louvre. There, as an indignant contemporary writes, extended in a long +row, they lay exposed to the view of the varlets, of whom when alive they +had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[Pg 476]</a></span> been the terror.<a name="FNanchor_1024_1024" id="FNanchor_1024_1024"></a><a href="#Footnote_1024_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> Cruelty and lust are twin sisters: when the +one is at hand, the other is generally not far distant. The court of +Catharine de' Medici was noted for its impurity, as it was infamous for +its recklessness of human life. It was not out of keeping with its +general reputation that toward evening a bevy of ladies—among them the +queen mother—tripped down the palace stairs to feast their eyes upon the +sight of the uncovered dead.<a name="FNanchor_1025_1025" id="FNanchor_1025_1025"></a><a href="#Footnote_1025_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a> Indeed, the king, the queen mother, +and their intimate friends seemed to be in an ecstasy of joy. They +indulged in boisterous laughter<a name="FNanchor_1026_1026" id="FNanchor_1026_1026"></a><a href="#Footnote_1026_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a> as the successive reports of the +municipal authorities, from hour to hour, brought in tidings of the +extent of the massacre.<a name="FNanchor_1027_1027" id="FNanchor_1027_1027"></a><a href="#Footnote_1027_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a> "The war is now ended in reality," they +were heard to say, "and we shall henceforth live in peace."<a name="FNanchor_1028_1028" id="FNanchor_1028_1028"></a><a href="#Footnote_1028_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a> The +Duke of Anjou took a more active part. In the street and on the Pont de +Notre Dame he was to be seen encouraging the assassins.<a name="FNanchor_1029_1029" id="FNanchor_1029_1029"></a><a href="#Footnote_1029_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a> The Duke of +Montpensier was surpassed by no one in his zealous advocacy of the +murderous work. "Let every man exert himself to the utmost," he cried, as +he rode through the streets, "if he wishes to prove himself a good +servant to the king."<a name="FNanchor_1030_1030" id="FNanchor_1030_1030"></a><a href="#Footnote_1030_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a> Tavannes, if we may believe Brantôme's +account, endeavored to rival him, and, all day long, as he rode about +amid the carnage, amused himself by facetiously crying to the people: +"Bleed! Bleed! The doctors say that bleeding is as good in the month of +August as in May."<a name="FNanchor_1031_1031" id="FNanchor_1031_1031"></a><a href="#Footnote_1031_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a></p> + +<p>Of the Duke of Alençon it was noticed that, alone of Catha<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[Pg 477]</a></span>rine's sons, +he took no part in the massacre. The Protestants even regarded him as +their friend, and the rumor was current that the pity he exhibited +excited the indignation of his mother and brothers. Indeed, Catharine, it +was said, openly told him that, if he ventured to meddle with her plans, +she would put him in a sack and throw him into the river.<a name="FNanchor_1032_1032" id="FNanchor_1032_1032"></a><a href="#Footnote_1032_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Wonderful escapes.</div> + +<p>Of the pastors of the Church of Paris, it was noticed as a remarkable +circumstance that but two—Buirette and Desgorris—were killed; for it +was certain that no lives were more eagerly sought than theirs.<a name="FNanchor_1033_1033" id="FNanchor_1033_1033"></a><a href="#Footnote_1033_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> But +several Protestant pastors had wonderful escapes. The celebrated +D'Espine—the converted monk who took part in the Colloquy of Poissy—was +in company with Madame d'Yverny when her disguise was discovered, but he +was not recognized.<a name="FNanchor_1034_1034" id="FNanchor_1034_1034"></a><a href="#Footnote_1034_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> In the case of Merlin, chaplain of Admiral +Coligny, the divine interposition seemed almost as distinct as in that of +the prophet Elijah. After reluctantly leaving Coligny, at his earnest +request, and clambering over the roof of a neighboring house, he fell +through an opening into a garret full of hay. Not daring to show himself, +since he knew not whether he would encounter friends or foes, he remained +for three days in this retreat, his sole food an egg which a hen daily +laid within his reach.<a name="FNanchor_1035_1035" id="FNanchor_1035_1035"></a><a href="#Footnote_1035_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a></p> + +<p>The future minister of Henry the Fourth, Maximilien de Béthune, Duke of +Sully, at this time a boy of twelve and a student in the college of +Burgundy in Paris, has left us in his "Economies royales" a thrilling +account of his escape. Awakened, about three o'clock in the morning, by +the uproar in the streets, his tutor and his valet-de-chambre went out to +learn the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[Pg 478]</a></span> occasion of it, and never returned. They were doubtless among +the first victims. Sully's trembling host—a Protestant who consented +through fear to abjure his faith—now came in, and advised the youth to +save his life by going to mass. Sully was not prepared to take this +counsel, and, so putting on his scholar's gown, he ventured upon the +desperate step of trying to reach the college. A horrible scene presented +itself to view. Everywhere men were breaking into houses, or slaughtering +their captives in the public streets, while the cry of "Kill the +Huguenots" was heard on all sides. Sully himself owed his preservation to +two thick volumes of "Heures"—Romish books of devotion—which he had the +presence of mind to take under his arm, and which effectually disarmed +the suspicions of the three successive bands of soldiers that stopped +him. At the college, after with difficulty gaining admission, he incurred +still greater danger. Happily the principal, M. Du Faye, was a +kind-hearted man. In vain was he urged, by two priests who were his +guests, to surrender the Huguenot boy to death, saying that the order was +to massacre even the very babes at the breast. Du Faye would not consent; +and after having secretly kept Sully locked up for three days in a +closet, he found means to restore him to his friends.<a name="FNanchor_1036_1036" id="FNanchor_1036_1036"></a><a href="#Footnote_1036_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of the philosopher Ramus.</div> + +<p>No loss was more sensibly felt by the scientific world than that of the +learned Pierre de la Ramée, or Ramus, a philosopher second to none of his +day. The professor might possibly have escaped if his only offence had +been his Protestant views; but Ramus had had the temerity to attack +Aristotle, and to attempt to reform the faulty pronunciation of the Latin +language. For these unpardonable sins he was tracked to the cellar in +which he had hidden, by a band of robbers under the guidance of Jacques +Charpentier, a jealous rival, with whom he had had acrimonious +discussions. After being compelled to give up a considerable sum of +money, he was despatched with daggers, and thrown from an upper window +into the court of his college. Never was philosophic heterodoxy more +thoroughly punished; for if the whipping, dragging<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[Pg 479]</a></span> through the filthy +streets, and dismembering of a corpse by indignant students with the +approval of their teachers, could atone for such grave errors, the anger +of the illustrious Stagirite must have been fully appeased. If anything +can clearly exhibit the depth of moral degradation to which Roman +Catholic France had fallen, it is the fact that Charpentier unblushingly +accepted the praise which was liberally showered upon him for his +participation in this disgraceful affair.<a name="FNanchor_1037_1037" id="FNanchor_1037_1037"></a><a href="#Footnote_1037_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">President Pierre de la Place.</div> + +<p>Scarcely less signal a misfortune to France was the murder of Pierre de +la Place, president of the Cour d'Aides, whose excellent "Commentaries on +the State of Religion and the Republic" constitute one of our best guides +through the short reign of Francis the Second and the early part of the +reign of Charles the Ninth. This eminent jurist, even more distinguished +as a writer on Christian morals than as a historian, had first embraced +the Reformation at a time when the recent martyrdom of Anne du Bourg +served as a significant reminder of the perils attending a profession of +Protestant views. President de la Place had been visited in his house +early in the morning, on the first day of the massacre, by Captain +Michel, an arquebusier of the king, who, entering boldly with his weapons +and with the white napkin bound on his left arm, informed him of the +death of Coligny, and the fate in reserve for the rest of the Huguenots. +The soldier pretended that the king wished to exempt La Place from the +general slaughter, and bade him accompany him to the Louvre. However, a +gift of a thousand crowns induced the fellow instead to lead the +president's daughter and her husband to a place of safety in the house of +a Roman Catholic friend. But La Place himself, after having applied at +three different houses belonging to persons of his acquaintance and been +denied admission, was compelled to return to his home and there await his +doom. A day passed, during which La Place and his wife were subjected to +constant alarms. At length new orders came in the king's<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[Pg 480]</a></span> name, enjoining +upon him without fail to repair instantly to the palace. The meaning was +unmistakable; it was the road to death. But neither the Huguenot's piety +nor his courage failed him. He gently raised his wife, who had fallen on +her knees to beg the messenger to save her husband's life, and reminded +her that she should have recourse to God alone, not to an arm of flesh. +And he sternly rebuked his eldest son, who, in a moment of weakness, had +placed a white cross on his hat, in the hope of saving his life. "The +true cross we must wear," he said, "is the trials and afflictions sent to +us by God as sure pledges of the bliss and eternal life He has prepared +for His own followers." It was with unruffled composure that he bade his +weeping friends farewell. His apprehensions were soon realized; he was +despatched by murderers who had been waiting for him, and before long his +body was floating down the Seine toward the sea.<a name="FNanchor_1038_1038" id="FNanchor_1038_1038"></a><a href="#Footnote_1038_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Regnier and Vezins.</div> + +<p>From such instances of inhumanity it is a relief to turn to one of a few +incidents wherein the finer feelings triumphed over prejudice, difference +of religious tenets, and even personal hatred. There were in Paris two +gentlemen, named Vezins and Regnier, of good families in the province of +Quercy in southern France. Both were equally distinguished for their +valor; but their dispositions were singularly unlike, for while the +Huguenot Regnier was noted for his gentle manners, the Roman Catholic +Vezins, who was lieutenant of the governor, the Viscount of Villars, had +acquired unenviable notoriety because of his ferocity. Between the two +there had for some time existed a mortal feud, which their common friends +had striven in vain to heal. While the massacre was at its height, +Regnier was visited by his enemy, Vezins. The latter, after effecting an +entrance into the house by breaking down the door, fiercely ordered the +Huguenot—who, well assured that his last hour was come, had fallen upon +his knees to im<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[Pg 481]</a></span>plore the mercy of God—to rise and follow him. A horse +stood saddled at the door, upon which Regnier was told to mount. In his +enemy's train he rode unharmed through the streets of Paris, then through +the gates of the city. Still Vezins, without vouchsafing a word of +explanation, kept on his way toward Cahors, the capital of Quercy, +whither he had been despatched by the government.<a name="FNanchor_1039_1039" id="FNanchor_1039_1039"></a><a href="#Footnote_1039_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a> For many +successive days the journey lasted. The prisoner was well guarded, but he +was also well lodged and fed. At last the party reached the very castle +of Regnier, and here his captor broke the long silence. "As you have +seen," said he, "it would have depended only on myself to take advantage +of the opportunity which I have long been seeking; but I should be +ashamed to avenge myself in this way upon a man so brave as you. In +settling our quarrel I desire that the danger shall be equal. Be well +assured that you will find me as ready to decide our dispute in a manner +becoming gentlemen, as I have been eager to save you from inevitable +destruction." It need scarcely be said that the Huguenot could not find +words sufficiently strong to express his gratitude; but Vezins merely +replied: "I leave it to you to choose whether you wish me to be your +friend or your enemy; I saved your life only to enable you to make your +election." With these words he abruptly left him and rode away, nor would +he ever consent even to take back the horse upon which he had brought +Regnier in safety so many leagues.<a name="FNanchor_1040_1040" id="FNanchor_1040_1040"></a><a href="#Footnote_1040_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Escape of Montgomery and Chartres.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles himself fires at them from the Louvre.</div> + +<p>A number of the Huguenot noblemen were lodged on the southern side of the +Seine, outside of the walls, in the Faubourg Saint Germain. Count +Montgomery, the Vidame of Chartres, Beauvoir la Nocle, and Frontenay, a +member of the powerful Rohan family, were among the most distinguished. +After the admiral, there were certainly no Huguenots whom Catharine was +more anxious to destroy than Montgomery and Chartres. Accordingly the +massacre, which began near the Louvre, was to have been executed +simultaneously upon them, and the work was intrusted to M. de Maugi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[Pg 482]</a></span>ron. +But the delay of the Roman Catholics saved them. Marcel, the former +prévôt des marchands, who had been instructed to furnish one thousand +men, was not ready in time; and Dumas, who was to have acted as guide, +overslept the appointed hour. About five o'clock in the morning a +Huguenot succeeded in swimming across the river, and carried to +Montgomery the first tidings of the events of the last two hours. The +count at once notified his comrades, but, although there were among them +those who had been most urgent to leave Paris immediately after +Maurevel's attack upon Coligny, few of the nobles would harbor the +thought that Charles was so lost to honor as to have plotted the +assassination of his invited guests. They preferred to believe that the +king was himself in danger through a sudden commotion occasioned by the +Guises. Acting upon this theory, the Huguenots proceeded in a body toward +the Seine, intending to cross and lend assistance to the royal cause; +but, on reaching the river's bank, they were speedily undeceived. They +saw a band of two hundred soldiers of the royal guard coming toward them +in boats, and discharging their arquebuses, with cries of "<i>Tue! +Tue!</i>"—"Kill! Kill!" Charles himself was descried at a window of the +Louvre, looking with approval upon the scene. There is good authority +also, for the story that, in his eagerness to exterminate the Huguenots, +Charles snatched an arquebuse from the hand of an attendant, and fired at +them, exclaiming, "Let us shoot, <i>mort Dieu</i>, they are fleeing!"<a name="FNanchor_1041_1041" id="FNanchor_1041_1041"></a><a href="#Footnote_1041_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_483" id="Page_483">[Pg 483]</a></span></p> + +<p>Montgomery and his companions had by this time recognized their mistake, +and hesitated no longer to flee from the perfidious capital. They +promptly took to horse, and rode hard to reach Normandy and the sea. This +part of the prey was, however, too precious to be permitted to escape. +Accordingly, Guise, Aumale, the Bastard of Angoulême, and a number of +"gentilhommes tueurs," started in pursuit. But an accident prevented them +from overtaking the Huguenots. When Guise and his party reached the Porte +de Bussy<a name="FNanchor_1042_1042" id="FNanchor_1042_1042"></a><a href="#Footnote_1042_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a>—the gate leading from the city into the faubourg in which +the Protestants had been lodging—which was closed in accordance with the +king's orders, they found that they had been provided by mistake with the +wrong key, and the delay experienced in finding the right one afforded +Montgomery an advantage in the race, of which he made good use.<a name="FNanchor_1043_1043" id="FNanchor_1043_1043"></a><a href="#Footnote_1043_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_484" id="Page_484">[Pg 484]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The massacre continues.</div> + +<p>The carnival of blood, which had been so successfully ushered in on that +ill-starred Sunday of August, was maintained on the succeeding days with +little abatement of its frenzied excitement. Paris soon resembled a vast +charnel-house. The dead or dying lay in the open streets and squares, +they blocked the doors and carriage-ways, they were heaped in the +courtyards. When the utmost that impotent passion could do to these +lifeless remains was accomplished, the Seine became the receptacle. +Besides those Huguenots whom their murderers dragged to the bridges or +wharves to despatch by drowning, both by day and by night wagons laden +with the corpses of men and women, and even of young children, were +driven down to the river and emptied of their human freight. But the +current of the crooked Seine refused to carry away from the capital all +these evidences of guilt. The shores of its first curve, from Paris to +the bridge of St. Cloud, were covered with putrefying remains, which the +municipality were compelled to inter, through fear of their generating a +pestilence. And so we read, in the registers of the Hôtel-de-Ville, of a +payment of fifteen livres tournois, on the ninth of September, for the +burial of the dead bodies found near the Convent of Chaillot, and of a +second payment of twenty livres on the twenty-third, for the burial of +eleven hundred more, near Chaillot, Auteuil, and St. Cloud.<a name="FNanchor_1044_1044" id="FNanchor_1044_1044"></a><a href="#Footnote_1044_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Not a popular movement.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Plunder of the rich.</div> + +<p>The massacre was not in its origin a popular outbreak. It sprang from the +ambition and vindictive passions of the queen mother, and others, whom +the ministers of a corrupt religion had long accustomed to the idea that +the extermination of heretics is not a sin, but the highest type of +piety. The people were called in only as assistants. Probably the first +intention was only to hold the municipal forces in readiness to overcome +any resistance which the Protestants might offer. But the massacre +succeeded beyond the most sanguine expectations of the conspirators. Very +few of the victims defended themselves or their property; scarcely one +Roman Catholic was slain. And now the populace, having had a taste of +blood, could no longer be restrained. Whether the plunder<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_485" id="Page_485">[Pg 485]</a></span> of the +Protestants entered into the original calculations of Catharine and her +advisers, may perhaps be doubted. But there is no question as to the turn +which the affair soon took in the minds of those engaged in it. Pillage +was not always countenanced by church and state: as a violation of the +second table of the Law, it was, under ordinary circumstances, atoned for +by penance and ecclesiastical censures; as a breach of the royal edicts, +it was likely to be punished with hanging or still more painful modes of +execution. Consequently, when by furnishing arms the civil power +authorized the most severe measures against those whom it accused of foul +conspiracy against the king, and when the professed minister of Christ +and His gospel of peace blessed the work of exterminating God's enemies +and the king's, there was no lack of men willing to profit by the rare +and unexpected opportunity. Nor did the courtiers disdain dishonest gain. +The Duke of Anjou was known to have enriched himself by the plunder of +the shop of Baduère, the king's jeweller.<a name="FNanchor_1045_1045" id="FNanchor_1045_1045"></a><a href="#Footnote_1045_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a> Noblemen, besides robbing +their victims of money, extorted from them, in return for a promise to +spare their lives, deeds of valuable lands, or papers resigning in their +favor high offices in the government. It was frequently the case that, +after giving such presents, the Huguenot was put out of the way at once, +in order to prevent him from ever retracting. Thus, Martial de Loménie, a +secretary of the king, was murdered in prison, after having resigned his +office in favor of Marshal Retz, and sold to him his estate of +Versailles, at such a price as the latter chose to name, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_486" id="Page_486">[Pg 486]</a></span> vain +hope that this would secure him liberty and life.<a name="FNanchor_1046_1046" id="FNanchor_1046_1046"></a><a href="#Footnote_1046_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a> The extent to +which robbery was carried on the occasion of the massacre is reluctantly +conceded in the pamphlet, which was published immediately after, as an +apology of the court for the hideous crime; and an attempt is made to +justify it, which is worthy of the source from which it drew its +inspiration: "Now this good-will of the people to sustain and defend its +prince, to espouse his quarrel, and to hate those who are not of his +religion, is very praiseworthy; and if in this execution [the massacre] +some pillaging has taken place, we must excuse the fury of a people +impelled by a worthy zeal—a zeal hard to be restrained and bridled when +once excited."<a name="FNanchor_1047_1047" id="FNanchor_1047_1047"></a><a href="#Footnote_1047_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Orders issued to lay down arms.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Little heed given to them.</div> + +<p>But, despite panegyrists, the massacre had not been in progress many +hours before the very magistrates of the city appear to have become +apprehensive lest the movement might assume dangerous dimensions. It was +only about eleven o'clock on Sunday morning, as the registers of the +Hôtel de Ville inform us, when Charles was waited upon by the prévôt des +marchands and the échevins. They came to inform him that "a number of +persons, partly belonging to the suite of his Majesty, partly to that of +the princes, princesses, and lords of the court—gentlemen, archers of +the king's body-guard, soldiers of his suite, as well as all sorts of +people mingled with them and under their authority—were plundering and +pillaging many houses and killing many persons in the streets." This was +certainly no news to Charles; but as he desired, now that the massacre +had begun, not to enrich the Roman Catholic inhabitants of Paris, but to +fill his own coffers, he deemed it best to prohibit any further<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_487" id="Page_487">[Pg 487]</a></span> action +on their part, and to leave the rest of the work to his own commissioned +servants. Accordingly the municipal authorities were directed to ride +through the city with all the troops at their disposal, and to see to it, +both by day and night, that the bloodshed and robbery should cease. "Sir +William Guerrier"—thus runs one of the commissions to the "quarteniers" +issued from the central bureau of the city, in pursuance of these +directions—"give commandment to all burgesses and inhabitants of your +quarter, who to-day have taken up arms <i>according to the king's order</i>, +to lay them down, and to retire and remain quietly in their houses, ... +according to the king's command conveyed to us by my Lord of Nevers." And +this document is accompanied with another, of the same date, applying to +soldiers of the guard or others, who should pillage or maltreat +Protestants, and threatening them with punishment. Such a proclamation, +it is well known, was made by trumpet at about five o'clock that +afternoon. The registers tell us that the instructions were so well +carried out that all disorder "was at once appeased and ceased." They +contain, however, a distinct refutation of this falsehood, in the +frequent repetition of similar orders and the variety of forms in which +the same statements are made on subsequent days. Again and again does the +king direct that soldiers be placed at the head of every street to +prevent robbery and murder;<a name="FNanchor_1048_1048" id="FNanchor_1048_1048"></a><a href="#Footnote_1048_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a> the guards either were never posted, +or, as is more likely, became foremost in the work which they were sent +to repress. Indeed, the instructions given on Monday to visit all the +houses in the city and its suburbs where there were any Protestants, and +obtain their names and surnames,<a name="FNanchor_1049_1049" id="FNanchor_1049_1049"></a><a href="#Footnote_1049_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a> afforded an opportunity which was +not permitted to slip by unimproved, for the exaction of heavy bribes, as +well as for more open plunder and violence. So notorious was it, nearly a +week after the butchery began, that the massacre had only abated in +intensity, that, on the thirtieth of August, meas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_488" id="Page_488">[Pg 488]</a></span>ures were adopted to +prevent any wrong from being done to foreign merchants sojourning in +Paris, and especially to the German, English, and Flemish students of the +university.<a name="FNanchor_1050_1050" id="FNanchor_1050_1050"></a><a href="#Footnote_1050_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Miracle of the "Cimetière des Innocents."</div> + +<p>The smile of Heaven, it was said by the Roman Catholic clergy, rested +upon the effort to extirpate heresy in France. They convinced the people +of the truth of their assertion by pointing to an unusual phenomenon +which they declared to be evidently miraculous. In the Cimetière des +Innocents and before a small chapel of the Virgin Mary, there grew a +white hawthorn, which, according to some accounts, had for several years +been to all appearance dead. Great then was the surprise of those who, on +the eventful St. Bartholomew's Day, beheld the tree covered with a great +profusion of blossoms as fragrant as those flowers which the hawthorn +usually puts forth in May. It was true that no good reason could be +assigned why the wonder might not with greater propriety be explained, as +the Protestants afterward suggested, rather as a mark of Heaven's +sympathy with oppressed innocence. But no doubts entered the minds of the +Parisian ecclesiastics. They spread abroad the fame of the prodigy. They +rang the church-bells in token of joy, and invited the blood-stained +populace to witness the sight, and gain new courage in their murderous +work. It may well be doubted whether either the hawthorn or the virgin of +the neighboring chapel wrought the wonderful cures recorded by the curate +of Mériot.<a name="FNanchor_1051_1051" id="FNanchor_1051_1051"></a><a href="#Footnote_1051_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a> But certainly the reported intervention of Heaven +setting its seal upon treacherous assassination prolonged the slaughter +of Huguenots. "It seemed," says Claude Haton, reflecting the popular +belief, "that God, by this miracle, approved and accepted as +well-pleasing to Him the Catholic uprising and the death of His great +enemy the admiral and his followers, who for twelve years had been +audaciously rending His seamless coat, which is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_489" id="Page_489">[Pg 489]</a></span> His true Church and His +Bride."<a name="FNanchor_1052_1052" id="FNanchor_1052_1052"></a><a href="#Footnote_1052_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a> And so, what with the encouragement afforded by the +wonderful thorn-tree of the Cimetière des Innocents—what with the +continuous fair weather, which was interpreted after the same manner, the +task of extirpating the heretical Huguenots was prosecuted with a +perseverance that never flagged. It is true that the greater part of the +work was done in the first three or four days; but it was not terminated +for several weeks, and many a Huguenot, coming out of his place of +concealment with the hope that time might have caused the passions of his +enemies to become less violent, was murdered in cold blood by those who +coveted his property. Several thousand persons were butchered in Paris +alone during the first few days, besides these later victims; precisely +how many, it is useless and perhaps impossible to fix with +certainty.<a name="FNanchor_1053_1053" id="FNanchor_1053_1053"></a><a href="#Footnote_1053_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The king's first letter to Mandelot.</div> + +<p>Meantime it became necessary to explain to the world the extraordinary +tragedy which had been enacted on so conspicuous a stage. Each of the +different parties to the nefarious compact, with that easy faith which +characterizes great criminals, had expected to satisfy its own resentment +at the sole expense of the honor and reputation of the others. The king +and his mother, while securing the death of Coligny and a few other +personal enemies, were not unwilling to have the world believe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_490" id="Page_490">[Pg 490]</a></span> that the +entire occurrence had been an outburst of the old animosity of the Guises +against the Châtillons. In fact, this was distinctly stated in the +circular letter of Charles IX., despatched on the very Sunday on which +the massacre began, to the governors of the principal cities of the +realm. "Monsieur de Mandelot"—so runs one of these extraordinary +epistles—"you have learned what I wrote to you, the day before +yesterday, respecting the wounding of the admiral, and how that I was +about to do my utmost in the investigation of the case and the punishment +of the guilty, wherein nothing has been forgotten. Since then it has +happened that the members of the house of Guise, and the other lords and +gentlemen who are their adherents, and who have no small influence in +this city, as everybody knows, having received certain information that +the friends of the admiral intended to avenge this wound upon them—since +they suspected them of being its cause and occasion—became so much +excited that, between the one party and the other, there arose a great +and lamentable commotion. The body of guards which had been posted around +the admiral's house was overpowered, and he was killed with some other +gentlemen, as there have also been others massacred in various parts of +this city. This was done so furiously that it was impossible to apply +such a remedy as could have been desired; for I had as much as I could do +in employing my guards and other forces to retain my superiority in this +castle of the Louvre,<a name="FNanchor_1054_1054" id="FNanchor_1054_1054"></a><a href="#Footnote_1054_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a> so as afterward to take measures for allaying +the commotion throughout the city. At the present hour it has, thank God, +subsided! It occurred through the private quarrel which has long existed +between these two houses. Always foreseeing that some bad consequences +would result from it, I have heretofore done all that I could to appease +it, as every one knows. There is in this nothing leading to the rupture +of the Edict of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_491" id="Page_491">[Pg 491]</a></span> Pacification, which, on the contrary, I intend to be +maintained as much as ever."<a name="FNanchor_1055_1055" id="FNanchor_1055_1055"></a><a href="#Footnote_1055_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a></p> + +<p>In view of the undeniable fact that Charles affixed his signature to this +letter in the midst of a horrible massacre for which he himself had given +the signal, which he still directed, and concerning whose progress he +received hourly bulletins from the municipal authorities, it must be +admitted that the king showed himself no novice in the ignoble art of +shameless misrepresentation.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Guise throws the responsibility on the king.</div> + +<p>Guise, on his part, was not less solicitous to relieve himself of +responsibility, and to lay the burden upon the king's shoulders. We have +seen that, at the very moment of Coligny's assassination, he began to +repeat the words: "It is the king's pleasure; it is his express command!" +as his warrant for the crime. As the massacre grew in extent he and his +associates became more reluctant to be held accountable for it,<a name="FNanchor_1056_1056" id="FNanchor_1056_1056"></a><a href="#Footnote_1056_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a> and +at last they forced Charles to acknowledge himself its sole author. The +queen mother and Anjou, it is said, were mainly instrumental in leading +the monarch to take this unexpected step. His original intention had been +to compel the Guises to leave the capital immediately after the death of +Coligny—a movement which would have given color to the theory of their +guilt. But it was not difficult for Catharine and Henry to convince him +that by so doing he would only render more irreconcilable the enmity +between the Guises and the Montmorencies, who plainly exhibited their +intention to exact vengeance for the death of their illustrious kinsman, +the admiral. In short, he would purchase brief respite from trouble at +the price of a fresh civil war, more cruel than any which had +preceded.<a name="FNanchor_1057_1057" id="FNanchor_1057_1057"></a><a href="#Footnote_1057_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_492" id="Page_492">[Pg 492]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">The king accepts it.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The "Lit de Justice."</div> + +<p>It was on Tuesday morning, the twenty-sixth of August, that the king +formally and publicly assumed the weighty responsibility. After hearing a +solemn mass, to render thanks to Almighty God for his happy deliverance +from his enemies, Charles, accompanied by his brothers, the Dukes of +Anjou and Alençon, by the King of Navarre, and by a numerous body of his +principal lords, proceeded to the parliament house, and there, in the +presence of all the chambers, held his "Lit de Justice."<a name="FNanchor_1058_1058" id="FNanchor_1058_1058"></a><a href="#Footnote_1058_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a> He opened +this extraordinary meeting by an address, in which he dilated upon the +intolerable insults he had, from his very childhood, experienced at the +hands of Coligny, and many other culprits, who had made religion a +pretext for rebellion. His attempts to secure peace by large concessions +had emboldened Coligny so far that he had at last ventured to conspire to +kill him, his mother, and his brothers, and even the King of Navarre, +although a Huguenot like himself; intending to place the Prince of Condé +upon the throne, and subsequently to put him also out of the way, and +appropriate the regal authority after the destruction of the entire royal +family. In order to ward off so horrible a blow, he had, he said, been +compelled to resort to extreme measures of rigor. He desired all men to +know that the steps taken on the preceding Sunday for the punishment of +the guilty had been in accordance with his orders. He is even reported to +have gone farther, and to have invoked the aid of parliament in +condemning the memory and confiscating the property of those against whom +he had alleged such abominable crimes.<a name="FNanchor_1059_1059" id="FNanchor_1059_1059"></a><a href="#Footnote_1059_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_493" id="Page_493">[Pg 493]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Servile reply of parliament.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Christopher de Thou.</div> + +<p>To this allocution the parliament replied with all servility. Christopher +de Thou, the first president, lauded the prudence of a monarch who had +known how to bear patiently repeated insults, and at last to crush a +conspiracy so dangerous to the quiet of the realm. And he quoted with +approval the infamous apothegm of Louis the Eleventh: "<i>Qui nescit +dissimulare, nescit regnare.</i>" The solitary suggestion that breathed any +manly spirit was that of Pibrac, the "avocat-général," to the effect that +orders should be published to put an end to the work of murder and +robbery—a request which Charles readily granted.<a name="FNanchor_1060_1060" id="FNanchor_1060_1060"></a><a href="#Footnote_1060_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> Never had the +supreme tribunal of justice abased itself more ignobly than when it +listened so complaisantly to the king, and approved without qualification +an organized massacre perpetrated unblushingly under its very eyes. As +for the distinguished man who lent himself to be the mouthpiece of +adulation worse than slavish, we are less inclined to commiserate the +difficulty of his position than to pity the ingenuous historian who +strives to touch leniently upon a fault of his father which he can +neither conceal nor palliate.<a name="FNanchor_1061_1061" id="FNanchor_1061_1061"></a><a href="#Footnote_1061_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a> We may credit his assertion that his +father remonstrated with the king in private with respect to that for +which he had praised him in public, and that Christopher de Thou marked +his detestation of that ill-starred day by applying to it the lines of +Statius:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Excidat illa dies ævo, ne postera credant<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Sæcula: nos certe taceamus, et obruta multa<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Nocte tegi propriæ patiamur crimina gentis.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>But we cannot forget that this was not the first time that Chris<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_494" id="Page_494">[Pg 494]</a></span>topher +de Thou "accommodated" his words or his actions to the supposed +"exigencies of the times." He was a member of that commission that +sentenced Louis of Condé to death, in deference to the desires of another +king and his uncles, the Guises; and the prince would doubtless have lost +his head in consequence, but for the sudden death of Francis the Second. +Since that time he had repeatedly acquiesced in the bloody sentences of +the Parisian parliament. His voice was never heard opposing the +proscription instituted in the late civil wars, even in the case of the +atrocious sentence against Gaspard de Coligny. If we concede to his son +that no one was of a less sanguinary or of a milder disposition than +President De Thou, we must also insist that few judges on the bench +displayed less magnanimity or conscientiousness.<a name="FNanchor_1062_1062" id="FNanchor_1062_1062"></a><a href="#Footnote_1062_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Ineffectual effort to inculpate Coligny.</div> + +<p>But it was not a simple congratulatory address that Charles, or his +mother, required of his parliament. Tyrannical power is rarely satisfied +with the mere acquiescence of servile judges; it demands, and ordinarily +obtains from them, a positive indorsement of its schemes of successful +villainy. It was necessary—especially, as we shall see later, after the +cry of horror was heard that rose toward heaven from all parts of Europe +on receipt of the tidings of the massacre in Paris and elsewhere—to +palliate its atrocity by affixing to the slain Huguenots, and above all +to Coligny, a note of rebellious and murderous designs against the king +and the royal family. And here again the Parliament of Paris was as +pliant as its rulers could desire.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_495" id="Page_495">[Pg 495]</a></span> Coligny's papers, both in Paris and +at Châtillon-sur-Loing, were subjected to close scrutiny; but nothing +could be discovered to warrant the suspicion that any seditious design +had ever been entertained by him. In default of something better, +therefore, the queen mother endeavored to make capital out of two +passages of these private manuscripts. In one—it was, we are told, the +will of the admiral, written toward the end of the third civil +war<a name="FNanchor_1063_1063" id="FNanchor_1063_1063"></a><a href="#Footnote_1063_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a>—he dissuaded Charles from assigning to his brothers appanages +that might diminish the authority of the crown. Catharine triumphantly +showed it to Alençon. "See!" said she; "this is your good friend the +admiral, whom you so greatly loved and respected!" "I know not," replied +the young prince, "how much of a friend he was to me; but certainly he +showed by this advice how much he loved the king."<a name="FNanchor_1064_1064" id="FNanchor_1064_1064"></a><a href="#Footnote_1064_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a> With Walsingham +a similar attempt was made to deprive the murdered hero of Queen +Elizabeth's sympathy, but with as little success. "To the end you may see +how little your mistress was beholden to him," said Catharine de' Medici +one day to the English ambassador, "you may see a discourse found with +his testament, made at such time as he was sick at Rochel, wherein, +amongst other advices that he gave to the king my son, this is one, that +he willed him in any case to keep the queen, your mistress, and the King +of Spain as low as he could, as a thing that tended much to the safety +and maintenance of this crown." "To that I answered," says Walsingham, +"that in this point, howsoever he was affected towards the queen my +mistress, he showed himself a most true and faithful subject to the crown +of France, and the Queen's Majestie, my mistress, made the more account +of him, for that she knew him faithfully affected to the same."<a name="FNanchor_1065_1065" id="FNanchor_1065_1065"></a><a href="#Footnote_1065_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Coligny's memory declared infamous.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Petty indignities.</div> + +<p>The complete absence of proof of all designs save the most<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_496" id="Page_496">[Pg 496]</a></span> patriotic, +and, on the other hand, the clear evidence that Coligny sought for the +quiet and growth of the religious community to which he belonged, only in +connection with the honor and prosperity of his own country, did not +deter the pliant parliament from pursuing the course prescribed for it. A +little more than two months after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day +(October the twenty-seventh, 1572), the admiral's sentence was formally +pronounced. He was proclaimed a traitor and the author of a conspiracy +against the king; his goods were confiscated, his memory declared +infamous. His children were degraded from their rank as nobles, and +pronounced "ignoble, villains, <i>roturiers</i>, infamous, unworthy, and +incapable of making a will, or of holding offices, dignities or +possessions in France." It was ordered that his castle of +Châtillon-sur-Loing should be razed to the ground, never to be rebuilt, +and that the site should be sown with salt; that the trees of the park +should be cut down to half their height, and a monumental pillar be +erected on the spot, with a copy of this decree inscribed upon it. His +portraits and statues were to be destroyed; his arms, wherever found, to +be dragged at the horse's tail and publicly destroyed by the hangman; his +body—if any fragments could be obtained, or, if not, his effigy—was to +be dragged on a hurdle, and hung first on the Grève and then on a loftier +gibbet at Montfaucon. Finally, public prayers and a solemn procession +were ordered to take place in Paris on every successive anniversary of +the feast of St. Bartholomew.<a name="FNanchor_1066_1066" id="FNanchor_1066_1066"></a><a href="#Footnote_1066_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a></p> + +<p>Thus was the memory of one of the noblest characters that illustrated the +sixteenth century pursued with envenomed hatred, after death had placed +Coligny himself beyond the power of the murderous queen mother to inflict +more substantial injury upon him. To his mortal remains all that malice +could do had already been done. What remained of a mutilated body had +been taken from the hands of those precocious criminals, the boys of +Paris,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_497" id="Page_497">[Pg 497]</a></span> and hung up by the feet upon the gallows at Montfaucon.<a name="FNanchor_1067_1067" id="FNanchor_1067_1067"></a><a href="#Footnote_1067_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a> A +great part of the capital had gone out to look upon the grateful sight. +Charles the Ninth was of the number of the visitors, and, when others +showed signs of disgust at the stench arising from the putrefaction of a +corpse long unburied, is said to have exclaimed "that the smell of a dead +enemy is very sweet."<a name="FNanchor_1068_1068" id="FNanchor_1068_1068"></a><a href="#Footnote_1068_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a> Great was the merriment of the low populace; +copious were the effusions of wit. Jacques Copp de Vellay, in his +poetical diatribe, published with privilege—"Le Déluge des +Huguenotz"—sings with great delight of</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Mont-Faulcon, où les attend<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Ce grand Gaspar au curedent,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Attaché par les piedz sans teste.<a name="FNanchor_1069_1069" id="FNanchor_1069_1069"></a><a href="#Footnote_1069_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a><br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>At last, four or five days after Coligny's death, a body of thirty or +forty horse, sent by Marshal Montmorency, took down the remains by night, +and gave them decent burial.<a name="FNanchor_1070_1070" id="FNanchor_1070_1070"></a><a href="#Footnote_1070_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_498" id="Page_498">[Pg 498]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">A jubilee procession.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles declares that he will maintain his edict.</div> + +<p>Not content with the public admission of his responsibility for the +massacre which he had made before the parliament, Charles with his court +participated two days later (Thursday, the twenty-eighth of August) in +the celebration of a jubilee, and walked in a procession through the +streets of Paris; at successive "stations" rendering thanks to Heaven, +with fair show of devotion, for the preservation of his own life, and the +lives of his brothers and of <i>the King of Navarre</i>. It would have served +greatly to give a color of plausibility to the report of the conspiracy +of the Huguenots, could Navarre and Condé have been prevailed upon to +appear in the king's company on this occasion. But it must be mentioned +to their honor, that they were proof against the persuasions as well as +the threats of Charles.<a name="FNanchor_1071_1071" id="FNanchor_1071_1071"></a><a href="#Footnote_1071_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a> The same day a royal declaration was +published, reiterating the allegations made in the Palais de Justice, but +protesting that the king was determined to maintain his edict of +pacification. As, however, the Protestants were forbidden for the present +from holding any public or private assemblies for worship, it must be +admitted that they were not far wrong in regarding the declaration as +only another part of the trap cunningly devised for their +destruction.<a name="FNanchor_1072_1072" id="FNanchor_1072_1072"></a><a href="#Footnote_1072_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Forced conversion of Navarre and Condé.</div> + +<p>Although the conversion of the young King of Navarre and his cousin, the +Prince of Condé, did not occur until some weeks later, it may be +appropriately mentioned here. No means were left untried to gain them +over to the Roman Catholic religion. The sophistries of monks +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_499" id="Page_499">[Pg 499]</a></span> were +supplemented by the more dangerous persuasions of a renegade Protestant +minister, Hugues Sureau du Rosier, formerly one of the pastors of the +church of Orleans.<a name="FNanchor_1073_1073" id="FNanchor_1073_1073"></a><a href="#Footnote_1073_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> Whatever excuse his arguments may have furnished +by covering their renunciation of their faith with the decent cloak of +conviction, <i>fear</i> was certainly the chief instrument in effecting the +desired change in the Huguenot princes. There is no room for doubt that +the character of Charles underwent a marked change, as we shall see +later, from the time that he consented to the massacre. He became more +sullen, more violent, more impatient of contradiction or opposition. It +is not at all unlikely that a mind never fully under control of reason, +and now assuredly thrown from its poise by a desperation engendered of +remorse for the fearful crime he had reluctantly approved, at times +formed the resolution to kill the obstinate King of Navarre and his +cousin. On one occasion Charles is said to have been deterred by the +supplications of his young wife from going in person to destroy +them.<a name="FNanchor_1074_1074" id="FNanchor_1074_1074"></a><a href="#Footnote_1074_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a> At length, when the alternative of death or the Bastile was +the only one presented, the courage of the Bourbons began to falter. +Navarre was the first to yield, and his sister, the excellent Catharine +de Bourbon, followed his example. On the thirteenth of September the +ambassador Walsingham wrote: "They prepare Bastile for some persons of +quality. It is thought that it is for the Prince of Condé and his +brethren."<a name="FNanchor_1075_1075" id="FNanchor_1075_1075"></a><a href="#Footnote_1075_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a> But three days later (the sixteenth of September) he +wrote again: "On Sunday last, which was the fourteenth of this month, the +young Princess of Condé was constrained to go to mass, being threatened +otherwise to go to prison, and so consequently to be made away. The +Prince of Condé hath also yielded to hear mass upon Sunday next, being +otherwise threatened to go to the Bastile, where he is not like long to +serve."<a name="FNanchor_1076_1076" id="FNanchor_1076_1076"></a><a href="#Footnote_1076_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a> Such conversions did not promise to prove very sincere. +They were accepted, however, by the king and his mother; although both +Navarre and Condé were detained at court rather as prisoners than as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_500" id="Page_500">[Pg 500]</a></span> +free princes. Pope Gregory the Thirteenth received the submission of both +cousins to the authority of the See of Rome, recognized the validity of +their marriages, and formally admitted them to his favor, by a special +bull of the twenty-seventh of October, 1572.<a name="FNanchor_1077_1077" id="FNanchor_1077_1077"></a><a href="#Footnote_1077_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a> In return for these +concessions Henry of Navarre repealed the ordinances which his mother had +made for the government of Béarn, and re-established the Roman Catholic +worship.<a name="FNanchor_1078_1078" id="FNanchor_1078_1078"></a><a href="#Footnote_1078_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a></p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_925_925" id="Footnote_925_925"></a><a href="#FNanchor_925_925"><span class="label">[925]</span></a> Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois, 25, 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_926_926" id="Footnote_926_926"></a><a href="#FNanchor_926_926"><span class="label">[926]</span></a> No dispensation was ever granted until <i>after</i> the +marriage, and after Henry of Navarre's simulated conversion to Roman +Catholicism. Then, of course, there was no need of further hesitation, +and the document was granted, of which a copy is printed in Documents +historiques inédits, i. 713-715. The bull is dated Oct. 27, 1572. There +is, then, no necessity for Mr. Henry White's uncertainty (Massacre of St. +Bartholomew, 370): "The new pope, Gregory XIII., appears to have been +more compliant, or the letter stating that a dispensation was on the road +must have been a forgery."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_927_927" id="Footnote_927_927"></a><a href="#FNanchor_927_927"><span class="label">[927]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.), 569; Lo stratagema di Carlo IX. +rè di Francia, contro gli Ugonotti, rebelli di Dio e suoi; descritto dal +signor Camillo Capilupi, e mandato di Roma al signor Alfonzo Capilupi. Ce +stratageme est cy après mis en François avec un avertissement au lecteur. +1574. Orig. ed., p. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_928_928" id="Footnote_928_928"></a><a href="#FNanchor_928_928"><span class="label">[928]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat de France sous Charles IX. (Cimber et +Danjou, vii. 78.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_929_929" id="Footnote_929_929"></a><a href="#FNanchor_929_929"><span class="label">[929]</span></a> "Avec certain formulaire que les uns et les autres +n'improuvoyent point." Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, vii. 79.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_930_930" id="Footnote_930_930"></a><a href="#FNanchor_930_930"><span class="label">[930]</span></a> As De Thou here speaks as an eye-witness of the marriage, +I follow his description very closely. Histoire univ., iv. (liv. lii.) +469, 470. Agrippa d'Aubigné was not in Paris (Mémoires, édit. Panthéon, +p. 478), and his account is meagre and deficient in originality. Hist. +univ., ii. 12 (liv. i., c. 3). It is quite in keeping with the brave +Gascon's character, that, having come to Paris some days before, in order +to obtain a commission to command a company of soldiers which he had +raised for the war in Flanders, he had been obliged to leave almost +instantly upon his arrival, because he had acted as the second of a +friend in a duel, and wounded in the face an archer who endeavored to +arrest him. Tavannes makes Coligny suggest the removal of the ensigns +taken from the Protestants as "marques de troubles," and playfully claim +for himself the 50,000 crowns promised to any one who should bring the +admiral's head. Mémoires, éd. Petitot, iii. 293.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_931_931" id="Footnote_931_931"></a><a href="#FNanchor_931_931"><span class="label">[931]</span></a> Mémoires de l'État, <i>ubi supra</i>, pp. 79, 80; De Thou, <i>ubi +supra</i>. I have not deemed it out of place to describe some of the +diversions with which the French court occupied itself on the eve of the +massacre. The connection between reckless merriment and cold-blooded +cruelty is often startlingly close. Besides this, the finances of the +country were so hopelessly involved, as the consequence of the late civil +wars, that this lavish expenditure was particularly ill-timed. If old +Gaspard de Tavannes was as blunt as his son represents him to have been, +he gave Charles some good, but, like most good, unheeded advice. "Sire," +said he, à propos of the extravagance of the court at Guise's marriage in +1570, "you should make a feast, and instead of the singers who are +brought in artificial clouds, you should bring those who would tell you +this truth: 'You are dolts! You spend your money in festivals, in pomps +and masks, and do not pay your men-at-arms nor your soldiers; foreigners +will beat you!'" Mémoires, éd. Petitot, iii. 183.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_932_932" id="Footnote_932_932"></a><a href="#FNanchor_932_932"><span class="label">[932]</span></a> I had translated this letter from the copy given by the +Mémoires de l'estat de France (<i>apud</i> Archives curieuses, vii. 80, 81), +which agrees substantially with, and was probably derived from, the +version given in Hotman's Gasparis Colinii Vita (1575), 106, 107. On +comparing it, however, with the transcript of the original autograph in +the remarkable collection of the late Col. Henri Tronchin, given by M. +Jules Bonnet in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, i. +(1853), 369, I discover extraordinary discrepancies, and find that, in +addition to a different phraseology in every sentence, one clause is +inserted by Hotman of which there is not a trace in the Tronchin MS. I +refer to the words: "Soyez asseurée de ma part que, parmi ces festins et +passe-temps, <i>je ne donneray fascherie à personne</i>"—which would, of +course, point to the prevailing fears of a collision between the admiral +and the young Duke of Guise, or his retainers, whose hatred of Coligny +was so well known that Charles IX. had issued a special injunction to the +parties to keep the peace. The letter contains at the commencement of the +postscript a playful allusion to the hope of his wife soon to be a +mother.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_933_933" id="Footnote_933_933"></a><a href="#FNanchor_933_933"><span class="label">[933]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 88, 89; De Thou, iv. (liv. +lii.) 570. The mechanical part of these exhibitions was well executed. In +the "<i>enfer</i>" there were "un grand nombre de diables et petis diabloteaux +faisans infinies singeries et tintamarres avec une grande roue tournant +dedans ledit enfer, toute environnée de clochettes." The singer, Étienne +le Roy, was again the "deus ex machina," coming from heaven and returning +thither, in the character of Mercury mounted upon a gigantic bird. The +final explosion inspired so much consternation among the spectators, that +it effectually cleared the hall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_934_934" id="Footnote_934_934"></a><a href="#FNanchor_934_934"><span class="label">[934]</span></a> They were married at Blandy, a castle belonging to the +Marquise de Rothelin, near Melun, where its ruins are still to be seen +(Saint-Fargeau, Dict. des communes de France, s. v.), about a week before +the marriage of Navarre, August 10, 1572. Tocsain contre les massacreurs +(Arch. curieuses, vii. 42). Marie of Cleves was a daughter of the Duke of +Nevers, and sister of Catharine of Cleves, Prince Porcien's widow, whom +Henry of Guise had married in Sept., 1570. Journal de Jehan de la Fosse, +146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_935_935" id="Footnote_935_935"></a><a href="#FNanchor_935_935"><span class="label">[935]</span></a> It is astonishing to see what considerable distances the +Protestants were obliged to go in order to enjoy any religious +privileges, and what fatigue they willingly underwent in order to avail +themselves of them. In 1563, immediately after the close of the first +civil war, instead of being assigned a place for worship in the suburbs, +according to the terms of the edict, the Protestants of Troyes were told +to go to Céant-en-Othe—full <i>eight leagues</i>, or about <i>twenty-four +miles</i>; nor could they obtain justice by any remonstrances with the +court! As they went to Céant, in spite of its inconvenient distance, and +of the death of several children taken thither to be baptized, the +Romanists, in 1570, actually proposed to remove the Protestant <i>prêche</i> +still farther off, to Villenauxe, <i>thirteen leagues from Troyes!</i> +Happily, after a while, they availed themselves of the hospitality of a +feudal lord nearer by. Recordon, Le protestantisme en Champagne (MSS. of +N. Pithou), 136, etc., 149, 163.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_936_936" id="Footnote_936_936"></a><a href="#FNanchor_936_936"><span class="label">[936]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 168, 169. The Roman Catholics of Troyes sent, +about the middle of August, two deputies to get the Protestant place of +worship removed from Isle-au-Mont, who were present at the massacre.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_937_937" id="Footnote_937_937"></a><a href="#FNanchor_937_937"><span class="label">[937]</span></a> Baschet, La diplomatie vénitienne, p. 540.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_938_938" id="Footnote_938_938"></a><a href="#FNanchor_938_938"><span class="label">[938]</span></a> This confession exists in manuscript in the National +Library of Paris (Fonds de Bouhier, 59), under the heading: "Discours du +Roy Henry troisiesme à un personnage d'honneur et de qualité estant près +de sa majesté, sur les causes et motifs de la St. Barthélemy." It is +printed in an appendix to the Mémoires de Villeroy (Petitot ed., xliv. +496-510). Its authenticity is vouched for by Matthieu, the +historiographer of Louis XIII., and is corroborated by its remarkable +agreement with what we can learn from other sources. Cf., especially, +Soldan, Frankreich und die Bartholomäusnacht, 224-226. Some suppose that +M. de Souvré, and not Miron, was the person with whom the conversation at +Cracow was held. Martin, Hist. de France, x. 315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_939_939" id="Footnote_939_939"></a><a href="#FNanchor_939_939"><span class="label">[939]</span></a> Discours du Roy Henry III., Mém. de Villeroy, 499, 500.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_940_940" id="Footnote_940_940"></a><a href="#FNanchor_940_940"><span class="label">[940]</span></a> See J. Bonnet, Vie d'Olympia Morata (Paris, 1850), 20, +etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_941_941" id="Footnote_941_941"></a><a href="#FNanchor_941_941"><span class="label">[941]</span></a> Discours du Roy Henry III., ibid., p. 501. The nuncio, +Salviati, informs us that young Guise urged his mother herself to kill +Coligny.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_942_942" id="Footnote_942_942"></a><a href="#FNanchor_942_942"><span class="label">[942]</span></a> The article on the massacre in the North British Review +for October, 1869—an article to which I shall have occasion more than +once to refer—brings forward a number of passages in the diplomatic +correspondence, especially of the minor Italian states, pointing in this +direction. They can all, I am convinced, be satisfactorily explained, +without admitting the conclusion, to which the writer evidently leans, of +a <i>distinct</i>, though not a <i>long</i> premeditation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_943_943" id="Footnote_943_943"></a><a href="#FNanchor_943_943"><span class="label">[943]</span></a> "Mad. la Regente venuta in differenza di lui, risolvendosi +pochi giorni prima, gli la fece tirare, e senza saputa del Re, ma con +participatione di M. di Angiu, di Mad. de Nemours, e di M. di Guisa suo +figlio; e se moriva subito non si ammazzava altri," etc. Salviati, desp. +of Sept. 22, 1572, <i>apud</i> Mackintosh, Hist. of England, vol. iii., +Appendix K. It will be remembered that these despatches were given to Sir +James Mackintosh by M. de Châteaubriand, who had obtained them from the +Vatican. I need not say how much more trustworthy are the secret +despatches of one so well informed as the nuncio, than the sensational +"Stratagema" of Capilupi, which pretends (ed. of 1574, p. 26) that +<i>Charles</i> placed Maurevel in the house from which he shot at Coligny, on +discovering that the admiral had formed the plan of firing Paris the next +night. To believe these champions of orthodoxy, the Huguenots were born +with a special passion for incendiary exploits. It does not seem to +strike them that burning and pillaging Paris would not be likely to +appear to Coligny a probable means of furthering the war in Flanders. +Besides, what need is there of any such Huguenot plot, even according to +Capilupi's own view, since he carries back the premeditation of the +massacre on the part of Charles at least four years?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_944_944" id="Footnote_944_944"></a><a href="#FNanchor_944_944"><span class="label">[944]</span></a> Le Reveille-Matin des François, etc., Archives curieuses, +vii. 173; Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi (1574), i. 33. It has been +customary to interpret this language and similar expressions as covertly +referring to the massacre which was then four days off. But this seems +absurd. Certainly, if Charles was privy to the plan for Coligny's murder, +he must have expected him to be killed on Friday—that is, within less +than two days. If so, what peculiar significance in the <i>four</i> days? For, +if a general massacre had been at first contemplated, no interval of two +days would have been allowed. Everybody must have known that if the +arquebuse shot had done its work, and Coligny had been killed on the +spot, every Huguenot would have been far from the walls of Paris long +before Sunday. As it was, it was only the admiral's confidence, and the +impossibility of moving him with safety, that detained them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_945_945" id="Footnote_945_945"></a><a href="#FNanchor_945_945"><span class="label">[945]</span></a> Capilupi, Lo stratagema di Carlo IX., 1574. Orig. ed., pp. +24, 25, and the concurrent French version, pp. 42, 43. This version is +incorporated <i>verbatim</i> in the Mémoires de l'estat de France sous Charles +IX. (Archives curieuses), vii. 89, 90. In like manner the "Mémoires," +which are in great part a mere compilation, take page after page from the +"Reveille-Matin."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_946_946" id="Footnote_946_946"></a><a href="#FNanchor_946_946"><span class="label">[946]</span></a> "Ainsi qu'il sortoit presentement du Louvre, pour aller +disner en son logis." Charles's letter of the same day to La Mothe +Fénélon, Corresp. dipl., vii. 322.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_947_947" id="Footnote_947_947"></a><a href="#FNanchor_947_947"><span class="label">[947]</span></a> It is of little moment whether the assassin at his window +was screened by a lattice, or by a curtain, as De Thou says, or by +bundles of straw, as Capilupi states. I prefer the account of the +"Reveille-Matin," as the author tells us that he was one of the twelve or +fifteen gentlemen in Coligny's suite—"entre lesquels j'estoy" (p. 174). +So the Latin ed., Euseb. Philad. Dialogi, i. 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_948_948" id="Footnote_948_948"></a><a href="#FNanchor_948_948"><span class="label">[948]</span></a> The Rue de Béthisy was the continuation of the Rue des +Fossés Saint Germain l'Auxerrois, through which he was walking when he +was shot. In the sixteenth century the street bore the former name, +beginning at the Rue de l'Arbre Sec, at the corner of which Coligny +appears to have lodged. In later times the name was confined to the part +east of Rue de Roule. Dulaure, Histoire de Paris, iv. 259. The extension +of the Rue de Rivoli, under the auspices of Napoleon III., has not only +destroyed the house in which Coligny was murdered, but obliterated the +Rue de Béthisy itself.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_949_949" id="Footnote_949_949"></a><a href="#FNanchor_949_949"><span class="label">[949]</span></a> "Qu'il n'aviendroit que ce qu'il plairoit à Dieu." +Reveille-Matin, 175; Euseb. Philad. Dialogi (1574), i. 35; Mémoires de +l'estat, 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_950_950" id="Footnote_950_950"></a><a href="#FNanchor_950_950"><span class="label">[950]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chapter xvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_951_951" id="Footnote_951_951"></a><a href="#FNanchor_951_951"><span class="label">[951]</span></a> Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 175; and Euseb. Philad. +Dialogi. i. 34, 35; Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 93, etc.; Jean de +Serres (1575), iv. fol. 25; Tocsain contre les Massacreurs (orig. ed.), +113, etc.; Registres du Bureau de la ville de Paris (Archives curieuses, +vii. 211); despatch of Salviati of Aug. 22. App. F to Mackintosh, Hist. +of England, iii. 354; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 574; Jehan de la Fosse, +147, 148; Baschet. La diplomatie vénit., 548.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_952_952" id="Footnote_952_952"></a><a href="#FNanchor_952_952"><span class="label">[952]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 94; Jean de Serres +(1575), iv., fols. 25, 26; Reveille-Matin, 176; Euseb. Philad. Dial., i. +35; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 574.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_953_953" id="Footnote_953_953"></a><a href="#FNanchor_953_953"><span class="label">[953]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, Archives cur., vii. 45; +Reveille-Matin, 177; Mémoires de l'estat, 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_954_954" id="Footnote_954_954"></a><a href="#FNanchor_954_954"><span class="label">[954]</span></a> Gasparis Colinii Vita (1574), 108-110; Mémoires de l'estat +de Charles IX., <i>ubi supra</i>, 94-98. The two accounts are evidently from +the same hand.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_955_955" id="Footnote_955_955"></a><a href="#FNanchor_955_955"><span class="label">[955]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_956_956" id="Footnote_956_956"></a><a href="#FNanchor_956_956"><span class="label">[956]</span></a> Damville, Méru and Thoré, were sons of the constable. +Their eldest brother, Marshal Francis de Montmorency, whose greatest vice +was his sluggishness and his devotion to his ease, had left Paris a few +days before, on the pretext of going to the chase. His absence at the +time of the massacre was supposed to have saved not only his life, but +that of his brothers. The Guises would gladly have destroyed a family +whose influence and superior antiquity had for a generation been +obnoxious to their ambitious designs; but it was too hazardous to leave +the head of the family to avenge his murdered brothers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_957_957" id="Footnote_957_957"></a><a href="#FNanchor_957_957"><span class="label">[957]</span></a> There was no need of going far, Coligny responded, to +discover the author. "Qu'on en demande à Monsieur de Guise, il dira qui +est celuy qui m'a presté une telle charité; mais Dieu ne me soit jamais +en aide si je demande vengeance d'un tel outrage." Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi +supra</i>, 104, 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_958_958" id="Footnote_958_958"></a><a href="#FNanchor_958_958"><span class="label">[958]</span></a> Gasparis Colinii Vita, 114-121; Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi +supra</i>, 102-106. The two accounts agree almost word for word. There is a +briefer narrative in Reveille-Matin, 178, 179; and Euseb. Philad. +Dialogi, i. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_959_959" id="Footnote_959_959"></a><a href="#FNanchor_959_959"><span class="label">[959]</span></a> Discours du roy Henry III., <i>ubi supra</i>, 502-505.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_960_960" id="Footnote_960_960"></a><a href="#FNanchor_960_960"><span class="label">[960]</span></a> Le roi à Mandelot, 22 août, Correspondance du roi Charles +IX. et du sieur de Mandelot (Paris, 1830), 36, 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_961_961" id="Footnote_961_961"></a><a href="#FNanchor_961_961"><span class="label">[961]</span></a> Corresp. dipl. de La Mothe Fénélon, vii. 322, 323.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_962_962" id="Footnote_962_962"></a><a href="#FNanchor_962_962"><span class="label">[962]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 106, 107.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_963_963" id="Footnote_963_963"></a><a href="#FNanchor_963_963"><span class="label">[963]</span></a> Ibid., 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_964_964" id="Footnote_964_964"></a><a href="#FNanchor_964_964"><span class="label">[964]</span></a> There is here, however, a direct contradiction, which I +shall not attempt to reconcile, between the account of Henry and that of +the younger Tavannes, who represents Retz as one of the most violent in +his recommendations. According to Tavannes, it was his father, Marshal +Tavannes, that advocated moderation. In other respects the two accounts +are strongly corroborative of each other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_965_965" id="Footnote_965_965"></a><a href="#FNanchor_965_965"><span class="label">[965]</span></a> Discours du roy Henry III., 505-508.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_966_966" id="Footnote_966_966"></a><a href="#FNanchor_966_966"><span class="label">[966]</span></a> Mémoires de Gaspard de Saulx, seigneur de Tavannes, by his +son, Jean de Saulx, vicomte de Tavannes (Petitot edition), iii. 293, +294.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_967_967" id="Footnote_967_967"></a><a href="#FNanchor_967_967"><span class="label">[967]</span></a> "Reginam quidem certum est dictitare solitam, edita +strage, 'se tantum <i>sex</i> hominum interfectorum sanguinem in suam +conscientiam recipere.'" Jean de Serres (ed. of 1575), iv., fol. 29. The +whole passage is interesting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_968_968" id="Footnote_968_968"></a><a href="#FNanchor_968_968"><span class="label">[968]</span></a> "Le roy Henry quatriesme disoit que ce qu'il ne m'avoit +tenu promesse estoit en vengeance des services faicts par le sieur de +Tavannes mon père aux batailles de Jarnac et Montcontour, mais le +principal, parce qu'il l'accusoit d'avoir conseillé la Sainct Barthélemy; +ce qu'il disoit à ses familiers, et à tort, parce que ledict sieur de +Tavannes en ce temps-là fut cause qu'il ne courust la mesme fortune que +le sieur admiral de Coligny." Mémoires de Tavannes (Petitot edit.), iii. +222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_969_969" id="Footnote_969_969"></a><a href="#FNanchor_969_969"><span class="label">[969]</span></a> To ascribe the conduct of Catharine de' Medici herself to +any such motive is the extreme of absurdity. Even the author of the +"Tocsain contre les massacreurs" rejects the supposition without +hesitation. (Original edition, p. 157.) Catharine was certainly a +free-thinker, probably an atheist.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_970_970" id="Footnote_970_970"></a><a href="#FNanchor_970_970"><span class="label">[970]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_971_971" id="Footnote_971_971"></a><a href="#FNanchor_971_971"><span class="label">[971]</span></a> Ibid., 109.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_972_972" id="Footnote_972_972"></a><a href="#FNanchor_972_972"><span class="label">[972]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 110, 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_973_973" id="Footnote_973_973"></a><a href="#FNanchor_973_973"><span class="label">[973]</span></a> Ibid., 111; Gasparis Colinii Vita (1575), 124.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_974_974" id="Footnote_974_974"></a><a href="#FNanchor_974_974"><span class="label">[974]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_975_975" id="Footnote_975_975"></a><a href="#FNanchor_975_975"><span class="label">[975]</span></a> Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 179; Mémoires de l'estat, +<i>ubi sup.</i>, 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_976_976" id="Footnote_976_976"></a><a href="#FNanchor_976_976"><span class="label">[976]</span></a> Capilupi, 30, 31; Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 107, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_977_977" id="Footnote_977_977"></a><a href="#FNanchor_977_977"><span class="label">[977]</span></a> Extrait des Registres et Croniques du Bureau de la ville +de Paris, Archives curieuses, vii. 213.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_978_978" id="Footnote_978_978"></a><a href="#FNanchor_978_978"><span class="label">[978]</span></a> The successive orders are given in the Archives curieuses, +vii. 215-217.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_979_979" id="Footnote_979_979"></a><a href="#FNanchor_979_979"><span class="label">[979]</span></a> Discours du roy Henry III., 509.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_980_980" id="Footnote_980_980"></a><a href="#FNanchor_980_980"><span class="label">[980]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 121; Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi +sup.</i>, 116; Jean de Serres, iv. (1575), fol. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_981_981" id="Footnote_981_981"></a><a href="#FNanchor_981_981"><span class="label">[981]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv. (1575), fol. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_982_982" id="Footnote_982_982"></a><a href="#FNanchor_982_982"><span class="label">[982]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 117, 118; Jean de Serres +(1575), iv. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_983_983" id="Footnote_983_983"></a><a href="#FNanchor_983_983"><span class="label">[983]</span></a> The startling inconsistency evidently struck Capilupi very +strongly, for he tries to reconcile it, but succeeds only poorly. +According to him, it was either a ruse to throw Charles IX. off his guard +by a pretence of confidence in his good faith, or an act of consummate +folly. Any way, great thanks are due to Heaven! "Et sia stato fatto +questo da lui, ò con arte, per dimostrar di non dubitare della fede del +Re, per tanto più assicurar sua Maestà, fin che fosse in termine +d'effettuar i diabolici suoi pensieri; ò vero scioccamente, non +diffidando veramente di cosa alcuna; in tutti modi si ha da riconoscer da +gratia particolare di Dio," etc. Lo stratagema di Carlo IX., 1574, 80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_984_984" id="Footnote_984_984"></a><a href="#FNanchor_984_984"><span class="label">[984]</span></a> The topography of the massacre is made the subject of a +paper, entitled: "Les victimes de la Saint-Barthélemy," Bulletin de la +Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., ix. (1860) 34-44.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_985_985" id="Footnote_985_985"></a><a href="#FNanchor_985_985"><span class="label">[985]</span></a> G. Colinii Vita (1575), 127. Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, +114.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_986_986" id="Footnote_986_986"></a><a href="#FNanchor_986_986"><span class="label">[986]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 118, 119; Jean de Serres (1575), iv., +fol. 32; Reveille-Matin, 180; Euseb. Philad. Dialogi (1574), 39, 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_987_987" id="Footnote_987_987"></a><a href="#FNanchor_987_987"><span class="label">[987]</span></a> Joh. Wilh. von Botzheim, in his narrative, gives several +versions of the words. According to one they were: "<i>Behem</i>—'N'est tu +pas Admiral?' <i>Admiralius</i>—'Ouy, je le suis. Mais vous estes bien un +jeune souldat pour parler ainsi avec un vieil capitaine, pour le moins au +respect de ma vielesse.' <i>Behem</i>—'Je suis assez aage (agé) por te faire +ta reste.'" Cyclopica illa atque inaudita hactenus detestanda atque +execranda laniena, quæ facta est Lutetia, Aureliis, etc., published in F. +W. Ebeling, Archivalische Beiträge zur Geschichte Frankreichs unter Carl +IX. (Leipsic, 1872), 107, 108.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_988_988" id="Footnote_988_988"></a><a href="#FNanchor_988_988"><span class="label">[988]</span></a> Capilupi puts in Besme's mouth the words: "Now, traitor, +restore to me the blood of my master, which thou didst impiously take +away from me!" It is not at all improbable that he used some such +expression. Lo stratagema di Carlo IX., 34.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_989_989" id="Footnote_989_989"></a><a href="#FNanchor_989_989"><span class="label">[989]</span></a> Jean de Serres, De statu reipub. et rel. (1575), iv., +fols. 32, 33; Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 119-122; Vita Gasparis +Colinii Castellonii, magni quondam Franciæ Amirallii (<i>sine loco</i>, 1575), +pp. 127-131; 178-180. These latter accounts, which agree perfectly, are +the best. Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 182, and Euseb. Philad. Dialogi +(1574), i. 39, 40; Tocsain contre les massacreurs (Rheims, 1579), +121-123; Capilupi, Lo stratagema di Carlo IX. (1574), 33, etc.; Journal +d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), 148, 149; Relation of Olaegui, +secretary of D. de Cuñiga, Spanish ambassador at Paris; Particularités +inédites sur la St. Barthélemi, Gachard in Bulletins de l'Académie royale +de Belgique, xvi. (1849), 252, 253; Alva's bulletin prepared for +distribution, ibid., ix. (1842), 563. Both are very inaccurate. De Thou, +iv. (liv. lii.) 584, 585; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 16 (liv. i., c. 4).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_990_990" id="Footnote_990_990"></a><a href="#FNanchor_990_990"><span class="label">[990]</span></a> "Le lundy d'après, ayant la teste ostée et les parties +honteuses coupées <i>par les petits enfans</i>, fut d'iceulx petits enfans qui +estoient jusques au nombre de 2 ou 300, traîné, le ventre en haut, parmy +les ruisseaux de la ville de Paris." Jehan de la Fosse, 149. See the long +account in Von Botzheim's narration, <i>ubi supra</i>, 113.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_991_991" id="Footnote_991_991"></a><a href="#FNanchor_991_991"><span class="label">[991]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_992_992" id="Footnote_992_992"></a><a href="#FNanchor_992_992"><span class="label">[992]</span></a> Letter of Mandelot to Charles IX., Sept. 5, 1572, +Correspondance du roi Charles IX. et du sieur de Mandelot (Edited by P. +Paris, Paris, 1830), 56-58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_993_993" id="Footnote_993_993"></a><a href="#FNanchor_993_993"><span class="label">[993]</span></a> Of this memorable enterprise Coligny has left "Mémoires" +which are contained in the collection of Petitot, etc. It is the only +military treatise we possess coming from the admiral's hand, and it +enters into the subject with technical minuteness. The destruction by his +royal murderers of the admiral's papers (including diaries that would +have thrown great light upon the transactions of the last two years of +his life), see Vita Gasparis Colinii (1575), i. 138, was an irretrievable +loss to history. We are told also of a much more recent act of vandalism, +not even palliated by the miserable excuse of political expediency: "In +1810, an inhabitant of Châtillon having discovered in the solitary +remaining tower of the old castle a walled chamber wherein were the +archives of the Coligny family and of the family of Luxemburg, burned all +the papers from motives of private interest. Some fragments that escaped +this conflagration, and which are preserved in the mairie, prove that a +correspondence between Catharine de' Medici and Coligny had been laid +away in this repository." Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du prot. +français, iii. (1854) 351.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_994_994" id="Footnote_994_994"></a><a href="#FNanchor_994_994"><span class="label">[994]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, chapter xiii.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_995_995" id="Footnote_995_995"></a><a href="#FNanchor_995_995"><span class="label">[995]</span></a> Testament olographe de l'amiral Coligny, Bulletin de la +Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, i. (1852) 263, etc. The authenticity +of this document, though called in question on historical grounds, has +been conclusively established by M. Jules Bonnet, Bulletin, xxiv. (1875) +332-335.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_996_996" id="Footnote_996_996"></a><a href="#FNanchor_996_996"><span class="label">[996]</span></a> Albèri, Relazioni Venete, vol. iv., 1st series, <i>apud</i> +Baschet, La diplomatie vénitienne, i. 536, 537. There is, however, the +greatest improbability in the story that Coligny advanced such claims in +his own behalf as his admirers made for him. We may reject as +apocryphal—for they stand in palpable contradiction with the whole tenor +of his utterances—the words ascribed by Lord Macaulay to the great +Huguenot hero (History of England, New York, 1879, iv. 488): "'In one +respect,' said the Admiral Coligni, 'I may claim superiority over +Alexander, over Scipio, over Cæsar. They won great battles, it is true. I +have lost four great battles; and yet I show to the enemy a more +formidable front than ever.'" Cf. Davila, bk. v., p. 179.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_997_997" id="Footnote_997_997"></a><a href="#FNanchor_997_997"><span class="label">[997]</span></a> Vita Gasparis Colinii (1575), pp. 133-137, translated by +D. D. Scott, under the title, "Memoirs of the Admiral de Coligny," +183-187. I have abridged the account by omitting some less important +particulars.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_998_998" id="Footnote_998_998"></a><a href="#FNanchor_998_998"><span class="label">[998]</span></a> Discours sur les causes de l'exécution faicte és personnes +de ceux qui avoient conjuré contre le Roy et son estat. A Paris, à +l'olivier de P. l'Huillier, rue St. Jacques. 1572. <i>Avec privilège.</i> +(Archives curieuses, vii. 231-249.) Capilupi, Lo stratagema di Carlo IX., +1574, p. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_999_999" id="Footnote_999_999"></a><a href="#FNanchor_999_999"><span class="label">[999]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 123; Jean de Serres +(1575), iv., fol. 30; Reveille-Matin, 182; Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi, +i. 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1000_1000" id="Footnote_1000_1000"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1000_1000"><span class="label">[1000]</span></a> "La Royne ma mère respond, que s'il plaisoit à Dieu je +n'auroit point de mal; mais quoy que ce fust, il falloit que j'allasse, +de peur de leur faire soupçonner quelque chose qui empeschast l'effect."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1001_1001" id="Footnote_1001_1001"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1001_1001"><span class="label">[1001]</span></a> Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois, 32, 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1002_1002" id="Footnote_1002_1002"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1002_1002"><span class="label">[1002]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chapter xvi.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1003_1003" id="Footnote_1003_1003"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1003_1003"><span class="label">[1003]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 123, 124; Jean de +Serres (1575), iv., fol. 34; Reveille-Matin, 182; Eusebii Philadelphi +Dialogi, i. 40; Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 125, 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1004_1004" id="Footnote_1004_1004"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1004_1004"><span class="label">[1004]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 18 (liv. i., c. 4).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1005_1005" id="Footnote_1005_1005"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1005_1005"><span class="label">[1005]</span></a> Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois, 345.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1006_1006" id="Footnote_1006_1006"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1006_1006"><span class="label">[1006]</span></a> Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 183; Euseb. Philad. Dialogi, +i. 40; Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 126. Charles was not generally so +complaisant. Fervaques in vain interceded for his friend Captain Moneins. +Tocsain, 126.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1007_1007" id="Footnote_1007_1007"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1007_1007"><span class="label">[1007]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 124; Jean de Serres (1575), +iv., fol. 35; Reveille-Matin, 182; Euseb. Philadelphi Dial., i. 40; De +Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 590.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1008_1008" id="Footnote_1008_1008"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1008_1008"><span class="label">[1008]</span></a> "Avec une contenance fort esmeue et abatue." Mém. de +l'estat. "Humilissimo animo et consternate ore." Jean de Serres, <i>ubi +supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1009_1009" id="Footnote_1009_1009"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1009_1009"><span class="label">[1009]</span></a> Jean de Serres's "<i>consternatiori</i> tamen animo" is an +evident misprint for "<i>constantiori</i> tamen animo."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1010_1010" id="Footnote_1010_1010"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1010_1010"><span class="label">[1010]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, 124, 125; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. +35 <i>verso</i>; Reveille-Matin, 183; Eusebii Philad. Dial. (1574), i. 40; De +Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 590; Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., ii. 19 (liv. +i., c. 4).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1011_1011" id="Footnote_1011_1011"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1011_1011"><span class="label">[1011]</span></a> Eusebii Phil. Dialogi, i. 40, 41; Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi +sup.</i>, 183, copied <i>verbatim</i> in Mém. de l'estat, 126. The Reveille-Matin +removes the apparent contradiction between the various accounts +respecting the bell that gave the signal for the massacre by showing that +<i>both</i> bells were rung. So also Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 16 (liv. i., c. +4), after mentioning how Catharine, for the time being, removed Charles's +hesitation by alleging the necessity of cutting off the corrupt members +in order to save the Church, the Bride of Christ, and citing the saying: +"Che pietà lor ser crudele. Che crudeltà lor ser pietosa," adds: "Le roi +se resout, et elle avance le tocsain du Palais, en faisant sonner <i>une +heure et demie</i> devant celui de Sainct Germain de l'Auxerrois." By +neglecting the clue thus given, the chronological order of the events of +the day has been lost by a number of historians. It will be noticed that +the number of the royal guards reported to have been slain was, strangely +enough, derived from that of the Huguenot gentlemen butchered in the +Louvre by those very guards. The story may have been perpetuated by +misapprehension of the facts; it could have arisen only from wilful +falsehood.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1012_1012" id="Footnote_1012_1012"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1012_1012"><span class="label">[1012]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs (Rheims, 1579), 124, 125; +Reveille-Matin, 126; Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi, i. 41; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, ii. 18; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 586.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1013_1013" id="Footnote_1013_1013"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1013_1013"><span class="label">[1013]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 125; Agrippa d'Aubigné, +ii. 18; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 586; Euseb. Philad. Dialogi, <i>ubi +supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1014_1014" id="Footnote_1014_1014"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1014_1014"><span class="label">[1014]</span></a> "The courtiers and the soldiers of the royal guard were +the executioners of this commission on the (Huguenot) noblesse, +terminating, they said, by the sword and general disorder, those +processes which pens and paper and the order of justice had hitherto +failed to bring to an issue." Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 184; Eusebii +Philad. Dialogi, i 41; Mémoires de l'estat, 127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1015_1015" id="Footnote_1015_1015"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1015_1015"><span class="label">[1015]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1016_1016" id="Footnote_1016_1016"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1016_1016"><span class="label">[1016]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 136, 137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1017_1017" id="Footnote_1017_1017"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1017_1017"><span class="label">[1017]</span></a> Reveille-Matin, <i>ubi supra</i>, 184, 185; Eusebii Philad. +Dial., i. 42; Mém. de l'estat, 127; Jean de Serres (1575), iv. 38; De +Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 588; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 18. The minor details +of the story are given, with variations, by different authors. D'Aubigné +gives us Biron's answer to the commands and menaces with which Madame de +la Châtaigneraie sought to gain possession of young La Force: "I would +certainly intrust him in the hands of his relative, in order to take care +of him, but not in the hands of his next heir, who took too great care of +him yesterday morning," ii. 21. It must be noted, however, that the +"Mémoires authentiques de Jacques Nompar de Caumont, Duc de la Force, +Maréchal de France, recueillis par le Marquis de la Grange" (Paris, +1843), i. 2-37, so far from accusing the sister of La Force, ascribe the +persistent attempts to secure his death solely to Archan (or Larchant), +who had <i>married</i> this sister; and they state that, at her death, she +left her property, including what she had inherited from her husband, to +her brother.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1018_1018" id="Footnote_1018_1018"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1018_1018"><span class="label">[1018]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 146</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1019_1019" id="Footnote_1019_1019"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1019_1019"><span class="label">[1019]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 146; Tocsain contre les massacreurs, +129, 130; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 592; Claude Haton, ii. 678; Agrippa +d'Aubigné, ii. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1020_1020" id="Footnote_1020_1020"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1020_1020"><span class="label">[1020]</span></a> Tocsain, 136.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1021_1021" id="Footnote_1021_1021"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1021_1021"><span class="label">[1021]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1022_1022" id="Footnote_1022_1022"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1022_1022"><span class="label">[1022]</span></a> "Radices, atque etiam radicum fibras, funditus evellas." +Pii Quinti Epistolæ, 111. See <i>ante</i>, chapter xvi., p. 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1023_1023" id="Footnote_1023_1023"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1023_1023"><span class="label">[1023]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 147. The children of other cities +emulated the example of those of Paris. In Provins, in the month of +October, 1572, a Huguenot, Jean Crespin, after having been hung by the +officers of justice, was taken down from the gallows by "les petis enfans +de Provins, <i>de l'âge de douze ans et au dessoubz</i>," to the number of +more than one hundred. By these mimic judges he was declared unworthy to +be dragged save by his feet, and, his punishment by hanging being +reckoned too light, he was roasted in a fire of straw, and presently +thrown into the river. Numbers of older persons looked on, approving and +encouraging the children; a few good Catholics were grieved to see such +cruelty practised on a dead body. Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. 704-706.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1024_1024" id="Footnote_1024_1024"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1024_1024"><span class="label">[1024]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1025_1025" id="Footnote_1025_1025"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1025_1025"><span class="label">[1025]</span></a> "On en remarqua qui avoient les yeux attachés sur le +corps du Baron du Pont, pour voir si elles y trouveroient quelque cause +ou quelque marque de l'impuissance qu'on lui reprochoit." De Thou, iv. +(liv. lii.) 587. See Euseb. Philadelphi Dial., i. 45, and Jean de Serres +(1575) iv., fol. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1026_1026" id="Footnote_1026_1026"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1026_1026"><span class="label">[1026]</span></a> "Le Roy, la Royne mère, et leurs courtisans, rioyent à +gorge desployée." Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1027_1027" id="Footnote_1027_1027"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1027_1027"><span class="label">[1027]</span></a> The prévôt, échevins, etc., "du tout, auroient, d'heure +en heure, rendu compte et tesmoignage à sadicte Majesté." Extrait des +registres et croniques du bureau de la ville de Paris, Archives +curieuses, vii. 215.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1028_1028" id="Footnote_1028_1028"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1028_1028"><span class="label">[1028]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1029_1029" id="Footnote_1029_1029"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1029_1029"><span class="label">[1029]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, Rheims, 1579, p. 140.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1030_1030" id="Footnote_1030_1030"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1030_1030"><span class="label">[1030]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1031_1031" id="Footnote_1031_1031"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1031_1031"><span class="label">[1031]</span></a> Brantôme, Homines illustres français, M. de Thavannes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1032_1032" id="Footnote_1032_1032"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1032_1032"><span class="label">[1032]</span></a> "Declarant (Alençon) qu'il ne pouvoit approuver vn tel +desordre, ny qu'on rompit si ouvertement la foy promise, qui fut cause +que sa mere luy dit en termes clairs que s'il bougeoit elle le feroit +ietter dans vn sac aual l'eau." Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 141.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1033_1033" id="Footnote_1033_1033"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1033_1033"><span class="label">[1033]</span></a> Ib., 133.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1034_1034" id="Footnote_1034_1034"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1034_1034"><span class="label">[1034]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 592.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1035_1035" id="Footnote_1035_1035"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1035_1035"><span class="label">[1035]</span></a> His son, Jacques Merlin, at a later time pastor at La +Rochelle, although he does not mention the particulars of his father's +escape, in the journal published for the first time by M. Gaberel in an +appendix to the second vol. of his Histoire de l'église de Genève, pp. +153-207, alludes to it—"fut deliuré par une grace de Dieu spéciale" (p. +155).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1036_1036" id="Footnote_1036_1036"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1036_1036"><span class="label">[1036]</span></a> Mémoires de Sully (London, 1748), i. pp. 29, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1037_1037" id="Footnote_1037_1037"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1037_1037"><span class="label">[1037]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 131; Mém. de l'estat, +<i>ubi supra</i>, 142, etc. De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 592, 593. Strange to say, +Von Botzheim was so far misinformed, that he makes Charpentier <i>weep</i> for +the fate of Ramus! Archival. Beiträge, p. 117.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1038_1038" id="Footnote_1038_1038"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1038_1038"><span class="label">[1038]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 596; Mémoires de l'estat de +France sous Charles IX. (Cimber et Danjou, vii. 137-142, and in M. +Buchon's biographical notice prefixed to the "Commentaires"). An +appreciative chapter on Pierre de la Place and his works may be read in +Victor Bujeaud, Chronique protestante de l'Angoumois (Angoulême, 1860), +50-66.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1039_1039" id="Footnote_1039_1039"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1039_1039"><span class="label">[1039]</span></a> Cahors is over 300 miles in a straight line from Paris, +more than 400 miles—153 leagues—by the roads.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1040_1040" id="Footnote_1040_1040"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1040_1040"><span class="label">[1040]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 594, 595; Agrippa d'Aubigné, +Hist. univ., ii. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1041_1041" id="Footnote_1041_1041"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1041_1041"><span class="label">[1041]</span></a> The incident of Charles IX.'s firing upon the Huguenots +has been of late the subject of much discussion. M. Fournier and M. Méry +have denied the existence, in 1572, of the pavilion at which tradition +makes the king to have stationed himself. See Bulletin de la Soc. de +l'hist. du prot. français, v. (1857) 332, etc. It has, I think, been +conclusively shown that they are mistaken. The pavilion <i>was</i> in +existence. But, besides, there is no reason why an incident should be +deemed apocryphal because of a popular mistake in assigning the spot of +its occurrence. The "Reveille-Matin" and the Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi, +published in 1574, are the earliest documents that refer to it. They +place Charles at the window of his own room. So does Brantôme, writing +considerably later. Jean de Serres (in the fourth vol. of his Commentaria +de statu, etc. (fol. 37), published in 1575) says: "Regem quoque ex +hypæthrio (<i>i.e.</i>, from a covered gallery) aiunt, adhibitis, ut solebat, +diris contenta voce conclamare, et tormento etiam ipsum ejaculari." +Agrippa d'Aubigné alludes to it not only in his Histoire universelle (ii. +19, 21), but in his Tragiques (Bulletin, vii. 185), a poem which he +commenced as early as in 1577 (See Bulletin, x. 202). M. Henri Bordier +has been so fortunate as to discover and has reprinted a contemporary +engraving of the massacre, in which Charles is represented as excitedly +looking on the slaughter from a window in the Louvre, while behind him +stand two halberdiers and several noblemen (Bulletin, x. 106, 107). The +question is discussed in an able and exhaustive manner by MM. Fournier, +Ludovic Lalanne, Bernard, Berty, Bordier, and others, in the Bulletin, v. +332-340; vi. 118-126; vii. 182-187; x. 5-11, 105-107, 199-204.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1042_1042" id="Footnote_1042_1042"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1042_1042"><span class="label">[1042]</span></a> The Porte de Bussy, or Bucy, was the first gate toward +the west on the southern side of the Seine. During the reign of Francis +I. and his successors of the house of Valois, the walls of Paris were of +small compass. In this quarter their general direction is well marked out +by the Rue Mazarine. The circuit started from the Tour de Nesle, which +was nearly opposite the eastern front of the Louvre—the short Rue de +Bussy fixes the situation of the gate where Guise was delayed. A little +west of this is the abbey church of St. Germain-des-Prés, which gave its +name to the suburb opposite the Louvre and the Tuileries. This quaint +pile—the oldest church, or, indeed, edifice of any kind in Paris—after +being built in the sixth century, and injured by the Normans in the +ninth, was rebuilt and dedicated in 1163 A.D., by Alexander III. in +person. On that occasion the Bishop of Paris was not even permitted by +the jealous monks to be present, on the ground that the abbey of St. +Germain-des-Prés was exempt from his jurisdiction. The pontiff confirmed +their position, and his sermon, instead of being an exposition of the +Gospel, was devoted to setting forth the privileges accorded to the abbey +by St. Germain, Bishop of Paris, in 886. Dulaure, Histoire de Paris, ii. +79-84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1043_1043" id="Footnote_1043_1043"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1043_1043"><span class="label">[1043]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 138, 139; Reveille-Matin, +186-188; Mém. de l'estat, 129-131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1044_1044" id="Footnote_1044_1044"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1044_1044"><span class="label">[1044]</span></a> See Henry White, Massacre of St. Bartholomew, p. 460.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1045_1045" id="Footnote_1045_1045"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1045_1045"><span class="label">[1045]</span></a> Valued at from 100,000 to 200,000 crowns, Reveille-Matin, +190; Mém. de l'estat, 151. The interesting anonymous letter from +Heidelberg, Dec. 22, 1573, published first by the Marquis de Noailles in +his "Henri de Valois et la Pologne en 1572" (Paris, 1867), iii. 533, from +the MSS. of Prince Czartoryski, alludes to the costly jewels which Henry, +now king-elect of Poland, made to the elector palatine, his host, and +remarks: "Fortasse magna hæc fuisse videbitur liberalitas et rege digna, +at parva certe vel nulla potius fuit, si vel sumptibus quos +illustrissimus noster princeps in deducendo et excipiendo hoc hospite +sustinuit conferamus, vel si unde hæc dona sint profecta expendamus. Ipse +siquidem rex (Henry) ne teruncium pro iis solvisse, sed ex taberna +cujusdam prædivitis aurifabri Parisiensis, quam scelerati sui ministri in +strage illa nobilium ut alias multas diripuerunt, accepisse ea fertur."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1046_1046" id="Footnote_1046_1046"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1046_1046"><span class="label">[1046]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 150. Versailles, which +thus passed into the hands of the family of Marshal Retz—the Gondi +family—was an old castle situated in the midst of an almost unbroken +forest. The Gondi family sold it to Louis XIII., who built a hunting +lodge, afterward transmuted by Louis XIV. into the magnificent palace, +which, for more than a century, was the favorite residence of the most +splendid court in Europe. The mode in which the title was acquired did +not augur well for the justice or the morality which was to reign there. +M. L. Lacour has contributed an animated sketch, "Versailles et les +protestants de France," to the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. +fr., viii. (1859) 352-367.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1047_1047" id="Footnote_1047_1047"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1047_1047"><span class="label">[1047]</span></a> Discours sur les causes de l'exécution, <i>ubi supra</i>, +249.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1048_1048" id="Footnote_1048_1048"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1048_1048"><span class="label">[1048]</span></a> Royal orders of Aug. 25th, Aug. 27th, etc. Order of the +Prévôt des marchands, Aug. 30th. Registres du bureau de la ville, +Archives curieuses, vii. 222-230. Euseb. Philadelphi Dialog., i. 45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1049_1049" id="Footnote_1049_1049"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1049_1049"><span class="label">[1049]</span></a> Registres du bureau de la ville, pp. 222, 223.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1050_1050" id="Footnote_1050_1050"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1050_1050"><span class="label">[1050]</span></a> Ibid., p. 227.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1051_1051" id="Footnote_1051_1051"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1051_1051"><span class="label">[1051]</span></a> "Aucuns malades languissans, ayant ouy ce miracle, se +firent porter audit cymetière pour veoir laditte espine; lesquelz, estans +là avec ferme foy, firent leur prière à Dieu en l'honneur de nostre dame +la vierge Marie et devant son ymage qui est en laditte chapelle, pour +recouvrer leur santé, et, après leur oraison faicte, s'en retournèrent en +leurs maisons sains et guaris de leur maladie, chose très-véritable et +bien approuvèe." Mém. de Claude Haton, ii. 682.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1052_1052" id="Footnote_1052_1052"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1052_1052"><span class="label">[1052]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>; Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 146; +Reveille-Matin, 193, 194; Mém. de l'estat, 155; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. +41; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 596.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1053_1053" id="Footnote_1053_1053"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1053_1053"><span class="label">[1053]</span></a> Dr. White (Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 459) has +tabulated the estimates, nine in number, afforded by twenty-one distinct +authorities. The lowest estimate—1,000 victims—is that of the Abbé +Caveyrac, whose undisguised aim was to place the number as low as +possible, so as to palliate the atrocity of the massacre. Being based +apparently upon the number of the <i>names</i> of victims that have been +recorded, it may be dismissed as unworthy of consideration. The highest +estimate, of 10,000, though adopted by such writers as the authors of the +Reveille-Matin and the Mémoires de l'estat de France, is vague or +excessive. The Tocsain and Agrippa d'Aubigné are, perhaps, too moderate +in respectively stating the number as 2,000 and 3,000. On the whole, it +appears to me, the contribution of Paris to the massacre of the Huguenots +may be set down with the greatest probability at between 4,000 and 5,000 +persons of all ages and conditions. Von Botzheim, who estimates the total +at 8,000 (F. W. Ebeling, Archivalische Beiträge, p. 120), makes 500 of +these to be women (Ibid., p. 119).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1054_1054" id="Footnote_1054_1054"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1054_1054"><span class="label">[1054]</span></a> In other letters Charles had even the effrontery to +represent the King of Navarre as having been in like danger with his +brothers and himself. See Eusebii Philadelphi Dialog. (1574), i. 45: "se +quidem metu propriæ salutis in arcem Luparam (the Louvre) compulsum illic +se continuisse, una cum fratre charissimo Rege Navarræ, et dilectissimo +Principe Condensi, ut in communi periculo eundem fortunæ exitum +experirentur!"</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1055_1055" id="Footnote_1055_1055"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1055_1055"><span class="label">[1055]</span></a> Correspondance du roi Charles IX. et du sieur de +Mandelot, 39-41. Letter to the Governor of Burgundy, <i>apud</i> Mém. de +l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 133-135.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1056_1056" id="Footnote_1056_1056"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1056_1056"><span class="label">[1056]</span></a> It was undoubtedly with the object of showing that they +were not the prime movers in the massacre, or, as the author of the Mém. +de l'estat expresses himself, that they had no particular quarrel save +with Admiral Coligny, that Henry of Guise and his uncle actually rescued +a few Huguenots from the hands of those who were about to put them to +death. Reveille-Matin, 188; Mémoires de l'estat, 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1057_1057" id="Footnote_1057_1057"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1057_1057"><span class="label">[1057]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 154, from Reveille-Matin, +192; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 597, 598; Euseb. Philad. Dial., i. 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1058_1058" id="Footnote_1058_1058"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1058_1058"><span class="label">[1058]</span></a> It was while Charles was on his way to the Palais de +Justice that a gentleman in his train, and not far from him, was +recognized as being a Protestant, and was killed. The king, hearing the +disturbance, turned around; but, on being informed that it was a Huguenot +whom they were putting to death, lightly said: "Let us go on. Would to +God that he were the last!" Reveille-Matin, 194 (copied in Mém. de +l'estat, 157); Euseb. Philad. Dial., i. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1059_1059" id="Footnote_1059_1059"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1059_1059"><span class="label">[1059]</span></a> De Thou, whom I have chiefly followed, iv. (liv. lii.) +599; Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 142; Reveille-Matin, 193, 194; +Euseb. Phil. Dial., i. 49; Mém. de l'estat, 156; Jean de Serres (1575), +iv., fol. 43; Capilupi, 45; Relation of Olaegui, secretary of Don Diego +de Cuñiga, Spanish ambassador at Paris, to be laid before Philip II., +Simancas MSS., <i>apud</i> Bulletins de l'Acad. Roy. des Sciences, etc., de +Belgique, vol. xvi. (1849) 254.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1060_1060" id="Footnote_1060_1060"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1060_1060"><span class="label">[1060]</span></a> De Thou, Tocsain, etc., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1061_1061" id="Footnote_1061_1061"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1061_1061"><span class="label">[1061]</span></a> Returning to the unpleasant theme in a subsequent book of +his noble history (iv. (liv. liii.) 644), Jacques Auguste de Thou +remarks, with an integrity which cannot swerve even out of consideration +for filial respect: "Ce qu'il y avoit de déplorable, étoit de voir des +personnes respectables par leur piété, leur science, et leur intégrité, +revêtues des premières charges du Royaume, ennemies d'ailleurs de tout +déguisement et de tout artifice, tels que Morvilliers, de Thou, Pibrac, +Montluc et Bellièvre, louer contre leurs sentimens, ou excuser par +complaisance une action qu'ils détestoient dans le cœur, sans y être +engagés par aucun motif de crainte ou d'espérance; mais dans la fausse +persuasion où ils étoient que les circonstances présentes et le bien de +l'État demandoient qu'ils tinssent ce langage."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1062_1062" id="Footnote_1062_1062"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1062_1062"><span class="label">[1062]</span></a> The case stands much worse if we accept the statement of +the author of the Mémoires de l'estat de France sous Charles IX., who, +after contrasting the honorable conduct of President La Vaquerie, in the +time of Louis XI., with that of Christopher de Thou, adds: "Mais +cestui-ci n'avoit garde de faire le semblable; il prend trop de plaisir à +toute sorte d'injustice pour s'y vouloir opposer." (<i>Ubi supra</i>, pp. 156, +157.) So, also, Euseb. Philad. Dial., i. 50: "Nam quomodo sese injustitiæ +viriliter opponeret, qui ex ea tam uberes fructus colligit?" The Mém. de +l'estat accuse him of having instigated the murder of Rouillard—a +counsellor of parliament and canon of Notre Dame, and one of a very few +Roman Catholics that were assassinated—because the latter loved justice, +and had prosecuted one of the first president's friends (p. 148). +According to the historian De Thou, on the other hand (iv. 593), +Rouillard was "homme inquiet, querelleux, et ennemi des officiers des +compagnies de ville."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1063_1063" id="Footnote_1063_1063"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1063_1063"><span class="label">[1063]</span></a> The passage is not in the will in the admiral's own +handwriting, dated Archiac, June 5, 1569, a facsimile of which has been +accurately lithographed by the French Protestant Historical Society, and +which has also been printed in the Bulletin, i. (1852) 263-268. See +<i>ante</i>, p. 461, 462.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1064_1064" id="Footnote_1064_1064"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1064_1064"><span class="label">[1064]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 153; Gasparis Colinii +Vita (1575), 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1065_1065" id="Footnote_1065_1065"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1065_1065"><span class="label">[1065]</span></a> "The said discourse was all written with his own hand." +Walsingham to Smith, Sept. 14, 1572; Digges, 241, 242; Mém. de l'estat, +<i>ubi supra</i>, 153; Gasparis Colinii Vita, 131, 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1066_1066" id="Footnote_1066_1066"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1066_1066"><span class="label">[1066]</span></a> Jean de Serres (1575), iv., fols. 57, 58; Eusebii +Philadelphi Dial. (1574), i. 82, 83; Reveille-Matin, 203-205; De Thou, +iv. (liv. liii.) 645, 646. For many years the disgraceful commemorative +procession was faithfully observed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1067_1067" id="Footnote_1067_1067"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1067_1067"><span class="label">[1067]</span></a> The slight eminence of Montfaucon, the Tyburn of Paris, +was between the Faubourg St. Martin and the Faubourg du Temple, near the +site of the Hôpital St. Louis. See Dulaure, Atlas de Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1068_1068" id="Footnote_1068_1068"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1068_1068"><span class="label">[1068]</span></a> "Il les en reprit et leur dist: 'Je ne bousche comme vous +autres, car l'odeur de son ennemy est très-bonne'—odeur certes point +bonne et la parolle aussi mauvaise." Brantôme, Le Roy Charles IX., edit. +Lalanne, v. 258. The original authority for this odious remark is +Papyrius Masson (1575) in his life of Charles IX., which Brantôme had +under his eyes: "Servis fœtorem non ferentibus, hostis mortui odor +bonus est inquit." Le Laboureur, iii. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1069_1069" id="Footnote_1069_1069"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1069_1069"><span class="label">[1069]</span></a> Le deluge des Huguenots avec leur Tumbeau, 1572. +Reprinted in Archives curieuses, vii. 251-259.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1070_1070" id="Footnote_1070_1070"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1070_1070"><span class="label">[1070]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, Rheims, 1579, p. 143. It +has been well remarked by a writer in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. +du prot. français (iii. 346) as one of the paradoxes of history, that +Coligny's mangled remains, "after being carefully subjected to the most +ignominious treatment, were saved from the annihilation to which they +appeared to be infallibly condemned, and have been transmitted from place +to place, and from hand to hand, until our own days, and better preserved +for three centuries than many other illustrious corpses carefully laid up +in costly mausoleums!" Marshal Montmorency placed the admiral's body in a +lead coffin in his castle of Chantilly, whence he sent it to Montauban. +François de Coligny brought it back to Châtillon-sur-Loing, when, in +1599, the sentence of parliament was formally rescinded. In 1786 it was +taken to Maupertuis and placed in a black marble sarcophagus. Since 1851 +it has been resting in its new tomb under the ruins of that part of the +castle of Châtillon where Coligny was probably born. Bulletin, iii. +346-351.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1071_1071" id="Footnote_1071_1071"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1071_1071"><span class="label">[1071]</span></a> Tocsain contre les Massacreurs, 146; Reveille-Matin, 195; +Euseb. Philadelphi Dial., i. 51; Mém. de l'estat, 161; Jean de Serres, +iv., fol. 44 <i>verso</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1072_1072" id="Footnote_1072_1072"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1072_1072"><span class="label">[1072]</span></a> The text of the declaration is to be found in the +Mémoires de Claude Haton, ii. 683-685, in the Recueil des anciennes lois +françaises (Isambert), xiv. 257, etc., and in the Mémoires de l'estat, +<i>ubi supra</i>, 162-164. See De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 600. The +Reveille-Matin calls attention (p. 196) to the circumstance that in the +first copies of the document the name of Navarre did not occur; but that +in the next issue the admiral's unhappy and detestable conspiracy was +represented as directed against "la personne dudit sieur roy et contre +son estat, la royne sa mère, messieurs ses frères, <i>le roy de Navarre</i>, +princes et seigneurs estans près d'eulx." The policy of introducing +Navarre, and, by implication, Condé, among the proposed victims of the +Huguenots, was certainly sufficiently bold and reckless. See <i>ante</i>, p. +490.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1073_1073" id="Footnote_1073_1073"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1073_1073"><span class="label">[1073]</span></a> See De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.), 630; Jean de Serres, iv., +fols. 53, 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1074_1074" id="Footnote_1074_1074"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1074_1074"><span class="label">[1074]</span></a> Euseb. Philadelphi Dial., i. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1075_1075" id="Footnote_1075_1075"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1075_1075"><span class="label">[1075]</span></a> Digges, 239, 240.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1076_1076" id="Footnote_1076_1076"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1076_1076"><span class="label">[1076]</span></a> Ibid., 245</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1077_1077" id="Footnote_1077_1077"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1077_1077"><span class="label">[1077]</span></a> Documents historiques inédits, i. 713-715.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1078_1078" id="Footnote_1078_1078"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1078_1078"><span class="label">[1078]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., ii. 30; Jean de Serres +(1575), iv., fol. 55.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XIX.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="MASSACRE2" id="MASSACRE2"></a>THE MASSACRE IN THE PROVINCES, AND THE RECEPTION OF THE TIDINGS ABROAD.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The massacre in the provinces.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_501" id="Page_501">[Pg 501]</a></span> +The massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day would have been terrible enough had +it been confined to Paris, for its victims in that single city were to be +reckoned by thousands. Charles the Ninth himself, on the third day, +admitted in a letter to Mondoucet, his envoy in the Netherlands, that "a +very great number of the adherents of the new religion who were in this +city had been massacred and cut to pieces."<a name="FNanchor_1079_1079" id="FNanchor_1079_1079"></a><a href="#Footnote_1079_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a> But this was little in +comparison with the multitudes that were yet to lose their lives in other +parts of France. Here, however, the enterprise assumed a different +character. Not only did it not commence on the same day as in the +capital, but it began at different dates in different places. It is +evident that there had been no well-concerted plan long entertained and +freely communicated to the governors of the provinces and cities. On the +contrary, the greatest variety of procedure prevailed—all tending, +nevertheless, to the same end of the total destruction of the +Protestants. And this was intended from the very moment the project of +the Parisian butchery was hastily and inconsiderately adopted by the +king. Charles meant to be as good as his word when he announced his +determination that not a single Huguenot should survive to reproach him +with what he had done. More frightful than his most passionate outburst +of bloodthirsty frenzy is the cool calculation with which he, or the +minister<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_502" id="Page_502">[Pg 502]</a></span> who wrote the words he subscribed, predicts the chain of +successive murders in provincial France, scarcely one of which had as yet +been attempted. "<i>It is probable</i>," he said, in the same letter of the +twenty-sixth of August, that has just been cited, "<i>that the fire thus +kindled will go coursing through all the cities of my kingdom</i>, which, +following the example of what has been done in this city, will assure +themselves of all the adherents of the said religion."<a name="FNanchor_1080_1080" id="FNanchor_1080_1080"></a><a href="#Footnote_1080_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Verbal orders.</div> + +<p>No mere surmise, founded upon the probable effects of the exhibition of +cruelty in Paris, led to the penning of this sentence. Charles had +purposely fired the train which was to explode with the utmost violence +at almost every point of his wide dominions. "As it has pleased God," he +wrote to Mondoucet, "to bring matters to the state in which they now are, +I do not intend to neglect the opportunity not only to re-establish, if I +shall be able, lasting quietness in my kingdom, but also to serve +Christendom."<a name="FNanchor_1081_1081" id="FNanchor_1081_1081"></a><a href="#Footnote_1081_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a> Accordingly, secret orders, for the most part verbal, +had already been sent in all directions, commanding the provinces to +imitate the example set by Paris. The reality of these orders does not +rest upon conjecture, but is attested by documentary evidence over the +king's own hand. As we have seen in the last chapter, Charles published, +on the twenty-eighth of August, a declaration of his motives and +intentions. This was despatched to the governors of the provinces and to +other high officers, in company with a circular letter, of which the +final sentence deserves particular notice. "Moreover," says the king, +"whatever verbal command I may have given to those whom I sent to you, as +well as to my other governors and lieutenants-general, at a time when I +had just reason to fear some inauspicious events, from having discovered +the conspiracy which the admiral was making against<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_503" id="Page_503">[Pg 503]</a></span> me, I have revoked +and revoke it completely, intending that nothing therein contained be put +into execution by you or by others; for such is my pleasure."<a name="FNanchor_1082_1082" id="FNanchor_1082_1082"></a><a href="#Footnote_1082_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Instructions to Montsoreau at Saumur.</div> + +<p>What was the import of these orders? The manuscripts in the archives of +Angers seem to leave no room for doubt. This city was the capital of the +Duchy of Anjou, given in appanage to Henry, the king's brother, and was, +consequently, under his special government. On Tuesday, the twenty-sixth +of August, the duke sent to the Governor of Saumur a short note running +thus: "Monsieur de Montsoreau, I have instructed the sieur de Puigaillard +to write to you respecting a matter that concerns the service of the +king, my lord and brother, as well as my own. You will, therefore, not +fail to believe and to do whatever he may tell you, just as if it were I +myself." In the same package with these credentials Montsoreau<a name="FNanchor_1083_1083" id="FNanchor_1083_1083"></a><a href="#Footnote_1083_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a> +received a letter from Puigaillard, like himself a knight of the royal +order of St. Michael, which reveals only too clearly the purpose of the +king and his Brother. "Monsieur mon compagnon, I will not fail to +acquaint you with the fact that, on Sunday morning the king caused a very +great execution to be made against the Huguenots; so much so that the +admiral and all the Huguenots that were in this city were killed. And his +Majesty's will is that the same be done wherever there are any to be +found. Accordingly, if you desire ever to do a service that may be +agreeable to the king and to Monsieur (the Duke of Anjou), you must go to +Saumur with the greatest possible number of your friends, and put to +death all that you can<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_504" id="Page_504">[Pg 504]</a></span> find there of the principal Huguenots.... Having +made this execution at Saumur, I beg you to go to Angers and do the same, +with the assistance of the captain of the castle. And you must not expect +to receive any other command from the king, nor from Monseigneur, for +they will send you none, inasmuch as they depend upon what I write you. +You must use diligence in this affair, and lose as little time as +possible. I am very sorry that I cannot be there to help you in putting +this into execution."<a name="FNanchor_1084_1084" id="FNanchor_1084_1084"></a><a href="#Footnote_1084_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Two kinds of letters.</div> + +<p>The statement of the author of the Mémoires de l'estat de France is, +therefore, in full agreement with the ascertained facts of the case. He +informs us that, soon after the Parisian massacre commenced, the secret +council by which the plan had been drawn up despatched two widely +differing kinds of letters. The first were of a private character, and +were addressed to governors of cities and to seditious Roman Catholics +where there were many Protestants, by which they were instigated to +murder and rapine;<a name="FNanchor_1085_1085" id="FNanchor_1085_1085"></a><a href="#Footnote_1085_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> the others were public, and were addressed to +the same functionaries, their object being to amuse and entrap the +professors of the reformed faith. And in addition to the double sets of +written instructions, the same author says that messengers were sent to +various points, to give orders for special executions.<a name="FNanchor_1086_1086" id="FNanchor_1086_1086"></a><a href="#Footnote_1086_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a> We shall not +find it very difficult to account for the rapidity with which the +mas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_505" id="Page_505">[Pg 505]</a></span>sacre spread to the provincial towns—of which the secretary of the +Spanish ambassador, in his hurried journey from Paris to Madrid, was an +eye-witness<a name="FNanchor_1087_1087" id="FNanchor_1087_1087"></a><a href="#Footnote_1087_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a>—if we bear in mind the previous ripeness of the lowest +classes of the Roman Catholic population for the perpetration of any +possible acts of insult and injury toward their Protestant +fellow-citizens. The time had come for the seed sown broadcast by monk +and priest in Lenten and Advent discourses to bear its legitimate harvest +in the pitiless murder of heretics.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The massacre at Meaux.</div> + +<p>Meaux was naturally one of the first of smaller cities to catch the +contagion from the capital. Not only was it the nearest city that +contained any considerable body of Huguenots, but, if we may credit the +report current among them, Catharine, in virtue of her rank as Countess +of Meaux, had placed it first upon the roll. It is not impossible that +the circumstance that this was the cradle of Protestantism in France may +have secured it this distinction. About the middle of Sunday afternoon a +courier reached Meaux, and at once made his way to the residence of the +procureur-du-roi, one Cosset. The nature of the message he bore may be +inferred from the fact that secret orders were at once given to those +persons upon whom Cosset thought that he could rely, to be in readiness +about nightfall. So completely had every outlet from Paris been sealed, +that it had proved almost impossible for a Protestant to find the means +of escaping to carry the tidings abroad. Consequently the adherents of +the reformed faith were yet in ignorance of the impending catastrophe. At +the time appointed, Cosset and his followers seized the gates of Meaux. +It was the hour when the peaceable and unsuspecting people were at +supper. The Protestants could now easily be found, and few escaped +arrest, either that evening or on the succeeding day. Happily, however, a +large number of Huguenots resided in a quarter of Meaux known as the +"Grand Marché," and separated from the main part of the town by the river +Marne. The inhabitants of the Grand Marché received timely warning of +their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_506" id="Page_506">[Pg 506]</a></span> danger; and the men fled by night for temporary refuge to the +neighboring villages. It was scarcely dawn on Monday morning when the +work of plunder begun. By eight o'clock little was left of the goods of +the Huguenots on this side of the Marne, and the pillagers crossed the +bridge to the Grand Marché. Finding only the women, who had remained in +the vain hope of saving their family possessions, the papists wreaked +their fury upon them. About twenty-five of these unhappy persons were +murdered in cold blood;<a name="FNanchor_1088_1088" id="FNanchor_1088_1088"></a><a href="#Footnote_1088_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> others were so severely beaten that they +died within a few days; a few were shamefully dishonored. In most cases, +if not in all, outward acquiescence in the ceremonies of the Roman +Catholic Church would have saved the lives of the victims, but the +Huguenot women were constant and would yield no hypocritical consent. One +poor woman, the wife of "Nicholas the cap-maker," was being dragged to +mass, when her bold and impolitic expressions of detestation of the +service so enraged her conductors, that, being at that moment upon the +bridge which unites the two portions of the city, they stabbed her and +threw her body into the river. In a short time the Grand Marché, which +the precise chronicler tells us contained more than four hundred houses, +was robbed of everything which could be removed, for not the most +insignificant article escaped the cupidity of the Roman Catholic +populace.<a name="FNanchor_1089_1089" id="FNanchor_1089_1089"></a><a href="#Footnote_1089_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a></p> + +<p>These were but the preliminaries of the general massacre. The prisons +were full of Huguenots, whom it was necessary to put out of the way. Late +in the day, on Tuesday the twenty-sixth, Cosset and his band made their +appearance. They were provided with a list of their destined victims, +more than two hundred in number. Of a score or two the names have been +preserved, with their respective avocations. They were merchants, +judicial officers, industrious artisans—in short, the representatives of +the better class of the population of Meaux. Not one escaped. The +murderous band were stationed in the courtyard of the prison,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_507" id="Page_507">[Pg 507]</a></span> while +Cosset, armed with a pistol in either hand, mounted the steps, and by his +roll summoned the Protestants to the slaughter awaiting them below. The +bloody work was long and tedious. The assassins adjourned awhile for +their supper, and, unable to complete the task before weariness blunted +the edge of their ferocity, reserved a part of the Protestants for the +next day. None the less was the task accomplished with thoroughness, and +the exultant cutthroats now had leisure to pursue the fugitives of the +Grand Marché to the villages in which they had taken refuge.<a name="FNanchor_1090_1090" id="FNanchor_1090_1090"></a><a href="#Footnote_1090_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The massacre at Troyes.</div> + +<p>The news of the Parisian massacre reached Troyes, the flourishing capital +of Champagne, on Tuesday, the twenty-sixth of August, and spread great +alarm among the Protestants, who, with the recent disturbances<a name="FNanchor_1091_1091" id="FNanchor_1091_1091"></a><a href="#Footnote_1091_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a> +still fresh in their memories, apprehended immediate death. But their +enemies for the time confined themselves to closing the gates to prevent +their escape. It was not until Saturday, the thirtieth, that the +"bailli," Anne de Vaudrey, sieur de St. Phalle, sent throughout the city +and brought all the Protestants to the prisons. Meantime one of the most +turbulent of the Roman Catholics, named Pierre Belin, had been in Paris, +having been deputed, some weeks before, to endeavor to procure the +removal of the place of worship of the reformed from the castle of +Isle-au-Mont, two or three leagues from the city, to some more distant +and inconvenient spot. He remained in the capital until the Saturday +after the massacre, and started that day for Troyes, with a copy of the +declaration of Thursday forbidding injury to the persons and goods of +unoffending Protestants, and ordering the release of any that might have +been imprisoned. It was believed, indeed, that he was commissioned to +give the declaration to the bailli for publication. On Wednesday, the +third of September, he reached Troyes. As he rode through the streets, he +inquired again and again whether the Huguenots at Troyes were all killed +as they were elsewhere. When interrogated by peaceable Roman Catholics +respecting a rumor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_508" id="Page_508">[Pg 508]</a></span> that the king had revoked his sanguinary orders, he +boldly denied its truth, accompanying his words with oaths and +imprecations. Finding the bailli, he had no difficulty in persuading him +to suppress the royal order, and to convene a council, at which Belin was +introduced as the bearer of verbal instructions, and a bishop was brought +forward to confirm them. Belin and the bishop maintained that the royal +pleasure was that the heretics of Troyes should all be murdered on the +following Saturday night, without distinction of rank, sex, or age, and +their bodies be exposed in the streets to the sight of those who should +on the morrow join in a solemn procession to be held in honor of the +achievement. A writing attached to the neck of each was to contain the +words: "Seditious persons and rebels against the king, who have conspired +against his Majesty."</p> + +<p>The task of butchering the helpless Huguenots in the prison was first +proposed to the public hangman. He refused to take any part in it: this, +he said, was no duty of his office, and he would consent to perform it +only when all the forms of law should have been observed. Other persons +were found more pliable, and, under the leadership of one Perremet, the +bloody scenes of the prison of Meaux were re-enacted, on Thursday, the +fourth day of September, in that of Troyes. How many were the victims we +know not; we have, however, the names of over thirty, apparently the most +prominent of the number. Others were assassinated in the streets. At +last, when all had been done that malice could effect, the king's +declaration, which promised protection to the Huguenots, was published on +Friday, the fifth of September.<a name="FNanchor_1092_1092" id="FNanchor_1092_1092"></a><a href="#Footnote_1092_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The great bloodshed at Orleans.</div> + +<p>In Orleans, a city once the headquarters of the Huguenots, where their +iconoclastic assaults upon the churches during the first civil war had +left permanent memorials of their former supremacy, the massacre assumed +the largest proportions. One of the king's court preachers, Arnauld +Sorbin, better known as M. de Sainte Foy, had written from Paris letters +instigating the inhabitants of Orleans to imi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_509" id="Page_509">[Pg 509]</a></span>tate the example of the +capital, and the letters came to hand with the earliest tidings of the +Parisian massacre. The first murder took place on Monday. M. de +Champeaux, a royal counsellor and a Protestant, who as yet was in +ignorance of the events of St. Bartholomew's Day, received late on Monday +the visit of Tessier, surnamed La Court, the leader of the assassins of +Orleans, and some of his followers. Imagining it to be a friendly +call—for they were acquaintances—Champeaux received them courteously, +and invited them to sup with him. The meal over, his guests recounted the +story of the tragic occurrence at Paris, and, before he was well over his +surprise and horror, asked him for his purse. The unhappy host, still +mistaking the character of those whom he had entertained, at first +regarded the demand as a pleasantry; but when he had been convinced of +his error and had complied, his treacherous visitors instantly stabbed +him to death in his very dining-room.<a name="FNanchor_1093_1093" id="FNanchor_1093_1093"></a><a href="#Footnote_1093_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> The general butchery began on +Tuesday night, in the neighborhood of the ramparts, where the Protestants +were most numerous, and from Wednesday to Saturday there was no +intermission in the slaughter. Here, more even than elsewhere, the +murderers distinguished themselves by their profanity and their +undisguised hatred of the Protestant faith and worship. "Where is your +God?" "Where are your prayers and your psalms?" "Where is the God they +invoke so much? Let Him save, if He can." Such were the expressions with +which the blows of the assassin were interlarded. At times he thought to +aggravate his victim's sufferings by singing snatches of favorite psalms +from the Huguenot psalm-book. It might be the forty-third, so appropriate +to the condition of oppressed innocence, in its quaint old French garb:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="50%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Revenge-moi, pren la querelle<br /></span> +<span class="i0">De moi, Seigneur, de ta merci,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Contre la gent fausse et cruelle:<br /></span> +<span class="i0">De l'homme rempli de cautelle,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Et en sa malice endurci,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Delivre moi aussi.<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_510" id="Page_510">[Pg 510]</a></span> +Or it might be the fifty-first—the words never more sincerely accepted, +even when chanted to all the perfection of choral music, in the Sistine +Chapel or in St. Peter's, than when, in the ears of constant sufferers +for their Christian faith, ribald voices contemptuously sang or drawled +the familiar lines:</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="55%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">Misericorde au povre vicieux,<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Dieu tout-puissant, selon ta grand' clemence.<a name="FNanchor_1094_1094" id="FNanchor_1094_1094"></a><a href="#Footnote_1094_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a><br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>"These execrable outrages," adds the chronicler who gives us this +interesting information, "did not in the least unnerve the Protestants, +who died with great constancy; and, if some were shaken (as were some, +but in very small numbers), this in no wise lessened the patience and +endurance of the rest."<a name="FNanchor_1095_1095" id="FNanchor_1095_1095"></a><a href="#Footnote_1095_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a> The number of the killed was great. The +murderers themselves boasted of the slaughter of more than twelve hundred +men and of one hundred and fifty women, besides a large number of +children of nine years old and under. And there was a dreary uniformity +in the method of their death. They were shot with pistols, then stripped, +and dragged to the river, or thrown into the city moat.<a name="FNanchor_1096_1096" id="FNanchor_1096_1096"></a><a href="#Footnote_1096_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a> But it is, +after all, not the numbers of nameless victims whose honorable deaths +leave no distinct impression upon the mind, but the individual instances +of Christian heroism, teaching lessons of imitable human virtues, that +speak most directly to the sympathies of the reader of an age so long +posterior. The records of French Protestantism are full of these, and one +or two of the most striking that occurred in Orleans deserve mention. M. +de Coudray—whom the Roman Catholics had in vain endeavored on previous +occasions to shake—seeing his house beset and no prospect of +deliverance, himself opened the door of his dwelling to the murderers, +telling them, with wonderful assurance of faith: "You do but hasten the +coming of that blessedness which I have long been expecting."<a name="FNanchor_1097_1097" id="FNanchor_1097_1097"></a><a href="#Footnote_1097_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a> +Whereupon they killed him, in the midst of his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_511" id="Page_511">[Pg 511]</a></span> invocation of his God. +Another Huguenot, De St. Thomas, a schoolmaster, died uttering words as +courageous as ever fell from lips of early Christian martyrs: "Why! do +you think that you move me by your blasphemies and acts of cruelty? It is +not within your power to deprive me of the assurance of the grace of my +God. Strike as much as you please; I fear not your blows."<a name="FNanchor_1098_1098" id="FNanchor_1098_1098"></a><a href="#Footnote_1098_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a> +Sometimes the dying men were allowed a few moments to utter a final +prayer; but, if their zeal led them too far, their impatient murderers +cut short their devotions with oaths and curses, and exclaimed: "Here are +people that take a great while to pray to their God!"<a name="FNanchor_1099_1099" id="FNanchor_1099_1099"></a><a href="#Footnote_1099_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a> Of resistance +there was little, so far were the Huguenots from having collected arms +and prepared for such a conspiracy as was imputed to them. If a Huguenot +teacher of fencing killed one or two of his assailants, or if a few +gentlemen at different places kept them at bay awhile with stones or +other missiles, this, so far from proving their evil intentions, on the +contrary, furnishes undeniable proof of the very different results that +might have ensued had their means of defence been equal to their courage. +For fifteen days after the principal massacre the work went on more +quietly, the dead bodies being still thrown into the ditch—where wolves, +which in the sixteenth century abounded in the valley of the Loire, were +permitted to feed upon them undisturbed—or into the river, of whose +fish, fattened upon this human carrion, the people feared to eat.<a name="FNanchor_1100_1100" id="FNanchor_1100_1100"></a><a href="#Footnote_1100_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Massacre at Bourges.</div> + +<p>At Bourges the news of the massacre was received late on Tuesday. +Meantime, some of the more sagacious of the Huguenots (among others, the +celebrated Francis Hotman, at this time a professor of law in the +University of Bourges), alarmed by the wounding of Admiral Coligny, had +fled from the city. Even after the news came, the massacre was but +partial. Although the mayor, Jean Joupitre, had received sealed orders +(lettres de cachet) instructing him as to the part he was to take, the +municipal officers, knowing the ill-will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_512" id="Page_512">[Pg 512]</a></span> the Guises had always borne to +the Huguenots, were in doubt how far the king countenanced the bloody +work. But the royal letter of the thirtieth of August, accompanying the +declaration of the twenty-eighth, to which reference was made +above,<a name="FNanchor_1101_1101" id="FNanchor_1101_1101"></a><a href="#Footnote_1101_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a> so far from putting an end to the disorder, only rendered it +more general. Bourges became the scene of another of those butcheries of +Huguenots first gathered in the public prisons, of which there are so +many similar instances that it seems impossible to avoid the conclusion +that the orders to effect them emanated from a single source at +court.<a name="FNanchor_1102_1102" id="FNanchor_1102_1102"></a><a href="#Footnote_1102_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">At Angers.</div> + +<p>We have already been admitted to the secret of the instructions sent by +the Duke of Anjou, through Puigaillard, to M. de Montsoreau, for the +destruction of the Huguenots of Saumur and Angers. Certainly there was on +his part no lack of readiness to fulfil his sanguinary commission; but +the local officers were less zealous, and many of the Protestants were +merely thrown into prison. Montsoreau's first exploit at Angers deserves +particular mention. M. de la Rivière, the first reformed pastor of Paris, +of whom I have spoken in a previous chapter, was at this time residing in +Angers, and Montsoreau seems to have been acquainted with him. Going +straight to his house, the governor met the pastor's wife, whom, +according to the gallant custom prevailing, especially among the Trench +courtiers, he first kissed, and then inquired for her husband. He was +told that he was walking in his garden, and thither his hostess led him. +After courteously embracing him, Montsoreau thus abruptly disclosed the +object of his visit: "Monsieur de la Rivière, do you know why I am come? +The king has ordered me to kill you, and that at once. I have a special +commission to this effect, as you will know from these letters." While +saying this he exhibited a pistol which he held in his hand. "I know of +no crime that I have done," calmly replied De la Rivière; and then, after +obtaining permission to offer a brief prayer to God, he fearlessly +presented his breast to the cowardly assassin. Montsoreau did not +complete the extermination of the Huguenots of Angers, and Pui<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_513" id="Page_513">[Pg 513]</a></span>gaillard +soon after arrived to prosecute it; but the Protestant prisoners whom he +was to have murdered knew his venal disposition, and found little +difficulty in purchasing their liberation.<a name="FNanchor_1103_1103" id="FNanchor_1103_1103"></a><a href="#Footnote_1103_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Butchery at Lyons.</div> + +<p>The important city of Lyons, inhabited by a population intensely hostile +to the Reformation, had for its governor M. de Mandelot, a decided +partisan of the Roman Catholic faction. The municipal authorities, +however, either surpassed him in zeal, or, as is more probable, were less +apprehensive of the dangers to be incurred by assuming the responsibility +of a massacre; for of all the "échevins," only two opposed the violent +measures of their associates. The written protest which they insisted +upon entering on the official records is still extant.<a name="FNanchor_1104_1104" id="FNanchor_1104_1104"></a><a href="#Footnote_1104_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a> The first +tidings of the wounding of Coligny by Maurevel reached Lyons on Wednesday +morning, the twenty-seventh of August, in a letter from Charles the Ninth +to Governor Mandelot, similar in tenor to those which were despatched to +every other part of France.<a name="FNanchor_1105_1105" id="FNanchor_1105_1105"></a><a href="#Footnote_1105_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> Although the king spoke only of +displeasure at the outrage, and of his determination to avenge it, the +populace interpreted the event according to their wishes, and instantly +circulated reports of the murder of the admiral and all his adherents. +The Roman Catholics, long discontented with the toleration extended to +those who dissented from the creed of the dominant church, were jubilant +and menacing; the Protestants were disheartened, but exhibited a +self-control only to be accounted for by the long years of oppression +which had wellnigh broken their spirit. The next<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_514" id="Page_514">[Pg 514]</a></span> day came the news of +the events of Sunday, and, in the afternoon, letters from Masso and +Rubys, prominent citizens of Lyons then at Paris, who said that they had +been instructed by the king to order the authorities to copy the example +of the capital. The fanatical party was now clamorous; but Mandelot, +cautious and politic, would act on no such instructions, although he had +taken the precaution of closing the gates, and of commanding the +Protestants, on pain of imprisonment, to remain in their houses. Friday +morning came, and with it the arrival of Sieur du Peyrat from court, +bearing the royal letter written on the day of the massacre, in which it +was represented as the exclusive work of the Guises, and the king +strenuously enjoined the maintenance of the Edict of Pacification.<a name="FNanchor_1106_1106" id="FNanchor_1106_1106"></a><a href="#Footnote_1106_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a> +These were the <i>public</i> instructions sent to Mandelot; but they were not +all. There is a suspicious little postscript to the letter: "Monsieur de +Mandelot, you will give credit to the bearer respecting the matter which +I have charged him to tell you."<a name="FNanchor_1107_1107" id="FNanchor_1107_1107"></a><a href="#Footnote_1107_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a> What these verbal orders were +which the king, not venturing to commit to paper, commissioned Du Peyrat +to communicate, the reply of the governor himself distinctly reveals; it +was the arrest of the Protestants and the confiscation of their +property.<a name="FNanchor_1108_1108" id="FNanchor_1108_1108"></a><a href="#Footnote_1108_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a> Still more perplexed as to what course to pursue, +Mandelot held a long private conference with the messenger, while the +échevins impatiently awaited its conclusion. The governor now called in +the municipal officers for consultation, and with them agreed to order +the immediate imprisonment of the Huguenots. He was not, however, even +yet fully convinced of the propriety of this step, for scarcely had he +given the order when he recalled it.<a name="FNanchor_1109_1109" id="FNanchor_1109_1109"></a><a href="#Footnote_1109_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a> Fearing that the troops at his +disposal might prove insufficient,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_515" id="Page_515">[Pg 515]</a></span> and dreading with good reason lest +the employment of the city militia for this purpose might lead to scenes +of disorder which he would find himself powerless to control, he +preferred to send for such reinforcements as the neighboring noblemen of +the province could furnish.<a name="FNanchor_1110_1110" id="FNanchor_1110_1110"></a><a href="#Footnote_1110_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a> Meantime, the commotion throughout +Lyons had rapidly increased. On Thursday and Friday nights many members +of the Reformed Church had been dragged from their houses as if to +prison, but most of them had been barbarously despatched by the way. +Among others, one of the ministers, Monsieur Jacques l'Anglois, was +stabbed and thrown into the river. On Saturday morning Mandelot, seeing +the confusion hourly increasing, deemed it impolitic to wait any longer +for the troops he was expecting, and resolved upon effecting his purpose +by ruse. He therefore published a proclamation by sound of trumpet, +bidding all the Huguenots to assemble at his house to hear the good +pleasure of the king. The Huguenots, deceived by the professions of his +Majesty, came in great numbers; but no sooner had they all arrived, than +they were seized by the soldiers and hurried away to prison. The common +prison, "La Roanne," being too contracted to contain so large a +multitude, three hundred or more were placed in that of the Archbishop's +palace, and others in the cloisters of the Celestine Monks and the Gray +Friars. At the same time an inventory was being made of all the goods +belonging to Protestants throughout the city.</p> + +<p>These measures, instead of allaying, only inflamed the passions of the +populace the more. That night the murders surpassed those of the previous +nights in number and atrocity, and when Sunday morning dawned the people +were ready for still greater excesses. At about eight o'clock they +entered unopposed the Gray Friars, and butchered every Huguenot they +found. Two hours later, assuming the forms of law, a self-constituted +commission, headed by André Mornieu, one of the échevins or aldermen, +presenting themselves successively at the archiepiscopal prison and at +the Roanne, summoned the inmates to abjure their faith and go to mass. +Only thirty persons in the one, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_516" id="Page_516">[Pg 516]</a></span> about twenty in the other, +consented. These were sent to the Celestine monastery and afterward +released. Of the others a careful list was drawn up. Their fate was +sealed; but an unexpected difficulty arose. The public hangman refused to +execute the sentence of an unauthorized tribunal. So did the soldiers. At +last assassins were obtained from the ranks of the turbulent inhabitants. +About three o'clock that afternoon the archbishop's prison was visited. +To describe with minuteness the scene of horror that ensued would +scarcely be possible. Two hundred and sixty-three persons,<a name="FNanchor_1111_1111" id="FNanchor_1111_1111"></a><a href="#Footnote_1111_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a> of the +very best and most industrious part of the population of Lyons,<a name="FNanchor_1112_1112" id="FNanchor_1112_1112"></a><a href="#Footnote_1112_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a> +called by name according to the roll previously made, were murdered in +rapid succession. Never was there an exhibition of more pitiless cruelty. +Meanwhile, where was the governor? He had gone, in company with the +commandant of the citadel, to suppress a threatened disturbance in the +Faubourg de la Guillotière, on the left bank of the Rhône. He returned +only in time to find the deed done, and to disperse those who had gone to +the Roanne to repeat it there. His demonstrations of anger were loud, and +a liberal reward was offered for the detection of any that had +participated in the slaughter.<a name="FNanchor_1113_1113" id="FNanchor_1113_1113"></a><a href="#Footnote_1113_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a> But this did not prevent the same +body of cutthroats from visiting the Roanne, soon after nightfall, and +despatching all the Protestants that were there, to the number of about +seventy. Many of them, by an excess of barbarity, the assassins tied +together by a single rope, and threw, while yet alive, into the water. On +the follow<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_517" id="Page_517">[Pg 517]</a></span>ing day the bodies which had not yet found a watery grave were +carried to the other side of the Saône, where, stripped and mangled, they +were about to be buried in the cemetery of the Abbaye d'Esnay, when the +monks refused them admission into the consecrated ground, and pointed to +the Rhône as a more fitting destination. Even now they were not spared +further mutilation; for an apothecary of Lyons, having initiated the +murderers into the valuable properties of human fat as a medicinal +substance, the miserable remains were put to new use before being +consigned to the river. Down to the Mediterranean these ghastly witnesses +of the ferocity of the passions of the Lyonnese Roman Catholics carried +fear and disgust, and for weeks the inhabitants of Arles and other places +carefully abstained from drinking the water of the polluted stream.<a name="FNanchor_1114_1114" id="FNanchor_1114_1114"></a><a href="#Footnote_1114_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Responsibility of Mandelot.</div> + +<p>The part which Mandelot took in this awful tragedy has been very +differently estimated, but I am inclined to think that the governor is +not chargeable with any direct responsibility for the butchery in the +prisons of Lyons. Certainly this seems to be established by his letter to +the king, written in the morning of the day on which it occurred; for he +would scarcely have expressed his great desire and hope to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_518" id="Page_518">[Pg 518]</a></span> able to +prevent any outbreak, if he had planned, or even foreseen, the events of +the evening.<a name="FNanchor_1115_1115" id="FNanchor_1115_1115"></a><a href="#Footnote_1115_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a> The story must therefore be apocryphal, that Mandelot, +in commissioning one of the chief assassins to execute the bloody work, +blasphemously said: "I intrust the whole to you, and, as Jesus Christ +said to Saint Peter, whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound +in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in +heaven."<a name="FNanchor_1116_1116" id="FNanchor_1116_1116"></a><a href="#Footnote_1116_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> It was, however, no conscientious scruple that deterred +the governor from actively taking part. Mandelot was scandalously anxious +to obtain his part of the plunder, and was not ashamed to appear as a +suppliant for the confiscated property of the Huguenots almost before +their bodies were cold.<a name="FNanchor_1117_1117" id="FNanchor_1117_1117"></a><a href="#Footnote_1117_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a> But he was unwilling, without the express +orders of his sovereign, written with his own hand, to commit an act +which, the more successful it might be, was the more certain to be +disavowed and punished. He was right: a subordinate could not be too +careful in dealing with so treacherous a court.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The massacre at Rouen.</div> + +<p>Few cities were so ripe for the massacre of the Protestants as the +capital of Normandy. There the passions of the Roman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_519" id="Page_519">[Pg 519]</a></span> Catholics, inflamed +by the civil wars, had not been suffered to cool. Even in the provincial +parliament the papists could hardly submit to receive into their +deliberations again the five or six Huguenot counsellors who had been +expelled or had fled at the outbreak of hostilities, but whom the Edict +of Pacification restored to their ancient functions and dignity; and the +secret registers, among other unfortunate scenes, chronicle particularly +a violent discussion, degenerating into angry altercation between +President Vialard and the Huguenot member Maynet.<a name="FNanchor_1118_1118" id="FNanchor_1118_1118"></a><a href="#Footnote_1118_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> The bloody +assault of the populace of Rouen upon the reformed in March, 1571, +mentioned in a previous page,<a name="FNanchor_1119_1119" id="FNanchor_1119_1119"></a><a href="#Footnote_1119_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a> had been but slightly punished. Few +of the guilty failed to escape from the city, and the sole penalty +suffered had been an execution in effigy. These turbulent men had ever +since that time been watching an opportunity to return. They were now +burning with a desire to signalize their advent by bloody reprisals. +Monsieur de Carouge, governor of the city, was, however, a just and +upright man,<a name="FNanchor_1120_1120" id="FNanchor_1120_1120"></a><a href="#Footnote_1120_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a> and they could not hope for countenance in their plans +from him. In fact, the contemporary accounts inform us that he received +from the king repeated orders to exterminate the Huguenots of +Rouen,<a name="FNanchor_1121_1121" id="FNanchor_1121_1121"></a><a href="#Footnote_1121_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a> which he could not bring himself to execute, and that he +sent messengers to remonstrate with his Majesty who returned without +succeeding in shaking his determination; and hereupon the governor found +himself obliged to shut himself up in the castle, and permit the work +which had been intrusted to others also, to take its course.<a name="FNanchor_1122_1122" id="FNanchor_1122_1122"></a><a href="#Footnote_1122_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a> The +secret records of parliament, however, reveal the fact that Carouge +received from Paris the order to leave Rouen and visit other portions of +Normandy, in order to restore the quiet and peace which had been much +disturbed of late. The real,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_520" id="Page_520">[Pg 520]</a></span> though perhaps not the ostensible object of +this commission was to rid the city of the presence of a magistrate whose +well known integrity might render it futile to attempt a massacre of the +innocent. The records also show that, contrary to the current report, +both the municipal authorities and the parliament, greatly alarmed at the +danger menacing Rouen in case of his departure, implored him to +remain;<a name="FNanchor_1123_1123" id="FNanchor_1123_1123"></a><a href="#Footnote_1123_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> but that the king's peremptory commands left him no +discretion, and he was obliged to leave the unhappy city to its fate. The +able historian of the Norman Parliament has rightly observed that the +governor, whether he left Rouen because he could not consent to execute +the barbarous injunctions that were sent him, or because his character +was so well known that the court was unwilling to intrust them to him, is +equally deserving of praise; and not without reason does this writer +claim similar respect for the judicial body which manifested its desire +to save everything, by retaining him at Rouen.<a name="FNanchor_1124_1124" id="FNanchor_1124_1124"></a><a href="#Footnote_1124_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a> Here, as elsewhere, +a great part of the Protestants had been arrested and placed in the +prisons, to shield them from popular violence. The governor believed this +to be the safest place for them; and at least one instance is known of a +father who was so convinced of it that he brought thither his Huguenot +son, whom he might have sent out of the city.<a name="FNanchor_1125_1125" id="FNanchor_1125_1125"></a><a href="#Footnote_1125_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a></p> + +<p>The storm, so long delayed, broke out at last on Wednesday, the +seventeenth of September, and lasted four entire days. The gates were +closed, and the organized bands of murderers, under the leadership of +Laurent de Maromme, one of the most sanguinary of the turbulent men who +had returned from banishment, and of a priest, Claude Montereul, curate +of the church of St. Pierre, had undisputed possession of the city. First +they slaughtered like sheep the prisoners in the spacious "conciergerie" +of the parliament house and in the other prisons of the city. Next they +burst into the houses, and nearly every atrocity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_521" id="Page_521">[Pg 521]</a></span> which history is +compelled at any time reluctantly to chronicle, was perpetrated on +unresisting men, on tender women, on unoffending children. Not less than +five hundred persons, and perhaps even more, perished in a butchery, +whose details I gladly pass over in silence.<a name="FNanchor_1126_1126" id="FNanchor_1126_1126"></a><a href="#Footnote_1126_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a> Grim humor and charity +were incongruously mingled with the most brutal inhumanity. The assassins +jocularly denominated their work one of "accommodating" their +victims;<a name="FNanchor_1127_1127" id="FNanchor_1127_1127"></a><a href="#Footnote_1127_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a> and the clothes of the Protestants—whose bodies were +buried in great ditches outside of the Porte Cauchoise—after having been +carefully washed, were piously distributed among the poor.<a name="FNanchor_1128_1128" id="FNanchor_1128_1128"></a><a href="#Footnote_1128_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a> The +tragedy finished, the farce of an investigation was instituted by the +officers of justice, but no punishment was ever inflicted upon any Roman +Catholic, other than that which could be recognized in the retributive +judgments befalling a few of the most notable, and especially the cruel +Maromme, at the hand of God.<a name="FNanchor_1129_1129" id="FNanchor_1129_1129"></a><a href="#Footnote_1129_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">At Toulouse.</div> + +<p>The previous character of Toulouse, as among the most sanguinary cities +of France, was already sufficiently well established. If behind some of +the rest on this occasion in the number of victims, Toulouse was inferior +only because its previous massacres had rendered it a suspicious place of +sojourn in the eyes of the Huguenots. Here, too, notwithstanding +deceitful proclamations guaranteeing safety and protection, the +Protestants were gathered into the public prisons and jails attached to +monasteries; and after having been reserved for several weeks, on receipt +of orders from Paris were butchered<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_522" id="Page_522">[Pg 522]</a></span> to the number of two or three +hundred. Among others, some Protestant members of parliament were hung in +their long red gowns to the branches of a great elm growing in the court +of the parliament house.<a name="FNanchor_1130_1130" id="FNanchor_1130_1130"></a><a href="#Footnote_1130_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> The miscreants that voluntarily assumed +the functions of executioners were in this case drawn in great part from +the more unruly class of the law students of the university.<a name="FNanchor_1131_1131" id="FNanchor_1131_1131"></a><a href="#Footnote_1131_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a> It is +needless to add that here, as elsewhere, the opportunity for plunder was +by no means neglected.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">At Bordeaux.</div> + +<p>The procedure in Bordeaux was so extraordinary, and is so authentically +related in a letter of a prominent judicial officer who was present, as +well as in the records of the Parliament of Guyenne, that the story of +its massacre must be added to the notices already given. At first the +city was quiet, and the friends of order congratulated themselves that +their efforts had been successful in removing the stigma which previous +transactions had affixed to its escutcheon. Meantime this policy, united +to the fear of a fate similar to that which had befallen their +fellow-believers elsewhere, is said to have led to a great number of +conversions to the Roman Catholic Church.<a name="FNanchor_1132_1132" id="FNanchor_1132_1132"></a><a href="#Footnote_1132_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> But there were those who +were unwilling that their prey should so easily escape them. On the fifth +of September, M. de Montferrand, Governor of Bordeaux, affecting to have +information of a general plot on the part of the Huguenots of the city, +had sought and obtained permission of the parliament to introduce three +hundred soldiers from abroad. He had thereupon forbidden the celebration +of Protestant worship, hitherto held at a distance of three leagues from +Bordeaux, on the plain between<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_523" id="Page_523">[Pg 523]</a></span> the Garonne and the Jalle.<a name="FNanchor_1133_1133" id="FNanchor_1133_1133"></a><a href="#Footnote_1133_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a> Meantime +the churches resounded with the violent denunciations of a famous +preacher, Friar Edmond Auger or Augier, "a great scourge for heresy," as +his partisans styled him. He exhorted his hearers to imitate the example +of Paris, and accused the royal officers of indolence and pusillanimity. +At this juncture the governor received a visit from Monsieur de +Montpézat, son-in-law of Villars, the newly appointed admiral. What the +latter told him is unknown. But, on the third of October, Montferrand +having given out that he had received from the king a roll of names of +forty of the chief men of the place, whom he was commissioned to put to +death without judge or trial, set about his bloody work. Persistently +refusing to exhibit his warrant, for three days the governor butchered +the citizens at will.<a name="FNanchor_1134_1134" id="FNanchor_1134_1134"></a><a href="#Footnote_1134_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> One member of parliament, against whom he +bore a personal grudge, he stabbed with his own hand. The murderers wore +red bonnets supplied by one of the "jurats" or aldermen of the city. They +executed their commission so thoroughly that the number of the slain was +reported as two hundred and sixty-four persons, all Protestants. If any +one be mercifully inclined to regard this statement as an exaggeration, +and to base upon this instance a general theory that throughout France +the number of the victims has been grossly over-estimated, let him read +the following entry made in the records of the Parliament of Bordeaux, +and recently brought to light; he will learn from this not only the +approximate number of the slain as given by the chief agent in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_524" id="Page_524">[Pg 524]</a></span> +bloody work, but the anxiety which the latter felt that he should receive +due credit for his share in the great undertaking of the destruction of +the French Protestants: "On the ninth of October, the Sieur de +Montferrand, having been summoned to the court, among other things said, +'that he had been informed that there were some members of the court who +had written to the Sieur Admiral de Villars, royal lieutenant in Guyenne, +that the said De Montferrand had killed, on the day of the execution by +him made, October the third, only ten or twelve men, a thing (under +correction of the court) wholly false, inasmuch as there had been more +than two hundred and fifty slain; and he would show the list to any one +who might desire to see it.'"<a name="FNanchor_1135_1135" id="FNanchor_1135_1135"></a><a href="#Footnote_1135_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a></p> + +<p>The same hand that placed upon the parliamentary registers this shameless +and atrocious boast, for the benefit of those that should come after, has +briefly noted the assassination of two members of parliament itself, with +an absence of comment in which we can read the evidence of fear. "From +the talk of to-day it appears that Messieurs Jean de Guilloche and Pierre +de Sevyn were killed as belonging to the new religion."<a name="FNanchor_1136_1136" id="FNanchor_1136_1136"></a><a href="#Footnote_1136_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a> The tardy +and flagrantly unnecessary effusion of blood at Bordeaux exercised no +mean influence in emboldening the Huguenots of La Rochelle to persevere +in their refusal to admit the emissaries of Charles the Ninth.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Why the massacre was not universal.</div> + +<p>The massacre was, however, neither universal throughout France, nor +equally destructive in all places where it occurred. The reason for this +is to be found partly in the geographical distribution of the Huguenots, +partly in the temper of the people, partly in the policy or the humanity +of the governors of cities and provinces. Where the number of Protestants +was small, and especially where they had never rendered themselves +formidable, it was not easy for the clergy to excite the people to that +frenzy of sectarian hatred under the influence of which they were willing +to imbrue their hands in the blood of peaceable neighbors. In such +places—in Provins, for instance—the Huguenots generally kept themselves +as far as possible out of sight, while a few of the more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_525" id="Page_525">[Pg 525]</a></span> timid consented +to place a white cross on their hats, a convenient badge of Roman +Catholicism which some were willing to assume, when they would rather +have died than go to mass.<a name="FNanchor_1137_1137" id="FNanchor_1137_1137"></a><a href="#Footnote_1137_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Policy of the Guises.</div> + +<p>In the province of Champagne the Protestants were spared any general +massacre by the prudent foresight of the Guises, to whom its government +was confided. The duke, in order to free himself from the imputation of +being the author of the bloody plot, and to prove that his private +resentment did not extend beyond Admiral Coligny and a few other chiefs, +had himself taken several Huguenots in Paris under his special +protection. With the same object in view, he made his province an +exception to the widespread slaughter.<a name="FNanchor_1138_1138" id="FNanchor_1138_1138"></a><a href="#Footnote_1138_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Spurious accounts of clemency.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Bishop Le Hennuyer, of Lisieux.</div> + +<p>Others, however, were, merciful from more honorable motives. A number of +instances of clemency are mentioned. It is not, indeed, always safe to +accept the stories, some of which are suspicious from their very form, +while others are manifest inventions of an age when tolerance had become +more popular than persecution. To the category of fable we are compelled +to assign the famous response which Le Hennuyer, Bishop of Lisieux, is +reported, by authors writing long after the event, as having returned to +the lieutenant sent to him by Charles the Ninth. History is occasionally +capricious, but she has rarely indulged in a more remarkable freak than +when putting into the mouth of an advocate of persecution, a courtier and +the almoner of the king, who was not even in his diocese, but undoubtedly +in Paris itself, at the time the incident is said to have occurred, this +declamatory speech: "No, no, sir; I oppose, and shall always oppose, the +execution of such an order. I am the shepherd of the church of Lisieux, +and the people I am commanded to slaughter are my flock. Although at +present wanderers, having strayed from the fold intrusted to me by Jesus +Christ the great shepherd, they may, nevertheless, return. I do not read +in the Gospel that the shepherd should suffer the blood of his sheep<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_526" id="Page_526">[Pg 526]</a></span> to +be shed; on the contrary, I find there that he is bound to pour out his +own blood and give his own life for them. Take the order back, for it +shall never be executed so long as I live."<a name="FNanchor_1139_1139" id="FNanchor_1139_1139"></a><a href="#Footnote_1139_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Kind offices of Matignon at Caen and Alençon;</div> + +<div class="sidenote">of Longueville and Gordes;</div> + +<p>Fortunately, there are other instances on record which are not +apocryphal. Monsieur de Matignon seems to have saved Caen and Alençon +from becoming the scenes of general massacres, and thus to have endeared +himself to the Protestants of both places.<a name="FNanchor_1140_1140" id="FNanchor_1140_1140"></a><a href="#Footnote_1140_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a> The Duke of Longueville +prevented the massacre from extending to his province of Picardy.<a name="FNanchor_1141_1141" id="FNanchor_1141_1141"></a><a href="#Footnote_1141_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a> +Gordes, Governor of Dauphiny, who had obtained advancement by the +assistance of the Montmorency influence, excused himself, when repeatedly +urged to kill the Huguenots, on the plea that Montbrun and others of +their leaders were alive and out of his reach, and that any attempt of +the kind would only lead to still greater difficulties. He therefore +waited for more direct instructions. When, in his letter of the fifth of +September, in reference to a clause in the king's letter just received, +he stated that he had received no verbal orders, but merely his letters +of the twenty-second, twenty-fourth, and twenty-eighth of August, Charles +replied bidding him give himself no solicitude as to them, as they were +addressed only to a few persons who hap<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_527" id="Page_527">[Pg 527]</a></span>pened to be near him,<a name="FNanchor_1142_1142" id="FNanchor_1142_1142"></a><a href="#Footnote_1142_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a> and +enjoined upon him to enforce the royal "declaration," and cause all +murder and rapine to cease in his government. Yet even here a number of +Huguenots were imprisoned, and a few lost their lives at Romans.<a name="FNanchor_1143_1143" id="FNanchor_1143_1143"></a><a href="#Footnote_1143_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">of Tende in Provence.</div> + +<p>The manly boldness of the Comte de Tende is said in like manner to have +saved the Protestants of Provence. Receiving from the hands of La Mole, a +gentleman of Arles and servant of the Duke of Alençon, a letter from the +secret council ordering him to massacre all the Huguenots in his +province, the governor replied: "I do not believe that such commands have +emanated from the king's free will; but some of the members of his +council have usurped the royal authority in order to satisfy their own +passions. I need no more conclusive testimony than the letters which his +Majesty sent me a few days ago, by which he threw upon the Guises the +blame for this massacre of Paris. I prefer to obey these first letters, +as more befitting the royal dignity. Besides, this last order is so cruel +and barbarous, that even were the king himself in person to command me to +put it into execution, I would not do it." The magnanimity of the count +spared Provence the horrors of a repetition of the massacres of Mérindol +and Cabrières, but perhaps cost him his own life, for he soon after died +at Avignon, and rumor ascribed his death to poison. The infamous Count de +Retz, Catharine's favorite, succeeded him as governor.<a name="FNanchor_1144_1144" id="FNanchor_1144_1144"></a><a href="#Footnote_1144_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a> Saint Héran, +Governor of Auvergne, is said to have replied in very similar words; but +as he managed to induce a great part of the Protestants within his +jurisdiction to apostatize, less notice was taken of his +insubordination.<a name="FNanchor_1145_1145" id="FNanchor_1145_1145"></a><a href="#Footnote_1145_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_528" id="Page_528">[Pg 528]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Viscount D'Orthez at Bayonne.</div> + +<p>Perhaps the most striking instance of a magnanimous refusal to comply +with the bloody mandate of the Parisian court, was that of Viscount +D'Orthez,<a name="FNanchor_1146_1146" id="FNanchor_1146_1146"></a><a href="#Footnote_1146_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a> Governor of Bayonne. This nobleman was not only of a +violent and imperious temper, but on other occasions so severe in his +treatment of the Protestants of the border city, that the king was +obliged to write to him to moderate his rigor. When, however, the +messenger from Paris (who on his way had caused an indiscriminate +slaughter to be made of all the men, women and children who had taken +refuge in the prisons of Dax) delivered his orders to the viscount, the +latter returned the following laconic answer:</p> + +<p>"Sire, I have communicated your Majesty's commands to your faithful +inhabitants and warriors in the garrison. I have found among them only +good citizens and brave soldiers, but not one hangman. For this reason +they and I very humbly beg your Majesty to employ our arms and our lives +in all things possible, however hazardous they may be, as we are, so long +as our lives shall last, your very humble, etc."<a name="FNanchor_1147_1147" id="FNanchor_1147_1147"></a><a href="#Footnote_1147_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_529" id="Page_529">[Pg 529]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The municipality of Nantes.</div> + +<p>Nor were the municipal authorities in some places behind the royal +governors in their determination to have no part in the nefarious designs +of the court. At Nantes, the mayor, échevins, and judges received from +Paris, on the eighth of September, a letter of the Duke of +Montpensier-Bourbon, Governor of Brittany, in which, after narrating the +discovery of the pretended conspiracy of Coligny and his adherents, and +their consequent assassination, he added: "By this his Majesty's +intention respecting the treatment which the Huguenots are to receive in +the other cities is sufficiently evident, as well as the means by which +some assured rest may be expected in our poor Catholic Church."<a name="FNanchor_1148_1148" id="FNanchor_1148_1148"></a><a href="#Footnote_1148_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a> But +the municipal and judicial officers of Nantes, instead of following the +bloody path thus marked out for them by the governor of their province, +"held a meeting in the town hall, and swore to main<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_530" id="Page_530">[Pg 530]</a></span>tain their previous +oath not to violate the Edict of Pacification published in favor of the +Calvinists, and forbade the inhabitants from indulging in any excess +against them."<a name="FNanchor_1149_1149" id="FNanchor_1149_1149"></a><a href="#Footnote_1149_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Uncertain number of the victims.</div> + +<p>Such are the general outlines and a few details of a massacre the full +horrors of which it is outside of the province and beyond the ability of +history to relate. Nor is it even possible to set down figures that may +be relied upon as expressing the true number of those who were unjustly +put to death. The difficulty experienced by a well informed contemporary, +has not been removed; notwithstanding the careful investigations of those +who earnestly desired "that posterity might not-be deprived of what it +needed to know, in order that it might become wiser at the expense of +others."<a name="FNanchor_1150_1150" id="FNanchor_1150_1150"></a><a href="#Footnote_1150_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a> We shall be safe in supposing that the number of Huguenot +victims throughout France was somewhere between twenty thousand, as +conjectured by De Thou and La Popelinière, and thirty thousand, as stated +by Jean de Serres and the Mémoires de l'estat de France, rather than in +adopting the extreme views of Sully and Perefixe, the latter of whom +swells the count of the slain to one hundred thousand men, women, and +children.<a name="FNanchor_1151_1151" id="FNanchor_1151_1151"></a><a href="#Footnote_1151_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a> It can scarcely have been much less than the lower number +I have suggested.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">News of the massacre received at Rome.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Public thanksgivings.</div> + +<p>While the massacre begun on St. Bartholomew's Day was spreading with the +speed of some foul contagion to the most distant parts of France, the +tidings had been carried beyond its boundaries, and excited a thrill of +delight, or a cry of execration, according to the character and +sympathies of those to whom they came. Nowhere was the surprise greater, +nor the joy more intense, than at Rome. Pope Gregory, like his +predecessor, had been very sceptical respecting the pious intentions of +the French court. Nuncios and legates brought them, it is true, a great +profusion of brilliant assurances, on the part of Catharine and Charles, +of devotion to the Roman<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_531" id="Page_531">[Pg 531]</a></span> Church, and to the interests of the Pontifical +See, but accompanied by lugubrious vaticinations of their own, based upon +the tolerant course on which the king, under Coligny's guidance, had +entered. The Cardinal of Alessandria had made little account of the ring +offered him by Charles as a pledge of his sincerity, and preferred to +wait for the proof which the sequel might exhibit. The last defiant act +of the French monarch, in marrying his sister to a professed heretic, and +within the degrees of consanguinity prohibited by the Church, without +obtaining the Pope's dispensation, served to confirm all the sinister +suspicions entertained at Rome. Under these circumstances the papal +astonishment and rejoicing can well be imagined, when couriers sent by +the Guises brought the intelligence of the massacre to the Cardinal of +Lorraine, and when letters from the King of France and from the Nuncio +Salviati in Paris to the Pope himself confirmed its accuracy. Salviati's +letters having been read in the full consistory, on the sixth of +September, the pontiff and the cardinals resolved to go at once in solemn +procession to the church of San Marco, there to render thanks to God for +the signal blessing conferred upon the Roman See and all Christendom. A +solemn mass was appointed for the succeeding Monday, and a jubilee +published for the whole Christian world. In the evening the cannon from +the Castle of San Angelo, and firearms discharged here and there +throughout the city, proclaimed to all the joy felt for so signal a +victory over the enemies of the Church. For three successive nights there +was a general illumination. Cardinal Orsini, who seems to have been on +the point of starting for France as a special legate to urge the court to +withdraw from the course of toleration, now received different +instructions, and was commissioned to congratulate Charles, and to +encourage him to pursue the path upon which he had entered. Charles of +Lorraine, as was natural, distinguished himself for his demonstrations of +joy. He made a present of one thousand crowns to the bearer of such glad +tidings.<a name="FNanchor_1152_1152" id="FNanchor_1152_1152"></a><a href="#Footnote_1152_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a> Under his auspices a brilliant celebration of the event<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_532" id="Page_532">[Pg 532]</a></span> +took place in the church of San Luigi de' Francesi, which was +magnificently decorated for the occasion. Gregory himself, attended by +his cardinals and bishops, by princes, foreign ambassadors, and large +numbers of nobles and of the people, walked thither under the pontifical +canopy, and high mass was said. The Cardinal of Lorraine had affixed +above the entrance a pompous declaration, in the form of a congratulatory +notice from Charles the Ninth to Gregory and the "sacred college of +cardinals," wherein the Very Christian King renders thanks to Heaven +that, "inflamed by zeal for the Lord God of Hosts, like a smiting angel +divinely sent, he had suddenly destroyed by a single slaughter almost all +the heretics and enemies of his kingdom." The latinity of the placard +might not be above reproach; but it is certain that its sentiments +received the cordial approval of the assembled prelates.<a name="FNanchor_1153_1153" id="FNanchor_1153_1153"></a><a href="#Footnote_1153_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a> Set forth +in golden characters, and decorated with festive leaves and +ribbons,<a name="FNanchor_1154_1154" id="FNanchor_1154_1154"></a><a href="#Footnote_1154_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a> it proclaimed that the hierarchy of the Roman Church had +no qualms of conscience in indorsing the traitorous deed of Charles and +Catharine. But still more unequivocal proofs were not wanting. A well +known medal was struck in honor of the event, bearing on the one side the +head of the Pope<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_533" id="Page_533">[Pg 533]</a></span> and the words "Gregorius XIII. Pont. Max. An. I.," and +on the other an angel with cross and sword pursuing the heretics, and the +superscription, "Ugonottorum strages, 1572."<a name="FNanchor_1155_1155" id="FNanchor_1155_1155"></a><a href="#Footnote_1155_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Paintings by Vasari in the Vatican.</div> + +<p>By the order of the Pope, the famous Vasari painted in the Sala Regia of +the Vatican palace several pictures representing different scenes in the +Parisian massacre. Upon one an inscription was placed which tersely +expressed the true state of the case: "Pontifex Colinii necem +probat."<a name="FNanchor_1156_1156" id="FNanchor_1156_1156"></a><a href="#Footnote_1156_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a> The paintings may still be seen in the magnificent room +which serves as antechamber to the Sistine Chapel.<a name="FNanchor_1157_1157" id="FNanchor_1157_1157"></a><a href="#Footnote_1157_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_534" id="Page_534">[Pg 534]</a></span></p><p>To the French ambassador, M. de Ferralz, Gregory expressed in the most +extravagant terms his satisfaction, and that of the college of cardinals, +not only with the events of Paris, but with the news daily coming to Rome +of similar massacres in progress in different cities of France. He +convinced Ferralz that no more delightful tidings could have reached the +pontifical court. The battle of Lepanto could not compare with it. "Tell +your master," said he to the envoy at the conclusion of his audience, +"that this event has given me a hundred times more pleasure than fifty +victories like that which the League obtained over the Turk last year." +In the excess of his joy he did not forget to enjoin on every one he +spoke to, especially all Frenchmen, to light bonfires in honor of the +massacre, hinting that whoever should fail to do so must be unsound in +the faith.<a name="FNanchor_1158_1158" id="FNanchor_1158_1158"></a><a href="#Footnote_1158_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a> A few weeks later, the pontiff shocked even some devout +Roman Catholics by allowing Cardinal Lorraine and the French ambassador +to present to him Maurevel, the assassin who had fired the arquebuse shot +at Admiral Coligny.<a name="FNanchor_1159_1159" id="FNanchor_1159_1159"></a><a href="#Footnote_1159_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">French boasts go for nothing.</div> + +<p>"The pontiff," says his countryman, the historian Adriani, "and all Italy +universally rejoiced greatly, and forgave the king and queen their +previous dissimulation."<a name="FNanchor_1160_1160" id="FNanchor_1160_1160"></a><a href="#Footnote_1160_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a> For the French at Rome now pretended that +the massacre had long been planned by their monarch, and that every favor +to the Huguenots for the past two years had been shown to them merely for +the purpose<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_535" id="Page_535">[Pg 535]</a></span> of lulling them into a false security. The Pope accepted the +plea without troubling himself much whether it were true or not, +satisfied as he was with the event. But not so the Spanish envoy at the +Roman court, Don Juan de Cuñiga. "The French wish to give the +impression," he wrote to his master, "that the king meditated this blow +from the time he made peace with the Huguenots; and, in order that it may +be believed that he was capable of preparing it and concealing it until +the proper time for the execution, they attribute to him stratagems which +do not seem allowable even against heretics and rebels. I deem it certain +that, if the shooting of the arquebuse at the admiral was a thing +projected a few days beforehand, and authorized by the king, all the rest +was inspired by circumstances."<a name="FNanchor_1161_1161" id="FNanchor_1161_1161"></a><a href="#Footnote_1161_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a> Equally positive, though not at all +doubtful respecting the morality of the transaction, and more jubilant, +was the Nuncio Salviati, in Paris. While desiring that the cardinal +secretary "should kiss the feet of his Holiness in his name," and +"rejoicing with him in the bowels of his heart at the blessed and +honorable commencement of his pontificate,"<a name="FNanchor_1162_1162" id="FNanchor_1162_1162"></a><a href="#Footnote_1162_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a> while declaring that, +despite his previous belief that the court of France would not much +longer tolerate the admiral's arrogance, he would never have imagined the +tenth part of what he now saw with his own eyes, he also stated he could +not bring himself to believe that, had the admiral been killed by +Maurevel's shot, so much would have been done by a great deal.<a name="FNanchor_1163_1163" id="FNanchor_1163_1163"></a><a href="#Footnote_1163_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a> Now, +however, "the queen intended not only to revoke the Edict of +Pacification, but by means of justice to restore the ancient observance +of the Catholic faith."</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine writes to Philip, her son-in-law.</div> + +<p>There was another monarch whose joy was not less sincere than Gregory's. +This was Philip of Spain. Catharine had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_536" id="Page_536">[Pg 536]</a></span> not delayed writing to her royal +son-in-law. In her endeavor to make capital out of the massacre she +betrayed great satisfaction at her supposed masterly stroke of policy. +Her letter—a misspelled scrawl—furnishes a fresh illustration of the +fact that singular shrewdness in planning and executing criminal projects +is not incompatible with a trust, amounting almost to fatuity, in the +unsuspecting credulity of others. Catharine actually imagined that she +could, by her counterfeit piety, impose upon one who knew her character +so well as Philip of Spain. Therefore she was lavish of the use of the +name of the Deity to cover her own villainy. "Monsieur my son," she +wrote, "I entertain no doubt that you will appreciate, as we do, the +happiness God has conferred upon us in giving the king, my son, the means +of ridding himself of his subjects, rebels against God and himself, and +[rejoice] that it has pleased Him graciously to preserve him and us all +from the cruelty of their hands. For this we are assured that you will +praise God with us, as well on our account as for the advantage that will +accrue to all Christendom, and to the service, and honor, and glory of +God. This, we hope, will soon be made known, and the fruit thereof be +perceived.<a name="FNanchor_1164_1164" id="FNanchor_1164_1164"></a><a href="#Footnote_1164_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a> By this event we afford the testimony of our good and +upright intentions, which have never tended but to His honor. And I +rejoice still more that this occasion will confirm and augment the +friendship between your Majesty and the king your brother—which is the +thing I desire most of all in this world."<a name="FNanchor_1165_1165" id="FNanchor_1165_1165"></a><a href="#Footnote_1165_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The delight of Philip the Second.</div> + +<p>Philip had good reason to be glad. To all human appearance it had +depended only upon the word of Charles to secure, at once and forever, +the independence from the Spanish tyranny of the provinces on the lower +Rhine,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_537" id="Page_537">[Pg 537]</a></span> which, under William of Orange, were battling for religious and +civil freedom. True, Genlis and his small forces had been captured or +destroyed; but what were they in comparison with the men whom the French +king could have marshalled under the command of Coligny, La Noue, and +other experienced leaders? And now Charles, at a single stroke, had cut +off all prospect of obtaining the sovereignty of the Netherlands or of +any part, had assassinated his own generals in their beds, had butchered +in cold blood those who would gladly have marched as soldiers to achieve +his conquests, and had freed Philip from all fear of French interference +in behalf of the Dutch patriots. No wonder then, that, when a courier, +sent by the Spanish ambassador at Paris, with tidings of the events of +St. Bartholomew's Day, reached Madrid, on the evening of Saturday, the +seventh of September—so slowly did news travel in those days—Philip was +almost beside himself with joy.<a name="FNanchor_1166_1166" id="FNanchor_1166_1166"></a><a href="#Footnote_1166_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a> "He showed so much gayety, contrary +to his native temperament and custom," the French envoy, St. Goard, wrote +to his master, "that he was evidently more delighted than with all the +pieces of good fortune that had ever befallen him; and he called to him +his familiars to tell them that he knew that your Majesty was his good +brother, and that he saw that there was no one else in the world that +deserved the title of 'Very Christian.'" Not content with gloating over +the bloody bulletin with his cronies, he promptly sent his secretary, +Cayas, to congratulate the French ambassador, and to inform him that "the +king his master was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_538" id="Page_538">[Pg 538]</a></span> going that very hour to St. Jerome, to render all +manner of thanks to God, and to pray that in matters of so great +importance his Majesty might be sustained by His hand." When, the next +morning, St. Goard had been very graciously admitted to an audience, he +tells us that Philip—the man who rarely or never gave a hearty or manly +expression to his feelings—"began to laugh, and, with demonstrations of +extreme pleasure and satisfaction, praised your Majesty as having earned +your title of 'Very Christian,' telling me there was no king that could +claim to be your companion, either in valor or in prudence." It was +natural that Philip should chiefly extol Charles's alleged dissimulation, +and dwell on the happiness of Christendom saved from a frightful war. It +was equally politic for St. Goard to chime in, and echo his master's +praise. But there was sound truth in the concluding remark he made to +Philip: "However this may be, <i>Sire, you must confess that you owe your +Netherlands to his Majesty, the King of France</i>."<a name="FNanchor_1167_1167" id="FNanchor_1167_1167"></a><a href="#Footnote_1167_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Charles instigates the murder of French prisoners.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">The Duke of Alva jubilant but wary.</div> + +<p>We have also more direct testimony to Philip's delight at the Parisian +massacre, in the form of a letter from the monarch to the Duke of Alva. +In this extraordinary communication, worthy of the depraved source from +which it emanated, the bloodthirsty king does not attempt to conceal the +satisfaction with which he has received the tidings of Charles's +"honorable and Christian resolution to rid himself of the admiral and +other important personages," both for religion's sake and because the +King of France will now be a firmer friend to the Spanish crown—since +neither the German Protestants nor Elizabeth will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_539" id="Page_539">[Pg 539]</a></span> trust him any +longer—a circumstance which will have a decided influence upon the +restoration of his authority in the Netherlands. Another matter upon +which he touches, places in the clearest light the infamy to which +Charles and his council had sunk, and the hypocrisy of Philip the +Catholic himself. Until the very moment of the Massacre of St. +Bartholomew's Day, Charles had been earnestly desirous of saving the +lives of the French Huguenots who had been taken prisoners with Genlis +near Mons; while, by the most barefaced assumptions of innocence, he +endeavored to induce the Spaniard to believe that he was in no way +responsible for Genlis's undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_1168_1168" id="FNanchor_1168_1168"></a><a href="#Footnote_1168_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a> Now, however, it is Charles +himself who, by his envoys at Madrid and Brussels, begs from Philip the +murder of his own French subjects, lest they return to do mischief in +France. Not only the soldiers taken with Genlis, but the garrison of +Mons, if that city, as now seemed all but certain, should fall into +Alva's hands, must be put to death.<a name="FNanchor_1169_1169" id="FNanchor_1169_1169"></a><a href="#Footnote_1169_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a> "If Alva object," he wrote to +Mondoucet, "that your request is the same thing as tacitly requiring him +to kill the prisoners and cut to pieces the garrison of Mons, you will +tell him that that is precisely what he ought to do, and that he will +inflict a very great wrong upon himself and upon all Christendom if he +shall do otherwise."<a name="FNanchor_1170_1170" id="FNanchor_1170_1170"></a><a href="#Footnote_1170_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a> Drawing his inspiration from the same source, +St. Goard said to Philip himself: "One of the greatest services that can +be done for Christendom, will be to capture Mons and put everybody to the +edge of the sword."<a name="FNanchor_1171_1171" id="FNanchor_1171_1171"></a><a href="#Footnote_1171_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a> And so Philip thought too; for he not only +wrote to Alva that the sooner the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_540" id="Page_540">[Pg 540]</a></span> earth were freed of such bad plants, +the less solicitude would be necessary in future, but he scribbled with +his own hand on the draft of the letter: "I desire, if you have not +already rid the world of them, you should do it at once and let me know, +for I see no reason for delay."<a name="FNanchor_1172_1172" id="FNanchor_1172_1172"></a><a href="#Footnote_1172_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a> The more clear-headed Alva, +however, saw reasons not only for delay, but for extending to some of the +prisoners a counterfeit mercy; for he soon replied to his master, that +"he was not at all of opinion that it was best to cut off the heads of +Genlis and the other French prisoners, as the King of France asked him to +do. He had resolved to do so before the admiral's death, but now things +had changed. Charles must know that Philip has in his power men capable +of giving him great trouble."<a name="FNanchor_1173_1173" id="FNanchor_1173_1173"></a><a href="#Footnote_1173_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a> None the less, however, did Alva +communicate the glad tidings to all parts of the Netherlands, and cause +solemn Te Deums to be sung in the churches.<a name="FNanchor_1174_1174" id="FNanchor_1174_1174"></a><a href="#Footnote_1174_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a> "These occurrences," he +wrote to Count Bossu, Governor of Holland, "come so marvellously apropos +in this conjunction for the affairs of the king our master, that nothing +could be more timely. For this we cannot sufficiently render thanks to +the Divine goodness."<a name="FNanchor_1175_1175" id="FNanchor_1175_1175"></a><a href="#Footnote_1175_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a> Philip promptly sent the Marquis d'Ayamonte +to congratulate Charles and the queen mother.<a name="FNanchor_1176_1176" id="FNanchor_1176_1176"></a><a href="#Footnote_1176_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a> Alva had already a +special envoy at the French court, who returned soon after the massacre +to Brussels. On asking Catharine what reply he should carry back, the +Italian princess, intoxicated with her success, impiously said: "I do not +know that I can make any other answer than that which Jesus Christ gave +to St. John's disciples, 'Go and show again those things which ye have +seen and heard—the blind receive their sight, and the lame walk, the +lepers are cleansed, and the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the +poor have the gospel preached to them.'" "And do not forget," she added, +"to say to the Duke of Alva, 'Blessed is he, whosoever shall not be +offended in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_541" id="Page_541">[Pg 541]</a></span> me.'"<a name="FNanchor_1177_1177" id="FNanchor_1177_1177"></a><a href="#Footnote_1177_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a> Such was the new gospel of blood and rapine with +which it was proposed to replace the Bible in the vernacular, and the +Psalms of David translated by Marot and Beza!</p> + +<div class="sidenote">England's horror.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Perplexity of the French ambassador at London.</div> + +<p>But Spain and Rome were only exceptions. From almost every part of the +civilized world there arose a loud and unanimous cry of execration. It +was natural, however, that the feeling of horror should be deepest in the +neighboring Protestant countries, whose religion and liberties seemed to +be menaced with destruction by the treacherous blow. Above all, in +England with whose queen a matrimonial treaty had for months been +pending, the abhorrence of the crime and its perpetrators was the more +intense because of the violence of the revulsion. Resident Frenchmen were +startled at the sudden change. The warmest friends of France became its +open enemies, loudly reproaching the broken faith of the king, and +pouring curses upon the people that had exercised such indignities upon +unoffending citizens. If we may believe La Mothe Fénélon, the men who +customarily wore arms indulged in much insulting bravado and in threats +directed against any one that dared to gainsay them.<a name="FNanchor_1178_1178" id="FNanchor_1178_1178"></a><a href="#Footnote_1178_1178" class="fnanchor">[1178]</a> The French +ambassador has himself left on record the description of a remarkable +interview which he had with Queen Elizabeth. Rarely had a diplomatic +agent been placed in a more embarrassing position. His letters and +despatches from home were of the most contradictory character. Scarcely +had he, with protestations of sincerity and truthfulness, published the +account of events in Paris which was sent him, when new instructions +arrived recalling, modifying, or contradicting the former. First, with +the startling news of the disturbance of the peace, by Admiral Coligny's +wounding, came a letter from the king, expressing "infinite displeasure" +at the "bad" and "unhappy" act, and a resolution to inflict "very +exemplary justice." To which this postscript was appended: "Monsieur de +la Mothe Fénélon, I will not forget to tell you that this wicked act +proceeds from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_542" id="Page_542">[Pg 542]</a></span> the enmity between the admiral's house and the Guises, and +that I have taken steps to prevent their involving my subjects in their +quarrels, for I intend that my edict of pacification shall be observed in +every point."<a name="FNanchor_1179_1179" id="FNanchor_1179_1179"></a><a href="#Footnote_1179_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a> Two days later Charles wrote again, communicating +intelligence of the massacre, beginning with the murder of Coligny, in +almost the identical words of the circular he was sending to Mandelot and +other governors of provinces and important cities.<a name="FNanchor_1180_1180" id="FNanchor_1180_1180"></a><a href="#Footnote_1180_1180" class="fnanchor">[1180]</a> Still it is the +work of the Guises, and he himself has had enough to do in protecting his +own person in the castle of the Louvre. He wishes Queen Elizabeth to be +assured that he has no part in the deed,<a name="FNanchor_1181_1181" id="FNanchor_1181_1181"></a><a href="#Footnote_1181_1181" class="fnanchor">[1181]</a> and, in fact, that all +should know that he entertains great displeasure for what has so +unfortunately happened, and that it is the thing which he detests more +than anything else.<a name="FNanchor_1182_1182" id="FNanchor_1182_1182"></a><a href="#Footnote_1182_1182" class="fnanchor">[1182]</a> And he adds in a tone of well counterfeited +innocence: "I have near me my brother the King of Navarre, and my cousin +the Prince of Condé, to share in the same fortune with me."<a name="FNanchor_1183_1183" id="FNanchor_1183_1183"></a><a href="#Footnote_1183_1183" class="fnanchor">[1183]</a> After +receiving and spreading abroad these explanations, what must have been +the unfortunate ambassador's perplexity and annoyance, when he received, +but too late, a brief letter written on Monday, the day after the +massacre began, containing these words: "As we are beginning to discover +the conspiracy which the adherents of the pretended reformed religion had +entered into against me, my mother and my brothers, you will not speak of +the particulars of the disturbance, nor of its occasion until you receive +fuller and more certain intelligence from me; for, by to-night or +to-morrow morning, I hope to have cleared up the whole matter."<a name="FNanchor_1184_1184" id="FNanchor_1184_1184"></a><a href="#Footnote_1184_1184" class="fnanchor">[1184]</a> No +wonder the courier to whom the last letter was intrusted was bidden ride +with all speed to overtake the other; nor that La Mothe Fénélon hardly +knew how to extricate himself from the dilemma in which the king his +master had placed<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_543" id="Page_543">[Pg 543]</a></span> him. Had not Charles, by throwing all the blame, in +his first letter, upon the Guises and by positively denying any +participation of his own, unambiguously proclaimed his ignorance up to +that moment of any Huguenot conspiracy? How, then, could the French envoy +go to the same Englishmen to whom he had made known the contents of this +despatch, and tell them that the king was the author of the deed he had +stigmatized as most detestable, and that the motive that had impelled him +reluctantly to order the slaughter of the Huguenots was a conspiracy +which he did not discover until a day or two after he gave the order? Yet +this was the contradictory story which was sketched in the letter of the +twenty-fifth of August, and more fully elaborated in subsequent +despatches.<a name="FNanchor_1185_1185" id="FNanchor_1185_1185"></a><a href="#Footnote_1185_1185" class="fnanchor">[1185]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">His cold reception by Queen Elizabeth.</div> + +<p>The crestfallen ambassador is said—and the authority for the disputed +statement is no less than that of the members of the queen's council, +Burleigh, Leicester, Knowles, Thomas Smith, and Croft—to have exclaimed +bitterly "that he was ashamed to be counted a Frenchman."<a name="FNanchor_1186_1186" id="FNanchor_1186_1186"></a><a href="#Footnote_1186_1186" class="fnanchor">[1186]</a> At first +he believed that an audience would be denied him; and when the queen at +last vouchsafed to see him at Woodstock, it was only after he had waited +three days in Oxford, while Elizabeth and her council met frequently to +deliberate upon the contents of Walsingham's despatches. He was admitted +to the private apartments of the queen, where he found her Majesty +surrounded by the lords of the council and the principal ladies of the +court, awaiting his coming in profound silence. Elizabeth advanced to +meet him, and greeted him with a countenance on which sorrow and severity +were mingled with more kindly feelings. Drawing the ambassador aside to a +window, she began the discourse with a dignity which few sovereigns have +ever known better how to assume. She gave particular expression to the +regret she felt in hearing such tidings from a prince in whom she had had +more confidence than in any other<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_544" id="Page_544">[Pg 544]</a></span> living monarch. And when the +ambassador had stammered out the lying excuse based upon "the horrible +ingratitude and perverse intentions of the Huguenots" against his master, +and had tragically recounted the sorrow of Charles at being constrained +to cut off an arm to save the rest of the body, she replied that she +hoped that if the informations against the admiral and his were confirmed +by investigation, the king "might be excused in some part, both toward +God and the world, in permitting the admiral's enemies by force to +prevent his enterprises." But she would not admit that even then the +cruelty of the mode of punishment was capable of defence, most of all in +the case of Coligny, who, "being in his bed, lamed both on the right hand +and left arm, lying in danger under the care of chyrurgions, being also +guarded about his private house with a number of the king's guard, might +have been, by a word of the king's mouth, brought to any place to have +answered when and how the king should have thought meet." But she +preferred to ascribe the fault, not to Charles, but to those around him +whose age and knowledge "ought in such case to have foreseen how +offenders ought to be justified with the sword of the prince, and not +with the bloody swords of murderers, being also the mortal enemies of the +party murdered."<a name="FNanchor_1187_1187" id="FNanchor_1187_1187"></a><a href="#Footnote_1187_1187" class="fnanchor">[1187]</a></p> + +<p>Elizabeth's council was even more outspoken. "Doubtless," said they, "the +most heinous act that has occurred in the world, since the crucifixion of +Jesus Christ, is that which has been recently committed by the French; an +act which the Italians and the Spaniards, ardent as they are, are far +from applauding in their heart, since it was a deed too full of blood, +for the greater part innocent, and too much suspected of fraud, which had +violated the pledged security of a great king, and disturbed the serenity +of the royal nuptials of his sister, insupportable to be heard by the +ears of princes, and abominable to all classes of subjects, perpetrated +contrary to all law, divine or human, and without a parallel among all +acts ever undertaken in the pres<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_545" id="Page_545">[Pg 545]</a></span>ence of any prince, and which has even +rather involved the King of France in danger than rescued him from +it."<a name="FNanchor_1188_1188" id="FNanchor_1188_1188"></a><a href="#Footnote_1188_1188" class="fnanchor">[1188]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The ambassador disheartened.</div> + +<p>The success of the French ambassador, therefore, was not flattering. The +most that he could do was to correct the impression that the massacre was +only a part of a more general plan for the extirpation of Protestantism +everywhere. But when the news came of the barbarous butchery of Huguenots +in Lyons and elsewhere; when Villiers, Fuguerel, and other Protestant +ministers escaping from France, brought to London the report that one +hundred thousand victims to religious intolerance had fallen since St. +Bartholomew's Day;<a name="FNanchor_1189_1189" id="FNanchor_1189_1189"></a><a href="#Footnote_1189_1189" class="fnanchor">[1189]</a> when English merchants who had witnessed the +scenes of horror at Rouen returned, bringing a true account of what had +occurred; when they overturned the audacious assertion that religion had +nothing to do with the deed, by declaring that the Huguenots whose lives +were spared were constrained to go to mass; that numbers had lost their +lives who might have saved them by consenting to take part in services +which they regarded as idolatrous; that there were instances of children +taken from their parents, and forcibly rebaptized; when, in short, every +assertion of La Mothe Fénélon was disproved, the irritation of the +English grew deeper. And at last the French ambassador was forced to +confess that they would believe neither him nor the despatches that he +occasionally produced, saying that the event, which is wont to give the +lie to words and letters, showed them what they had to fear.<a name="FNanchor_1190_1190" id="FNanchor_1190_1190"></a><a href="#Footnote_1190_1190" class="fnanchor">[1190]</a> The +life of Mary, Queen of Scots, was in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_546" id="Page_546">[Pg 546]</a></span> danger. There were many who +regarded it as a measure of self-defence to put to death so open a +sympathizer with the work of persecution. La Mothe Fénélon, disheartened, +promised Catharine de' Medici to do all that he could to promote the +interests of France, but the chief influence must come from the king and +herself. "Otherwise," he said, "your word will come to be of no +authority, and I shall become ridiculous in everything that I tell them +or promise them in your name."<a name="FNanchor_1191_1191" id="FNanchor_1191_1191"></a><a href="#Footnote_1191_1191" class="fnanchor">[1191]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Letter of Sir Thomas Smith.</div> + +<p>About the same time one of the most acute statesmen, one of the most +vigorous writers of the age, Sir Thomas Smith, himself a former +ambassador at the French court, correctly and eloquently expressed the +universal feeling of true Protestants in England, in a letter to +Walsingham which has become deservedly famous. "What warrant can the +French make, now seals and words of princes being traps to catch +innocents and bring them to the butchery? If the admiral and all those +murdered on that bloody Bartholomew day were guilty, why were they not +apprehended, imprisoned, interrogated, and judged, but so much made of as +might be, within two hours of the assumation? Is that the manner to +handle men either culpable or suspected? So is the journeyer slain by the +robber; so is the hen of the fox; so is the hind of the lion; so Abel of +Cain; so the innocent of the wicked; so Abner of Joab. But grant they +were guilty—they dreamt treason that night in their sleep; what did the +innocent men, women, and children at Lyons? What did the sucking children +and their mothers at Roan (Rouen) deserve? at Cane (Caen)? at Rochel?... +Will God, think you, still sleep? Will not their blood ask vengeance; +shall not the earth be accursed that hath sucked up the innocent blood +poured out like water upon it?... I am glad you shall come home, and +would wish you were at home, out of that country so contaminate with +innocent blood, that the sun cannot look upon it but to prognosticate the +wrath and vengeance of God. The ruin and desolation of Jerusalem could +not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_547" id="Page_547">[Pg 547]</a></span> come till all the Christians were either killed there or expelled +thence."<a name="FNanchor_1192_1192" id="FNanchor_1192_1192"></a><a href="#Footnote_1192_1192" class="fnanchor">[1192]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's unsuccessful representations.</div> + +<p>Neither Catharine nor Charles was insensible to the impression made upon +the English court by the French atrocities. It became important to +furnish, if possible, some more convincing proofs of the existence of a +Huguenot plot, since the assurances of both monarch and ambassador had +lost all weight. The papers of the admiral, both in Paris and in his +castle of Châtillon-sur-Loing, had been searched in vain for anything +which, even after the murder, might seem to justify the king in violating +his pledged word and every principle of law and right. Not a scrap of a +letter could be found inculpating him. Not the slightest approach to a +hint that it would be well to make way with the king or any of the royal +family. The most private manuscripts of the admiral, unlike those of many +courtiers even in our own day, contained not a disrespectful expression, +nothing that could be twisted into a mark of disaffection or treason. +Catharine could lay her hand upon nothing that suited her purpose better +than the paper, which, as stated in a former chapter,<a name="FNanchor_1193_1193" id="FNanchor_1193_1193"></a><a href="#Footnote_1193_1193" class="fnanchor">[1193]</a> she showed to +Walsingham, wherein he advised Charles to keep Elizabeth and Philip "as +low as he could, as a thing that tended much to the safety and +maintenance of his crown." But the finesse of the queen mother failed of +accomplishing its object; for neither Elizabeth nor Walsingham would +think less of Coligny for proving himself faithful to his own sovereign's +interests. Elizabeth's incredulity was, doubtless, enhanced by the +hypocritical pretence of Catharine that her son intended to maintain his +edict of pacification in full force.<a name="FNanchor_1194_1194" id="FNanchor_1194_1194"></a><a href="#Footnote_1194_1194" class="fnanchor">[1194]</a> "The king's meaning is," the +queen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_548" id="Page_548">[Pg 548]</a></span> mother once said to the English envoy, "that the Huguenots shall +enjoy the liberty of their conscience." "What, Madam," observed +Walsingham, "and the exercise of their religion too?" "No," Catharine +replied, "my son will have exercise but of one religion in his realm." +"Then, how can it agree, that the observation of the edict, whereof you +willed me to advertise the queen my mistress, that the same should +continue in his former strength?" interposed Walsingham. To that +Catharine answered "that they had discovered certain matters of late, +that they saw it necessary to abolish all exercise of the same." "Why, +Madam," said the puzzled and somewhat pertinacious diplomatist, "will you +have them live without exercise of religion?" "Even," quoth Catharine, +who fancied that she had discovered a pertinent retort, "even as your +mistress suffereth the Catholics of England." But the ambassador could +not be so easily silenced. Parrying the home thrust, and trenching on an +uncourtly bluntness of speech, he quietly called attention to a +distinction which her Majesty had not perhaps observed. "My mistress did +never promise them anything by edict; if she had, she would not fail to +have performed it." After that, there was plainly nothing more to be +said, and Catharine resorted to the usual refuge of worsted argument, and +said: "The queen your mistress must direct the government of her own +country, and the king my son his own."<a name="FNanchor_1195_1195" id="FNanchor_1195_1195"></a><a href="#Footnote_1195_1195" class="fnanchor">[1195]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Briquemault and Cavaignes hung for alleged conspiracy.</div> + +<p>Some victims were needed to be immolated upon the altar of justice to +atone for the alleged Huguenot conspiracy. They were found in Briquemault +and Cavaignes, two distinguished Protestants. The former, a knight of the +royal order, had, contrary to all rules of international law, been +forcibly taken from the house of the English ambassador, whither he had +fled for refuge.<a name="FNanchor_1196_1196" id="FNanchor_1196_1196"></a><a href="#Footnote_1196_1196" class="fnanchor">[1196]</a> It was not difficult for the court to obtain what +was desired from the cowardly parliament over which Christopher de Thou +presided.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_549" id="Page_549">[Pg 549]</a></span> Convicted by false testimony, and complaining that even their +own words were falsified by their partial judges, the two Protestants +were publicly hung on the Place de Grève. It was noticed that they both +died exhibiting great fortitude,<a name="FNanchor_1197_1197" id="FNanchor_1197_1197"></a><a href="#Footnote_1197_1197" class="fnanchor">[1197]</a> and protesting to the last that +they had neither taken part in, nor even heard of any plot against the +king or the state. Charles, hardened by the sight of so much blood, +wished to witness in person this new spectacle also, and not only looked +on from a neighboring window, but, as it was too dark to see the +sufferers distinctly, ordered torches to be lighted, and diverted himself +with great laughter in observing their expiring agonies. The King of +Navarre and the Prince of Condé were likewise forced to be present, in +order to give color to the absurd story that one or both had been +included among those whom Coligny and the Huguenots had intended to +murder. An hour after, and the Parisian populace cut down the bodies, +dragged them in contumely through the streets, and amused themselves by +stabbing them, shooting at them, and maiming them. It was an additional +aggravation of the judicial crime and the king's ill-timed merriment, +that the execution took place on the evening of the day upon which the +young Queen of France gave birth to Charles's only legitimate child—a +daughter, whom the Salic law excluded from the succession to the throne. +Still unconvinced of Coligny's guilt, even by the conviction and death of +Brique<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_550" id="Page_550">[Pg 550]</a></span>mault and Cavaignes, Queen Elizabeth very frankly expressed to La +Mothe Fénélon her deep regret that her brother, the French king, had +profaned the day of his daughter's birth by the sanguinary spectacle he +had that evening gone to behold.<a name="FNanchor_1198_1198" id="FNanchor_1198_1198"></a><a href="#Footnote_1198_1198" class="fnanchor">[1198]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The news in Scotland;</div> + +<p>In Scotland, when the news of the massacre arrived, the aged reformer, +John Knox, summoned all his remaining energy to preach a last time before +the regent and the estates. In the midst of his sermon, turning to Du +Croc, the French ambassador, who was present, he sternly addressed to him +these prophetic words: "Go tell your king that sentence has gone out +against him, that God's vengeance shall never depart from him nor his +house, that his name shall remain an execration to the posterities to +come, and that none that shall come of his loins shall enjoy that kingdom +unless he repent." The indignant ambassador called upon the regent "to +check the tongue which was reviling an anointed king;" but the regent +refused to silence the minister of God, and suffered Du Croc to leave +Edinburgh in anger.<a name="FNanchor_1199_1199" id="FNanchor_1199_1199"></a><a href="#Footnote_1199_1199" class="fnanchor">[1199]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">in Germany;</div> + +<p>Monsieur de Vulcob, the French ambassador at the court of the Emperor of +Germany, was equally unsuccessful in convincing that monarch of the truth +of the story contained in his despatches from Paris. The emperor did not +disguise his great disappointment and sorrow, nor his belief that the +murderous project had been known for weeks before at Rome.<a name="FNanchor_1200_1200" id="FNanchor_1200_1200"></a><a href="#Footnote_1200_1200" class="fnanchor">[1200]</a> It need +scarcely be said that the negotiations of Schomberg, who had been sent to +procure an offensive and defensive alliance between the Protestant +princes of Germany<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_551" id="Page_551">[Pg 551]</a></span> and the crown of France, were rendered abortive by +the advent of tidings of the treacherous massacre at Paris. Like the rest +of the diplomatists sent out from France, the able envoy to Germany had +been left in profound ignorance of the blow that was to disturb all his +calculations. He had even been empowered to promise that Charles would +assume toward the enterprise of William of Orange the same position that +the princes would take; and he seemed likely to be successful in inducing +the princes to make common cause with his master.</p> + +<p>To Schomberg, as to the rest, there had been despatched, on the very day +that Coligny was wounded, a narrative of that event to be laid before the +Protestant princes—a narrative wherein the occurrence was deplored; +wherein Charles stated that he had taken just such measures for the +apprehension of the perpetrator of the crime as he would have taken had +the victim been one of his own brothers; wherein he promised to spare +neither diligence nor trouble, and to inflict condign punishment, "in +order that all men might know that no greater misdeed could have been +committed in his kingdom, nor more displeasing to himself;" wherein he +protested his unalterable determination to maintain completely and +sedulously his edict of pacification.<a name="FNanchor_1201_1201" id="FNanchor_1201_1201"></a><a href="#Footnote_1201_1201" class="fnanchor">[1201]</a> But to Schomberg, as to the +other French ambassadors, there had come subsequent tidings and +despatches giving the lie to all these assurances.</p> + +<p>And now, as he wrote home with some bitterness, "all his negotiations had +ended in smoke."<a name="FNanchor_1202_1202" id="FNanchor_1202_1202"></a><a href="#Footnote_1202_1202" class="fnanchor">[1202]</a> Their Highnesses "could not get it out of their +heads" that the events of St. Bartholomew's Day were premeditated, with +the view of enabling the Duke of Alva to make way with the forces of the +Prince of Orange. So high did feeling run, that the rumor prevailed that +Schomberg had been thrown into prison as an accomplice<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_552" id="Page_552">[Pg 552]</a></span> in the perfidy, +and that Coligny's death was about to be avenged upon him.<a name="FNanchor_1203_1203" id="FNanchor_1203_1203"></a><a href="#Footnote_1203_1203" class="fnanchor">[1203]</a></p> + +<p>Instead of forming an alliance with Charles, the Landgrave of Hesse and +the three Protestant electors began instantly to concert measures of +defence against what they verily believed to be a general war of +extermination, set on foot by the Pope and his followers, in pursuance of +the resolutions of the Council of Trent. "The princes of the Augsburg +Confession," wrote Landgrave William to the Electors of Saxony and +Brandenburg, "can see in this inhuman incident, as in a mirror, how the +papists are disposed toward all the professors of the pure doctrine. The +Pope and his party follow even at this day the rule which they followed +respecting John Huss in the Council of Constance. When it is their +interest so to act, they do not deem themselves bound to keep any faith +with heretics.... Last year the Pope and his followers obtained a +glorious victory over the Turk. It is of the very nature of victories +that they commonly make the victors more insolent." To Frederick the +Pious, elector palatine, the landgrave wrote a day later: "There is +nothing better for us Germans than to have nothing to do with them; for +neither credit nor confidence can be reposed in them." "I marvel +greatly," he added, "that the admiral and the other Huguenot gentlemen, +although they, too, had doubtless studied Macchiavelli's 'Il +Principe'—<i>the Italian bible</i><a name="FNanchor_1204_1204" id="FNanchor_1204_1204"></a><a href="#Footnote_1204_1204" class="fnanchor">[1204]</a>—should have been so trustful, and +should not have been too much upon their guard to suffer themselves to be +enticed unarmed into so suspicious a place."<a name="FNanchor_1205_1205" id="FNanchor_1205_1205"></a><a href="#Footnote_1205_1205" class="fnanchor">[1205]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">In Poland.</div> + +<p>Montluc, Bishop of Valence, had just been sent to Poland to endeavor to +secure the vacant throne for Henry of Anjou. His ultimate success and its +consequences will be seen in another place. But now the attempt seemed +desperate. The bishop, who was the most wily and experienced negotiator<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_553" id="Page_553">[Pg 553]</a></span> +the French court possessed, and was fully conscious of his rare +qualifications, was vexed almost beyond endurance at the stupidity of the +king and queen who had employed him. "By the despatch I send the king, +and by what the Dean of Die will tell you," he wrote (on the twentieth of +November) to one of the secretaries of state, "you will learn how this +unfortunate blast from France has sunk the ship which we had already +brought to the mouth of the harbor. You may imagine how well pleased the +person who was in command of it has reason to be when he sees that by +another's fault he loses the fruit of his labors. I say another's fault, +for, since a desire was felt for this kingdom, the execution which has +been made might and ought to have been deferred."<a name="FNanchor_1206_1206" id="FNanchor_1206_1206"></a><a href="#Footnote_1206_1206" class="fnanchor">[1206]</a> Again and again +Montluc begged that there might be no repetition of such cruelties, +suggesting that an edict, guaranteeing that no one's conscience should be +constrained, might be made or fabricated. If the king had no intention of +carrying it into effect, he could at least send it to the governors, with +private orders to make such disposition of it as he pleased.<a name="FNanchor_1207_1207" id="FNanchor_1207_1207"></a><a href="#Footnote_1207_1207" class="fnanchor">[1207]</a> But, +above all, there must be no fresh outrages done to the Protestants. "If +between this and the day of the election there were to come the news of +some cruelty," he wrote in midwinter, "we could do nothing, even had we +here ten millions in gold with which to gain men over. The king and the +Duke of Anjou will have to consider whether a purpose of revenge is of +more moment to them, than the acquisition of a kingdom."<a name="FNanchor_1208_1208" id="FNanchor_1208_1208"></a><a href="#Footnote_1208_1208" class="fnanchor">[1208]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_554" id="Page_554">[Pg 554]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Sympathy of the Genevese.</div> + +<p>The ministers of Geneva, somewhat removed from the mists that prevented +the greater part of the Huguenot leaders from descrying the perils +environing them, had long foreseen the coming catastrophe, and had in +vain implored Admiral Coligny, in particular, to have a greater care for +his safety. "How often have I predicted it to him! How often have I +warned him!" exclaimed Theodore Beza, in the first paroxysm of grief at +the assassination of his noble friend.<a name="FNanchor_1209_1209" id="FNanchor_1209_1209"></a><a href="#Footnote_1209_1209" class="fnanchor">[1209]</a> The city government, +participating in the same apprehensions, early in the fatal month of +August, 1572, instructed some of the reformed ministers who had occasion +to revisit their native land on private business, to hasten out of a +country where they were exposed to the treachery of a Florentine +woman.<a name="FNanchor_1210_1210" id="FNanchor_1210_1210"></a><a href="#Footnote_1210_1210" class="fnanchor">[1210]</a> Their solicitude was only too well grounded. On Saturday, +the thirtieth of August, some merchants arrived in Geneva from Lyons, +with the appalling intelligence that their Protestant countrymen were +everywhere the victims of unparalleled cruelty. From the inn they went on +without delay to the city hall, and narrated to the magistrates the +revolting atrocities of which they had been eye-witnesses. They besought +the city to prepare hospitable shelter and food for the throng of +refugees who would soon make their appearance, having scarce escaped the +bloody snares in which their brethren in great numbers had lost their +lives.<a name="FNanchor_1211_1211" id="FNanchor_1211_1211"></a><a href="#Footnote_1211_1211" class="fnanchor">[1211]</a> "The frightful news," writes the historian of the Genevan +church, describing the scene, "courses through the city with the speed of +lightning: the shops are closed, and the citizens assemble on the public +squares. They know, by past experience, the burdens and sacrifices that +await men of good-will. Within doors, the women get in readiness an +abundance of clothing, of medicines, and of food. The magistrates send +wagons and litters to the villages of the district of Gex; and the +peasants with their pastors take their station upon the border, to obtain +intelligence and to render assistance to the first that may arrive. They +have not long to wait. On the first of September a few travellers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_555" id="Page_555">[Pg 555]</a></span> make +their appearance, pale, worn out with fatigue, scarcely answering the +greeting they receive. They cannot credit the reality of their +deliverance. For days death has been lying in wait for them at the +threshold of every village. Soon their numbers increase. The wounded +uncover the wounds they have carefully concealed, that they might not be +taken for reformers. They declare that, since the twenty-sixth of August, +the country and the cities have been deluged with the blood of their +brethren."<a name="FNanchor_1212_1212" id="FNanchor_1212_1212"></a><a href="#Footnote_1212_1212" class="fnanchor">[1212]</a></p> + +<p>Nobly did the citizens of the little commonwealth welcome the scarred and +bleeding confessors of their faith, contending with magnanimous rivalry +for the most cruelly mangled, and carrying them in triumph into their +homes and to their frugal boards. Not one refugee was suffered to find +his way to the city hall; and there was no need of any public +distribution of alms.<a name="FNanchor_1213_1213" id="FNanchor_1213_1213"></a><a href="#Footnote_1213_1213" class="fnanchor">[1213]</a> Within a few days twenty-three hundred +families of French Protestants were gathered in the hospitable inclosure +of Geneva. Besides those that subsequently returned to France, on the +arrival of more propitious times, more than two hundred of these families +yet remain, comprising the most honorable citizens of the republic.<a name="FNanchor_1214_1214" id="FNanchor_1214_1214"></a><a href="#Footnote_1214_1214" class="fnanchor">[1214]</a></p> + +<p>A solemn fast was instituted. In the presence of the remarkable assembly +gathered in the old cathedral of Saint Pierre, no word of threatening, no +prayer for vengeance was uttered. But a firm conviction of the power and +goodness of God seemed to dwell in every heart, and was uttered in +impressive words by Theodore Beza—since Calvin's death, eight years +before, the leading theologian of Geneva. "The hand of the Lord is not +shortened," said the reformer. "He will not suffer a hair of our head to +fall to the ground without His will. Let us not, therefore, be at all +affrighted because of the plot of the men who have unjustly devised to +put us all to death with our wives and our children. Let us rather be +assured, that, if the Lord<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_556" id="Page_556">[Pg 556]</a></span> has ordained to deliver all or any of us, +none shall be able to resist Him. If it shall please Him that we all die, +let us not fear; for it is our Father's good pleasure to give us another +home, which is the heavenly kingdom, in which there is no change, no +poverty, no want, no tear, no crying, no mourning, no sorrow, but, on the +contrary, eternal joy and blessedness. It is far better to be lodged with +the beggar Lazarus in the bosom of Abraham, than with the rich man, with +Cain, with Saul, with Herod, or with Judas, in hell. Meanwhile, we must +drink the cup which the Lord has prepared for us, each according to his +portion. We must not be ashamed of the Cross of Christ, nor be loth to +drink the gall of which He has first drunk: knowing that our sorrow shall +be turned into joy, and that we shall laugh in our turn, when the wicked +shall weep and gnash their teeth."<a name="FNanchor_1215_1215" id="FNanchor_1215_1215"></a><a href="#Footnote_1215_1215" class="fnanchor">[1215]</a></p> + +<p>Twenty Huguenot pastors from France were among the refugees, and were +kindly invited to take part in the honorable office of preaching in the +churches. They preferred, however, to sit among the hearers, and listen +to the sermons of Beza and his venerated colleagues.<a name="FNanchor_1216_1216" id="FNanchor_1216_1216"></a><a href="#Footnote_1216_1216" class="fnanchor">[1216]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Their generosity and danger.</div> + +<p>Heaven smiled on the generous hospitality of the little republic. The +plague, which had been raging in Geneva, disappeared simultaneously with +the arrival of the fugitives from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_557" id="Page_557">[Pg 557]</a></span> France.<a name="FNanchor_1217_1217" id="FNanchor_1217_1217"></a><a href="#Footnote_1217_1217" class="fnanchor">[1217]</a> Still the burden which +their hosts had assumed was by no means light. They were not rich, and +the rigorous winter that followed would have reduced them to great +straits even without this additional drain upon their resources. Besides, +they had incurred the dangerous enmity of the King of France. While +professing deep gratitude to the Genevese for the advice they had given +to the Protestants of Nismes to liberate the agents of the royal court, +who had been sent to procure their destruction, but had been discovered +and incarcerated, Charles the Ninth was in secret plotting the ruin of +the city which furnished an asylum to so many of his persecuted subjects. +At one time the danger was imminent. The Duke of Savoy was reported to +have collected an army of eighteen thousand men near Chambéry and Annecy, +while rumors of domestic treachery took so definite a form, that it was +said that two hundred papal soldiers in the disguise of Protestant +refugees were lurking in Geneva itself. On the other hand, the Roman +Catholic cantons of Fribourg and Soleure, when on the point of joining +Berne and Zurich in sending assistance, undertook to stipulate for the +reinstatement of the mass within the walls of Geneva; and the Genevese, +who, whatever other faults they might possess, were no cowards, declined +an alliance upon such conditions.<a name="FNanchor_1218_1218" id="FNanchor_1218_1218"></a><a href="#Footnote_1218_1218" class="fnanchor">[1218]</a> But the threatened contest of +arms never came. By one of those strange turns of affairs, which, from +their frequent recurrence in the history of Geneva, an impartial beholder +can scarcely interpret otherwise than as interpositions of providence in +behalf of a city that was destined for ages to be a safe refuge for the +oppressed confessors of a purer faith, the storm was dissipated as +rapidly as it had gathered. The bodily ailments of Charles the Ninth +were, humanly speaking, the salvation of Geneva.<a name="FNanchor_1219_1219" id="FNanchor_1219_1219"></a><a href="#Footnote_1219_1219" class="fnanchor">[1219]</a></p> + +<p>In other parts of Switzerland the King of France made great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_558" id="Page_558">[Pg 558]</a></span> efforts to +counteract the injurious influence upon his interests which the +intelligence of the massacre could but exert. Almost immediately after +the events of the last week of August, the royal ambassador, Monsieur de +la Fontaine, and the treasurer whom the French monarch was accustomed to +keep in Switzerland, were instructed to write out an account for the +benefit of his Majesty's "best and perfect friends," "the magnificent +seigniors," wherein among the numerous falsehoods with which they +attempted to feed the unsophistical mountaineers, was at least a single +truth: "This young and magnanimous prince, since his accession to the +throne, has, so to speak, reaped only thorns in place of a +sceptre."<a name="FNanchor_1220_1220" id="FNanchor_1220_1220"></a><a href="#Footnote_1220_1220" class="fnanchor">[1220]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Impression at Baden.</div> + +<p>A little later M. de Bellièvre, his special envoy at the diet of Baden, +was profuse in assurances to the effect that the deed was not +premeditated, but had been rendered necessary by the machinations of the +admiral—"a wretched man, or rather, not a man, but a furious and +irreconcilable beast who had lost all fear of God and man." He +particularly defended the king from all responsibility for the excesses +that had been committed, insisting that it was the people that "had taken +the bit in its teeth," while Charles, Anjou, and Alençon, did their best +to check its mad impetuosity, and Catharine felt "unspeakable +regret."<a name="FNanchor_1221_1221" id="FNanchor_1221_1221"></a><a href="#Footnote_1221_1221" class="fnanchor">[1221]</a> But the envoy had little reason to congratulate<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_559" id="Page_559">[Pg 559]</a></span> himself +upon his success. "Sire," he wrote with some disgust to his master, "it +is all but impossible to get it out of the heads of the Protestants, that +your Majesty's intention is to join the rest of the Catholic princes, in +order by force to put (the decrees of) the Council of Trent into +execution in their countries." They would not be satisfied entirely by +Bellièvre's plausible explanations. "Simple and rude people are violently +excited by such things, and are very difficult to be reassured."<a name="FNanchor_1222_1222" id="FNanchor_1222_1222"></a><a href="#Footnote_1222_1222" class="fnanchor">[1222]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Medals and vindications.</div> + +<p>Charles the Ninth stood convicted in the eyes of the world of a great +crime. No elaborate vindications, by their sophistry, or by barefaced +misstatements of facts, could clear him, in the judgment of impartial men +of either creed, from the guilt of such a butchery of his subjects as +scarcely another monarch on record had ever perpetrated. Medals were +early struck in honor of the event, upon which "valor and piety"—the +king's motto—were represented as gloriously exhibited in the destruction +of rebels and heretics.<a name="FNanchor_1223_1223" id="FNanchor_1223_1223"></a><a href="#Footnote_1223_1223" class="fnanchor">[1223]</a> But the wise regarded it as "a cruelty +worse than Scythian," and deplored the realm where "<i>neither piety nor +justice</i> restrained the malice and sword of the raging populace."<a name="FNanchor_1224_1224" id="FNanchor_1224_1224"></a><a href="#Footnote_1224_1224" class="fnanchor">[1224]</a> +The Protestants of all countries—and they were his natural allies +against Spanish ambition for world-empire—had forever lost confidence in +the honor of Charles of Valois.</p> + +<p class='center'>Multis minatur, qui uni facit, injuriam. </p> + +<p>"If that king be author and doer of this act," wrote the Earl +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_560" id="Page_560">[Pg 560]</a></span> of +Leicester, expressing the common judgment of the civilized world, "shame +and confusion light upon him; be he never so strong in the sight of men, +the Lord hath not His power for naught.... If he continue in confirming +the fact, and allowing the persons that did it, then must he be a prince +detested of all honest men, what religion soever they have; for as his +fact was ugly, so was it inhumane. For whom should a man trust, if not +his prince's word; and these men he hath put to slaughter, not only had +his word, but his writing, and not public, but private, with open +proclamations and all other manner of declarations that could be devised +for the safety, which now being violated and broken, who can believe and +trust him?"<a name="FNanchor_1225_1225" id="FNanchor_1225_1225"></a><a href="#Footnote_1225_1225" class="fnanchor">[1225]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Disastrous effects of the massacre on Charles himself.</div> + +<p>Upon the king himself the results of the fearful atrocities which he had +been induced by his mother and brother to sanction, were equally lasting +and disastrous. The change was startling even to those who were its chief +cause: from a gentle boy he had become transformed into a morose and +cruel man. "The king is grown now so bloody-minded," writes one who +enjoyed good opportunities of observing him, "as they that advised him +thereto do repent the same, and do fear that the old saying will prove +true," "<i>Malum consilium consultori pessimum</i>."<a name="FNanchor_1226_1226" id="FNanchor_1226_1226"></a><a href="#Footnote_1226_1226" class="fnanchor">[1226]</a> The story of the +frenzy of Charles who, on one occasion, seemed to be resolved to take the +lives of Navarre and Condé, unless they should instantly recant, and was +only prevented by the entreaties of his young wife, may be +exaggerated.<a name="FNanchor_1227_1227" id="FNanchor_1227_1227"></a><a href="#Footnote_1227_1227" class="fnanchor">[1227]</a> But certain it is that the unhappy king was the victim +of haunting memories of the past, which, while continually robbing him of +peace of mind, sometimes drove him to the borders of madness. Agrippa +d'Aubigné tells us, on the often repeated testimony of Henry of Navarre, +that one night, a week after the massacre, Charles leaped up in affright +from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_561" id="Page_561">[Pg 561]</a></span> his bed, and summoned his gentlemen of the bedchamber, as well as +his brother-in-law, to listen to a confused sound of cries of distress +and lamentations, similar to that which he had heard on the eventful +night of the butchery. So convinced was he that his ears had not deceived +him, that he gave orders that the new attack which he fancied to be made +upon the partisans of Montmorency should at once be repressed by his +guards. It was not until the soldiers returned with the assurance that +everything was quiet throughout the city, that he consented to retire to +his rest again. For an entire week the delusive cries seemed to return at +the self-same hour.<a name="FNanchor_1228_1228" id="FNanchor_1228_1228"></a><a href="#Footnote_1228_1228" class="fnanchor">[1228]</a> These fancies—the creations of his fevered +brain—may soon have left him, not to return until the general closing in +at the death-bed. But there were marks of the violence of the passions of +which he was the victim in his altered mien and deportment. Even before +the event that has fixed upon him an infamous notoriety, he acted at +times like a madman in the indulgence of his whims and coarse tastes. Sir +Thomas Smith, five months before the fatal St. Bartholomew's Day, wrote +of "his inordinate hunting, so early in the morning and so late at night, +without sparing frost, snow or rain, and in so desperate doings as makes +her (his mother) and them that love him to be often in great fear."<a name="FNanchor_1229_1229" id="FNanchor_1229_1229"></a><a href="#Footnote_1229_1229" class="fnanchor">[1229]</a> +But now the picture, as faithfully drawn by the friendly hand of the +Venetian ambassador, early in the year 1574, is still more pitiful. His +countenance had become sad and forbidding. When obliged to give audience +to the representatives of foreign powers, as well as in his ordinary +interviews, he avoided the glance of those who addressed him. He bent his +head toward the ground and shut his eyes. At short intervals he would +open them with a start, and in a moment, as though the effort caused him +pain, he would close them again with no less suddenness. "It is feared," +adds the writer, "that the spirit of vengeance has taken possession of +him; formerly he was only severe, now his friends dread lest he will +become cruel." He must at all hazards find hard work to do. He was on +horseback for twelve or fourteen consecutive hours, and pursued the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_562" id="Page_562">[Pg 562]</a></span> same +deer for two or three days, stopping only to take nourishment, or snatch +a little rest at night. His hands were scarred and callous. When in the +palace, his passion for violent exercise drove him to the forge, where +for three or four hours he would work without intermission, with a +ponderous hammer fashioning a cuirass or some other piece of armor, and +exhibiting more pride in being able to tire out his gentle competitors, +than in more royal accomplishments.<a name="FNanchor_1230_1230" id="FNanchor_1230_1230"></a><a href="#Footnote_1230_1230" class="fnanchor">[1230]</a> We have no means of tracing +accurately the influence of the massacre upon others. The Abbé Brantôme, +however, early pointed out the remarkable fact that of those who took a +principal part in the work of murder and rapine many soon after met with +violent deaths, either at the siege of La Rochelle or in the ensuing +wars, and that the riches they had so iniquitously accumulated profited +them little.<a name="FNanchor_1231_1231" id="FNanchor_1231_1231"></a><a href="#Footnote_1231_1231" class="fnanchor">[1231]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">How far was the Roman Church responsible?</div> + +<p>Before dismissing the consideration of the stupendous crime for which +Divine vengeance—to use the words of Sully—"made France atone by +twenty-six consecutive years of disaster, carnage, and horror,"<a name="FNanchor_1232_1232" id="FNanchor_1232_1232"></a><a href="#Footnote_1232_1232" class="fnanchor">[1232]</a> it +is at once interesting and important to glance at a historical question +which still agitates the world, and for a correct and impartial solution +of which we are, perhaps, more favorably situated than were even the +contemporaries of the event. I allude to the inquiry respecting the +extent to which the Roman Church, and the Pope in particular, must be +held responsible for the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_563" id="Page_563">[Pg 563]</a></span></p> + +<p>So far as Queen Catharine was concerned (and the same is true of some of +her advisers), it is admitted by all that no zeal for religion controlled +her conduct. A dissolute and ambitious woman, and, moreover, almost an +avowed atheist, she could not have acted from a sincere but mistaken +belief that it was her duty to exterminate heresy. But among the inferior +agents it can scarcely be doubted that there were some who believed +themselves to be doing God service in ridding the world of the enemies of +His church. Had not the preachers in their sermons extolled the deed as +the most meritorious that could be performed, and as furnishing an +unquestionable passport to paradise? The number, however, of these +<i>religious</i> assassins—if so we may style them—could be but small in +comparison with the multitude of those to whom religion served merely as +a pretext, while cupidity or partisan hatred was the true motive; men +who, nevertheless, derived their incentive from the lessons of their +spiritual guides, and who would never have dreamed of giving loose rein +to their passions, but for the suggestions of these sanguinary teachers. +At the bar of history the priesthood that countenanced assassination must +be held no less accountable for the actions of this class than for the +deeds of more sincere devotees.</p> + +<p>It is immaterial to the question of the responsibility of the Papal +Church, whether the queen mother and the king's ministers were honest, or +were Roman Catholics, or, indeed, Christians only in name. If the Pope +had for years, by letter and by his accredited agents, been insinuating +that the life of a heretic was a thing of little value; if he +systematically advocated a war of extermination, and opposed every +negotiation for peace, every truce, every edict of pacification that did +not look to the annihilation of the Huguenots; if he had familiarized the +minds of king and queen with the thought of justifiable massacre, it is +of little importance to ascertain whether his too ready pupils executed +the injunction from a pure desire to further the interests of the Papal +See, or with more selfish designs. Unfortunately for humanity and for +religion, the course I have indicated was that which had been +consistently and indefatigably pursued during the entire pontificate of +Pius the Fifth,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_564" id="Page_564">[Pg 564]</a></span> and during the few months that had elapsed since the +election of his successor.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Gregory probably not aware of the intended massacre.</div> + +<p>Contrary to the firm persuasion of the Protestants who wrote contemporary +accounts of the massacre, we must in all probability, as we have already +seen,<a name="FNanchor_1233_1233" id="FNanchor_1233_1233"></a><a href="#Footnote_1233_1233" class="fnanchor">[1233]</a> acquit Gregory the Thirteenth of any knowledge of the +disaster impending over the admiral and the Huguenots. It was what he +wished for and prayed for, but with little hope of seeing the +accomplishment. In fact, he was brought to the verge of despair in +respect to the hold of the papacy upon the kingdom of France. Nuncio +Salviati, at Paris, had, indeed, conceived the hope that some disaster +would befall the Huguenots in consequence of Coligny's imprudence and the +desperation of the queen mother and of the Roman Catholic party at +finding the authority slipping from their hands. But his astonishment and +that of the pontiff at the general massacre of the Protestants was +surpassed only by their common delight. The fragments of the despatches +from Salviati to the Roman secretary of state, which have been suffered +to find their way into print, seem to settle this point beyond all +controversy.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Pius the Fifth instigates the French court.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">He indorses the cruelties of Alva.</div> + +<p>We have in previous chapters seen the Pope assisting Charles with money +and troops in the prosecution of the last two wars against the Huguenots. +But this aid was accompanied with perpetual exhortations to do the work +thoroughly, and not to repeat the mistakes committed by his predecessors. +"That heresy cannot be tolerated in the same kingdom with the worship of +the Catholic religion," writes Pius the Fifth to Sigismund Augustus of +Poland, "is proved by that very example of the kingdom of France, which +your Majesty brings up for the purpose of excusing yourself. If the +former kings of France had not suffered this evil to grow by neglect and +indulgence, they would easily have been able to extirpate heresy and +secure the peace and quiet of their realm."<a name="FNanchor_1234_1234" id="FNanchor_1234_1234"></a><a href="#Footnote_1234_1234" class="fnanchor">[1234]</a> Of all the leaders of +the day, the Duke of Alva alone earned, by his unrelenting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_565" id="Page_565">[Pg 565]</a></span> destruction +of heretics, the unqualified approval of the pontiff. When the tidings of +the successes of the "Blood Council" reached Rome, Pius could not contain +himself for joy. He must congratulate the duke, and spur him on in a +course upon which the blessing of Heaven so manifestly rested. "Nothing +can occur to us," said he, "more glorious for the dignity of the Church, +or more delightful to the truly paternal disposition of our mind to all +men, than when we perceive that warriors and very brave generals, such as +we previously knew you to be and now find you in this most perilous war, +consult not their own interest, nor their own glory alone, but war in +behalf of that Almighty God who stands ready to crown His soldiers +contending for Him and His glory, not with a corruptible crown, but with +one that is eternal and fadeth not away."<a name="FNanchor_1235_1235" id="FNanchor_1235_1235"></a><a href="#Footnote_1235_1235" class="fnanchor">[1235]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">He repeatedly counsels exterminating the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>With this express indorsement of Alva's merciless cruelty before us, it +is not difficult to understand what Pius demanded of Charles of France. +Early in 1569, while sending the Duke of Sforza with auxiliaries, he +wrote to the king: "When God shall by His kindness have given to you and +to us, as we hope, the victory, it will be your duty to punish the +heretics and their leaders with all severity, and thus justly to avenge +not only your own wrongs, but those of Almighty God: in order that, by +your execution of the righteous judgment of God, they may pay the penalty +which they have deserved by their crimes."<a name="FNanchor_1236_1236" id="FNanchor_1236_1236"></a><a href="#Footnote_1236_1236" class="fnanchor">[1236]</a> After the battle of +Jarnac and Condé's death, we have seen that Pius wrote promptly, bidding +Charles "pursue and destroy the remnants of the enemy, and wholly tear up +not only the roots of an evil so great and which had gathered to itself +such strength, but even the very fibres of the roots." He begged him not +to spare those who had not spared God nor their king.<a name="FNanchor_1237_1237" id="FNanchor_1237_1237"></a><a href="#Footnote_1237_1237" class="fnanchor">[1237]</a> To Catharine +and to the Duke of Anjou, to the Cardinal of Bourbon, and to the Cardinal +of Lorraine, the same language was addressed. Again and again the Pope +held up the example of Saul, who disregarded the commands of the Lord +through Samuel and spared the Amalekites,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_566" id="Page_566">[Pg 566]</a></span> as a solemn warning against +disobedience. To the queen mother he said: "Under no circumstances and +from no considerations ought the enemies of God to be spared.<a name="FNanchor_1238_1238" id="FNanchor_1238_1238"></a><a href="#Footnote_1238_1238" class="fnanchor">[1238]</a> If +your Majesty shall continue, as heretofore, to seek with right purpose of +mind and a simple heart the honor of Almighty God, and shall assail the +foes of the Catholic religion openly and freely even to +extermination,<a name="FNanchor_1239_1239" id="FNanchor_1239_1239"></a><a href="#Footnote_1239_1239" class="fnanchor">[1239]</a> be well assured that the Divine assistance will +never fail, and that still greater victories will be prepared by God for +you and for the king your son, until, <i>when all shall have been +destroyed</i>, the pristine worship of the Catholic religion shall be +restored to that most illustrious realm."<a name="FNanchor_1240_1240" id="FNanchor_1240_1240"></a><a href="#Footnote_1240_1240" class="fnanchor">[1240]</a> The Duke of Anjou was +urged to incite his brother to punish the rebels with great severity, and +to be inexorable in refusing the prayers of all who would intercede for +them.<a name="FNanchor_1241_1241" id="FNanchor_1241_1241"></a><a href="#Footnote_1241_1241" class="fnanchor">[1241]</a> Charles was given to understand that if, induced by any +motives, he should defer the punishment of God's enemies, he would +certainly tempt the Divine patience to change to anger.<a name="FNanchor_1242_1242" id="FNanchor_1242_1242"></a><a href="#Footnote_1242_1242" class="fnanchor">[1242]</a></p> + +<p>The victory of Moncontour furnished an occasion for fresh exhortations to +the king not to neglect to inflict upon the enemies of Almighty God the +punishments fixed by the laws. "For what else would this be," said Pius, +"than to make of no effect the blessing of God, namely, victory itself, +whose fruit indeed consists in this, that by just punishment the +execrable heretics, common enemies, having been taken away, the former +peace and tranquillity should be restored to the kingdom. And do not +allow yourself, by the suggestion of the empty name of pity, to be +deceived so far as to seek, by pardoning Divine injuries, to obtain false +praise for compassion; for nothing is more cruel than that pity and +compassion which is extended to the impious and those who deserve the +worst of torments."<a name="FNanchor_1243_1243" id="FNanchor_1243_1243"></a><a href="#Footnote_1243_1243" class="fnanchor">[1243]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_567" id="Page_567">[Pg 567]</a></span> work begun by victories in the field was, +therefore, to be completed by the institution of inquisitors of the faith +in every city, and the adoption of such other measures as might, with +God's help, at length create the kingdom anew and restore it to its +former state.<a name="FNanchor_1244_1244" id="FNanchor_1244_1244"></a><a href="#Footnote_1244_1244" class="fnanchor">[1244]</a></p> + +<p>As often as rumors of negotiations for peace reached him, Pius was in +anguish of soul, and wrote to Charles, to Catharine, to Anjou, to the +French cardinals, in almost the same words. He protested that, as light +has no communion with darkness, so no compact between Catholics and +heretics could be other than feigned and full of treachery.<a name="FNanchor_1245_1245" id="FNanchor_1245_1245"></a><a href="#Footnote_1245_1245" class="fnanchor">[1245]</a> As the +prospect of peace grew more distinct, his prognostications of coming +disaster grew darker, and sounded almost like threats. Even if the +heretics, in concluding the peace, had no intention of laying snares, God +would put it into their minds as a punishment to the king. "Now, how +fearful a thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God, who is +wont not only to chastise the corrupt manners of men by war, but, on +account of the sins of kings and people, to dash kingdoms in pieces, and +to transfer them from their ancient masters to new ones, is too evident +to need to be proved by examples."<a name="FNanchor_1246_1246" id="FNanchor_1246_1246"></a><a href="#Footnote_1246_1246" class="fnanchor">[1246]</a> When at last the peace of Saint +Germain was definitely concluded, the Pope did not cease to lament over +"a pacification in which the conquered heretics imposed upon the +victorious king conditions so horrible and so pernicious that he could +not speak of them without tears." And he expressed at the same time his +paternal fears lest the young Charles and those who had consented to the +unholy compact would be given over to a reprobate mind, that seeing they +might not see, and hearing they might not hear.<a name="FNanchor_1247_1247" id="FNanchor_1247_1247"></a><a href="#Footnote_1247_1247" class="fnanchor">[1247]</a></p> + +<p>To his last breath Pius retained the same thirst for the blood of the +heretics of France. He violently opposed the marriage of the king's +sister to Henry of Navarre, and instructed his envoy at the French court +to bring up again that "matter of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_568" id="Page_568">[Pg 568]</a></span> conciliation so fatal to the +Catholics."<a name="FNanchor_1248_1248" id="FNanchor_1248_1248"></a><a href="#Footnote_1248_1248" class="fnanchor">[1248]</a> His last letters are as sanguinary as his first. +Meanwhile his acts corresponded with his words, and left the King of +France and his mother in no doubt respecting the value which the +pretended vicegerent of God upon earth, and the future Saint,<a name="FNanchor_1249_1249" id="FNanchor_1249_1249"></a><a href="#Footnote_1249_1249" class="fnanchor">[1249]</a> set +upon the life of a heretic; for, when the town of Mornas was on one +occasion captured by the Roman Catholic forces, and a number of prisoners +were taken, Pius—"such," his admiring biographer informs us, "was his +burning zeal for religion"—ransomed them from the hands of their +captors, that he might have the satisfaction of ordering their public +execution in the pontifical city of Avignon!<a name="FNanchor_1250_1250" id="FNanchor_1250_1250"></a><a href="#Footnote_1250_1250" class="fnanchor">[1250]</a> And when the same holy +father learned that Count Santa Fiore, the commander of the papal troops +sent to Charles's assistance, had accepted the offer of a ransom for the +life of a distinguished Huguenot nobleman, he wrote to him complaining +bitterly that he had disobeyed his orders, which were that every heretic +that fell into his hands should straightway be put to death.<a name="FNanchor_1251_1251" id="FNanchor_1251_1251"></a><a href="#Footnote_1251_1251" class="fnanchor">[1251]</a> As, +however, Pius wanted not Huguenot treasure, but Huguenot blood, with more +consistency than<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_569" id="Page_569">[Pg 569]</a></span> at first appears, he ordered the captive nobleman whose +head had been spared to be released without ransom.<a name="FNanchor_1252_1252" id="FNanchor_1252_1252"></a><a href="#Footnote_1252_1252" class="fnanchor">[1252]</a></p> + +<p>With such continual papal exhortations to bloodshed, before us, with such +suggestive examples of the treatment which heretics ought, according to +the pontiff, to receive, and in the light of the extravagant joy +displayed at Rome over the consummation of the massacre, we can scarcely +hesitate to find the head of the Roman Catholic Church guilty—if not, by +a happy accident, of having known or devised the precise mode of its +execution, at least of having long instigated and paved the way for the +commission of the crime. Without the teachings of Pius the Fifth, the +conspiracy of Catharine and Anjou would have been almost impossible. +Without the preaching of priests and friars at Lent and Advent, the +passions of the low populace could not have been inflamed to such a pitch +as to render it capable of perpetrating atrocities which will forever +render the reign of Charles the Ninth infamous in the French annals.</p> + +<hr style="width: 45%;" /> + +<blockquote><div class="sidenote">A German account of the massacre at Orleans.</div> + +<p>One of the most vivid accounts of the massacre in any city +outside of Paris is the contemporary narrative of Johann +Wilhelm von Botzheim, a young German, who was at the time +pursuing his studies in Orleans. It forms the sequel to the +description of the Parisian massacre, to which reference has +already been made several times, and was first published by +Dr. F. W. Ebeling, in his "Archivalische Beiträge zur +Geschichte Frankreichs unter Carl IX." (Leipsic, 1872), +129-189. It was also translated into French by M. Charles +Read, for the number of the Bulletin de la Société de +l'histoire du protestantisme français issued on the occasion +of the tercentenary of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. +The chief interest of the narration centres in the anxieties +and dangers of the little community of Germans in attendance +upon the famous law school. Besides this, however, much light +is thrown upon the general features of the bloody +transactions. The first intimation of Coligny's wounding +reached the Protestants as they were returning from the +prêche, but created less excitement because of the statement +accompanying it, that Charles was greatly displeased at the +occurrence. That night a messenger arrived with letters +addressed to the provost of the city, announcing the death of +the admiral and the Huguenots of Paris, and enjoining the like +execution at Orleans. Although the letters bore the royal +seal, the information they contained appeared so<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_570" id="Page_570">[Pg 570]</a></span> incredible +that the provost commanded the messenger to be imprisoned +until two captains, whom he at once despatched to Paris, +returned bringing full confirmation of the story. The provost, +a man averse to bloodshed, issued, early on Monday morning as +a precautionary measure, an order to guard the city gates. But +the control of affairs rapidly passed out of his hands, and, +threatened with death because of his moderate counsels, the +provost was himself forced to take refuge for safety in the +citadel. Ten captains at the head of as many bands of +soldiers, ruled the city, and were foremost in the work of +murder and rapine that now ensued. But there were other bands +engaged in the same occupation, not to speak of single persons +acting strictly on their own account. Moreover, four hundred +ruffians came in from the country, intent upon making up for +losses which they pretended to have sustained during the late +civil wars. They showed no mercy to the Huguenots that fell +into their hands. Of the Protestants scarcely one made +resistance, so hopeless was their situation. Pierre Pillier, a +bell founder, had indeed barred his door with iron, but, +finding that his assailants were on the point of forcing the +entrance, he first threw his money from a window, and then, +seizing his opportunity when the miscreants were scrambling +for their prize, deluged them with molten lead, after which he +set fire to his house, and perished, with his wife and +children, in the flames.</p> + +<p>There is, happily, no need of repeating here the shocking +details of the butchery told by the student. As a German, and +not generally known to be a Protestant, he managed to escape +the fate of his Huguenot friends, but he witnessed, and was +forced to appear to applaud, the most revolting exhibitions +both of cruelty and of selfishness. His favorite professor, +the venerable François Taillebois, after having been twice +plundered by bands of marauders, was treacherously conducted +by the second band to the Loire, despatched with the dagger, +and thrown into the river. "The last lecture, which he gave on +Monday at nine o'clock," says his pupil, "was on the <i>Lex +Cornelia</i> [de sicariis] of which he made the demonstration by +the sacrifice of his own life." It is pitiful to read that +even professors in the university were not ashamed to enrich +their libraries by the plunder of the law-books of their +colleagues, or of their scholars. The writer traced his own +copies of Alciat, of Mynsinger and "Speculator," to the +shelves of Laurent Godefroid, Professor of the Pandects, and +the entire library of his brother Bernhard to those of his +neighbor, Dr. Beaupied, Professor of Canon Law.</p> + +<p>In the midst of the almost universal unchaining of the worst +passions of human or demoniacal nature, it is pleasant to note +a few exceptions. Some Roman Catholics were found not only +unwilling to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Huguenot +neighbors and friends, but actually ready to incur personal +peril in rescuing them from assassination. Such magnanimity, +however, was very rare. All respect for authority human or +divine, all sense of shame or pity, all fear of hell and hope +of heaven, seemed to have been obliterated from the breasts of +the murderers. The blasphemous words of the furious Captain +Gaillard, when opposed in his plan to destroy Botzheim and his +fellow Germans, truly expressed the sentiments which others +might possibly have hesitated to utter so distinctly. "Par la +mort Dieu! il faut qu'il<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_571" id="Page_571">[Pg 571]</a></span> soit.... Il n'y a ny Dieu, ny +diable, ny juge qui me puisse commander. Vostre vie est en ma +puissance, il fault mourir.... Baillez-moy mon espée, je +tuerai l'ung après l'autre, je ne saurois tuer trestous à la +fois avec la pistolle." Men, with blood-stained hands and +clothes, boasted over their cups of having plundered and +murdered thirty, forty, fifty men each. At last, on Saturday +afternoon, after the Huguenots had been almost all killed, an +edict was published prohibiting murder and pillage on pain of +death. Gallows, too, were erected in nearly every street, to +hang the disobedient; but not a man was hung, and the murders +still continued. Soon after a second edict directed the +restoration of stolen property to its rightful owners; it was +a mere trick to entice any remaining Huguenot from his refuge +and secure his apprehension and death. The Huguenots were not +even able to recover, at a later time, the property they had +intrusted to their Roman Catholic friends in time of danger, +and did not dare to bring the latter before courts of justice. +The Huguenots killed at Orleans, in this writer's opinion, +were at least fifteen hundred, perhaps even two thousand, in +number.</p></blockquote> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1079_1079" id="Footnote_1079_1079"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1079_1079"><span class="label">[1079]</span></a> Charles IX. to Mondoucet, August 26th, Compte rendu de la +com. roy. d'histoire, Brussels, 1852, iv. 344.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1080_1080" id="Footnote_1080_1080"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1080_1080"><span class="label">[1080]</span></a> "Estant croiable que ce feu ainsy allumé ira courant par +toutes les villes de mon royaume, lesquelles, à l'exemple de ce qui s'est +faict en cestedite ville, s'assureront de tous ceulx de ladite religion." +Charles to Mondoucet, Aug. 26th, <i>ubi supra</i>, iv. 345</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1081_1081" id="Footnote_1081_1081"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1081_1081"><span class="label">[1081]</span></a> "Car puisqu'il a pleu à Dieu conduire les choses ès +termes où elles sont, je ne veulx négliger l'occasion, non seulement pour +remectre, s'il m'est possible, ung perpétuel repos en mon royaume, mais +aussy servir à la chrestienté."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1082_1082" id="Footnote_1082_1082"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1082_1082"><span class="label">[1082]</span></a> "Au surplus, quelque commandement verbal que j'aye peu +faire à ceulx que j'aye envoyé tant devers vous que autres gouverneurs +... j'ay révocqué et révocque tout celà, ne voulant que par vous ne +autres en soit aucune chose exécuté." Charles IX. to Mandelot, Governor +of Lyons, Correspondance, etc. (Paris, 1830), 53, 54; the same to the +Mayor of Bourges, Mém. de l'estat (Archives curieuses), vii. 313. The +variations of language are trifling.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1083_1083" id="Footnote_1083_1083"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1083_1083"><span class="label">[1083]</span></a> He seems at this time to have been at his castle of +Montsoreau, situated six or seven miles above Saumur, on the left bank of +the Loire, and within a short distance of Candes. M. de Montsoreau +himself is described as "gentilhomme de Poictou fort renommé pour +beaucoup de pillages et violences, qui finalement luy ont fait perdre la +vie, ayant esté tué depuis en qualité de meurtrier." Mém. l'estat, 349.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1084_1084" id="Footnote_1084_1084"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1084_1084"><span class="label">[1084]</span></a> These letters, and some others relating to the massacre +at Angers, contained in the archives of the municipality, are printed in +the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, xi. (1862) +120-124.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1085_1085" id="Footnote_1085_1085"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1085_1085"><span class="label">[1085]</span></a> I know, however, of no letters of this kind signed by +Charles IX. himself. They all seem to have been written by his inferior +agents, such as Puigaillard in the case of Saumur, or Masso and Rubys in +that of Lyons. The advantage of this course was apparent. The king could +not be <i>proved</i> to have ordered any massacre; he could throw off the +responsibility upon others. On the other hand, such politic governors as +Mandelot were naturally reluctant to act upon instructions which could at +any moment be disavowed. The verbal messages of Charles himself would +seem, from the Mandelot correspondence, to have been less +definite—perhaps going to no greater lengths than to order the arrest of +the persons and the sequestration of the effects of the Huguenots. May we +not naturally suppose that the king and his council counted upon such +subsequent massacres of the imprisoned Protestants as occurred in many +places?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1086_1086" id="Footnote_1086_1086"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1086_1086"><span class="label">[1086]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, 132, 133. Compare De Thou, iv. (liv. +lii.) 601.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1087_1087" id="Footnote_1087_1087"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1087_1087"><span class="label">[1087]</span></a> Relation of Olaegui, Simancas MSS., Bulletins de +l'académie royale de Belgique, xvi. (1849) 254, 255.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1088_1088" id="Footnote_1088_1088"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1088_1088"><span class="label">[1088]</span></a> The names of nine are given. Archives curieuses, vii. +264.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1089_1089" id="Footnote_1089_1089"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1089_1089"><span class="label">[1089]</span></a> The procureur Cosset did not neglect his own interests, +if, as we are informed, his house and courtyard were so full of stolen +furniture that it was scarcely possible to enter the premises.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1090_1090" id="Footnote_1090_1090"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1090_1090"><span class="label">[1090]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>apud</i> Archives curieuses, vii. +261-270.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1091_1091" id="Footnote_1091_1091"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1091_1091"><span class="label">[1091]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chapter xviii., p. 432.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1092_1092" id="Footnote_1092_1092"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1092_1092"><span class="label">[1092]</span></a> Recordon, le Protestantisme en Champagne (from the MSS. +of N. Pithou, seigneur de Chamgobert), Paris, 1863, 174-192; Mém. de +l'estat, Archives curieuses, vii. 271-292.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1093_1093" id="Footnote_1093_1093"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1093_1093"><span class="label">[1093]</span></a> Dr. Henry White, besides mistaking the Huguenot for the +Papist, has incorrectly stated the circumstances. Massacre of St. +Bartholomew, 450. See Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 295, and De Thou, iv. +(liv. lii.) 601.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1094_1094" id="Footnote_1094_1094"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1094_1094"><span class="label">[1094]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 295. "Le mesme fut fait +à Paris et en d'autres lieux aussi," writes the same historian.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1095_1095" id="Footnote_1095_1095"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1095_1095"><span class="label">[1095]</span></a> Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1096_1096" id="Footnote_1096_1096"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1096_1096"><span class="label">[1096]</span></a> Ibid., 296.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1097_1097" id="Footnote_1097_1097"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1097_1097"><span class="label">[1097]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat de France, <i>ubi supra</i>, 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1098_1098" id="Footnote_1098_1098"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1098_1098"><span class="label">[1098]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 298, 299.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1099_1099" id="Footnote_1099_1099"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1099_1099"><span class="label">[1099]</span></a> Ibid., 299, 300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1100_1100" id="Footnote_1100_1100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1100_1100"><span class="label">[1100]</span></a> A horrible story is told of the discovery of some human +relics several weeks later. Ibid., 305.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1101_1101" id="Footnote_1101_1101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1101_1101"><span class="label">[1101]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, p. 502.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1102_1102" id="Footnote_1102_1102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1102_1102"><span class="label">[1102]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 309-315.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1103_1103" id="Footnote_1103_1103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1103_1103"><span class="label">[1103]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 349-351. "Puigaillard ... +homme au reste indigne de vivre pour l'acte détestable par luy commis en +la personne de sa première femme tuée à sa sollicitation pour en espouser +une autre qu'il entretenoit." (P. 351.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1104_1104" id="Footnote_1104_1104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1104_1104"><span class="label">[1104]</span></a> Registres consulaires, <i>apud</i> "La Saint-Barthélemy à Lyon +et le gouverneur Mandelot," by M. Puyroche, p. 311. This monograph which +I quote from the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, in +which it first appeared (vol. xviii., 1869, pp. 305-323, 353-367, and +401-420), is by far the most accurate and complete treatise on this +subject, and contains a fund of fresh information based upon unpublished +manuscripts, especially the local records.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1105_1105" id="Footnote_1105_1105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1105_1105"><span class="label">[1105]</span></a> Charles IX. to Mandelot, Aug. 22, 1572, Correspondance du +roi Charles IX. et du sieur de Mandelot, published by P. Paris, 1830 (pp. +36, 37). A portion of this letter has already been given.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1106_1106" id="Footnote_1106_1106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1106_1106"><span class="label">[1106]</span></a> Charles IX. to Mandelot, Aug. 24, 1572, Correspondance, +etc., 39-42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1107_1107" id="Footnote_1107_1107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1107_1107"><span class="label">[1107]</span></a> "Monsieur de Mandelot, vous croirez le present porteur de +ce que je luy ay donné charge de vous dire." Ibid., 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1108_1108" id="Footnote_1108_1108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1108_1108"><span class="label">[1108]</span></a> "Suivant icelles (the king's letters of Aug. 22d and +24th) et <i>ce que le sieur du Perat m'auroit dict de sa part</i>, je n'auroit +failly pourveoir par toutz moyens à la seureté de ceste ville: <i>sy bien, +Sire, que et les cors</i> (corps) <i>et les biens de ceulx de la relligion +auroient esté saisiz et mis soubz votre main</i> sans aucun tumulte ny +scandale." Mandelot to Charles IX., Sept. 2, 1572, Correspondance, etc., +45.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1109_1109" id="Footnote_1109_1109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1109_1109"><span class="label">[1109]</span></a> Puyroche, 319.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1110_1110" id="Footnote_1110_1110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1110_1110"><span class="label">[1110]</span></a> "Il n'était pas d'avis," dit-il, "que tout le peuple s'en +mêlat, craignant quelque désordre, mêmement un sac." Puyroche, 320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1111_1111" id="Footnote_1111_1111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1111_1111"><span class="label">[1111]</span></a> "Quelques deux cens," says Mandelot to Charles IX., Sept. +2d; but he was anxious to make the number as small as possible. Jean de +Masso, "receveur général" (Sept. 1st), says, "sept à huit vingt," and +sieur Talaize (Sept. 2d), "deux cent soixante et trois." So also Coste +(Sept. 3d). Puyroche, 365, 366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1112_1112" id="Footnote_1112_1112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1112_1112"><span class="label">[1112]</span></a> Mandelot tells Charles IX. (Sept. 17th) that he had sent +all the <i>poorer</i> Huguenots to other prisons; that he had left here only +the rich and those who had borne arms for the Protestant cause. To +exhibit his own incorruptibility, he added that there were among them, of +his own certain knowledge, at least twenty who would have paid a ransom +of thirty thousand or even forty thousand crowns, "qui estoit assez," he +significantly adds, "pour tenter ung homme corruptible." Correspondance +du roi Charles IX. et du Sieur de Mandelot, 71, 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1113_1113" id="Footnote_1113_1113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1113_1113"><span class="label">[1113]</span></a> Correspondance, etc., p. 46, 47.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1114_1114" id="Footnote_1114_1114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1114_1114"><span class="label">[1114]</span></a> Puyroche, La Saint-Barthélemy à Lyon et le gouverneur +Mandelot, <i>ubi supra</i>; Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi supra</i>, 321-343; Crespin, +Hist. des martyrs, 1582, p. 725, etc., <i>apud</i> Époques de l'église de Lyon +(Lyon, 1827), 173-185; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 602-604, etc.; Jean de +Serres (1575), iv., fol. 45, etc. The number of Huguenots killed is +variously estimated, by some as high as from twelve hundred to fifteen +hundred (Crespin, <i>ubi supra</i>). It must have been not less than seven +hundred or eight hundred; for private letters written immediately after +the occurrence by prominent and well-informed Roman Catholics state it at +about seven hundred, and they would certainly not be inclined to +exaggerate. The rumor at Paris even then set it at twelve hundred. See +the letters in Puyroche, 365-367. Among the one hundred and twenty-three +names that have been preserved, the most interesting is that of Claude +Goudimel, who set Marot's and Beza's psalms to music, and who was killed +by envious rivals. At the time of his death he was engaged in adapting +the psalms to a more elaborate arrangement, according to a contemporary +writer: "Excellent musicien, et la mémoire duquel sera perpétuelle pour +avoir heureusement besogné les psaumes de David en français, la plupart +desquels il a mis en musique en forme de motets à quatre, cinq, six et +huit parties, et sans la mort eût tôt après rendu cette œuvre +accomplie." Sommaire et vrai discours de la Félonie. etc, Puyroche, 402.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1115_1115" id="Footnote_1115_1115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1115_1115"><span class="label">[1115]</span></a> "Faisant cependant contenir ce peuple par toutes les +remontrances et raisons que je puis leur persuader de ne s'émouvoir à +aucune sedition ni tumulte, comme je m'aperçois qu'il y en peut avoir +quelque danger auquel toutes fois j'espère prévenir." Mandelot to Charles +IX., Aug. 31, 1572, Puyroche, 356. This letter is not contained in Paulin +Paris, Correspondance de Charles IX. et du sieur de Mandelot.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1116_1116" id="Footnote_1116_1116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1116_1116"><span class="label">[1116]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, 330; De Thou, iv. (liv. lii.) 603.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1117_1117" id="Footnote_1117_1117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1117_1117"><span class="label">[1117]</span></a> "Je ne veulx estre le premier à en demander à votre +Majesté; m'asseurant que si elle a commencé par quelques autres, elle me +faict tant d'honneur de ne m'oblier (oublier)." Mandelot to Charles IX., +September 2, 1572, Correspondance, p. 49. I find the clearest evidence +both of Mandelot's having had no hand in the massacres of August 31st, +and of his utter want of principle, in the craven apology he makes, in +his letter of September 17th, for not having done more, on the ground +that he only knew his Majesty's pleasure as it were in a shadow, and very +late, and that he had rather feared the king would be angry at what the +people had done, than that so little had been done! "La pouvant asseurer +sur ma vie que si elle n'a esté satisfaitte en ce faict icy, je n'en ay +aucune coulpe, n'ayant sceu quelle estoit sa volunté que par umbre, +encores bien tard et à demy; et ay craint, Sire, que votre Majesté fust +plustost courroucée de ce que le peuple auroit faict, que de trop peu, +d'aultant que par toutes les autres provinces circonvoysines il ne s'est +rien touché." Correspondance, etc., 72, 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1118_1118" id="Footnote_1118_1118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1118_1118"><span class="label">[1118]</span></a> It is given word for word, from the MS. registers of the +parliament, by Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, iii. 81-85.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1119_1119" id="Footnote_1119_1119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1119_1119"><span class="label">[1119]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, chapter xvii., p. 374.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1120_1120" id="Footnote_1120_1120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1120_1120"><span class="label">[1120]</span></a> "Encor qu'il se soit tousjours monstré fort peu amy de +telles inhumanitez." Mémoires de l'estat, 371.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1121_1121" id="Footnote_1121_1121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1121_1121"><span class="label">[1121]</span></a> "Receut lettres du Roy qui luy mandoit et commandoit +expressément d'exterminer tous ceux qui faisoyent profession de la +religion audit lieu, sans en excepter aucun." Mém. de l'estat, Arch. +cur., vii. 370.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1122_1122" id="Footnote_1122_1122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1122_1122"><span class="label">[1122]</span></a> Ibid., 371.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1123_1123" id="Footnote_1123_1123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1123_1123"><span class="label">[1123]</span></a> "Il n'y a aultre que vous," said they, "qui puisse +commander aux armes céans, contenir le peuple en l'obéissance au roy, et +la ville en paix." Reg. secr. du parlement, 9 Septembre, 1572, <i>apud</i> +Floquet, 120. See also Reg. de l'hôtel-de-ville de Rouen, 7 Septembre, +<i>ibid.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1124_1124" id="Footnote_1124_1124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1124_1124"><span class="label">[1124]</span></a> Floquet, 122.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1125_1125" id="Footnote_1125_1125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1125_1125"><span class="label">[1125]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>apud</i> Archives curieuses, vii. 373.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1126_1126" id="Footnote_1126_1126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1126_1126"><span class="label">[1126]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, <i>apud</i> Arch. curieuses, vii. 372; +Floquet, iii. 127. Floquet is incorrect in stating that the names of only +about a hundred are known. We have (Mém. de l'estat. Archives curieuses, +vii. 372-378) a partial list of 186 men, whose names and trades are +generally given, and of 33 women—that is 219, besides a reference to +many others whose names the writer did not obtain.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1127_1127" id="Footnote_1127_1127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1127_1127"><span class="label">[1127]</span></a> "Les autres estoyent <i>accommodez</i> à coups de dague. Les +massacreurs usoyent de ce mot <i>accommoder</i>, l'accommodans à leur bestiale +et diabolique cruauté." Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 372.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1128_1128" id="Footnote_1128_1128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1128_1128"><span class="label">[1128]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, <i>ubi sup.</i>, 378.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1129_1129" id="Footnote_1129_1129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1129_1129"><span class="label">[1129]</span></a> Ibid., 379. The story of the massacre is well told in the +Mém. de l'estat, and by M. Floquet, whose original sources of information +throw a flood of light upon the transactions; also by De Thou, iv. (liv. +lii.) 606; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 27; Jean de Serres (1575), iv., fol. +50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1130_1130" id="Footnote_1130_1130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1130_1130"><span class="label">[1130]</span></a> One of them, Jean Coras, had committed an unpardonable +offence. When passing in 1562 with the Protestant army through +Roquemadour, in the province of Quercy, he had taken advantage of the +opportunity to examine the relics of St. Amadour, of whom the monks +boasted that they possessed not only the bones, but also some of the +flesh. He was never forgiven for having exhibited the close resemblance +of the holy remains to a shoulder of mutton. De Thou, iv. 606, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1131_1131" id="Footnote_1131_1131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1131_1131"><span class="label">[1131]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, Archives curieuses, vii. 381-385; De +Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 27, 28 (liv. i., c. 5); Jean de +Serres (1575), iv., fol. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1132_1132" id="Footnote_1132_1132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1132_1132"><span class="label">[1132]</span></a> President Lagebaston even says that, had this been +suffered to go on a week longer—so rapidly were the Protestants flocking +to the mass—there would not have been eight Huguenots in town.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1133_1133" id="Footnote_1133_1133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1133_1133"><span class="label">[1133]</span></a> Registers of Parliament, in Boscheron des Portes, Hist. +du parl. de Bordeaux (Bordeaux, 1877), i. 241.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1134_1134" id="Footnote_1134_1134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1134_1134"><span class="label">[1134]</span></a> Letter of President Lagebaston to Charles IX., October 7, +1572, Mackintosh, Hist. of England, iii., App. E, 351-353. See also De +Thou, iv. 651, 652, and Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 27. Lagebaston was "first +president" of the Bordalese parliament, but, so far from being able to +prevent the massacre, received information that his own name was on +Montferrand's list, and fled to the castle of Ha, whence he wrote to the +king. His remonstrances against a butchery based upon a pretended order +which was not exhibited, his delineation of the impolitic and disgraceful +work, and his reasons why an execution, that might have been necessary to +crush a secret conspiracy at Paris, was altogether unnecessary in a city +"six or seven score leagues distant," where there could be no thought of +a conspiracy, render his letter very interesting.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1135_1135" id="Footnote_1135_1135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1135_1135"><span class="label">[1135]</span></a> Registres du Parlement, Boscheron des Portes, i. 246, +247.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1136_1136" id="Footnote_1136_1136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1136_1136"><span class="label">[1136]</span></a> Boscheron des Portes, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1137_1137" id="Footnote_1137_1137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1137_1137"><span class="label">[1137]</span></a> Claude Haton waxes facetious when describing the sudden +popularity acquired by the sign of the cross, and the numbers of rosaries +that could be seen in the hands, or tied to the belt, of fugitive +Huguenot ladies.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1138_1138" id="Footnote_1138_1138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1138_1138"><span class="label">[1138]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 156. See <i>ante</i>, chapter +xviii., p. 491.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1139_1139" id="Footnote_1139_1139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1139_1139"><span class="label">[1139]</span></a> De Félice, Hist. of the Protestants of France (New York, +1859), 214, and Henry White, 455, from Maimbourg, Histoire du Calvinisme, +486. I refer the reader to Mr. L. D. Paumier's exhaustive discussion of +the story in his paper, "La Saint-Barthélemy en Normandie," Bulletin de +la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, vi. (1858), 466-470. Mr. Paumier +has also completely demolished the scanty foundation on which rested the +similar story told of Sigognes, Governor of Dieppe, pp. 470-474. See also +M. C. Osmont de Courtisigny's monograph, "Jean Le Hennuyer et les +Huguenots de Lisieux en 1572," in the Bulletin, xxvi. (1877) 145, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1140_1140" id="Footnote_1140_1140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1140_1140"><span class="label">[1140]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 156; Odolant Desnos, +Mémoires historiques sur la ville d'Alençon, ii. 285, <i>apud</i> Bulletin de +la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. français, viii. (1859), 68. The truth of the +story as to Alençon seems to be proved by the circumstance that when, in +February, 1575, Matignon marched against Alençon, in order to suppress +the conspiracy which the duke, Charles's youngest brother, had entered +into to prevent Henry of Anjou from succeeding peaceably to the throne of +France, the grateful Protestants at once opened their gates to him. +Ibid., 305, Bulletin, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1141_1141" id="Footnote_1141_1141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1141_1141"><span class="label">[1141]</span></a> Tocsain, 156.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1142_1142" id="Footnote_1142_1142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1142_1142"><span class="label">[1142]</span></a> "Par lesquelles vous me mandez n'avoir receu aucun +commandement verbal de moy, ains seulement mes lettres du 22, 24 et 28 du +passé, dont ne vous mettrez en aucune peine, car elles s'adressoyent +seulement à quelques-uns qui s'estoyent trouvez près de moy." Charles IX. +to Gordes, Sept. 14, 1572, Archives curieuses, vii. 365, 366.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1143_1143" id="Footnote_1143_1143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1143_1143"><span class="label">[1143]</span></a> Ibid., 367, 368.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1144_1144" id="Footnote_1144_1144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1144_1144"><span class="label">[1144]</span></a> Mémoires de l'estat, Archives curieuses, vii. 366, 367; +De Thou, iv. 605. The Tocsain contre les massacreurs, however, p. 156, +gives credit instead to M. de Carces.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1145_1145" id="Footnote_1145_1145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1145_1145"><span class="label">[1145]</span></a> Dr. White has shown some reasons for doubting the +accuracy of the story. Among the Dulaure MSS. is preserved a full account +of the manner in which a Protestant, fleeing from Paris, fell in with the +messenger who was carrying the order to St. Hérem or Héran, and robbed +him of his instructions. The Protestant hastened on to warn his brethren +of their danger, while the messenger could only relate to the governor +the contents of the lost despatch. Notwithstanding this, eighty Huguenots +were murdered in one city (Aurillac) of this province. Massacre of St. +Bartholomew, 454, 455.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1146_1146" id="Footnote_1146_1146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1146_1146"><span class="label">[1146]</span></a> Adiram d'Aspremont.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1147_1147" id="Footnote_1147_1147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1147_1147"><span class="label">[1147]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., ii. 28 (liv. i., c. 5). +The authenticity of this letter has been much disputed, partly because of +the Viscount's severe and cruel character (which, however, D'Aubigné +himself notices when he tells the story), partly because it rests on the +sole authority of D'Aubigné. It is to be observed, however, that although +he alone relates it, he alludes to it in several of his works, as <i>e.g.</i>, +in his Tragiques. But the truth of the incident is apparently placed +beyond all legitimate doubt by its intimate and necessary connection with +an event which D'Aubigné narrates considerably later in his history, and +from personal knowledge. Hist. univ., ii. 291, 292 (liv. iii., c. 13). In +1577, D'Aubigné, having lost much of Henry of Navarre's favor through his +fidelity or his bluntness (see Mém. de d'Aubigné, éd. Panth., p. 486), +retired from Nérac to the neighboring town of Castel-jaloux, of which he +was in command. Making a foray at the head of a small detachment of +Huguenot soldiers, he fell in with and easily routed a Roman Catholic +troop, consisting of a score of light horsemen belonging to Viscount +D'Orthez, and a number of men raised at Bayonne and Dax, who were +conducting three young ladies condemned at Bordeaux to be beheaded. The +vanquished Roman Catholics threw themselves on the ground and sued for +mercy. On hearing who they were, D'Aubigné called to him all those who +came from Bayonne and then cried out to his followers to treat the rest +in memory of the massacre in the prisons of Dax. The Huguenots needed no +further reminder. It was not long before they had cut to pieces the +twenty-two men from Dax who had fallen into their hands. On the other +hand they restored to the soldiers of Bayonne their horses and arms, and, +after dressing their wounds in a neighboring village, sent them home to +tell their governor, Viscount D'Orthez, "that they had seen the different +treatment the Huguenots accorded to <i>soldiers</i> and to <i>hangmen</i>." A week +later, a herald from Bayonne arrived at Castel-jaloux, with worked scarfs +and handkerchiefs for the entire Huguenot band. Nor did the exchange of +courtesies end here. The mad notion seized Henry of Navarre to accept an +invitation to a feast extended to him by the Bayonnese. Six Huguenots +accompanied him, of whom D'Aubigné was one. The table was sumptuous, the +presents were rare and costly. D'Aubigné being recognized, was +overwhelmed with thanks, "his courtesy being much more liberally repaid +than he had deserved;" while the King of Navarre and his Huguenots, at +the table, "at the expense of the rest of France, extolled to heaven the +rare and unexampled act and glory of the men of Bayonne." It is certainly +an easier supposition that D'Aubigné has faithfully reproduced D'Orthez's +letter to Charles IX., than that he has manufactured so long and +consistent a story. The discussion in the Bulletin de la Soc. de +l'histoire du prot. franç. is full, xi. 13-15, 116, etc., xii. 240.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1148_1148" id="Footnote_1148_1148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1148_1148"><span class="label">[1148]</span></a> Letter of Louis de Bourbon, Duke of Montpensier, Aug. +26th (it should evidently be the 25th; for the Duke speaks of Coligny as +killed "ledit jour d'hier," and the mythical Huguenot plot was to have +been executed "hier ou aujourd'hui"). Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du +prot. fr., i. (1852) 60, and Soldan, Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, +ii., App., 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1149_1149" id="Footnote_1149_1149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1149_1149"><span class="label">[1149]</span></a> The words are those of an inscription of the seventeenth +or the early part of the eighteenth century, in the Hôtel de Ville of +Nantes. Bulletin, i. (1852) 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1150_1150" id="Footnote_1150_1150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1150_1150"><span class="label">[1150]</span></a> Mém. de l'estat, Archives cur., vii. 385, 386.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1151_1151" id="Footnote_1151_1151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1151_1151"><span class="label">[1151]</span></a> See a table in White, Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 461.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1152_1152" id="Footnote_1152_1152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1152_1152"><span class="label">[1152]</span></a> Narrative appended to Capilupi, Stratagema di Carlo IX. +(1574). The cardinal's adulatory letter to Charles IX., on receipt of the +king's missive, is strongly corroborative of the view to which everything +forces us, that the massacre was not long definitely premeditated. +"Sire," he said, "estant arrivé le sieur de Beauville avecques lettres de +Vostre Majesté, qui confirmoyent les nouvelles des tres-crestiennes et +héroicques délibération et exéquutions faictes non-seulement à Paris, +mais aussi partout voz principales villes, je m'asseure qu'il vous plaira +bien me tant honorer ... que de vous asseurer que entre tous voz très +humbles subjects, je ne suis le dernier à an (en) louer Dieu et à me +resjouir. Et véritablement, Sire, c'est tout le myeus (mieux) que j'eusse +osé jamais désirer ni espérer. Je me tienz asseuré que des ce +commencement les actions de Vostre Majesté accroistront chacung jour à la +gloire de Dieu et à l'immortalité de vostre nom," etc. Card. Lorraine to +the king, Rome, Sept. 10, 1572, MSS. Nat. Library, <i>apud</i> Lestoile, éd. +Michaud et Poujoulat, 25, 26, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1153_1153" id="Footnote_1153_1153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1153_1153"><span class="label">[1153]</span></a> Conjouissance de M<sup>r.</sup> le Cardinal de Lorraine, au nom du +Roy, faicte au Pape, le vij<sup>e</sup> jour de sept. 1572, sur la mort de +l'Admiral et ses complices. Correspondance diplom. de La Mothe Fénélon, +vii. 341, 342. Also Jean de Serres (1575) iv., fol. 56, and in a French +translation appended to Capilupi, Lo stratagema di Carlo IX. (1574), +111-113, and reproduced in Mém. de l'estat, Arch, cur., vii. 360.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1154_1154" id="Footnote_1154_1154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1154_1154"><span class="label">[1154]</span></a> "Literis romanis aureis majusculis descriptum, festa +fronte velatum, ac lemniscatum, et supra limen aedis Sancti Ludovici Romæ +affixum."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1155_1155" id="Footnote_1155_1155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1155_1155"><span class="label">[1155]</span></a> The genuineness of this medal, in spite of the clumsy +attempts made to discredit it, is established beyond all possible doubt. +The Jesuit Bonanni, in his "Numismata Pontificum" (2 vols. fol., Rome, +1689), has figured and described it as No. 27 of the medals of Gregory +XIII. A translation of his account and a facsimile of the medal may be +seen in the Bulletin de la Société de l'hist. du prot. français, i. +(1852) 240-242. It is also admirably represented in the Trésor de +Numismatique (Delaroche, etc., Paris, 1839), Médailles des papes, plate +15, No. 8. The late Alexander Thomson, Esq., of Banchory, Aberdeenshire, +purchased at the papal mint in the city of Rome, in 1828 or 1829, among +other medals for which he applied, not less than seven copies of this +medal, six of them struck off expressly for him from the original die +still in possession of the mint. See his own account, given in his Memoir +by Professor Smeaton, and reproduced in the <i>New York Evangelist</i> of +October 17, 1872.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1156_1156" id="Footnote_1156_1156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1156_1156"><span class="label">[1156]</span></a> Recueil des lettres missives de Henri IV., i. 36.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1157_1157" id="Footnote_1157_1157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1157_1157"><span class="label">[1157]</span></a> See Pistolesi, Il Museo Vaticano descritto ed illustrato +(Roma, 1838) vol. viii. 97. There are three paintings, of which the first +represents "the King of France sitting in parliament, and approving and +ordering that the death of Gaspard Coligny, Grand Admiral of France, and +declared to be head of the Huguenots, be registered." "The mischance of +Coligny is delineated in the following picture in a spacious square, +among many heads of streets (capistrade) and façades of temples. The +admiral, clothed in the French costume of that period, is carried in the +arms of several military men; although lifeless (estinto, read rather, +<i>faint</i>), he still preserves in his countenance threatening and terrible +looks." The third is the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day itself, in +which the beholder scarcely knows which to admire most, the artistic +skill of the painter, or his success in bringing into a narrow compass so +many of the most revolting incidents of the tragedy—the murder of men in +the streets, the butchery of helpless and unoffending women, the throwing +of Coligny's remains from the window of his room, etc. Dr. Henry White +gives a sketch of this painting, taken from De Potter's Lettres de Pie V. +Of the fresco representing the wounding of Coligny there is an engraving +in Pistolesi, <i>ubi supra</i>, vol. viii. plate 84. By an odd mistake, both +the text and the index to the plates, make this belong to the +reconciliation of Frederick Barbarossa and the pontificate of Alexander +III.—on what grounds it is hard to imagine. The character of the wound +of the person borne in the arms of his companions, indicated by <i>the loss +of two fingers of his right hand</i>, from which the blood is seen to be +dropping, leaves no doubt that he is the Admiral Coligny. Unfortunately, +Pistolesi's splendid work is disfigured by other blunders, or +typographical errors, equally gross. In describing other paintings of the +same Sala Regia (pp. 95, 96), he assigns, or is made by the types to +assign, various events in the quarrel of Barbarossa and Adrian IV. and +Alexander III., to the years 1554, 1555, 1577, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1158_1158" id="Footnote_1158_1158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1158_1158"><span class="label">[1158]</span></a> Ferralz to Charles IX., Rome, Sept. 11, 1572, <i>apud</i> +North British Review, Oct., 1869, p. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1159_1159" id="Footnote_1159_1159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1159_1159"><span class="label">[1159]</span></a> Prospero Count Arco to the emperor, Rome, Nov. 15, 1572, +<i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1160_1160" id="Footnote_1160_1160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1160_1160"><span class="label">[1160]</span></a> "Il pontefice, e universalmente tutta d'Italia +grandemente se ne rallegrò, facendo pardonare cotale effetto al Re e alla +Reina, che molte cose avevano sostenuto di fare in benefizio di quella +parte." G. B. Adriani, Istoria de' suoi tempi, ii. 378.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1161_1161" id="Footnote_1161_1161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1161_1161"><span class="label">[1161]</span></a> Cuñiga to Philip, Sept. 8th, Simancas MSS. Gachard, Bull. +de l'acad. de Bruxelles, xvi. 249, 250.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1162_1162" id="Footnote_1162_1162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1162_1162"><span class="label">[1162]</span></a> "A. N. S. mi faccia gratia di basciar i piedi in nome +mio, col quale mi rallegro con le viscere del cuore che sia piaciuto alla +Dva. Msa. d'incaminar, nel principio del suo pontificato, si felicemente +e honoratamente le cose di questo regno." Salviati to Card. sec. of +State, Aug. 24, Mackintosh, iii., App. G., p. 355.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1163_1163" id="Footnote_1163_1163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1163_1163"><span class="label">[1163]</span></a> "Non si risolvo a credere che si fusse fatto tanto a un +pezzo." Ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1164_1164" id="Footnote_1164_1164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1164_1164"><span class="label">[1164]</span></a> "De quoy nous aseurons que en leoures Dieu aveques nous, +tant pour nostre particulier coment pour le bien qui en reviendré à toute +la cretienté et au service et honeur et gloyre de Dieu," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1165_1165" id="Footnote_1165_1165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1165_1165"><span class="label">[1165]</span></a> "Et randons par cet ayfect le temognage de nos bonnes et +droyctes yntantions, cor ne les avons jeamés eu aultre que tendant à son +honneur," etc. Letter of Catharine de' Medici to Philip II., Aug. 28, +1572, in Musée des archives nationales; documents originaux de l'hist. de +France, exposés dans l'Hôtel Soubise (published by the Gen. Directory of +the Archives, 1872), p. 392.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1166_1166" id="Footnote_1166_1166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1166_1166"><span class="label">[1166]</span></a> Philip had evidently no intimation that a massacre was in +contemplation. When Mr. Motley says (United Netherlands, i. 15): "It is +as certain that Philip knew beforehand, and testified his approbation of +the massacre of St. Bartholomew, as that he was the murderer of Orange," +the statement must be interpreted in accordance with that other statement +in the same author's earlier work (Rise of the Dutch Republic, ii. 388): +"The crime was not committed with the connivance of the Spanish +government. On the contrary, the two courts were at the moment bitterly +opposed to each other," etc. As the eminent historian can scarcely be +supposed to contradict himself on so important a point, we must +understand him to mean that Philip had, indeed, long since instigated +Catharine and her son to rid themselves of the Huguenot leaders by some +form of treachery or other, but was quite ignorant of, and unprepared +for, the particular means adopted by them for compassing the end.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1167_1167" id="Footnote_1167_1167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1167_1167"><span class="label">[1167]</span></a> St. Goard to Charles, Sept. 12th, Bodel Nijenhuis, +Supplement to Groen van Prinsterer, Archives de la maison d'Orange +Nassau, 124-126. St. Goard was not deceived by Philip's pious +congratulations. "Ce faict," he writes to Catharine, a week later (ibid., +pp. 126, 127), "a esté aussi bien pris de se (ce) Roy comme on le peult +penser, <i>pour luy estre tant profitable pour ses affaires</i>; toutesfois, +comme il est le prince du monde qui sçait et faict le plus profession de +dissimuler toutes choses, si n'a il sceu celler en ceste-cy le plaisir +qu'il en a reçeu, et encores que je infère touts ses mouvements procedder +du bien que en recepvoient ses affaires, lesquelles il voioit pour +desplorer sans ce seul remedde, si a il faict croire à tout le monde par +ces aparens (apparences) que c'estoit pour le respect du bon succez que +voz Majestez avoient eu en si haultes entreprises, tantost louant le filz +d'avoir une telle mère, l'aiant si bien gardé," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1168_1168" id="Footnote_1168_1168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1168_1168"><span class="label">[1168]</span></a> See the Mondoucet correspondence, Compte rendu de la +commission royale d'histoire, second series, iv. (Brux., 1852), 340-349, +pub. by M. Emile Gachet, especially the letter of Charles IX. of Aug. +12th, 1572.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1169_1169" id="Footnote_1169_1169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1169_1169"><span class="label">[1169]</span></a> "El dicho embaxador me propusó ... con grande instancia, +que sin dilacion se devia executar la justicia en Janlis (Genlis) y en +los otros sus complices que hay estan presos, y en los que se tomassen en +Mons." Philip to Alva, Sept. 18th. Simancas MSS. Gachard, Particularités +inédits sur la St. Barthélemy, Bulletin de l'académie royale de Belgique, +xvi. (1849), 256.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1170_1170" id="Footnote_1170_1170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1170_1170"><span class="label">[1170]</span></a> Charles IX. to Mondoucet, Aug. 31st, Mondoucet +correspondence, p. 349; see also another letter of the same date, p. +348.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1171_1171" id="Footnote_1171_1171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1171_1171"><span class="label">[1171]</span></a> "Estant <i>l'un plus grands services</i> que se puisse faire +pour la Chrestienté, que de la <i>prendre et passer tout au fil de +l'espée</i>." St. Goard to Charles IX., Sept. 19th, Supp. to Archives de la +maison d'Orange Nassau, 127.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1172_1172" id="Footnote_1172_1172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1172_1172"><span class="label">[1172]</span></a> Philip to Alva, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1173_1173" id="Footnote_1173_1173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1173_1173"><span class="label">[1173]</span></a> Alva to Philip, Oct. 13th, Gachard, Correspondance de +Philippe II. (Brux., 1848), ii. 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1174_1174" id="Footnote_1174_1174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1174_1174"><span class="label">[1174]</span></a> Mondoucet to Charles IX., Aug. 29th, Bull. de l'acad. +roy. de Brux.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1175_1175" id="Footnote_1175_1175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1175_1175"><span class="label">[1175]</span></a> Bulletin de l'acad. roy. de Bruxelles, ix. (1842), 561.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1176_1176" id="Footnote_1176_1176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1176_1176"><span class="label">[1176]</span></a> Philip to Alva, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1177_1177" id="Footnote_1177_1177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1177_1177"><span class="label">[1177]</span></a> Bulletin of Alva from the report of his agent, the +Seigneur de Gomicourt, published by M. Gachard, from MSS. of Mons, in +Bull. de l'acad. de Bruxelles, ix. (1842), 560, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1178_1178" id="Footnote_1178_1178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1178_1178"><span class="label">[1178]</span></a> Despatch of Sept. 14, 1572, Correspondance diplomatique, +v, 121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1179_1179" id="Footnote_1179_1179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1179_1179"><span class="label">[1179]</span></a> Charles IX. to La Mothe Fénélon, Aug. 22, 1572, Corresp. +dipl., vii. 322, 323.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1180_1180" id="Footnote_1180_1180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1180_1180"><span class="label">[1180]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chap, xviii., p. 490.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1181_1181" id="Footnote_1181_1181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1181_1181"><span class="label">[1181]</span></a> "Ni que j'y aye aucune volonté."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1182_1182" id="Footnote_1182_1182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1182_1182"><span class="label">[1182]</span></a> "C'est bien la chose que je déteste le plus."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1183_1183" id="Footnote_1183_1183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1183_1183"><span class="label">[1183]</span></a> Despatch of Aug. 24th, Corresp. diplom., vii. 324, 325.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1184_1184" id="Footnote_1184_1184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1184_1184"><span class="label">[1184]</span></a> Charles IX. to La Mothe Fénélon, Aug. 25, 1572, ibid., +325, 326.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1185_1185" id="Footnote_1185_1185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1185_1185"><span class="label">[1185]</span></a> Charles IX., Aug. 26th and 27th, Corresp. dipl., vii. +331, etc., and a justificatory "Instruction à M. de la Mothe Fénélon."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1186_1186" id="Footnote_1186_1186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1186_1186"><span class="label">[1186]</span></a> Letter of Burleigh, etc., Sept. 9th, to Walsingham, +Digges, 247. The truth of the statement is called in question by M. +Cooper, editor of La Mothe Fénélon's Correspondance diplomatique.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1187_1187" id="Footnote_1187_1187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1187_1187"><span class="label">[1187]</span></a> The interview is described both by La Mothe Fénélon +(Corresp. diplom., v. 122-126), and by the English council, despatch of +Sept. 9th to Walsingham (Digges, 247-249). Hume has a graphic account, +History of England, chap. xl.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1188_1188" id="Footnote_1188_1188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1188_1188"><span class="label">[1188]</span></a> This striking, and, certainly, somewhat undiplomatic +speech is reported by the ambassador himself in his despatches (Corresp. +dipl., v. 127). It looks as if the honest Frenchman was not sorry to let +the court know some of the severe criticisms that were uttered respecting +a crime with which he had no sympathy. La Mothe Fénélon tells of the +impression, proved erroneous by the king's letter, "qu'ilz avoient que ce +fût ung acte projecté de longtemps, et que vous heussiez accordé avecques +le Pape et le Roy d'Espaigne de faire servir les nopces de Madame, vostre +seur, avec le Roy de Navarre, à une telle exécution pour y atraper, à la +foys, toutz les principaulx de la dicte religion assemblés." La Mothe +Fénélon to Charles, Sept. 2, 1572, <i>ubi supra</i>, v. 116.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1189_1189" id="Footnote_1189_1189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1189_1189"><span class="label">[1189]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon endeavored, he says, to persuade the +English that there were not over five thousand, and that Catharine and +Charles were sorry that one hundred could not have answered. Corr. +diplom., v. 155.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1190_1190" id="Footnote_1190_1190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1190_1190"><span class="label">[1190]</span></a> See the despondent despatch of October 2d, Corresp. +diplom., v., 155-162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1191_1191" id="Footnote_1191_1191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1191_1191"><span class="label">[1191]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon to Catharine, ibid., v. 164.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1192_1192" id="Footnote_1192_1192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1192_1192"><span class="label">[1192]</span></a> Letter of Sept. 26th, Digges, 262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1193_1193" id="Footnote_1193_1193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1193_1193"><span class="label">[1193]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chapter xviii., p. 495.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1194_1194" id="Footnote_1194_1194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1194_1194"><span class="label">[1194]</span></a> As well as by the queen mother's assurances respecting +the massacre in the provinces—too heavy a draft upon the credulity of +her royal sister. "Pour ce qu'ilz disent que, voyant les meurtres qui ont +esté faictz en plusieurs villes de ce royaume par les Catholiques contre +les Huguenotz, ils ne se peuvent asseurer de l'intantion et volonté du +Roy, qu'ilz n'en voyent quelque punission et justice et ses édictz mieux +observés, <i>elle cognoistra bientost que ce qui est advenu ès autres lieux +que en ceste ville, a esté entièrement contre la volonté du Roy</i>, mon +dict sieur et filz, lequel a délibéré d'en faire faire telle pugnition et +y establir bientost ung si bon ordre que ung chascun cognoistra quelle a +esté en cest endroit son intantion." Catharine to La Mothe Fénélon, Cor. +dipl., vii. 377.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1195_1195" id="Footnote_1195_1195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1195_1195"><span class="label">[1195]</span></a> Walsingham to Sir Thomas Smith, Sept. 14th, Digges, 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1196_1196" id="Footnote_1196_1196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1196_1196"><span class="label">[1196]</span></a> Tocsain contre les massacreurs, 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1197_1197" id="Footnote_1197_1197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1197_1197"><span class="label">[1197]</span></a> It is true that when their sentences were read to them, +and particularly that portion which branded with infamy their innocent +children, the courage of the old man of seventy, Briquemault, momentarily +failed, and he condescended to offer to do great services to the king in +retaking La Rochelle whose fortifications he had himself begun; and when +this proposal was rejected, it is said that he made more humiliating +advances. But the constancy and pious exhortations of his younger +companion, who sustained his own courage by repeating many of the psalms +in Latin, recalled Briquemault to himself, and from that moment "he had +nothing but contempt for death." De Thou (iv. 646), a youth of nineteen, +who was present in the chapel when the sentence was read, remembered the +incident well. Cf. Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 32 (bk. i., c. 6). Walsingham, +when he says in his letter of Nov. 1, 1572, that "Cavannes (Cavaignes) +showed himself void of all magnanimity, etc.," has evidently confused the +persons. Here is an instance where the later account of an +eye-witness—De Thou—is entitled to far more credit than the +contemporary statement of one whose means of obtaining information were +not so good.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1198_1198" id="Footnote_1198_1198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1198_1198"><span class="label">[1198]</span></a> "N'ayant regret sinon que vous ayez voulu profaner le +jour de sa nayssence par ung si fascheus espectacle qu'allastes voir en +grève." Corresp. diplom. de la Mothe Fénélon, v. 205; Tocsain contre les +massacreurs, 151, 152; Reveille-Matin, Arch, cur., vii. 206; Walsingham +to Smith, Nov. 1, 1572, Digges, 278, 279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1199_1199" id="Footnote_1199_1199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1199_1199"><span class="label">[1199]</span></a> Froude, x. 444, 445.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1200_1200" id="Footnote_1200_1200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1200_1200"><span class="label">[1200]</span></a> "Entre autres choses, il me dist qu'on luy avoit escript +de Rome, n'avoit que trois semaines ou environ, sur le propos des noces +du Roy de Navarre en ces propres termes: 'que à ceste heure que tous les +oyseaux estoient en cage, on les pouvoit prendre tous ensemble.'" M. de +Vulcob to Charles IX., Presburg, Sept. 26th, <i>apud</i> De Noailles, Henri de +Valois et la Pologne en 1572 (Paris, 1867), iii., Pièces just., 214.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1201_1201" id="Footnote_1201_1201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1201_1201"><span class="label">[1201]</span></a> See in Kluckholn, Briefe Friedrich des Frommen, ii. 482, +a short letter of Charles IX. to the elector palatine, Aug. 22, 1572, +referring him for details to the account which Schomberg would give him +verbally; and, ibid., ii. 483, 484, the narrative signed by Charles IX. +and Brulart, secretary of state, in a translation evidently made at the +time for the elector's use.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1202_1202" id="Footnote_1202_1202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1202_1202"><span class="label">[1202]</span></a> "Toute ma negociation s'en estoit allée en fumée." +Schomberg to M. de Limoges, Nov. 8th, De Noailles, iii. 300.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1203_1203" id="Footnote_1203_1203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1203_1203"><span class="label">[1203]</span></a> A large number of Schomberg's despatches are inserted in +De Noailles, iii. 286, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1204_1204" id="Footnote_1204_1204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1204_1204"><span class="label">[1204]</span></a> "Als die sonder zweifel <i>die welsche bibel</i> 'El principe +Macchiavelli' auch studirt."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1205_1205" id="Footnote_1205_1205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1205_1205"><span class="label">[1205]</span></a> Landgrave William to the Electors of Saxony and +Brandenburg, Cassel, Sept. 5, 1572; same to Frederick, elector palatine, +Sept, 6th. A. Kluckholn, Briefe Friedrich des Frommen, ii. 496-498.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1206_1206" id="Footnote_1206_1206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1206_1206"><span class="label">[1206]</span></a> Bp. of Valence to M. Brulart, Konin, Nov. 20th, Colbert +MSS. <i>apud</i> De Noailles, iii. 218.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1207_1207" id="Footnote_1207_1207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1207_1207"><span class="label">[1207]</span></a> Montluc to Charles IX., January 22, 1573, De Noailles, +iii. 220. Does not the frank suggestion furnish a clue to the method +which was sometimes practised in other cases?</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1208_1208" id="Footnote_1208_1208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1208_1208"><span class="label">[1208]</span></a> Montluc to Brulart, Jan. 20, 1573, De Noailles, iii. 223. +The worthy bishop, who was certainly at any time more at home in the +cabinet than in the church, did not intermit his toil or yield to +discouragement. If we may believe him, he "had not leisure so much as to +say his prayers." The panegyrists of the massacre, and especially +Charpentier, had done him good service by their writings, and at one time +he greatly desired that the learned doctor might be sent to his +assistance, particularly as (to use his own words) "all the suite of +Monsieur de l'Isle and myself do not know enough of Latin to admit a +deacon to orders, even at Puy in Auvergne." <i>Ubi supra.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1209_1209" id="Footnote_1209_1209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1209_1209"><span class="label">[1209]</span></a> Beza to Thomas Tilius, Sept. 10, 1572, Bulletin, vii. +16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1210_1210" id="Footnote_1210_1210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1210_1210"><span class="label">[1210]</span></a> Registres de la compagnie, 1er août, 1572, <i>apud</i> +Gaberel, Histoire de l'église de Genève, ii. 320.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1211_1211" id="Footnote_1211_1211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1211_1211"><span class="label">[1211]</span></a> Reg. du conseil, 30 août, 1572; Reg. de la compagnie, +Gaberel, ii. 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1212_1212" id="Footnote_1212_1212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1212_1212"><span class="label">[1212]</span></a> Gaberel, ii. 321, 322.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1213_1213" id="Footnote_1213_1213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1213_1213"><span class="label">[1213]</span></a> Ibid., ii. 322.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1214_1214" id="Footnote_1214_1214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1214_1214"><span class="label">[1214]</span></a> Ibid., ii. 307. See also in the Pièces justificatives, +pp. 213-217: "Liste des réfugiés de la St. Barthélemy dont les familles +existent de nos jours à Genève."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1215_1215" id="Footnote_1215_1215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1215_1215"><span class="label">[1215]</span></a> Gaberel, ii. 325. The author of the really able and +learned article on the massacre, in the North British Review for October, +1869, conveys an altogether unfounded and cruel impression, not only with +regard to Beza, but respecting his fellow Protestants, in these +sentences: "The very men whose own brethren had perished in France were +not hearty or unanimous in execrating the deed. There were Huguenots who +thought that their party had brought ruin on itself, by provoking its +enemies and following the rash counsels of ambitious men. This was the +opinion of their chief, Theodore Beza, himself," etc. The belief of Beza +that the French Protestants had merited even so severe a chastisement as +this at the hands of God, by reason of the ambition of some and the +unbelief or lack of spirituality of others, was a very different thing +from failing to execrate the deed with heartiness. If the words of +Bullinger to Hotman, quoted in support of the first sentence ("sunt tamen +qui hoc factum et excusare et defendere tentant") really referred to +Protestants at all, it can only have been to an insignificant number who +took the position from a love of singularity, and who were below +contempt. The execration of the deed was pre-eminently unanimous and +hearty.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1216_1216" id="Footnote_1216_1216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1216_1216"><span class="label">[1216]</span></a> Gaberel, ii. 326.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1217_1217" id="Footnote_1217_1217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1217_1217"><span class="label">[1217]</span></a> Beza to T. Tilius, Dec. 3, 1572, Bulletin de la Soc. de +l'hist. du prot. fr., vii. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1218_1218" id="Footnote_1218_1218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1218_1218"><span class="label">[1218]</span></a> Gaberel, ii. 330-333.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1219_1219" id="Footnote_1219_1219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1219_1219"><span class="label">[1219]</span></a> Nearly four years later, on the 8th of June, 1576, +Monsieur de Chandieu received the news of the publication of Henry III.'s +edict of peace permitting the refugees to return home. All the +Protestants who had not adopted Switzerland as their future country +congregated at Geneva. A solemn religious service was held in the church +of Saint Pierre, where French and Genevese united in that favorite +Huguenot psalm (the 118th)—</p> + +<div class='centered table'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="0" width="70%" cellspacing="0" summary="POEM"> +<tr><td> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">La voici l'heureuse journée<br /></span> +<span class="i0">Que Dieu a faite à plein désir—<br /></span> +</div></div> +</td></tr> +</table></div> + +<p>the same which the soldiers of Henry IV. set up on the field of Coutras +(Agrippa d'Aubigné, iii. 53). M. de Chandieu then rendered thanks in +tender and affectionate terms to all the departments of government, +exclaiming: "We shall always regard the Church of Geneva as our +benefactress and our mother; and from all the French reformed churches +will arise, every Sunday, words of blessing, in remembrance of your +admirable benefits to us." The next day the refugees started for their +homes, accompanied, as far as the border, by a great crowd of citizens. +Gaberel, ii. 337, 338.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1220_1220" id="Footnote_1220_1220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1220_1220"><span class="label">[1220]</span></a> Les ambassadeurs de Charles IX. aux cantons suisses +protestants, Bulletin, iii. 274-276. A copy was sent by Beza to the +consuls of Montauban, together with a letter, Oct. 3. 1572. Also Mém. de +l'estat (Arch. cur., vii. 158-161.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1221_1221" id="Footnote_1221_1221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1221_1221"><span class="label">[1221]</span></a> Harangue de M. de Bellièvre aux Suisses à la diette tenue +à Baden, Mackintosh, Hist. of England, iii., Appendix L.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1222_1222" id="Footnote_1222_1222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1222_1222"><span class="label">[1222]</span></a> Bellièvre to Charles IX., Baden, Dec. 15, 1572, +Mackintosh, App. L, p. 360. De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 642.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1223_1223" id="Footnote_1223_1223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1223_1223"><span class="label">[1223]</span></a> As early as September 3d the superintendent of the mint +submitted specimens of two kinds of commemorative medals: the one bearing +the devices, "<i>Virtus in Rebelles</i>" and "<i>Pietas excitavit Justitiam</i>;" +and the other, "<i>Charles IX. dompteur des Rebelles, le 24 aoust 1572</i>." +The Mém. de l'estat (Archives cur., vii. 355-357) contain the elaborate +description furnished by the designer, accompanied with comments by the +Protestant author. The Trésor de Numismatique, etc. (Paul Delaroche, +etc.), Med. françaises, pt. 3d, plate 19, Nos. 3, 4, and 5, gives +facsimiles of <i>three</i> medals, the first two mentioned above, and a third +on which Charles figures as Hercules armed with sword and torch +confronting the three-headed Hydra of heresy. The motto is, "Ne ferrum +temnat, simul ignibus obsto."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1224_1224" id="Footnote_1224_1224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1224_1224"><span class="label">[1224]</span></a> Smith to Walsingham, Digges, 252.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1225_1225" id="Footnote_1225_1225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1225_1225"><span class="label">[1225]</span></a> Leicester to Walsingham, Sept. 11th, Digges, 251.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1226_1226" id="Footnote_1226_1226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1226_1226"><span class="label">[1226]</span></a> Walsingham to Smith, Nov. 1, Digges, 279. The politic +Montluc, Bishop of Valence, seems to allude to the same alteration in his +master: "Au diable soyt la cause qui de tant de maux est cause, et qui +d'ung bon roy et humain, s'il en fust jamais, l'ont contrainct de mectre +la main au sang, qui est un morceau si friant, que jamais prince n'en +tasta qu'il n'y voulust revenir." De Noailles, iii. 223, 224.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1227_1227" id="Footnote_1227_1227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1227_1227"><span class="label">[1227]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 29, 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1228_1228" id="Footnote_1228_1228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1228_1228"><span class="label">[1228]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 29 (liv. i., c. 6).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1229_1229" id="Footnote_1229_1229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1229_1229"><span class="label">[1229]</span></a> Letter of May 22, 1571/2, Digges, 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1230_1230" id="Footnote_1230_1230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1230_1230"><span class="label">[1230]</span></a> Relation of Sigismondo Cavalli. I follow the résumé of +Baschet, La diplomatie vénitienne, 556, 562.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1231_1231" id="Footnote_1231_1231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1231_1231"><span class="label">[1231]</span></a> "Leurs butins et richesses ne leur proffitarent point, +non plus qu'à plusieurs massacreurs, sacquemens, pillardz et paillards de +la feste de Sainct-Barthélemy que j'ay cogneu, au moins des principaux, +qui ne vesquirent guières longtemps qu'ils ne fussent tuez au siége de la +Rochelle, et autres guerres qui vindrent emprès, et qui furent aussi +pauvres que devant. Aussi, comme disoient les Espagnolz pillards, '<i>Que +el diablo les avia dado, el diablo les avia llevado</i>.'" Œuvres, i. 277 +(Ed. of Hist. Soc. of Fr., 1864). I need only refer to the fate of the +famous assassin who boasted of having killed four hundred men that day +with his own arm, and who afterward, having embraced a hermit's life, was +finally hung for the crime of murdering travellers (Agrippa d'Aubigné, +ii. 20); and to that of Coconnas, put to death for the part he took in +the conspiracy of which I shall shortly have to speak.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1232_1232" id="Footnote_1232_1232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1232_1232"><span class="label">[1232]</span></a> Mémoires de Sully, i. 28, 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1233_1233" id="Footnote_1233_1233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1233_1233"><span class="label">[1233]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, p. 530-532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1234_1234" id="Footnote_1234_1234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1234_1234"><span class="label">[1234]</span></a> Apostolicarum Pii Quinti Epistolarum libri quinque. +Letter of March 26, 1568, p. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1235_1235" id="Footnote_1235_1235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1235_1235"><span class="label">[1235]</span></a> Pii Quinti Epistolæ, 111.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1236_1236" id="Footnote_1236_1236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1236_1236"><span class="label">[1236]</span></a> Ibid., 150.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1237_1237" id="Footnote_1237_1237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1237_1237"><span class="label">[1237]</span></a> Ibid., 152. See <i>ante</i>, chapter xvi, p. 308.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1238_1238" id="Footnote_1238_1238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1238_1238"><span class="label">[1238]</span></a> "Nullo modo, nullisque de causis, hostibus Dei parcendum +est."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1239_1239" id="Footnote_1239_1239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1239_1239"><span class="label">[1239]</span></a> "Catholicæ religionis hostes aperte ac libere ad +internecionem usque oppugnaverit." Ibid., 155.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1240_1240" id="Footnote_1240_1240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1240_1240"><span class="label">[1240]</span></a> "Deletis omnibus," etc. Ibid., 155.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1241_1241" id="Footnote_1241_1241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1241_1241"><span class="label">[1241]</span></a> Ibid., 160, 161.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1242_1242" id="Footnote_1242_1242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1242_1242"><span class="label">[1242]</span></a> Ibid., 166.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1243_1243" id="Footnote_1243_1243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1243_1243"><span class="label">[1243]</span></a> "Nec vero, vano pietatis nomine objecto, te eo usque +decipi sinas, ut condonandis divinis injuriis falsam tibi misericordiæ +laudem quæras: nihil est enim ea pietate misericordiaque crudelius, quæ +in impios et ultima supplicia meritos confertur." Ibid., 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1244_1244" id="Footnote_1244_1244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1244_1244"><span class="label">[1244]</span></a> "Hæreticæ pravitatis inquisitores per singulas civitates +constituere." Ibid., 242.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1245_1245" id="Footnote_1245_1245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1245_1245"><span class="label">[1245]</span></a> Letter of Jan. 29, 1570, ibid., 267.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1246_1246" id="Footnote_1246_1246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1246_1246"><span class="label">[1246]</span></a> Letter of April 23, 1570, ibid., 275.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1247_1247" id="Footnote_1247_1247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1247_1247"><span class="label">[1247]</span></a> Letter to Cardinal Bourbon, Sept. 23, 1570, ibid., 282, +283.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1248_1248" id="Footnote_1248_1248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1248_1248"><span class="label">[1248]</span></a> Letter to Charles IX., January 25, 1572, ibid., 443.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1249_1249" id="Footnote_1249_1249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1249_1249"><span class="label">[1249]</span></a> Saint Pius V. is, I believe, the only pope that has been +canonized since Saint Celestine V., near the end of the thirteenth +century.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1250_1250" id="Footnote_1250_1250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1250_1250"><span class="label">[1250]</span></a> "Qui autem a militibus captivi ducebantur, eos Pius +pretio redemptos, in jusque sibi vindicatos, atque Avenionem perductos, +publico supplicio afficiendos <i>pro ardenti suo religionis studio</i> +decrevit." Gabutius, Vita Pii Quinti, Acta Sanctorum Maii, § 97, p. 642.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1251_1251" id="Footnote_1251_1251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1251_1251"><span class="label">[1251]</span></a> "Id Pius ubi cognovit, de Comite Sanctæ Floræ conquestus +est, quod jussa non fecisset, dudum imperantis, <i>necandos protinus esse +hæreticos omnes quoscumque ille capere potuisset</i>." Ibid., § 125. It must +not be forgotten that, in holding these sentiments, Pius V. did not stand +alone; his predecessors on the pontifical throne were of the same mind. +We have seen the anger of Paul IV., in 1558, upon learning that Henry II. +had spared D'Andelot (see <i>ante</i>, chapter viii., vol. i., p. 320). Paul +was for instantaneous execution, and <i>did not believe a heretic could +ever be converted</i>. He told the French ambassador "que c'estoit abus +d'estimer que un hérétique revint jamais; que ce n'estoit que toute +dissimulation, et que c'estoit un mal où il ne falloit que le feu, et +soubdain!" The last expression is a clue to the attitude of the Roman See +to heresy under every successive occupant of the papal throne. Letter of +La Bourdaisière to the constable, Rome, Feb. 25, 1559, MS. Nat. Lib. +Paris, Bulletin, xxvii. (1878) 105.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1252_1252" id="Footnote_1252_1252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1252_1252"><span class="label">[1252]</span></a> Gabutius, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>CHAPTER XX.</h2> + +<p class='center'><a name="SEQUEL" id="SEQUEL"></a>THE SEQUEL OF THE MASSACRE, TO THE DEATH OF CHARLES THE NINTH.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Widespread terror.</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_572" id="Page_572">[Pg 572]</a></span> +The blow had been struck by which the Huguenots were to be exterminated. +If a single adherent of the reformed faith still lived in Paris, he dared +not show his face. France had, as usual, copied the example of the +capital, and there were few districts to which the fratricidal plot had +not extended. Enough blood had been shed, it would seem, to satisfy the +most sanguinary appetite. After the massacre in which the admiral and all +the most noted leaders had perished—after the defection of Henry of +Navarre and his more courageous cousin, it was confidently expected that +the feeble remnants of the Huguenots, deprived of their head, could +easily be reduced to submission. The stipulation of Charles the Ninth, +when yielding a reluctant consent to the infamous project, would be +fulfilled: not one of the hated sect would remain to reproach him with +his crime. And, in point of fact, throughout the greater number of the +cities of France, even where there had been no actual massacre, so +widespread was the terror, that every Protestant had either fled from the +country or sought safety in concealment, if he had not actually +apostatized from the faith.<a name="FNanchor_1253_1253" id="FNanchor_1253_1253"></a><a href="#Footnote_1253_1253" class="fnanchor">[1253]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_573" id="Page_573">[Pg 573]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">La Rochelle and other cities in Protestant hands.</div> + +<p>But when the storm had spent its first fury, and it became once more +possible to look around and measure its frightful effects, it was found +that the devastation was not universal. A few cities held for the +Huguenots. La Rochelle and Sancerre—the former on the western coast, the +latter in the centre of France—with Montauban, Nismes, Milhau, Aubenas, +Privas, and certain other places of minor importance in the south, closed +their gates, and refused to receive the royal governors sent them from +Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1254_1254" id="FNanchor_1254_1254"></a><a href="#Footnote_1254_1254" class="fnanchor">[1254]</a> Not that there were wanting those, even among the +Protestants, who interposed conscientious scruples, and denied the right +of resistance to the authority of the king;<a name="FNanchor_1255_1255" id="FNanchor_1255_1255"></a><a href="#Footnote_1255_1255" class="fnanchor">[1255]</a> but with the vast +majority the dictates of self-preservation prevailed over the slavish +doctrine of unquestioning submission. The right to worship God as He +commands cannot, they argued, be abridged even by the legitimate +sovereign; and in this case there is even the greatest probability that +he acts under constraint, or that wily courtiers forge his name, since +the most contradictory orders emanate ostensibly from him.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Nismes.</div> + +<p>Such was the attitude assumed by the brave inhabitants of Nismes. Here +the Roman Catholics had displayed a more charitable disposition than in +many other places. The "juge mage," on receipt of secret orders to +massacre the Protestants, instead of complying, gave directions for +assembling the extraordinary council, consisting of the magistrates and +most notable citizens. By this council, upon his recommendation, it was +unanimously resolved to close all the gates of Nismes, with the exception +of one. This was to be guarded in turn by the Roman Catholics and the +Protestants. All the citizens were directed to take a common oath that +they would assist each other without distinction of creed, and main<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_574" id="Page_574">[Pg 574]</a></span>tain +order and security, in obedience to the king's authority, and according +to the provisions of his edict of pacification. It was a solemn scene +when all those present in the great municipal meeting, the vicar-general +of the diocese among the number, with uplifted hands called upon God to +witness their engagement.<a name="FNanchor_1256_1256" id="FNanchor_1256_1256"></a><a href="#Footnote_1256_1256" class="fnanchor">[1256]</a> The oath was well observed. The Viscount +of Joyeuse, acting as lieutenant-governor of Charles in Languedoc, at +first approved the compact; for the king's early letters, as we have +seen, expressed indignation at Coligny's murder, and ascribed it to the +personal enmity of the Guises. But the viscount took a different view of +the matter when the monarch, throwing off the mask, himself accepted the +responsibility. Joyeuse now called on the citizens of Nismes to lay down +their arms, to expel all the refugees, and to receive a garrison. But the +Nismois firmly declined the summons, grounding their refusal partly on +their duty to themselves, partly on the manifest inhumanity of +surrendering their fellow-citizens to certain butchery. As was true in +more than one instance, it was the <i>people</i> that, by their decision, +saved the rich from the inevitable results of their own timid counsels. +Most of the judges of the royal court of justice, and most of the opulent +citizens, advocated a surrender of Nismes to Joyeuse, which must have +been the prelude to a fresh and perhaps indiscriminate massacre.<a name="FNanchor_1257_1257" id="FNanchor_1257_1257"></a><a href="#Footnote_1257_1257" class="fnanchor">[1257]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Montauban.</div> + +<p>Scarcely less important to the Protestants of southern France was the +refuge they found in Montauban. Regnier, the same Huguenot gentleman who +had himself been rescued from slaughter at Paris by the magnanimity of +Vezins,<a name="FNanchor_1258_1258" id="FNanchor_1258_1258"></a><a href="#Footnote_1258_1258" class="fnanchor">[1258]</a> was the instrument of its deliverance. On finding himself +safe, his first impulse was to hasten to Montauban and urge his brethren +to adopt instant measures for self-defence. But despair had taken +possession of the inhabitants. They had heard that the dreaded black +cavalry of the ferocious Montluc,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_575" id="Page_575">[Pg 575]</a></span> the men-at-arms of Fontenille, and +other troops, were on the march against them. Their enemies were already +reported to be so near the city as Castel-Sarrasin. Not a gate, +therefore, would the panic-stricken citizens close; not a sword would +they draw. Nothing was left but for Regnier, with the little band of less +than forty followers he had gathered, to abandon the devoted place. As he +was wandering about the country, uncertain whither to betake himself, he +unexpectedly fell in with the very enemy before whom Montauban was +quailing. Neither Regnier nor his handful of followers hesitated. It was +a glorious opportunity for the display of heroism in a good cause, for +there were ten Roman Catholics to one Protestant. Happily the ground was +favorable to the display of individual prowess; a river and a tributary +brook rendered the field so contracted that only a few men could fight +abreast. "Brethren and comrades," cried Regnier, "whether for life or for +combat, there is no other road than this." Then putting forward a +detachment of ten horsemen headed by an experienced leader, when he saw +the enemy pause to put on their helmets, he seized the opportunity in +true Huguenot fashion to act as the minister of his followers, and +uttered a brief prayer, devout and courageous. Next came the charge, such +as those men of iron determination knew well how to make. The van of the +enemy made no attempt to resist them; the cavalry in the centre was +driven back in confusion upon the mounted arquebusiers of the rear. The +fight became in a few minutes a disgraceful rout, and for a whole league +the handful of Huguenots continued the pursuit. Of nearly four hundred +royalists, eighty were killed and fifty captured. When Regnier, returning +to Montauban, brought the flags of the enemy and a body of prisoners +outnumbering his own band, the citizens renounced their fears, accepted +the omen as a pledge of Divine assistance, and cast in their lot with +their brethren of La Rochelle.<a name="FNanchor_1259_1259" id="FNanchor_1259_1259"></a><a href="#Footnote_1259_1259" class="fnanchor">[1259]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_576" id="Page_576">[Pg 576]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">La Rochelle the centre of interest.</div> + +<p>For La Rochelle had now become the centre of interest, and Montauban, +Nismes, and even Sancerre, whose brave and obstinate siege will soon +occupy us, were for the time almost wholly dismissed from consideration. +The strongly fortified Protestant town, the only point upon the shores of +the ocean which during the former civil wars had defied every assault of +the papal leaders, was now the safe and favorite refuge of the Huguenots, +and the coveted prey of the enemy. Within a very short time after the +massacre, a stream of fugitives set in toward La Rochelle. It was not +long before her hospitable walls sheltered fifty of the Protestant nobles +of the neighboring provinces, fifty-five ministers, and fifteen hundred +soldiers, chiefly from Saintonge, Aunis, and Poitou. Among the new-comers +were not a few who had with difficulty escaped from the bloody scenes at +Paris.<a name="FNanchor_1260_1260" id="FNanchor_1260_1260"></a><a href="#Footnote_1260_1260" class="fnanchor">[1260]</a> All were inspired with the same courage, all possessed by +the same determination to sell their lives as dear as possible; for the +successive accounts of the cruelties perpetrated in all parts of France +left no doubt respecting the fate of the Rochellois should they too +succumb.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">A spurious letter of Catharine de' Medici.</div> + +<p>And there were not wanting circumstances of an alarming nature. At +Brouage, then a flourishing port some twenty-five miles south of La +Rochelle, a considerable body of troops had been gathered under Philip +Strozzi, the chief officer of the French infantry, while a fleet was in +course of preparation under the well-known Baron de la Garde. This +occurred previously to the massacre. The force, it was given out, was +intended for a secret expedition against the Spaniards. While the +Huguenots of Coligny, forming a junction with the troops of William of +Orange, should attack Alva in Flanders, Strozzi and La Garde were to make +a diversion upon the coasts of Spain itself. But the inhabitants of La +Rochelle gave little credit to this explanation, and even the personal +assurances of the admiral had not entirely removed their fears that their +own destruction was in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_577" id="Page_577">[Pg 577]</a></span>tended. It is not strange, therefore, that they +accepted the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day as a complete +demonstration of the correctness of their suspicions, and at once took +measures for protecting their city against surprise or open assault. Nor +is it altogether easy to ascertain how far their apprehensions were +unfounded. There were intelligent and well-informed contemporary writers, +who felt no doubt that Strozzi was waiting with sealed orders for the +coming of the fatal twenty-fourth of August. Two months before, they say, +there had been sent him by Catharine de' Medici a packet which he was +strictly forbidden to open until that day. It proved to be a letter of +instruction couched in these words: "Strozzi, I notify you that this day, +the twenty-fourth of August, the admiral and all the Huguenots who were +with him here have been slain. Consequently, take diligent measures to +make yourself master of La Rochelle, and do to the Huguenots who shall +fall into your hands the same that we have done to those who were here. +Take good heed that you fail not, insomuch as you fear to displease the +king my son, and myself. <span class="smcap">Catharine.</span>"<a name="FNanchor_1261_1261" id="FNanchor_1261_1261"></a><a href="#Footnote_1261_1261" class="fnanchor">[1261]</a></p> + +<p>If, as I can but believe, this letter be spurious, none the less may it +serve to indicate how firmly the persuasion was fixed in the minds of the +Protestants that insidious designs were cherished against La Rochelle.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Designs upon the city.</div> + +<p>It was not long before those designs began to develop. Strozzi, to whom +the inhabitants had sent a deputation, avowedly to obtain explanations +respecting the circumstances of the massacre, but in reality to discover +the plans of the government, graciously offered some companies of his +soldiers for their protection. But the Rochellois with equal politeness +declined to accept such help. Meanwhile, they set themselves vigorously +at work, and not only organized the inhabitants and refugees into +companies for military defence, but repaired and manned the +fortifications, and introduced a great abundance of provisions and +munitions of war into the city.<a name="FNanchor_1262_1262" id="FNanchor_1262_1262"></a><a href="#Footnote_1262_1262" class="fnanchor">[1262]</a> A<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_578" id="Page_578">[Pg 578]</a></span> few days later, letters were +received from Charles himself, which, while endeavoring to calm the minds +of the inhabitants respecting recent occurrences, promised them full +protection in their religious rights, proclaimed the king's unaltered +determination to maintain his edict, and called upon them to receive with +due submission M. de Biron, whom he sent them to be their governor. No +better choice could have been made among the Roman Catholics; for Biron, +it was currently reported, so far from approving of severity, had himself +narrowly escaped being involved in the massacre, and had owed his safety +mainly to the fact that he was in command at the arsenal.</p> + +<p>The shrewd Rochellois, however, while they greeted the king's assurances +with all outward show of credit, were not willing to be duped. They +listened respectfully to the king's envoys, and professed themselves his +most devoted subjects; but they begged to be excused from receiving +Marshal Biron as their governor until the troops of Strozzi should have +been removed from their dangerous proximity to the city, and until the +fleet should have set sail from Brouage. Nor, indeed, could Biron himself +obtain better conditions, when, having sought an interview with the +deputies of La Rochelle outside of the walls, he entreated them, with +sincere or well-feigned emotion, to forestall the ruin impending over +them.<a name="FNanchor_1263_1263" id="FNanchor_1263_1263"></a><a href="#Footnote_1263_1263" class="fnanchor">[1263]</a> In vain did he humor their claim, dating from regal +concessions and long prescription, that La Rochelle need receive no +garrison but of her own municipal militia.<a name="FNanchor_1264_1264" id="FNanchor_1264_1264"></a><a href="#Footnote_1264_1264" class="fnanchor">[1264]</a> In vain did he offer to +make his entry with but one or two followers, and promise that, when they +had duly submitted, he would secure them from injury at the hands of the +royal troops, and would relieve them of the presence of a fleet. The +citizens were inflexible. The experience of Castres, where lately the +credulous inhabitants had in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_579" id="Page_579">[Pg 579]</a></span>considerately admitted a governor sent them +by the king, and had paid for their folly with their lives, confirmed +them in the resolution rather to die with sword in hand than to be +slaughtered like sheep.<a name="FNanchor_1265_1265" id="FNanchor_1265_1265"></a><a href="#Footnote_1265_1265" class="fnanchor">[1265]</a></p> + +<p>Two months (September and October) passed in fruitless +negotiations—precious time, which the citizens put to good service in +preparing for the inevitable struggle. It was not until the eighth of +November that the first skirmish took place, in which one of two royal +galleys sent to reconnoitre the situation of La Rochelle was captured and +brought into harbor by some Huguenot boats that had sailed out intending +to secure the neighboring Île de Ré for the Protestant cause.<a name="FNanchor_1266_1266" id="FNanchor_1266_1266"></a><a href="#Footnote_1266_1266" class="fnanchor">[1266]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Mission of La Noue.</div> + +<p>Meantime the court, reluctant to undertake an enterprise so formidable as +the regular siege of La Rochelle seemed likely to prove, resorted to +pacific measures, and resolved to employ for the purpose a person the +most unlikely to be selected by Roman Catholics. This was none other than +the famous François de la Noue, a Protestant leader not less remarkable +for generalship than for literary ability, of whose "Political and +Military Discourses," written during a later captivity, it has been said +with justice that, in perspicuity, force, and good judgment, they are not +inferior to the most celebrated commentaries of antiquity.<a name="FNanchor_1267_1267" id="FNanchor_1267_1267"></a><a href="#Footnote_1267_1267" class="fnanchor">[1267]</a> La Noue +was with Louis of Nassau in the city of Mons when the news of Admiral +Coligny's murder, and of the consequent failure of the promised support +of France, reached him. Mons soon after surrendered to the Duke of Alva, +and La Noue scarcely knew whither to turn for refuge, when he received +from his old friend, the Duke of Longueville, Governor of Picardy, a +cordial invitation to return to France. Not without many misgivings, he +visited Paris, where, contrary to his expectations, Charles greeted him +very graciously, and even restored to him the confiscated property of his +wife's murdered brother, Téligny. Taking advan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_580" id="Page_580">[Pg 580]</a></span>tage of the moment, the +king now requested La Noue to undertake the task of mediating between the +government and La Rochelle, and thus preventing the outbreak of a new +civil war and the effusion of more blood. At first La Noue positively +declined the appointment; but the king was urgent, and the arguments +which he adduced coincided with the Huguenot's own impressions of the +hopelessness of a struggle undertaken by a single city against the united +forces of the most powerful kingdom of Christendom. It was only after the +most solemn protestations of Charles, that he would not make use of him +as an instrument to deceive and ruin his Protestant brethren, that La +Noue reluctantly consented to accept a commission from which he was more +likely to reap embarrassment than glory.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">He is badly received by the Rochellois.</div> + +<p>And certainly his first reception by the Rochellois was far from +flattering. In a conference with the deputies of the city, in the +suburban village of Tadon<a name="FNanchor_1268_1268" id="FNanchor_1268_1268"></a><a href="#Footnote_1268_1268" class="fnanchor">[1268]</a>—for La Noue was not permitted to enter +the walls—the burghers clearly revealed the suspicion with which they +viewed him. They bluntly told him, after listening to the propositions he +brought from the king, "that they had come to confer with M. de la Noue, +but that they did not recognize him in the person before them. The brave +warrior so closely bound to them in former years, and who had lost an arm +in their defence, had a different heart, never came to them with vain +hopes, nor, under the guise of friendship, invited them to conferences +destined only to betray them."<a name="FNanchor_1269_1269" id="FNanchor_1269_1269"></a><a href="#Footnote_1269_1269" class="fnanchor">[1269]</a> But, in spite of this somewhat +uncourteous reception, the well-known and trusted integrity of the great +Huguenot captain soon broke through the thin crust of coolness, which, +after all, was rather assumed than really felt. La Noue was suffered to +enter the city, and at the échevinage, or city hall, was permitted to lay +before the general assembly, or municipal government, as well as the +other citizens, the full extent of the king's concessions. Amnesty for +the past, con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_581" id="Page_581">[Pg 581]</a></span>firmation of the city's privileges, passports for any who +might wish to remove to England or Germany, safe return for those whom +fear had banished, free exercise of the Protestant religion in two +quarters of the city, with three ministers to be chosen by the people and +approved by the governor—all this he offered. On the other hand, a new +church must be built for the Roman Catholics, the strangers who had +lately come must remove elsewhere, and, of course, the governor must be +admitted, although the king kindly consented to let them designate any +other sufficiently distinguished and capable person, if they preferred to +do so.<a name="FNanchor_1270_1270" id="FNanchor_1270_1270"></a><a href="#Footnote_1270_1270" class="fnanchor">[1270]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The royal proposals rejected.</div> + +<p>Neither the exposition of the terms of the royal clemency, nor the dark +picture drawn of the ruin overhanging the city, shook the constancy of +its brave advocates. They replied that they would consent to receive +neither garrison nor royal governor, and they exhibited to La Noue their +charters granted by Charles the Fifth, and ratified both by Louis the +Eleventh and by the reigning monarch. They added, "that, with God's help, +they hoped not to be caught in their beds as their brethren had been at +the Parisian matins."<a name="FNanchor_1271_1271" id="FNanchor_1271_1271"></a><a href="#Footnote_1271_1271" class="fnanchor">[1271]</a> Yet, even after this conference, the +Rochellois were so far from losing their respect for La Noue, that they +made him three propositions: either he might remain in La Rochelle as a +private citizen; or he might assume the military command, as their +commander-in-chief; or, if he should prefer so to do, he might pass over +into England in one of their vessels. La Noue went to consult with +Marshal Biron and others, and shortly returned. With their full +concurrence he accepted the military command—the unparalleled anomaly +being thus exhibited of a general of great experience and high reputation +voluntarily given by the besiegers to the besieged, because of the +confidence they entertained that by his moderation and pacific +inclination he would restrain the excesses of the mob and hasten the +return of peace.<a name="FNanchor_1272_1272" id="FNanchor_1272_1272"></a><a href="#Footnote_1272_1272" class="fnanchor">[1272]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_582" id="Page_582">[Pg 582]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">Marshal Biron appears before La Rochelle.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Beginning of the fourth religious war.</div> + +<p>And now the siege, which the court had long hesitated to undertake, began +in earnest. On the fourth of December, Marshal Biron approached La +Rochelle with seven ensigns of horse and eighteen companies of foot, and +two larger cannon.<a name="FNanchor_1273_1273" id="FNanchor_1273_1273"></a><a href="#Footnote_1273_1273" class="fnanchor">[1273]</a> Meantime the most strenuous efforts were put +forth to collect an adequate besieging force. When milder measures failed +to secure prompt obedience, recourse was had to threats, and the nobles +were summoned on pain, in case of disobedience, of losing their +privileges, and being reduced to the rank of "roturiers." The menace had +its effect, and in the month of January, 1573, the force under Biron had +swollen to sixty companies of foot, with not less than thirty-seven large +cannon—a considerable provision of artillery for that period.<a name="FNanchor_1274_1274" id="FNanchor_1274_1274"></a><a href="#Footnote_1274_1274" class="fnanchor">[1274]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Description of La Rochelle.</div> + +<p>The city of La Rochelle occupies the head of a deep bay, stretching in a +north-easterly direction from the ocean, and serving at present as the +large and convenient harbor for its extensive commerce. The old town, +whose origin is lost in the mists of antiquity, covered only a small part +of the area since inclosed by walls. A narrow peninsula, protected on the +one side by a sheet of water and on the other by marshes, offered a +tempting site, and was first occupied. The larger inlet on the west was +the old, and probably for a long time the only haven; but long before the +middle of the sixteenth century the action of the tide, which washes in +great quantities of sand, combining with the gradual deposit of alluvium +made by the neighboring springs, had converted this inlet into a +marsh—"les Marais Salans"—intersected by ditches and used only in the +manufacture of salt. The marsh itself has since been entirely reclaimed. +The "new" harbor, as the smaller inlet was still called, at the period of +which I am speaking, was of much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_583" id="Page_583">[Pg 583]</a></span> inferior capacity, and was included +within the circuit of the walls.<a name="FNanchor_1275_1275" id="FNanchor_1275_1275"></a><a href="#Footnote_1275_1275" class="fnanchor">[1275]</a> A chain, extended between the two +towers guarding its narrow entrance, effectually precluded the passage of +hostile vessels.</p> + +<p>For considerably more than one-half of their circuit, the walls of La +Rochelle were inaccessible to the land forces; and the deep foss skirting +them was full of water, except on the north and north-east. The +fortifications, everywhere formidable, had, therefore, been constructed +with extraordinary care in these directions; for it was here that the +brunt of the attack must be borne. With Puritan simplicity and faith, the +reformed inhabitants of La Rochelle had named the strong work at the +northwestern angle of the circuit the "Bastion de l'Évangile," or the +"Bastion of the Gospel." It was appropriately supported on the right by +the "Cavalier de l'Épître." Other forts, such as that of Cognes at the +north-eastern angle, were but little inferior in importance; it was +evident, however, that upon the ability of the Rochellois to defend the +Bastion de l'Évangile must depend the salvation of the city.<a name="FNanchor_1276_1276" id="FNanchor_1276_1276"></a><a href="#Footnote_1276_1276" class="fnanchor">[1276]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Resoluteness of the Rochellois.</div> + +<p>But the chief strength of the city was to be found in the manly +resolution of the inhabitants to secure for themselves and their children +the right to worship God according to the purer faith, or perish in the +attempt. An incident occurring about this time served to illustrate and +to confirm their courage. A short distance in advance of the Bastion de +l'Évangile there stood a solitary windmill, which, on account of its +advantageous position, the Rochellois were anxious to retain. The captain +to whose guard it was intrusted, recognizing the ease with which he might +be surprised and cut off, took the precaution to draw off at dusk the +small detachment which he had placed there by day, leaving but a single +soldier to act as sentry. Meantime, Strozzi had determined to capture the +mill. This he attempted to do, taking advantage of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_584" id="Page_584">[Pg 584]</a></span> a moonlight night. To +the two culverines brought to play upon him, the solitary defender could +answer only with his arquebuse; but so briskly did he fire, and so well +did he counterfeit the voices of others, that the assailants believed an +entire company to be present. At last, when he no longer could hold out, +the soldier only surrendered after stipulating for the life of himself +and his entire band. Notwithstanding his promise, Strozzi, when once his +astonishment at the appearance of the single actor who had played so many +parts had given place to anger at the deceit practised upon him, was in +favor of hanging the Huguenot for his audacity. But Biron would only +consent to have him sent to the galleys, a punishment which he escaped by +finding means to slip away from the hands of the royalists.<a name="FNanchor_1277_1277" id="FNanchor_1277_1277"></a><a href="#Footnote_1277_1277" class="fnanchor">[1277]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Their military strength.</div> + +<p>The entire military force of the besieged comprised about thirteen +hundred regular troops, besides two thousand citizens, well armed and +drilled, and under competent captains. There was an abundance of powder, +of wine, biscuit, and other provisions, although of wheat there was but +little.<a name="FNanchor_1278_1278" id="FNanchor_1278_1278"></a><a href="#Footnote_1278_1278" class="fnanchor">[1278]</a> Meantime assistance was anxiously expected from England, +and the courage of the common people, incited by the exhortations of the +ministers, did not flag, notwithstanding the feebler spirit of the rich +and the actual desertion of a few leaders.<a name="FNanchor_1279_1279" id="FNanchor_1279_1279"></a><a href="#Footnote_1279_1279" class="fnanchor">[1279]</a></p> + +<p>The besiegers were not idle. Besides occupying positions north, east, and +south of the city, which effectually cut off communication from the land +side, they built forts on opposite sides of the outer harbor, and +stranded at the entrance a large carack, which was made firm in its +position with stones and sand. The work, when provided with guns and +troops, commanded the passage, and was christened "le Fort de +l'Aiguille." In vain did the Rochellois attempt to destroy or capture it; +the carack, while it proved unavailing to prevent the entrance of an +occasional vessel laden with grain or ammunition, remained the most +formidable point in the possession of the enemy.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Henry, Duke of Anjou, appointed to conduct the siege.</div> + +<p>In order to give her favorite son a new opportunity to acquire<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_585" id="Page_585">[Pg 585]</a></span> military +distinction, the queen mother now persuaded Charles to permit the Duke of +Anjou to conduct the siege. He arrived before La Rochelle about the +middle of February,<a name="FNanchor_1280_1280" id="FNanchor_1280_1280"></a><a href="#Footnote_1280_1280" class="fnanchor">[1280]</a> with a brilliant train of princes and nobles, +among whom were Alençon, Guise, Aumale, and Montluc, besides Henry of +Navarre and his cousin Condé, who, as they had to sustain the rôle of +good Roman Catholics, could scarcely avoid taking part in the campaign +against their former brethren. In the ordinances soon after published by +Anjou, he seems to have hoped to weaken the Huguenots by copying their +own strictness of moral discipline. The very Catholic practice of profane +swearing, in which his Majesty was so proficient, was prohibited on pain +of severe punishment; and it was prescribed that a sermon should daily be +preached in the camp.<a name="FNanchor_1281_1281" id="FNanchor_1281_1281"></a><a href="#Footnote_1281_1281" class="fnanchor">[1281]</a> A good round oath none the less continued to +be received by the soldiers, in all doubtful cases, as a sufficient proof +of loyalty to Mother Church, nor did they cease because of the ordinance +from ridiculing the idea that such good Christians as they needed +preaching, which was well enough for unevangelized pagans.<a name="FNanchor_1282_1282" id="FNanchor_1282_1282"></a><a href="#Footnote_1282_1282" class="fnanchor">[1282]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The besieged pray and fight.</div> + +<p>In view of the impending peril, the Protestants had recourse, as their +custom was, to prayer and fasting. The sixteenth and eighteenth of +February were days of public humiliation. From their knees the Huguenots +went with redoubled courage to the ramparts. The crisis had at length +arrived. A series of furious assaults were given, directed principally +against the northern wall and the Bastion de l'Évangile. It was in one of +these attacks, on the third of March, that the Duke of Aumale was killed. +By the besieged the death of so eminent a member of the house of Lorraine +was interpreted as a signal judgment of God upon the most cruel member of +a persecuting family—another presage that the sword should never depart +from the princely stock which had begun the war,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_586" id="Page_586">[Pg 586]</a></span> until it should be +altogether destroyed. The royalists, on the other hand, found in it a +great source of regret; while Catharine, terrified at the danger to which +her son might be exposed, wrote one of her ill-spelt letters to +Montpensier, entreating him and the other veterans not to suffer any of +the princes to go imprudently near the walls.<a name="FNanchor_1283_1283" id="FNanchor_1283_1283"></a><a href="#Footnote_1283_1283" class="fnanchor">[1283]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Bravery of the women.</div> + +<p>It does not enter into the plan of this history to detail the progress of +the siege. Let it suffice to say that the enemy was met at every point +and repulsed. Not content with simply defending their walls, the +Huguenots made sorties, in which many of Anjou's followers were slain. +Sometimes dressing in the uniform of those they had killed or taken +prisoners, they returned and penetrated into the hostile camp, learned +the plans of the assailants, and cut off more than one man of note. The +presence of women among them became an element of strength; for these, +surmounting the weakness of their sex, did good service in the mines, or, +donning armor, defended the breach and drove the enemy into the +ditch.<a name="FNanchor_1284_1284" id="FNanchor_1284_1284"></a><a href="#Footnote_1284_1284" class="fnanchor">[1284]</a> It was remarked that, as the supply of fresh provisions +diminished, the lack was in some degree compensated by such an abundance +of cockles on the sands as had never before been known. If the +Protestants regarded this incident as a providential interposition in +their behalf,<a name="FNanchor_1285_1285" id="FNanchor_1285_1285"></a><a href="#Footnote_1285_1285" class="fnanchor">[1285]</a> the Roman Catholics sought to account for it by +supposing that the operations of the siege had permitted the fish to +multiply undisturbed.<a name="FNanchor_1286_1286" id="FNanchor_1286_1286"></a><a href="#Footnote_1286_1286" class="fnanchor">[1286]</a> However this might be, the women of La +Rochelle sallied forth to hus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_587" id="Page_587">[Pg 587]</a></span>band this new resource; but their +imprudence in straying beyond the range of the guns was rewarded with +insolent outrage on the part of such of the enemy as were in the +vicinity. Even this circumstance the Huguenots knew how to turn to +advantage. Disguising themselves in feminine attire, a troop of Huguenot +soldiers, a day or two later, issued from the city when the tide was out, +apparently bent on the same errand. It was not long before the royalists +undertook to repeat a diversion which seemed to offer little danger to +them. Scarcely, however, had they approached when the clumsy costume was +hastily thrown aside, and the assailants discovered too late the trap +into which they had fallen. Many a hot-headed soldier of Anjou atoned for +his temerity with his life.<a name="FNanchor_1287_1287" id="FNanchor_1287_1287"></a><a href="#Footnote_1287_1287" class="fnanchor">[1287]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">La Noue retires. Failure of diplomacy.</div> + +<p>The ordinary wiles of Catharine were not left untried; but she effected +little or nothing by negotiation. The people were not so easily cajoled +and duped as their leaders had often been, and would accept no terms +except such as the court utterly refused to offer—the restoration of the +privileges conferred by the edict, its confirmation by oath, and the +interchange of hostages, to be kept in some neutral state in Germany, +with entire liberty of worship and exemption from royal garrison in and +around La Rochelle, Montauban, Nismes, and Sancerre.<a name="FNanchor_1288_1288" id="FNanchor_1288_1288"></a><a href="#Footnote_1288_1288" class="fnanchor">[1288]</a> Even François +de la Noue became impatient at the excessive caution which the Huguenots +seemed to him to display, and, redeeming the promise he had given the +king before he took command, retired from the city (on the eleventh of +March) when all hope of reconciliation had apparently disappeared. With +wonderful prudence he had managed to forfeit the confidence of neither +party. Yet on some occasions, it must be admitted, his self-control was +sorely tried. For example, at one time a minister—not long after deposed +from the sacred office—so far forgot himself in the heat of angry +discussion as to give La Noue a sound box upon the ear. Even then the +great captain refused to order the offender's punishment, and confined +himself to sending him,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_588" id="Page_588">[Pg 588]</a></span> under guard, to his wife, with directions to +keep him carefully until he should recover his reason.<a name="FNanchor_1289_1289" id="FNanchor_1289_1289"></a><a href="#Footnote_1289_1289" class="fnanchor">[1289]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">English aid miscarries.</div> + +<p>The assistance which La Rochelle had counted upon receiving from England +never came. Count Montgomery was a skilful negotiator. If he was unable +to prevail upon Elizabeth to give open countenance to the Huguenots, on +account of the league recently entered into, which Retz had been +specially sent by Charles to confirm, he at least succeeded in obtaining +a sum of forty thousand francs from various English, French, and Flemish +sympathizers, with which he was permitted, notwithstanding protests from +Paris, to fit out a fleet. Elizabeth, indeed, so far overcame her +scruples as to allow a large vessel of her own to follow. But when +Montgomery's squadron reached the roads of La Rochelle, the fifty-three +ships of which it was composed, and which carried eighteen hundred or two +thousand men, were so small and badly-appointed—in short, so inferior in +strength to the fewer vessels of the king standing off the entrance—that +they avoided coming to close quarters, stood off to Belle Isle, and +finally returned to England. Queen Elizabeth, at all times very doubtful +respecting the propriety of assisting subjects against their monarch, had +meantime disowned the enterprise as piratical, and expressed the hope the +culprits might be destroyed. It was not, in this case, merely her +customary dissimulation. The plundering by some French and Netherland +sailors of the vessel on which the Earl of Worcester was proceeding, in +the queen's name, to stand as sponsor at the baptism of Charles's infant +daughter, had greatly incensed her.<a name="FNanchor_1290_1290" id="FNanchor_1290_1290"></a><a href="#Footnote_1290_1290" class="fnanchor">[1290]</a> Not, however, that Elizabeth +lost any of that remarkable interest which she had always taken in Count +Montgomery, or felt at all inclined to give him up to the French +government for his breach of the peace. For when, a little later, a +demand was made for the culprit, she assured the ambassador of Charles +that she could swear she was ignorant that the count was in her +dominions. "But," she added, "were he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_589" id="Page_589">[Pg 589]</a></span> to come, I would answer your +master as his father answered my sister, Queen Mary, when he said, 'I +will not consent to be the hangman of the Queen of England.' So his +Majesty, the King of France, must excuse me if I can no more act as +executioner of those of my religion than King Henry would discharge a +similar office in the case of those that were not of his religion."<a name="FNanchor_1291_1291" id="FNanchor_1291_1291"></a><a href="#Footnote_1291_1291" class="fnanchor">[1291]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Huguenot successes in the south.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Sommières.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Villeneuve.</div> + +<p>In other parts of France it had fared no better with the attempt to crush +the Huguenots. Montauban and Nismes still held out. Various places in the +south-east fell into Huguenot hands. The siege of Sommières, near Nismes, +by the Roman Catholics, was so obstinate, and the garrison capitulated on +such favorable terms, that the Protestants were rather elated than +discouraged. Marshal Damville had assailed it only in order to save his +credit, and the little town detained him nearly two months,—from the +eleventh of February to the ninth of April. Every device was employed to +retard his success. Streams of boiling oil were poured upon the heads of +the assailants, and red-hot hoops of iron were dexterously tossed over +their shoulders. In the end the garrison marched out with all the honors +of war.<a name="FNanchor_1292_1292" id="FNanchor_1292_1292"></a><a href="#Footnote_1292_1292" class="fnanchor">[1292]</a> The Huguenots surprised Villeneuve, near the Rhône, by +effecting an entrance, much as they had entered Nismes in 1569, through +the grated opening by which the waters of a sewer issued from the +walls.<a name="FNanchor_1293_1293" id="FNanchor_1293_1293"></a><a href="#Footnote_1293_1293" class="fnanchor">[1293]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Beginning of the siege of Sancerre.</div> + +<p>But it was Sancerre which, next to La Rochelle, occasioned the court the +greatest annoyance, both because of its central position<a name="FNanchor_1294_1294" id="FNanchor_1294_1294"></a><a href="#Footnote_1294_1294" class="fnanchor">[1294]</a> and +because of its comparative proximity to Paris. Here the Protestants of +Berry and the adjacent provinces had found a welcome refuge. Citizens and +refugees refused to admit a royal garrison, and foiled the attempt to +capture the place by escalade. Treachery was at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_590" id="Page_590">[Pg 590]</a></span> work, and, as usual, it +was most rife among the richer class. By their connivance the citadel or +castle was surprised by the troops sent by the governor of the province, +M. de la Chastre; but it was retaken on the same day.<a name="FNanchor_1295_1295" id="FNanchor_1295_1295"></a><a href="#Footnote_1295_1295" class="fnanchor">[1295]</a> +Notwithstanding this warning, the people of Sancerre took none of the +precautions which their situation demanded, apparently unable to believe +that, when such a city as La Rochelle was in revolt, the king would +undertake to subdue so small a place as Sancerre. There were no stores of +provisions, and the buildings in proximity to the walls, from which an +enemy could incommode the city, had not been torn down, when, between the +third and ninth of January, 1573, a force of five thousand foot and five +hundred horse, under La Chastre, besides many nobles and gentlemen of the +vicinage, made its appearance before the walls. The inhabitants now +discovered their capital mistakes, but it was too late to remedy them. +Hunger began almost immediately to make itself felt, while the places +they had neglected to destroy or preoccupy proved very convenient to the +royalists for the next two or three months, during which it was attempted +to take Sancerre by assault. Yet the direct attack proved a failure, and, +on the twentieth of March, the siege was changed to a blockade. Forts +were erected in the most advantageous spots, and a wide trench was dug +around the entire city.<a name="FNanchor_1296_1296" id="FNanchor_1296_1296"></a><a href="#Footnote_1296_1296" class="fnanchor">[1296]</a> Sancerre was to be tried by the severe +ordeal of hunger; and certainly the most frightful among ancient sieges +can scarcely be said to have surpassed in horror that of this small +city.<a name="FNanchor_1297_1297" id="FNanchor_1297_1297"></a><a href="#Footnote_1297_1297" class="fnanchor">[1297]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The incipient famine.</div> + +<p>Did not the sufferings of the heroic inhabitants claim our sympathy, we +might read with entertainment the singular devices they resorted to in +grappling with a terrible foe whose insidious advances were more +difficult to oppose than the open assaults of the enemy. For the famine +of Sancerre boasts of a historian more copious and minute than Josephus +or Livy. In reading the narrative of the famous Jean<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_591" id="Page_591">[Pg 591]</a></span> de Léry<a name="FNanchor_1298_1298" id="FNanchor_1298_1298"></a><a href="#Footnote_1298_1298" class="fnanchor">[1298]</a>—the +same writer to whom we are indebted for an authentic account of +Villegagnon's unfortunate scheme of American colonization—we seem to be +perusing a great pathological treatise. Never was physician more watchful +of his patient's symptoms than Léry with his hand upon the pulse of +famishing Sancerre. It would almost seem that the restless Huguenot, who +united in his own person the opposite qualifications of clergyman and +soldier, desired to make his little work a useful guide in similar +circumstances, for a portion of it, at least, has been appropriately +styled "a cookery book for the besieged."<a name="FNanchor_1299_1299" id="FNanchor_1299_1299"></a><a href="#Footnote_1299_1299" class="fnanchor">[1299]</a></p> + +<p>Early in the siege, not without some qualms, the inhabitants made trial +of the flesh of a horse accidentally killed. Next an ass, and then the +mules, of which there was a considerable number, were brought to the +shambles. The butchers were now ordered to sell this new kind of meat, +and a maximum price was fixed. For a fortnight the supply of cats held +out, after which rats and mice became the chief staple of food. Dog-flesh +was next reluctantly tasted, and found, as our conscientious chronicler +observes, to be somewhat sweet and insipid.<a name="FNanchor_1300_1300" id="FNanchor_1300_1300"></a><a href="#Footnote_1300_1300" class="fnanchor">[1300]</a> And so the spring of +1573 passed away, and summer came; but no succor arrived for the +beleaguered city. On the contrary, there came the disheartening tidings +from the west that a peace had been concluded by the Huguenots of La +Rochelle, in which no mention was made of Sancerre.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Losses of the royal army before La Rochelle.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Roman Catholic processions.</div> + +<p>So successful had been the defence of the citadel of Protestantism on the +shores of the ocean, so unexpectedly large the royal losses, that the +court was only waiting for a decent pretext to abandon the unfortunate +siege. Pestilence added its victims to those of the sword, and it was +currently reported that forty thousand of the be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_592" id="Page_592">[Pg 592]</a></span>siegers were swept away +by their combined assaults.<a name="FNanchor_1301_1301" id="FNanchor_1301_1301"></a><a href="#Footnote_1301_1301" class="fnanchor">[1301]</a> A more careful enumeration, however, +shows that, while the Rochellois, out of thirty-one hundred soldiers, +lost thirteen hundred, including twenty-eight "pairs," the king, out of a +little more than forty thousand troops, had lost twenty-two thousand, ten +thousand of whom died in the breach or in engagements elsewhere. Nor was +the loss of officers trifling; two hundred had died, including fifty of +great distinction, and five "maîtres de camp."<a name="FNanchor_1302_1302" id="FNanchor_1302_1302"></a><a href="#Footnote_1302_1302" class="fnanchor">[1302]</a> And, with all this +expenditure of life, and with the heavy drafts upon the public treasure, +little or nothing had been accomplished. Meanwhile, in other parts of +France there existed a scarcity of food amounting almost to a famine; nor +had the solemn processions to the shrines of the saints—processions for +the most part rendered contemptible by the irreverent conduct both of the +clergymen and the laity that took part in them<a name="FNanchor_1303_1303" id="FNanchor_1303_1303"></a><a href="#Footnote_1303_1303" class="fnanchor">[1303]</a>—averted the wrath +of heaven. The poor suffered extremely. Selfishness gained such +ascendancy in some towns, that cruel ruses were adopted to remove the +destitute that had taken refuge within their walls. It was not strange +that the extraordinary mortality which soon fell upon the well-to-do +burghers was viewed by many as a direct punishment sent by the +Almighty.<a name="FNanchor_1304_1304" id="FNanchor_1304_1304"></a><a href="#Footnote_1304_1304" class="fnanchor">[1304]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Election of Henry of Anjou to the crown of Poland.</div> + +<p>The event which came just in time to free the court from its +embarrassment was the election of Henry of Anjou to the vacant throne of +Poland. We have already witnessed the perplexity of Bishop Montluc when +the tidings of the massacre<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_593" id="Page_593">[Pg 593]</a></span> first reached him.<a name="FNanchor_1305_1305" id="FNanchor_1305_1305"></a><a href="#Footnote_1305_1305" class="fnanchor">[1305]</a> If he could have +denied its reality, he would have done so. This being impossible, he was +forced to content himself with misrepresenting the origin of the +slaughter, slandering the admiral and the other victims, and circulating +the calumnies of Charpentier and others who prated about a Huguenot +conspiracy. A judicious distribution of French gold assisted his own +eloquent sophistry; and the Duke of Anjou, portrayed as a chivalric +prince and one who was not ill-affected to religious liberty, was chosen +king over his formidable rivals. Charles and Catharine were alike +delighted. The former could scarcely find words to express his joy<a name="FNanchor_1306_1306" id="FNanchor_1306_1306"></a><a href="#Footnote_1306_1306" class="fnanchor">[1306]</a> +at the prospect of being freed from the presence of a brother whom he +feared, and perhaps hated; while the queen mother's gratification was +even more intense at the peaceful solution of the prophecy of +Nostradamus, than at the elevation of her favorite son.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Edict of Pacification, Boulogne, July, 1573.</div> + +<p>The peace between the king and the Rochellois was concluded in June, and +was formally promulgated in July, 1573, in a royal edict from Boulogne. +The chief provision was that the Protestants in the cities of La +Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes should enjoy entire freedom of public +worship, while their brethren throughout the kingdom should have liberty +of conscience and the right to sell their property and remove wherever +they might choose, whether within or without the realm. Only gentlemen +and others enjoying high jurisdiction, who had remained constant in their +faith, and had taken up arms with the three cities, were to be allowed to +collect their friends to the number of ten to witness their marriages and +baptisms, according to the custom of the Reformed Church. Even this +privilege could not be exercised within the distance of two leagues from +the royal court or from<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_594" id="Page_594">[Pg 594]</a></span> the city of Paris; nor did the edict confer the +right to preach or celebrate the Lord's Supper.<a name="FNanchor_1307_1307" id="FNanchor_1307_1307"></a><a href="#Footnote_1307_1307" class="fnanchor">[1307]</a> La Rochelle, +Nismes, and Montauban gained their point, and were to be exempted from +receiving garrisons or having citadels built, with the condition that +they should for two years constantly keep four of their principal +citizens at court as pledges of their fidelity. All promises of +abjuration were declared null and void. Amnesty was proclaimed, and, to +cap the climax of absurdity, the brave Huguenots who had defended their +homes for months against Charles were solemnly declared to be held the +king's "good, loyal, and faithful subjects and servants."</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Meagre results of the war.</div> + +<p>The results of the war on the king's side were certainly very meagre. To +have fought for the greater part of a year with the miserable Huguenots +that had escaped the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and then to +conclude the war by such a peace, was certainly ignominious enough for +Charles and his mother. For the Huguenot party was now, more than ever, a +recognized power in the state, with three strongholds—one in the west +and two in the south. Into no one of these could a royal garrison be +introduced. La Rochelle, in particular, having repulsed every assault of +the best army that could be brought against it, was acknowledged +invincible by the exemptions accorded to it in common with Nismes and +Montauban. It was hardly by such expectations that Charles had been +prevailed upon to throw down the gage of war to his subjects of the +reformed faith.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The siege and famine of Sancerre continue.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile, the inhabitants of Sancerre, not even named in the +edict,<a name="FNanchor_1308_1308" id="FNanchor_1308_1308"></a><a href="#Footnote_1308_1308" class="fnanchor">[1308]</a> had been sustained under appalling difficulties by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_595" id="Page_595">[Pg 595]</a></span> +confident hope of assistance from the south. But the hope was long +deferred, and they grew sick at heart. The prospect was already dark +enough, when, on the second of June, a Protestant soldier, who had made +his way into the city through the enemy's lines, brought the depressing +announcement that no aid must be expected from Languedoc for six weeks. +As but little wheat remained in Sancerre, the immediate effect of the +intelligence was that liberty was given to some seventy of the poor to +leave the city walls. At the same time the daily ration was limited to +half a pound of grain. A week later it was reduced to one-quarter of a +pound. Not long after only a single pound was doled out once a week, and +by the end of the month the supply entirely gave out. The beginning of +July reduced the besieged to the necessity of tasking their ingenuity to +make palatable food of the hides of cattle, next of the skins of horses, +dogs, and asses. The stock of even this unsavory material soon became +exhausted; whereupon, not very unnaturally, parchment was turned to good +account. Manuscripts a good century old were eaten with relish. Soaked +for a couple of days in water, and afterward boiled as much longer, when +they became glutinous they were fried, like tripe, or prepared with herbs +and spices, after the manner of a hodge-podge. The writer who is our +authority for these culinary details, informs us that he had seen the +dish devoured with eagerness while the original letters written upon the +parchment were still legible.<a name="FNanchor_1309_1309" id="FNanchor_1309_1309"></a><a href="#Footnote_1309_1309" class="fnanchor">[1309]</a> But the urgent necessities of their +situation did not suffer the half-famished inhabitants to stop here. With +the proverbial ingenuity of their nation, they turned their attention to +the parchment on old drums, and subjected to the skilful hands of cooks +the discarded hoofs, horns, and bones of animals, the harness of horses, +and even refuse scraps of leather. There seemed to be nothing they could +not lay under contribution to furnish at least a little nutriment.</p> + +<p>And yet ghastly hunger little by little tightened her relentless embrace. +Almost all the children under twelve years of age<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_596" id="Page_596">[Pg 596]</a></span> died. In the universal +reign of famine there were at last found those who were ready to repeat +the horrible crime of feeding upon the flesh of their own kindred. It was +discovered that a husband and wife, with a neighboring crone, had +endeavored to satisfy the gnawings of hunger by eating a newly dead +child. Their guilt came speedily to light, and was punished according to +the severe code of the sixteenth century. The father was sentenced by the +council to be burned alive; his wife to be strangled and her body +consigned to the flames; while the corpse of the old woman who had +instigated the foul deed but had meanwhile died, was ordered to be dug up +and burned. But the feeling of the great majority of the besieged was far +removed from that despair which prompts to an inhuman disregard of +natural decency and affection. Near the close of July a boy of barely ten +years, as he lay on his death-bed, said to his weeping parents: "Why do +you weep thus at seeing me die of hunger? I do not ask bread, mother; I +know you have none. But since God wills that I die thus, we must accept +it cheerfully. Was not that holy man Lazarus hungry? Have I not so read +in the Bible?"<a name="FNanchor_1310_1310" id="FNanchor_1310_1310"></a><a href="#Footnote_1310_1310" class="fnanchor">[1310]</a></p> + +<p>The catastrophe could not much longer be deferred. Within the city speedy +death stared every man in the face. Permission had, we have seen, been +accorded to the poor, early in June, to go forth from the city walls; but +the besieging force had mercilessly driven them back when they attempted +to gain the open country. Numbers, unwilling to accept a second time the +fatal hospitality of the city, preferred to remain in their exposed +situation, miserably dragging out a precarious existence by subsisting +upon snails, buds of trees and shrubs—even to the very grass of the +field.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Sancerre capitulates.</div> + +<p>Happily for Sancerre, the political exigencies of the royal court insured +for the besieged Protestants, in the inevitable capitulation, more +favorable terms than they might otherwise have obtained. As early as the +eighteenth of July, Léry had been informed at a parley, by a former +acquaintance on the Roman Catholic side, that a general peace had been +concluded,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_597" id="Page_597">[Pg 597]</a></span> and that Henry of Anjou had been elected to the throne of +Poland. This first intimation was discredited by the cautious +Protestants, not unused to the wiles of the enemy. But when, some twenty +days later (on the sixth of August), the statement was confirmed, and the +Sancerrois received the additional assurance that they would be mildly +treated, their surprise knew no bounds. The terms of surrender were +easily arranged. A ransom of forty thousand livres was to be exacted from +the city. On the thirty-first of August, M. de la Chastre made his solemn +entry into Sancerre, accompanied by a band of Roman Catholic priests +chanting a <i>Te Deum</i> over his success. As was too frequently the case, +the promise of immunity to the inhabitants was but poorly kept. Scarcely +had two weeks passed before the "bailli" Johanneau,<a name="FNanchor_1311_1311" id="FNanchor_1311_1311"></a><a href="#Footnote_1311_1311" class="fnanchor">[1311]</a> summoned from +his house by the archers of the prévôt, on the plea that M. de la Chastre +desired his presence, was treacherously murdered on the way to the +governor's house. Besides assassination, other infractions of the +capitulation were committed; the gates of the city were burned, the walls +dismantled, many of the houses torn down. In fact, so unmercifully was +Sancerre harried, partly by the troops, partly by the peasantry of the +neighborhood, and by the "bailli" of Berry, that the reformed church of +this place seems to have been, for the time, completely dispersed.<a name="FNanchor_1312_1312" id="FNanchor_1312_1312"></a><a href="#Footnote_1312_1312" class="fnanchor">[1312]</a></p> + +<p>Thus ended a siege which had lasted some eight months. The besieged had +lost only eighty-four men by the direct effects<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_598" id="Page_598">[Pg 598]</a></span> of warfare; but more +than five hundred persons perished during the last six weeks of sheer +starvation.<a name="FNanchor_1313_1313" id="FNanchor_1313_1313"></a><a href="#Footnote_1313_1313" class="fnanchor">[1313]</a></p> + +<p>Sancerre owed its release from the horrors of the siege in great part to +the same causes that had powerfully contributed to the conclusion of the +peace. The Polish ambassadors, coming to proffer the crown to the king's +brother, Henry of Anjou, were about to reach the French court. They were +already not a little surprised at the discovery that the statements and +promises made in the king's name by that not over-scrupulous negotiator, +Montluc, Bishop of Valence, were impudent impostures, fabricated for no +other purpose than to secure at all hazards the success of the French +candidate for the Polish throne. To exhibit to them at this critical +juncture the edifying spectacle of a royal governor of the province of +Berry engaged in the reduction of a city the only crime of which was its +desire to enjoy religious liberty—this would have been a dangerous +venture. Consequently it was no fortuitous coincidence that Sancerre +capitulated the very day the Polish ambassadors made their appearance.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Reception of the Polish ambassadors.</div> + +<p>We shall not dwell upon the pomp attending their reception. The banquet +held in the new palace of the Tuileries was brilliant. In the pageant +succeeding it was displayed a massive rock of silver, with sixteen nymphs +in as many niches, personating the provinces of the French kingdom. When, +after some verses well sung but indifferently composed, these nymphs +descended from their elevation, and took part in an intricate maze of +dance, the Polish spectators remarked, in the excess of their admiration, +that the French ballet was something that could be imitated by none of +the kings of the earth. "I would rather," dryly adds a contemporary +historian, "that they had said as much respecting our <i>armies</i>."<a name="FNanchor_1314_1314" id="FNanchor_1314_1314"></a><a href="#Footnote_1314_1314" class="fnanchor">[1314]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_599" id="Page_599">[Pg 599]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Discontent of the south with the terms of peace.</div> + +<p>The Protestants of Southern France had been included in the Edict of +Pacification. In fact, Nismes and Montauban were as distinctly referred +to by name as La Rochelle.<a name="FNanchor_1315_1315" id="FNanchor_1315_1315"></a><a href="#Footnote_1315_1315" class="fnanchor">[1315]</a> But the terms of peace were not to the +taste of the enterprising and self-reliant Huguenots of Languedoc and +Guyenne. They had learned, during the last ten years, to distrust all +assurances emanating from the court, even when claiming the authority of +the king's name. Experience had taught them that previous edicts were +framed simply to secure the destruction of those whom open warfare had +failed to destroy.<a name="FNanchor_1316_1316" id="FNanchor_1316_1316"></a><a href="#Footnote_1316_1316" class="fnanchor">[1316]</a> Without, therefore, either definitely accepting +or rejecting the terms offered them, the Protestants of Nismes applied to +Marshal Damville, who, at the conclusion of the peace, found himself with +the royal troops at the hamlet of Milhaud, a league or<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_600" id="Page_600">[Pg 600]</a></span> two from their +gates,<a name="FNanchor_1317_1317" id="FNanchor_1317_1317"></a><a href="#Footnote_1317_1317" class="fnanchor">[1317]</a> for a fortnight's suspension of hostilities. The request +being granted, a truce was established which was extended by successive +prolongations beyond the beginning of the next year.<a name="FNanchor_1318_1318" id="FNanchor_1318_1318"></a><a href="#Footnote_1318_1318" class="fnanchor">[1318]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Assembly of Milhau and Montauban.</div> + +<p>Meantime the Protestants, notified by the Duke of Anjou of the conclusion +of the peace, sent messengers to his camp requesting that as the matter +was one vitally affecting the entire Protestant population, they might +receive permission to meet, under protection of the royal authority, and +deliberate respecting it. The king's consent having been obtained, +Protestant deputies from almost all parts of the kingdom came together, +late in the month of August, 1573, in the city of Milhau-en-Rouergue, +from which they shortly transferred their sessions to Montauban.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Military organization of the Huguenots.</div> + +<p>This important assembly resolved to accept no peace unless based upon +equitable terms and secured by ample guarantees. In view of the +possibility of the recurrence of war, provision was made for a complete +military organization of the Huguenot resources in the south of France. +For this purpose Languedoc was divided into two "généralités" or +governments—the government of Nismes, or Lower Languedoc, placed under +command of M. de Saint Romain, and that of Upper Languedoc, with +Montauban for its chief city, to which the Viscount de Paulin was +assigned as military chief. Both governments were in turn subdivided into +dioceses or particular governments, each furnished with a governor and a +deliberative assembly. It was provided that in Nismes and Montauban +respectively a council should be convened consisting of deputies from all +the dioceses of the government, and that to this council, together with +the governor, should be intrusted the administration of the finances, +with authority to impose taxes alike upon Protestants and Roman +Catholics. The organization, it was estimated, could readily place twenty +thousand men in the field.<a name="FNanchor_1319_1319" id="FNanchor_1319_1319"></a><a href="#Footnote_1319_1319" class="fnanchor">[1319]</a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_601" id="Page_601">[Pg 601]</a></span></p> + +<p>Such were the first attempts to perfect a system of warfare forced upon +the Huguenots by the treacherous assaults of their enemies—a fatal +necessity of instituting a state within a state, foreboding nothing but +ruin to France.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Petition to the king.</div> + +<p>One of the chief results of the deliberations at Montauban was the +preparation of a petition to be laid before the king. This paper, which +has come down to us with the signatures of the viscounts, barons, and +other adherents of the Huguenot party, was intended to be an expression +not only of their own individual views, but also of the sentiments of the +churches they represented.<a name="FNanchor_1320_1320" id="FNanchor_1320_1320"></a><a href="#Footnote_1320_1320" class="fnanchor">[1320]</a> The language is sharp and incisive, the +demands are unmistakably bold. For a sufficient justification of their +recent words and actions, the Huguenots of Guyenne point the monarch to +his own letter of the twenty-fourth of August, 1572, by which constraint +was laid upon them to assume arms. They call upon Charles, in accordance +with the promise contained in that letter, to follow up the traces there +alleged to have been found regarding the murder of Gaspard de Coligny, to +appoint impartial judges for this purpose, and to execute exemplary +justice upon the guilty. Not satisfied with claiming the annulling of all +judicial proceedings, the destruction of all monuments erected to +perpetuate the memory of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and the +abolition of processions instituted by the parliaments of Paris and +Toulouse with the same end in view, they call on Charles to make a +dec<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_602" id="Page_602">[Pg 602]</a></span>laration "that justly and for good reasons have 'those of the +religion' taken arms, resisting and warring in these last troubles, as +constrained thereto by the violent acts with which they have been +assailed and driven to distraction." They next demand those concessions +which alone can make the position of the Protestants in France secure and +endurable—freedom of worship and church discipline established by +perpetual provision, irrespective of place or time; the right of +honorable burial; immunity from taxation for the support of Roman +Catholic ceremonies; admission to schools and colleges; just regulations +as to marriage; amnesty; the power to hold civil office, etc. They +request permission to levy a sum of one hundred and twenty thousand +livres among themselves to pay off the indebtedness incurred by them in +past wars. And they go so far as not only to stipulate that the King of +France shall renounce all leagues he may have contracted with the enemies +of his Protestant subjects for their destruction, but even to propose +that he shall conclude a defensive alliance with the Protestant states of +Germany, Switzerland, England, and Scotland. Meanwhile, in order to +prevent the recurrence of "a conspiracy and Sicilian Vespers," of which +the Huguenots would be the victims, they ask to be permitted to hold +forever the guard of those cities which they now have in their +possession, and in addition some other cities in each of the provinces of +the realm. The Protestant cities, it is stipulated, shall retain their +walls and munitions, and the royal governors shall enter them accompanied +only by a small retinue. The observance of these articles the Huguenots +insist shall be solemnly sworn in privy and public council, and by the +inhabitants of all places, the oath to be renewed every five years.<a name="FNanchor_1321_1321" id="FNanchor_1321_1321"></a><a href="#Footnote_1321_1321" class="fnanchor">[1321]</a></p> + +<p>Such stout demands did the Protestants of the south and south-west +address to Charles the Ninth on the first anniversary of the fatal matins +of Paris. They were, it must be admitted, somewhat different from what +might have been expected, a brief year before, from the fugitives who +made their escape<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_603" id="Page_603">[Pg 603]</a></span> from the bloody sword of their enemies. Moreover, the +terms laid down by the Huguenots of Lower Languedoc and Nismes were +conceived in the same brave language, and their demands were virtually +identical. Huguenot troops, paid by the king, to garrison both the cities +now in the hands of the Protestants, and two cities in each of the +sixteen provinces required for additional protection; free worship +irrespective of place; new parliaments in all the provinces, with +Protestant judges to administer justice to Protestants; liberty to levy +tithes for the support of reformed churches; punishment of the +instigators and perpetrators of the atrocities of the Massacre of St. +Bartholomew's Day, as robbers and disturbers of the public peace.<a name="FNanchor_1322_1322" id="FNanchor_1322_1322"></a><a href="#Footnote_1322_1322" class="fnanchor">[1322]</a> +The Tiers État of Provence and Dauphiny added to the demands of Languedoc +and Guyenne an urgent petition in favor of the reduction of the onerous +imposts under which the country was groaning.<a name="FNanchor_1323_1323" id="FNanchor_1323_1323"></a><a href="#Footnote_1323_1323" class="fnanchor">[1323]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">"Les fronts d'airain."</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Catharine's bitter reply.</div> + +<p>The bearers of these demands were well able to give them forcible and +fearless enunciation—Yolet, Philippi, Chavagnac, and others of the men +known by the expressive designation of "Les fronts d'airain."<a name="FNanchor_1324_1324" id="FNanchor_1324_1324"></a><a href="#Footnote_1324_1324" class="fnanchor">[1324]</a> +Assuredly a brow of brass was not out of place, when the Protestant +deputies, after a delay of some weeks, were reluctantly admitted to an +audience. Charles the Ninth and his court were at this time at +Villers-Cotterets, on their way to the eastern frontiers of France, +accompanying the newly elected King of Poland as he slowly and +unwillingly journeyed toward the capital of a kingdom regarded by him in +the light of a detestable place of exile. Contemporary writers inform us +that Yolet and his companions were in no degree overawed by the splendor +of the scene, and made no weak abatement in the terms they had been +instructed to propose. Charles heard them through with patient attention. +He was not a little astonished at the extent of their demands, we may be +certain; but he made no comment upon the courageous assertion of +Protestant rights. Not so with the queen mother. When the deputies had at +length finished their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_604" id="Page_604">[Pg 604]</a></span> harangue, Catharine could no longer contain her +indignation. "Why," she exclaimed with marked bitterness of tone, "if +your Condé himself were alive and in the heart of the kingdom with twenty +thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, and held the chief cities in his +power, he would not make half so great demands!"<a name="FNanchor_1325_1325" id="FNanchor_1325_1325"></a><a href="#Footnote_1325_1325" class="fnanchor">[1325]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenots firm.</div> + +<p>Despite the unwelcome character of the claims of the Huguenot deputies, +some answer must be given. It was found impossible to induce the envoys +to modify them. They denied that they had the power, even if they had the +inclination, to alter the action of those who had sent them. They were +therefore dismissed with expressions of good-will and the assurance that +two royal commissioners, the Duc d'Uzès and the Chevalier de Caylus, +would be sent to treat with the delegates whom the Huguenots might +choose. Marshal Damville, governor of the province, was to participate in +the negotiations and to appoint some city in the vicinity of Montauban +where they might be held. Charles was to hear the result of their +conference on his return from the German borders. Meanwhile he promised +to instruct Damville to put an end to all hostilities, provided the +Huguenots should desist from everything tending to provoke +retaliation.<a name="FNanchor_1326_1326" id="FNanchor_1326_1326"></a><a href="#Footnote_1326_1326" class="fnanchor">[1326]</a> The Tiers État received the answer to their petition +more promptly. It was naturally to the effect that a return to the meagre +scale of imposts under Louis XI. was utterly impracticable, in view of +the burdens of the treasury arising from recent wars and the pensions +yearly payable to various members of the royal family.<a name="FNanchor_1327_1327" id="FNanchor_1327_1327"></a><a href="#Footnote_1327_1327" class="fnanchor">[1327]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Progress of the court to the borders of France.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Decline of the health of Charles IX.</div> + +<p>It would be out of place to describe here at any length the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_605" id="Page_605">[Pg 605]</a></span> slow +progress of the French court as it escorted the King of Poland to the +borders of the realm. To none of the principal personages taking part was +it the occasion of much satisfaction. Catharine was as reluctant to part +from Henry, her favorite son, as he was himself averse to exchange the +pleasures of the Louvre and Saint Germain for the crown of an unruly and +half-civilized kingdom. As for Charles, the gratification he could not +conceal at the prospect of being soon freed from the presence of a +brother whom he both disliked and feared was more than counterbalanced by +the rapid decline of his own health. The boy of eleven, whom the Venetian +ambassador had described about the time of his accession to the throne as +handsome, amiable, and graceful in appearance, quick, vivacious, and +humane—in short, as possessing every quality from which a great prince +and a great king might be expected,<a name="FNanchor_1328_1328" id="FNanchor_1328_1328"></a><a href="#Footnote_1328_1328" class="fnanchor">[1328]</a> was now a man of twenty-three. +But his constitution, never robust, had gained nothing. The violent +exercises to which he had been addicted even as a child, and which, +though princely, had been pronounced dangerous by the ambassador, had +been incessantly practised—the ball, horsemanship, arms—and bodily +feebleness, not strength, had been the result. Other excesses had +contributed to hasten the catastrophe. More than all, if we may believe +the testimony of those who were familiar with the young monarch's later +life, the mental and moral experience of the last eighteen months left +their impress on his physical system. Charles, with the Massacre of St. +Bartholomew's Day, had lost all the elasticity of youth. Remorse for +complicity in the crime then perpetrated co-operated with the persuasion +of the uselessness and complete failure of the attempt to exterminate the +Huguenots, and the consciousness of having incurred the indelible mark of +hatred and detestation of an impartial posterity. Even in his sleeping +hours the curse of the murdered victims pursued him and disturbed his +rest. Neither by day nor by night could he banish the remembrance of the +time when blood ran so freely in the streets of Paris. <span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_606" id="Page_606">[Pg 606]</a></span></p> + +<p>No attentive observer could doubt that the end was drawing near. The +court had gone no farther on its way to Lorraine than the little town of +Vitry-le-Français, on the river Marne, when Charles fell so seriously ill +as to be unable to prosecute his journey. As was usual in such cases, +while the physicians alleged as a sufficient explanation of the attack +the king's immoderate exercise in the chase and in blowing the trumpet, +the more suspicious frequenters of the court and the credulous people did +not hesitate to invent the story that he had been poisoned. But by whom +the crime had been committed was not settled. Some ascribed it to +Catharine, others to Henry of Anjou, while others still laid the guilt at +the door of a person of less note, whose honor the licentious king had +offended.<a name="FNanchor_1329_1329" id="FNanchor_1329_1329"></a><a href="#Footnote_1329_1329" class="fnanchor">[1329]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Project of an English match renewed.</div> + +<p>Meanwhile, neither the monarch's feeble health, nor the journeying of the +court, interrupted the prosecution of those diplomatic intrigues from +which Catharine still looked for valuable results. The election of Henry +to the Polish crown left but one of her sons upon whom the regal dignity +had not been conferred. The prophecy of Nostradamus might have its +complete fulfilment if only a kingdom could be found for Alençon.<a name="FNanchor_1330_1330" id="FNanchor_1330_1330"></a><a href="#Footnote_1330_1330" class="fnanchor">[1330]</a> +Otherwise the superstitious queen mother did not doubt that she was fated +to see not only Charles, but Henry also die, to make place for her +youngest child on the throne of France. La Mothe Fénélon was therefore +instructed to put forth every exertion to bring Queen Elizabeth to the +point of consenting definitely to wed a prince her junior by about a +score of years. Nor did the negotiations appear altogether hopeless. The +suitor was, indeed, we have seen, as insignificant in body as he was +contemptible in intellectual ability. Moreover, the deep traces left on +his face by the small-pox rendered him sufficiently ungainly. The blemish +was said to be increasing, instead of diminishing, with his years.<a name="FNanchor_1331_1331" id="FNanchor_1331_1331"></a><a href="#Footnote_1331_1331" class="fnanchor">[1331]</a> +But the French courtiers might perhaps have overcome this impediment had +Elizabeth been able to see it to be her interest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_607" id="Page_607">[Pg 607]</a></span> to contract such close +relations with her neighbors across the channel. As it was, an agreement +was actually made that Alençon should visit England and press his suit in +person; but when the time arrived for him to cross to Dover, Catharine +justified the despatch of Marshal de Retz in his place, on the plea of +her son's illness. The excuse may have contained some truth,<a name="FNanchor_1332_1332" id="FNanchor_1332_1332"></a><a href="#Footnote_1332_1332" class="fnanchor">[1332]</a> for, +albeit Francis of Alençon had received the baptismal name of Hercules, he +was a puny weakling, from whom no labors could ever be expected, but +rather a dull existence of sloth and imbecility. It was, however, a +stretch even of diplomatic assurance, for La Mothe Fénélon to suggest to +the virgin queen of England, as he deliberately reports that he did, that +Alençon's malady was probably due to his disappointment at Elizabeth's +failure to reciprocate his honest affection!<a name="FNanchor_1333_1333" id="FNanchor_1333_1333"></a><a href="#Footnote_1333_1333" class="fnanchor">[1333]</a> Possibly his mother +and his brother the king may about this time have begun to realize how +impolitic it would be to strengthen overmuch the personal consideration +of the young prince. Disgusted with the subordinate position assigned him +at court, and especially with the failure of his efforts to obtain the +appointment of lieutenant-general of the kingdom, lately held by Henry of +Anjou, Alençon was even now drifting into an association with the +political and religious malcontents whose existence could not altogether +be ignored. The French ambassador at the English court was, however, +instructed by no means to let the projected marriage drop.<a name="FNanchor_1334_1334" id="FNanchor_1334_1334"></a><a href="#Footnote_1334_1334" class="fnanchor">[1334]</a></p> + +<p>With the patriots in the Low Countries and with the Protestant princes of +Germany, the French agents were in even more active conference. In the +Netherlands there was a possibility of securing some high position for +Anjou or Alençon, in Germany<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_608" id="Page_608">[Pg 608]</a></span> a chance to divert the imperial crown from +the Hapsburg to the Valois family, it may reasonably be doubted whether +the project was ever distinctly entertained, as the historian De Thou +asserts,<a name="FNanchor_1335_1335" id="FNanchor_1335_1335"></a><a href="#Footnote_1335_1335" class="fnanchor">[1335]</a> of conferring upon Anjou the command in chief of the +confederates in Flanders, where it was expected that he would have a well +equipped fleet at his disposition; for the correspondence of Gaspard de +Schomberg, the French agent, contains no allusion to the proposal. +Certainly, however, France was, at least, anxious that England should +gain no advantage over her in this part of Europe. In fact, nothing but +the natural fear entertained of the great power and apparently limitless +resources of Spain deterred both Elizabeth and Charles from attempting to +secure the sovereignty of the revolted Netherlands.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Intrigues with the German princes.</div> + +<p>In Germany the field for intrigue was more open. The imperial dignity had +not yet become purely hereditary. In choosing a new King of the Romans, +the presumptive heir of the German Empire, the three Protestant Electors, +if they could but secure the concurrence of one of the four Roman +Catholic Electors, might have it in their power to correct the mistake +committed by Frederick the Wise of Saxony, a half-century earlier, in +declining the crown in favor of Charles of Spain. Schomberg was therefore +instructed to recommend to the Protestants of Germany and the Low +Countries, that one of their own number should be placed in the line of +succession to the Empire, or, if they could find no German Protestant +prince sufficiently powerful to oppose the Hapsburgs, that the dignity +should be offered to the King of France. This was a somewhat startling +suggestion to emanate from a king who, but a brief twelvemonth before had +been butchering his Protestant subjects by tens of thousands. But the +sixteenth century furnishes not a few paradoxes equally remarkable. Both +Protestants and Roman Catholics often found it convenient to have very +short memories. In this case, however, the proposal to set aside the son +of the tolerant Maximilian the Second in behalf of a son of Catharine de' +Medici met with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_609" id="Page_609">[Pg 609]</a></span> little favor at the hands of one at least of the +Protestant leaders. The Landgrave of Hesse declared he would have nothing +to do with a project intended solely to sow divisions in the empire. The +French, since the successful issue of their intrigues in Poland, he said, +had become so arrogant that they thought they must be nothing less than +masters of the whole world.<a name="FNanchor_1336_1336" id="FNanchor_1336_1336"></a><a href="#Footnote_1336_1336" class="fnanchor">[1336]</a> As for himself, he was quite satisfied +with the present emperor, whom he prayed that God might long preserve, +and then graciously provide them in his place with a pious Christian +leader who should rule the empire well and faithfully.<a name="FNanchor_1337_1337" id="FNanchor_1337_1337"></a><a href="#Footnote_1337_1337" class="fnanchor">[1337]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Count Louis of Nassau.</div> + +<p>At Blamont, in the duchy of Lorraine, Catharine took leave of the King of +Poland. Here the old ally of the Huguenots, Louis of Nassau, accompanied +by Duke Christopher, younger son of the elector palatine, met them. Louis +had been unremitting in his efforts to obtain French assistance in the +desperate struggle in which he and his brother were engaged. If words and +assurances could be of any worth, he was successful. Catharine promised +in Charles's name that France would not be behind the German Protestant +princes in rendering assistance to the Dutch patriots. Louis was so +cordially received by the queen mother, and especially by Alençon, that +he departed greatly encouraged with the prospect. Alençon had pressed the +Dutch patriot's hand, and whispered in his ear: "I now have the +government, as my brother, the King of Poland formerly had it, and I +shall devote myself wholly to seconding the efforts of the Prince of +Orange."<a name="FNanchor_1338_1338" id="FNanchor_1338_1338"></a><a href="#Footnote_1338_1338" class="fnanchor">[1338]</a> The promised succor from France Nassau never received. +Four months later (on the four<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_610" id="Page_610">[Pg 610]</a></span>teenth of April, 1574) the brave young +count, in company with his friend and comrade, Duke Christopher, lost his +life in the fatal battle of Mook, on the banks of the Meuse.<a name="FNanchor_1339_1339" id="FNanchor_1339_1339"></a><a href="#Footnote_1339_1339" class="fnanchor">[1339]</a> Not +the Prince of Orange nor Holland alone, but the entire Protestant world +deplored the untimely death of one of the boldest and most unselfish of +the champions of religion and liberty.</p> + +<p>With the details of the journey of Henry of Anjou to take possession of +his new kingdom, we cannot here concern ourselves. One incident, however, +naturally connects itself with the fortunes of the French Huguenots.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Anjou's reception at Heidelberg.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Frankness of the elector palatine.</div> + +<p>After traversing Alsace, Henry and his suite presented themselves, +unwelcome guests, at Heidelberg, capital of the palatinate. The Elector, +Frederick the Third, and his subjects were, perhaps, equally displeased +at the arrival of the prime mover in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's +Day. But, while the people felt some freedom in the expression of their +disgust, motives of state policy prevented their prince from openly +displaying his antipathy. However, he neither could nor would conceal the +lively remembrance in which the events of August, 1572, were still held +by him. It was on Friday, the eleventh of December, that the French +party, under the escort of a large body of soldiers sent out to do them +honor, ascended to the castle, then as now occupying a commanding site +overlooking the valley of the Neckar.<a name="FNanchor_1340_1340" id="FNanchor_1340_1340"></a><a href="#Footnote_1340_1340" class="fnanchor">[1340]</a> The King of Poland was +somewhat surprised when, on entering the portal, instead of the elector, +the rhinegrave, with two French refugees escaped from the massacre, came +to escort him to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_611" id="Page_611">[Pg 611]</a></span> rooms prepared for his reception. Frederick had +directed the rhinegrave to request Henry to excuse this apparent +discourtesy on the ground of his feeble health. It is more probable that +the true motive was the elector's desire to avoid incurring, by too great +complaisance, the displeasure of the emperor, who was naturally much +irritated at the success of the French intrigues in Poland. When, later, +Frederick made his tardy appearance, it was only to greet Anjou in a +brief address, reserving for the morrow their more extended conference. +On Saturday the elector politely conducted his guest through his +extensive picture gallery. Pausing before one painting the face of which +was protected from sight, he ordered an attendant to draw aside the +curtain. To his astonishment, Henry found himself confronted with a +life-like portrait of Gaspard de Coligny. To the question, "Does your +Royal Highness recognize the subject?" Henry replied with sufficient +composure: "I do; it is the late Admiral of France." "Yes," rejoined +Frederick, "it is the admiral—a man whom I have found, of all the French +nobles, the most zealous for the glory of the French name; and I am not +afraid to assert that in him the king and all France have sustained an +irreparable loss." Elsewhere Henry's attention was directed to a large +painting representing the very scenes of the massacre, and he was asked +whether he could distinguish any of the victims. Nor did Frederick +confine himself to these casual references. In pointed terms he exposed +to the young Valois both the sin and the mistaken policy of the events of +a twelvemonth since. The slaughter of the admiral and of so many other +innocent men and women had not only provoked the Divine retribution, but +had diminished not a little the reputation and influence of the French +with all orders of persons in Germany.<a name="FNanchor_1341_1341" id="FNanchor_1341_1341"></a><a href="#Footnote_1341_1341" class="fnanchor">[1341]</a> Henry listened with +commendable patience to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_612" id="Page_612">[Pg 612]</a></span> old elector's denunciations, alleging by way +of excuse that the French court had been under the influence of the +passions then running high, and readily promised great caution and +tolerance in future.<a name="FNanchor_1342_1342" id="FNanchor_1342_1342"></a><a href="#Footnote_1342_1342" class="fnanchor">[1342]</a> He did, indeed, strike on his breast and +begged Frederick to believe him that things had occurred otherwise than +had been reported. But his auditor dryly remarked that he was fully +informed of what had taken place in France.<a name="FNanchor_1343_1343" id="FNanchor_1343_1343"></a><a href="#Footnote_1343_1343" class="fnanchor">[1343]</a> As the elector also +took occasion to remind Anjou of sundry miserable deaths of notorious +persecutors, such as Herod the Great, Herod Agrippa, and Maxentius; as he +openly ridiculed the absurd suggestion that Coligny, a wounded man, with +both arms disabled in consequence of Maurevel's shot, planned on his bed +an attack on the king; and as, furthermore, he plainly denounced the +shocking immorality of Catharine de' Medici's court ladies—it must be +confessed that Frederick the Pious, on the present occasion, made more of +a virtue of frankness than of diplomacy.<a name="FNanchor_1344_1344" id="FNanchor_1344_1344"></a><a href="#Footnote_1344_1344" class="fnanchor">[1344]</a></p> + +<p>On Sunday the French left Heidelberg, with little regret on their own +part or on that of their hosts. Not to speak of their treatment by the +elector, which even the historian De Thou regarded as scarcely comporting +with the dignity with which Henry was invested,<a name="FNanchor_1345_1345" id="FNanchor_1345_1345"></a><a href="#Footnote_1345_1345" class="fnanchor">[1345]</a> the followers of +the Polish king met with frequent insults, both in coming and in going. +One of them relates how he heard cries of "Those dogs from Lorraine! +Those Italian traitors!" And a German eye-witness of the scenes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_613" id="Page_613">[Pg 613]</a></span> +expresses it as his opinion that the French nobles would not have been +safe had they not been escorted by the palatine troops. The sight of +"that notable cut-throat, the Duke of Nevers," of the Marshal de Retz, of +Captain Du Gast, and "very many others of that band of villains who so +cruelly butchered the admiral and other nobles in Paris," provoked the +populace almost beyond endurance. The very diamonds and jewels presented +by Henry on his departure, to the elector and to the ladies of his court, +aroused the popular indignation; for they were known, as we have already +seen, to have constituted a part of the plunder of a certain rich +Huguenot jeweller, whose shop had been robbed at the time of the Parisian +matins.<a name="FNanchor_1346_1346" id="FNanchor_1346_1346"></a><a href="#Footnote_1346_1346" class="fnanchor">[1346]</a> There were not wanting those who would even have counselled +the worthy elector to follow the course indicated by the Spanish grandee, +who informed Charles the Fifth that he intended to burn his castle to the +ground so soon as the traitorous Constable de Bourbon had relieved it of +his polluting presence.<a name="FNanchor_1347_1347" id="FNanchor_1347_1347"></a><a href="#Footnote_1347_1347" class="fnanchor">[1347]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Last days of Chancellor de l'Hospital.</div> + +<p>Meantime, within the borders of France all was ferment and disquiet. The +Roman Catholic element, comprising the overwhelming majority of the +people, had become split into two factions, both animated by +inextinguishable hatred, and each resolved to compass the destruction of +the other. Of conciliatory measures there was a dearth. Among the men of +wide influence there was no one to take the place of the virtuous Michel +de l'Hospital. That truly great statesman had died nine months before (on +the thirteenth of March, 1573). The storm of war at that moment raging +about La Rochelle was a fit expression of the utter failure of the aged +chancellor's policy. For a dozen years there had not been a candid and +sincere effort made to restore tranquillity to France which had not +either originated with him or received his cordial support. But of the +sanguine hopes of ultimate success entertained in the earlier stages of +his political career, he retained little toward its close. The last years +of his presence at court witnessed an uninterrupted struggle between the +chan<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_614" id="Page_614">[Pg 614]</a></span>cellor and that family of Guise which he had come to regard as the +prime cause of the misery afflicting the kingdom. More than once the +latent personal hostility had broken out in an open quarrel between +L'Hospital and the Cardinal of Lorraine. Two or three exciting scenes of +recrimination, which the tact of Catharine de' Medici was scarcely able +to allay, have met us in this history. At length, when the third civil +war burst forth, L'Hospital, seeing himself altogether powerless to +resist the more violent counsels then in the ascendant, had received +permission to retire from the royal court to his estate in the vicinity +of Étampes.<a name="FNanchor_1348_1348" id="FNanchor_1348_1348"></a><a href="#Footnote_1348_1348" class="fnanchor">[1348]</a> It was none the less an exile that it wore the +appearance of a voluntary withdrawal. Birague discharged the real +functions of the chancellor's office. Finally, after barely escaping a +violent death in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, the chancellor +received, in January, 1573, the formal order to give up the guardianship +of the seals, which for more than four years had been only nominally +under his control. His touching reply to the royal summons is the last +production of the chancellor's pen that has come down to us. Interposing +no obstacle to the execution of the king's will, the writer invoked the +testimony of the queen mother that, in all things pertaining to the royal +interests, "he had been forgetful rather of his own advantage than of the +king's service, and had always followed <i>the great royal road</i>, turning +neither to the right hand nor to the left, and giving himself to no +private faction." "And now," he added, "that my maladies and my age have +rendered me useless to do you service, just as you have seen the old +galleys in the port of Marseilles, which, though dismantled, are yet +regarded with pleasure, so I very humbly beg you to view me both in my +present state and my past, which shall be an instruction and an example +to all your subjects to do you good service. God give you grace to choose +servants and counsellors more com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_615" id="Page_615">[Pg 615]</a></span>petent than I have been, and as +affectionate and devoted to your service as I am." The closing words were +characteristic of the life-long advocate of toleration: a recommendation +of gentleness and clemency, in imitation of a long-suffering and +pardoning God.<a name="FNanchor_1349_1349" id="FNanchor_1349_1349"></a><a href="#Footnote_1349_1349" class="fnanchor">[1349]</a> Two months later Michel de l'Hospital ended his +eventful life. France could ill afford to lose at this juncture a +magistrate<a name="FNanchor_1350_1350" id="FNanchor_1350_1350"></a><a href="#Footnote_1350_1350" class="fnanchor">[1350]</a> so upright—a statesman who "had the lilies of France in +his heart."<a name="FNanchor_1351_1351" id="FNanchor_1351_1351"></a><a href="#Footnote_1351_1351" class="fnanchor">[1351]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The party of the "Politiques."</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Hotman's Franco-Gallia.</div> + +<p>Since the siege of La Rochelle, or more properly since the day of the +massacre, a new party had been forming, of those who could not bring +themselves to approve the cruel acts of the court, or who, for any +reason, were jealous of the faction now in power. As opposed to the +Italian counsellors by whom the queen mother had surrounded the throne, +it was pre-eminently a French or patriotic party. It demanded the +expulsion of Florentines and of Lorrainers from the kingdom, or at least +from the management of public affairs. The "Malcontents," or +"Politiques," as they now began to be called,<a name="FNanchor_1352_1352" id="FNanchor_1352_1352"></a><a href="#Footnote_1352_1352" class="fnanchor">[1352]</a> demanded a return to +the former usages of the kingdom, in accordance with which the most +important decisions were never made without consulting the States +General. Two books appearing about this time made a deep impression. In +an anonymous treatise entitled "Franco-Gallia," the authorship of which +was speedily traced to the eminent jurist Francis Hotman, attention was +drawn to the original constitution of the kingdom; and the writer showed +by irrefragable proofs that the regal dignity was not hereditary like a +private possession, but was a gift of the people, which they could as +lawfully transfer from one to another, as originally confer. The +participation of women in the administration of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_616" id="Page_616">[Pg 616]</a></span> government was +declared to be abhorrent to the ideas of the founders of the French +monarchy.<a name="FNanchor_1353_1353" id="FNanchor_1353_1353"></a><a href="#Footnote_1353_1353" class="fnanchor">[1353]</a> In another work appearing not long after, the principle +was enunciated that an unbounded obedience is due to the Almighty alone, +while obedience to human magistrates is in its very nature subject to +limitations and exceptions. The supreme authority of kings and other high +magistrates was explained to be of such a nature "that if they violate +the laws, to the observance of which they have bound themselves by oath, +and become manifest tyrants, giving no room for better counsels, then it +is lawful for the inferior magistrates to make provision both for +themselves and for those committed to their charge, and oppose the +tyrant."<a name="FNanchor_1354_1354" id="FNanchor_1354_1354"></a><a href="#Footnote_1354_1354" class="fnanchor">[1354]</a> The circumstance is not without significance that in a +Huguenot work, published early in the succeeding year, the guilty king +who authorized the butchery of his innocent subjects on St. Bartholomew's +Day, is for the first time distinctly designated as the "tyrant."<a name="FNanchor_1355_1355" id="FNanchor_1355_1355"></a><a href="#Footnote_1355_1355" class="fnanchor">[1355]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Treacherous attempt on La Rochelle.</div> + +<p>The lesson that no trust could be reposed in Charles and his court was +one which the world had learned pretty thoroughly before this; and the +events at La Rochelle during the month of December, 1573, were well +calculated to prevent it from being forgotten. The definite peace, made +five months before, guaranteed the safety of the Protestants, and secured +to them the free exercise of their religious rights. None the less was a +project set on foot to introduce a royal garrison into the city by +treachery. M. de Biron and other captains had been unable to conceal +their disgust at the abandonment of the siege of La Rochelle, when, as +they pretended, it must very shortly have fallen into the king's hands, +and Biron had been soundly berated by Anjou for his pains. He had not, +however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_617" id="Page_617">[Pg 617]</a></span> given up the notion of making himself master of the Huguenot +stronghold, and there were others in the royal army intent upon the same +end. A scheme to smuggle soldiers through the gates, in wagons covered +with branches of trees, was so freely talked of that it reached the +citizens' ears, and only augmented their suspicions. A more serious plot +was set on foot, in accordance with which one Jacques du Lyon, Seigneur +de Grandfief, prominent in the late defence of La Rochelle, was to gain +possession of one of the city gates, and admit Puigaillard, who, for this +purpose, had massed considerable numbers of royal soldiers at Nuaillé, on +the east, and at Saint-Vivien, on the south of La Rochelle. Happily the +treacherous design was itself betrayed by an accomplice. Grandfief was +killed while defending himself against those who had been sent to arrest +him. Several of the supposed leaders<a name="FNanchor_1356_1356" id="FNanchor_1356_1356"></a><a href="#Footnote_1356_1356" class="fnanchor">[1356]</a> were condemned to be broken on +the wheel, and the barbarous sentence was executed. The papers discovered +in the house of Grandfief clearly proved that the plot had received the +full approval not only of Biron, but of the queen mother herself. After +inflicting summary vengeance on the miserable instruments of perfidy, the +Rochellois, therefore, addressed their complaints to the French court. It +need not surprise us, however, to learn that they received in reply +letters from Charles not only disowning the conspiracy, but assuring them +that he heartily detested it, and approved the rigorous measures +adopted.<a name="FNanchor_1357_1357" id="FNanchor_1357_1357"></a><a href="#Footnote_1357_1357" class="fnanchor">[1357]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Huguenots reassemble at Milhau.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">They complete their organization.</div> + +<p>Shortly before the discovery of the conspiracy at La Rochelle, the +Huguenots had again assembled at Milhau-en-Rouergue. The delegates, about +one hundred in number, represented very fully the gentry and tiers état +of the south and south-west of France, while a few names from the central +and northern provinces indicated the weaker hold gained by Protestantism +in that portion of the kingdom.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_618" id="Page_618">[Pg 618]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_1358_1358" id="FNanchor_1358_1358"></a><a href="#Footnote_1358_1358" class="fnanchor">[1358]</a> Ostensibly meeting, with the royal +permission, to receive the report of the commissioners sent to the king, +and to entertain the terms proposed by Marshal Damville, the Huguenots +availed themselves of the opportunity to perfect the organization of +their party which had been sketched in previous political assemblies. +Accepting it as notorious that, whether in time of peace, or of open war, +or of truce, the Protestants were in peril from the daily intrigues and +assaults of their enemies, all tending to their complete ruin, the +Huguenot assembly renewed and swore to maintain a permanent union +comprising all their brethren of the same faith not only in France +proper, but in the papal Comtât Venaissin, the principality of Orange, +and other districts less closely united to the crown. To this end they +determined that the "States General," composed of a delegate from the +nobility, the tiers état, and the magistracy of each "généralité" or +government, should meet every six months; while the particular assemblies +of the governments should be convened at least as often as once in three +months. The functions of the generals and their councils were expressly +limited to the military and financial concerns of the Huguenots, with +other matters of public interest. They were strictly forbidden from +intermeddling, under any pretext, with the discharge of civil or criminal +justice. This last function was to be referred to the royal courts, save +that, instead of appealing to the parliaments, known to be too hostile to +Protestantism to afford hope of obtaining justice, arbitrators were to be +chosen by the Protestants among themselves.<a name="FNanchor_1359_1359" id="FNanchor_1359_1359"></a><a href="#Footnote_1359_1359" class="fnanchor">[1359]</a> Not forgetting their +common religious bond, the Huguenots at Milhau declared it to be the duty +of the ministers of God's word and of the consistories to keep watch over +criminal and dissolute behavior, and denounce it for punishment to the +civil magistrate. At the same time, in order that the ministers might be +the better able to devote themselves to their sacred functions, it was +directed that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_619" id="Page_619">[Pg 619]</a></span> they be regularly paid from the common funds "without +making any further use of notices (billettes) or other unworthy and +illusory methods, as has been done heretofore, to the great scandal of +all good people." The levy of imposts and the creation of loans were made +the exclusive right of the particular states, while the administration of +the funds arising from the royal revenues was to be intrusted to the +provincial councils.<a name="FNanchor_1360_1360" id="FNanchor_1360_1360"></a><a href="#Footnote_1360_1360" class="fnanchor">[1360]</a></p> + +<p>Such were the chief features in a plan for organization evidently looking +to the speedy renewal of the warfare temporarily suspended by virtue of +the truce.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">The Duke of Alençon.</div> + +<p>While the revelation of the treacherous attempt of the royal party upon +La Rochelle proved to the Politiques, or Malcontents, the impossibility +of relying upon the assurances given in the name of Charles the Ninth, +the resolutions of the Huguenots in Milhau encouraged them in their +project to remove the present advisers of the king. In the absence of any +better leader, they looked to the Duke of Alençon as their head. He alone +of the royal family was guiltless of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's +Day. His antagonism to Anjou and to his mother was well known. It was +even reported that he had himself been exposed to serious danger by +reason of his avowed sympathy with the imprisoned King of Navarre and his +cousin of Condé. In fact, he was himself little better than a captive at +the court of Charles—eyed with suspicion, unable to obtain favors for +his friends, and vainly suing to be appointed to the office of +lieutenant-general of the kingdom. It was perhaps not strange that, in +looking about for a nominal head, the Politiques should have settled upon +Alençon, who received their overtures with undisguised satisfaction and +large promises of support. And yet there could scarcely have been a more +unhappy selection. Of the feeble children of Catharine de' Medici, he was +undoubtedly the feeblest. He possessed neither the courage to undertake +nor the fortitude to prosecute any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_620" id="Page_620">[Pg 620]</a></span> really bold enterprise. All who had +the misfortune at any time to credit his plighted word discovered in +their own cases a fresh and pointed application of the warning against +putting trust in princes. Of him Busbec, the emperor's ambassador, gave a +life-like delineation when he characterized him as "a prince who allowed +himself to be ensnared by the bad counsels of unskilful ministers, who +could not distinguish friends from flatterers, nor a great from a good +reputation; ready to undertake, still more ready to desist; always +inconstant, restless, and frivolous; always prepared to disturb the best +established tranquillity."<a name="FNanchor_1361_1361" id="FNanchor_1361_1361"></a><a href="#Footnote_1361_1361" class="fnanchor">[1361]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Glandage plunders the city of Orange.</div> + +<p>Circumstances almost beyond their control seemed now to be forcing the +Huguenots to make common cause with the Malcontents. Yet there were not +wanting those who looked upon the alliance as more likely to retard than +to advance their true interests, and who pointed with convincing force to +the disastrous results of a similar union in the time of the tumult of +Amboise, fourteen years before. The cloak of the reformed name, they +argued, would certainly be assumed by men having no desire for a +reformation of manners or morals—men whose lives would only dishonor the +cause with which they were supposed to be identified. Nor was the fear an +idle one, as was shown by an incident that occurred about this very time. +The truce which had been made for Languedoc did not extend to the Comtât +Venaissin. Naturally enough, there were many in the Huguenot ranks who, +remembering past injuries received at the hands of the troops of the +Pope, were not unwilling to turn their arms in this direction. But their +leader was no Huguenot. M. de Glandage, a gentleman of Dauphiny, was a +soldier of fortune, and would doubtless have fought with as little +reluctance against the Protestants as for them, had it been to his +advantage to enlist under the papal standard. As it was otherwise, he +made himself master of the city of Orange, with the assistance of a party +of citizens, and expelled Berchon, who, in the name of William the +Silent, had strictly abstained from acts of hostility against the +neighboring pontifi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_621" id="Page_621">[Pg 621]</a></span>cal towns. Not so with the new governor of Orange. +The city became the starting-point for a continuous series of incursions. +It was not war, but open rapine. The very traders were plundered of their +wares when they fell into his hands. One might have fancied that a +mediæval robber-baron had reappeared on the banks of the Rhône. It was +true that Glandage, making a virtue of bluntness, was wont to say that +"there was nothing Huguenot about him but the point of his sword." None +the less did his violent acts bring discredit upon the Huguenots.<a name="FNanchor_1362_1362" id="FNanchor_1362_1362"></a><a href="#Footnote_1362_1362" class="fnanchor">[1362]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Montbrun's exploits in Dauphiny.</div> + +<p>Although war had not yet been formally resumed, there were parts of +France in which it already raged, or rather where peace had never been +restored. This was the case in particular on both banks of the Rhône, in +Dauphiny and in Vivarez and the adjoining districts. So rapid had been +the movements of the veteran Huguenot chief Montbrun, and so successful +every blow he struck, that terror spread far and wide. Important towns +fell into his hands; a rich abbey but a few miles from Grenoble was +plundered, and the silent monks of St. Bruno, in the secluded retreat of +the Grande Chartreuse—the mother house of their order—were glad to +summon troops to defend their rich fields from a similar fate.<a name="FNanchor_1363_1363" id="FNanchor_1363_1363"></a><a href="#Footnote_1363_1363" class="fnanchor">[1363]</a> From +Lyons to Avignon the Huguenots were stronger than the king's +forces.<a name="FNanchor_1364_1364" id="FNanchor_1364_1364"></a><a href="#Footnote_1364_1364" class="fnanchor">[1364]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">La Rochelle resumes arms. Beginning of the fifth religious +war.</div> + +<p>But the time for hollow truce and a desultory and irregular warfare was +rapidly passing away. It was but little more than a month after the +beginning of the new year before the conflagration again burst forth. The +Protestants of all parts of the kingdom were at length of one mind; there +was no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_622" id="Page_622">[Pg 622]</a></span> room for doubt that any hopes offered them had as their sole +object to sow discord among the adherents of the reformed faith. If +anything had been wanting to prove this, it was made clear by the refusal +of the court to extend the benefits of the Edict of Pacification of July, +1573, to the whole of France. The limitation of the liberty of worship by +the provisions of that edict to La Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes, was +evidently intended to render the inhabitants of the three strongest +Huguenot cities selfishly indifferent to the injustice done to their +brethren in other parts of France. In fact, this result was partially +effected in the first of the cities named. The Rochellois were at first +very reluctant to resume hostilities, and began to plead conscientious +scruples forbidding them to break the compact made with the king. Happily +their hesitation was removed by François de la Noue, who, returning in a +capacity entirely different from that in which he had last appeared, used +all the arts of persuasion to induce the Huguenot stronghold by the sea +to become again the rallying-point for the Protestants of the west. It +was not difficult to show the citizens, when once they would listen to +reason, that the starving of Sancerre and numberless murders of adherents +of the reformed doctrine throughout France were violations of the peace +quite sufficient to justify its formal abrogation by the injured party. +The fears dictated by apparent weakness were dispelled by pointing to the +signal success that had crowned the arms of Montbrun in Dauphiny,<a name="FNanchor_1365_1365" id="FNanchor_1365_1365"></a><a href="#Footnote_1365_1365" class="fnanchor">[1365]</a> +while the reluctance of loyal subjects to rise in arms against their +lawful sovereign, even in order to redress great wrongs, unless +authorized by the leadership of a prince of the blood, was answered by +the assurance that they would have a head of much higher rank than any +under whose protection the Huguenots had heretofore taken the +field.<a name="FNanchor_1366_1366" id="FNanchor_1366_1366"></a><a href="#Footnote_1366_1366" class="fnanchor">[1366]</a> It was clear that the personage thus hinted at could be no +other than the king's brother. No wonder that the Rochellois yielded to +La Noue's arguments, for almost<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_623" id="Page_623">[Pg 623]</a></span> every Roman Catholic whose hands were +clean of the blood shed in the massacre applauded the justice of the new +uprising.<a name="FNanchor_1367_1367" id="FNanchor_1367_1367"></a><a href="#Footnote_1367_1367" class="fnanchor">[1367]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Diplomacy tried in vain.</div> + +<p>The city of La Rochelle began again to repair its shattered walls, and La +Noue was unanimously appointed to the chief command of the Huguenots in +Saintonge and the adjacent regions. In the effort next made to prevent +the great Protestant leader from espousing the side of his brethren, and +to persuade the city of La Rochelle to rest content with the guarantees +offered by the edict of 1573, and remain neutral in the coming conflict, +Catharine and her advisers signally failed. The royal envoys—Biron, +Strozzi and Pinart—were, indeed, courteously treated by La Noue, +Frontenay, and Mirambeau, who repeatedly came out to meet them at the +village of Ernandes. But the Huguenots, in reply to their reiterated +request, declined absolutely to abate a single important point in their +demands. They would not hear the suggestion that by the Edict of +Boulogne, in 1573, previous ordinances had been repealed, but persisted +in assuming that Charles had always intended that the edict of 1570 +should remain in force, and, in proof of this, they alleged one of the +king's own declarations after the massacre. They insisted that the +privileges accorded to the three privileged cities of La Rochelle, +Montauban, and Nismes, should be extended to the Protestant nobility +throughout the kingdom; and when Biron and his companions reluctantly +consented that the right to have baptism and marriage celebrated in their +houses be conceded to all Protestant noblemen who enjoyed the right of +"haute justice," and who had always remained constant in their religious +opinions, La Noue protested against the restriction to baptism and +marriage. "We desire to worship God freely," he said, "and you give only +a part of what we need for the exercise of our religion. What you offer +is a snare to catch us again and expose us to greater peril than we were +ever in before. But we would much rather die with arms in our hands than +be involved again in such disasters."<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_624" id="Page_624">[Pg 624]</a></span></p> + +<p>In vain did the royalists assure them that the king was ready to grant +the Protestants complete liberty of conscience and protection against +their enemies, but could not give them what they demanded. In vain did +they repeat in substance the famous exclamation of Catharine de' Medici, +and say, among other arguments: "You could make no greater demands if the +king had nothing ready, and you had a large and powerful army, with all +the advantages you could desire; whereas, we know full well that you are +feeble in every direction, and that the king has great forces, as you +yourselves must be aware." The Huguenots had the Massacre of St. +Bartholomew's Day on their tongues continually,<a name="FNanchor_1368_1368" id="FNanchor_1368_1368"></a><a href="#Footnote_1368_1368" class="fnanchor">[1368]</a> and could not be +fed with fair promises. They required securities. First, Charles must +give them a city in each province of the kingdom, as a refuge in case +they were assailed. Next, the maintenance of the promises made to them +must be guaranteed by the signatures of the princes of the blood and all +the chief nobles, by governors, by lieutenants-general, and by the gentry +of the provinces, as well as by the chief inhabitants of the towns. +Hostages must be interchanged. While the last and most remarkable +proposal of all was, "that his Majesty, on his part, and the Huguenots, +on theirs, should place a large sum of money in the hands of some German +prince, who should promise to employ it in levying and paying a body of +reiters to be used against that party which should violate the peace." +All this was to be registered in the various parliaments and in the +inferior courts of the bailiwicks and sénéchaussées. The king was further +requested to call the States General within three months, to give the +royal edict of pacification their formal sanction.<a name="FNanchor_1369_1369" id="FNanchor_1369_1369"></a><a href="#Footnote_1369_1369" class="fnanchor">[1369]</a></p> + +<p>We need not be surprised that a conference to which the two parties +brought views so diametrically opposed, should have proved utterly +abortive.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_625" id="Page_625">[Pg 625]</a></span></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The "Politiques" make an unsuccessful rising.</div> + +<p>It scarcely falls within the province of this history to narrate in +detail the unsuccessful attempt of the Malcontents, made some weeks +before the negotiations just described, to overthrow the government, +whose bad counsels were believed to be the cause of the misery under +which France was groaning; for the alliance between the Malcontents and +the Huguenots was only fortuitous and partial. A few words of +explanation, however, seem to be necessary. The plan contemplated a +simultaneous uprising on the tenth of March. The day had been selected by +La Noue himself, who rightly judged that the license and uproar indulged +in by the populace up to a late hour in the night of "Mardi Gras" (Shrove +Tuesday) would greatly facilitate the military undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_1370_1370" id="FNanchor_1370_1370"></a><a href="#Footnote_1370_1370" class="fnanchor">[1370]</a> Alençon +and the King of Navarre, who, since the massacre immediately succeeding +his nuptials, had found himself less a guest than a captive at court, +were to flee secretly to Sedan, where they would find safety under the +protection of the Duc de Bouillon. For the influence of this great +nobleman, together with the still more powerful support of the +Montmorency family, was given to the projected movement. But the timidity +and vacillation of Alençon frustrated the well-conceived design. Ten days +or a fortnight before the set time for the escape of the princes from +court, Navarre, who, under pretext of hunting, had been allowed to leave +the royal palace of Saint Germain, received a secret visit from M. de +Guitry, a gentleman who had succeeded in bringing into the vicinity an +armed body of the confederates. The meeting took place by night, in +Navarre's bedchamber, in the little hamlet of St. Prix.<a name="FNanchor_1371_1371" id="FNanchor_1371_1371"></a><a href="#Footnote_1371_1371" class="fnanchor">[1371]</a> On the +morrow Guitry found means to confer with M. de Thoré, Turenne, and La +Nocle, "all in despair by reason of Alençon's variable moods."<a name="FNanchor_1372_1372" id="FNanchor_1372_1372"></a><a href="#Footnote_1372_1372" class="fnanchor">[1372]</a> This +feeble prince, it would seem, was not even yet decided, and trembled at +the peril he might run in at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_626" id="Page_626">[Pg 626]</a></span>tempting to reach Sedan. Under these +circumstances the plan of flight was modified. Guitry was instructed to +bring his force nearer to St. Germain, and wait for Alençon and Navarre, +who, under his escort, were to gain Mantes, a little farther down the +Seine, and perhaps ultimately join the confederates near La Rochelle. +Guitry waited in vain: Alençon and Navarre never came.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Flight of the court from St. Germain.</div> + +<p>Either Alençon himself, or La Mole, his favorite, in his name, betrayed +the project to the queen mother. The discovery of a body of armed men in +the vicinity, albeit they gave assurance that they meant no injury to the +king, threw the entire court into consternation. Catharine, reminding +Charles that her soothsayers had long since warned her of Saint Germain +as a place that boded no good to her or hers, was among the first to +flee, leaving the king, who was ill with quartan fever, to follow the +next day.<a name="FNanchor_1373_1373" id="FNanchor_1373_1373"></a><a href="#Footnote_1373_1373" class="fnanchor">[1373]</a> The court partook of Catharine's terror, and imitated her +example. Layman and churchman vied in haste to gain Paris, whence in a +few days they retreated in a more leisurely manner to the safer refuge of +the castle of Vincennes. While some hurried by the main road, or picked +their way along the banks of the Seine, others took to boats as a less +dangerous means of conveyance. But, among those who joined in the +disorderly flight, there were some who retained their composure +sufficiently to note the ludicrous features of the scene. Long after they +recalled with undisguised amusement the terror-stricken countenances of +the new chancellor and of three French cardinals, as, mounted on fiery +Italian or Spanish steeds, they clung with both hands to the saddle-bow, +evidently fearing their horses even more than the dreaded Huguenot.<a name="FNanchor_1374_1374" id="FNanchor_1374_1374"></a><a href="#Footnote_1374_1374" class="fnanchor">[1374]</a> +It was a very pretty farce; but the tragedy was yet to come.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_627" id="Page_627">[Pg 627]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote">A second failure.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">Alençon and Navarre examined.</div> + +<p>A second attempt at flight made by Alençon and Navarre also failed, +through the treachery of one of those to whom the secret had been +confided. Alençon and Navarre were now placed under close guard, and +subjected to long and repeated examinations before a royal commission. +Alençon was sufficiently craven in his bearing, and did not hesitate by +his admissions to involve in ruin the minor instruments in the execution +of the plan. Navarre, in his answers to the interrogatories, displayed a +courageous frankness. He was not, in truth, content with a simple denial +of the evil designs attributed to him. On the contrary, he availed +himself of the opportunity to rehearse the grievances under which he had +been suffering for nearly two years. Detained at court only to find +himself an object of suspicion, his ears had been filled with successive +rumors of an approaching massacre, a second St. Bartholomew's Day, when +he would not be spared in the general destruction. These rumors had, +indeed, been declared false by the Duke of Anjou, before the walls of La +Rochelle, but that prince had failed to keep the promises made before his +departure for Poland—to commend Navarre to the royal favor. Consequently +he had been subjected to the indignity of frequently being refused +admission to the presence of Charles, while seeing La Chastre, and others +of those who had figured most prominently among the actors in the +Parisian matins, freely received at the king's rising. He had at length +resolved to leave the court in company with his cousin of Alençon, partly +in order to consult his own safety, partly that he might restore order in +his estates of Béarn and Navarre, now suffering from his protracted +absence. When his design had come to the queen mother's knowledge, he had +explained the motives of his action to her, and obtained the promise of +her protection. Subsequently there had reached him the intelligence that +he was to be imprisoned with Alençon in the castle of Vincennes; +whereupon he had renewed the attempt to escape the impending peril. In +his second examination, in the presence of Catharine de' Medici and his +uncle, Cardinal Bourbon, Henry reiterated his statements respecting the +alarming reports that continually reached him. At one time<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_628" id="Page_628">[Pg 628]</a></span> he learned +that it was decided that, should Margaret of Navarre bear a son, the +luckless father would be put out of the way, in order that the child +might inherit his dignities. At another time, in the very chamber of King +Charles, the opinion had been boldly uttered, that, so long as a single +member of the house of Bourbon should survive, there would always be war +in France. Nor had the young prince dared to complain of these +menaces.<a name="FNanchor_1375_1375" id="FNanchor_1375_1375"></a><a href="#Footnote_1375_1375" class="fnanchor">[1375]</a></p> + +<p>It was no part of Catharine de' Medici's plan, at this juncture, to wreak +her vengeance for the blow that had been aimed at her authority, either +upon her son or upon her son-in-law. The Montmorencies, also, though +suspected and long since the objects of jealousy, ultimately escaped with +little difficulty. It is true that the eldest brother, Marshal François +de Montmorency, was enticed to the court, as was also another marshal, M. +de Cossé, and that both were thrown into the Bastile. But the younger +Montmorencies, Thoré and Méru, had escaped, while their more energetic +brother Marshal Damville, was too firmly fixed in the governorship of +Languedoc, to be removed without a struggle. It was hardly prudent to +drive so influential a family to extremities. Moreover, Catharine was too +wise to desire the utter destruction of a clan whose authority might on +occasion be employed, as it had often been in the past, as a counterpoise +to the formidable power of the Guises.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Execution of La Mole and Coconnas.</div> + +<p>Some victims of inferior rank were needed. They were found in the persons +of Joseph Boniface de la Mole and Hannibal, Count de Coconnas, who, with +one M. de Tourtray, expiated their error and that of their superiors, on +the Place de Grève. The cruel procedure known as the administration of +justice in the sixteenth century has no more striking illustration than +in the barbarous torture, including the terrible trial by water, +inflicted upon these wretched men. By such means it was not difficult to +extort admissions which the prisoner was likely to retract at a +subsequent time. Consequently it is not quite clear, even with the full +record before us, how far La Mole and Coconnas were really impli<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_629" id="Page_629">[Pg 629]</a></span>cated. +As for the sufferers themselves, there was little about them to call +forth our special sympathy. La Mole, of handsome appearance, but of +cowardly disposition, was a firm believer in the magic that passed +current in his day, and was questioned on the rack respecting the object +of a waxen figure found among his effects. He admitted he had employed it +for sorcery, to advance his suit with a lady whose love he sought. +Coconnas, an Italian, instead of inviting contempt for his poltroonery, +inspires aversion for his crimes. No assassin had distinguished himself +more at the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. We are inclined to believe +the contemporary chronicler, who states that Charles the Ninth himself +averred that he had never liked Coconnas since hearing the latter's +sanguinary boast that he had redeemed as many as thirty Huguenots from +the hands of the populace, only that he might induce them to abjure their +religion, under promise of life, and afterward enjoy the satisfaction of +murdering them by inches under his dagger.<a name="FNanchor_1376_1376" id="FNanchor_1376_1376"></a><a href="#Footnote_1376_1376" class="fnanchor">[1376]</a></p> + +<p>Had Coconnas and La Mole been persons more entitled to our respect, we +might have pitied their misfortune in falling into the hands of a royal +commission with whom the evidence of the guilt of the prisoners was +apparently of less weight than the desire to gratify the court by their +condemnation. The first president of parliament, Christopher de Thou, +again headed the commission. The same pliant tool of despotism who had +signed the death-warrant of Prince Louis of Condé, just before the sudden +close of the brief reign of Francis the Second, and had congratulated +Charles the Ninth, twelve years later, in the name of the judiciary of +the kingdom, on the "piety" he had displayed in butchering his +unoffending subjects, again obeyed with docility the instructions of his +superiors, and suppressed those more generous sentiments, which, if we +may credit his son's account, he secretly entertained.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Condé retires to Germany.</div> + +<p>Meantime the arrests and judicial proceedings at the capital did not +delay the military enterprise in which the Huguenots and Malcontents were +alike embarked. More fortunate than his cousin of Navarre, the Prince of +Condé,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_630" id="Page_630">[Pg 630]</a></span> chancing to be in Picardy at the outbreak of the pretended +conspiracy of St. Germain, took Thoré's advice and fled out of the +kingdom to Strasbourg.<a name="FNanchor_1377_1377" id="FNanchor_1377_1377"></a><a href="#Footnote_1377_1377" class="fnanchor">[1377]</a> Himself free from the dangers encompassing +his confederates in France, he was able to assist them materially by +addressing personal solicitations to the German princes, and by +superintending the levy of auxiliary troops.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Reasons for the success of the Huguenots in face of great +difficulties.</div> + +<p>The Huguenots were entering in good earnest upon the fifth religious war, +and used their successes with such moderation as to conciliate even +hostile populations. Their enemies, judging only from superficial +indications, might wonder at their strange recuperative energies. +Catharine might exclaim, in amazement at their progress and presumption, +that "the Huguenots were like cats, for, in falling, they always alighted +on their feet."<a name="FNanchor_1378_1378" id="FNanchor_1378_1378"></a><a href="#Footnote_1378_1378" class="fnanchor">[1378]</a> But those who looked into the matter more closely +saw that this was no mere accident. A contemporary writer, who is also a +declared antagonist, praises their prudence and good conduct at the +present juncture. "We must not be astonished," he remarks, "if in a short +time the Protestants carry through such great repairs and so difficult to +be believed. No sooner have they set foot in a place than they consider +its position and deliberate as to what can be done to render it strong, +or at least tenable. In all diligence they execute their decisions and +enterprises, however great and difficult they may be, by the good order +they practise and by a prompt obedience to the commands given them. So +that I confess that they surpass us in prudence and conduct. Moreover, so +soon as they are in a place, they appoint persons in whom they have the +greatest confidence, to collect the king's revenues, as well as the +income of the ecclesiastics and of those bearing arms against them, +without regard for any save the gentilhommes. Their receipts are +faithfully applied to the benefit of their cause, and they know how to +employ these sums so well, that with little money they carry on great +enterprises. So far as possible they relieve the poor husbandmen. In +this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_631" id="Page_631">[Pg 631]</a></span> they conform to the fashion of the Indians, who, in time of war, do +not injure the laborers, their families, their beasts of burden, and the +implements used in cultivating the earth, but abstain from burning their +houses and villages, and leave them in peace, deeming the tillers of the +ground to be ministers of the common weal and the nursing fathers of the +other estates.<a name="FNanchor_1379_1379" id="FNanchor_1379_1379"></a><a href="#Footnote_1379_1379" class="fnanchor">[1379]</a> ... If necessity constrain them to make use of the +husbandmen, they bring them to it as freely and graciously as possible, +more by fair words than by force, employing caresses, and meantime +protecting their cattle, their harvests, and all their property. When +marching through the country, without indulging in insolence, abusive +language, or plunder, they eat what they find in the houses, and keep +their soldiers under good control. They instantly establish in the places +they hold a council of the most capable and experienced persons.... This +they convene daily and for so long a time as their affairs demand, and +here they listen to the complaints made to them, whether by word of mouth +or by written petition, and answer as well as they can to the +satisfaction of the plaintiffs."<a name="FNanchor_1380_1380" id="FNanchor_1380_1380"></a><a href="#Footnote_1380_1380" class="fnanchor">[1380]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Montgomery lands in Normandy.</div> + +<div class="sidenote">He is forced to surrender and is taken prisoner.</div> + +<p>About the same time that Condé was leaving France for Germany, another +Huguenot leader was entering it from the opposite quarter. Count +Montgomery, who from England had come to the island of Jersey, suddenly +made his appearance in western Normandy. In this province the Huguenots +had lately made themselves masters of the important town of Saint Lô, as +well as of Domfront on the borders of the province of Maine.<a name="FNanchor_1381_1381" id="FNanchor_1381_1381"></a><a href="#Footnote_1381_1381" class="fnanchor">[1381]</a> To +these gains Montgomery soon added Carentan, an important point on the +north, which he took care to provision. He seemed likely, indeed, to +bring all this extensive territory under the power of the Protestants. +His brilliant career was, however, destined to be very brief. The royal +forces sent against him under Matignon were strong, his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_632" id="Page_632">[Pg 632]</a></span> own troops were +few. From Saint Lô, where he was besieged, he succeeded by a bold dash in +escaping with a small company of horse; but at Domfront, whither he +betook himself in hope of receiving reinforcements from the south, his +manly defence availed nothing. Against an army of four thousand foot and +one thousand horse, besides a large number of Roman Catholic gentlemen +serving at their own charges, the little band of not over ninety +arquebusiers and fifty horse could offer no protracted resistance. +Domfront, strong in itself, was commanded by neighboring heights, and the +walls, through long neglect, had become so weak that they crumbled and +fell at the very first cannonade. Montgomery, deserted by some of his +soldiers and enfeebled by the loss of others, was compelled to surrender +to the besieging army. The story was current that he had received a +pledge of life and liberty at the hands of Matignon.<a name="FNanchor_1382_1382" id="FNanchor_1382_1382"></a><a href="#Footnote_1382_1382" class="fnanchor">[1382]</a> But Agrippa +d'Aubigné is undoubtedly correct in declaring that the report was a +mistaken one, and that Montgomery barely received the assurance that he +would be placed in the hands of the king alone. "There have been only too +many acts of perfidy in France, without the invention of others," says +this historian. "If there were any infractions of the capitulation, they +were in the case of some other gentlemen and soldiers, who were +maltreated or slain."<a name="FNanchor_1383_1383" id="FNanchor_1383_1383"></a><a href="#Footnote_1383_1383" class="fnanchor">[1383]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Delight of Catharine de' Medici.</div> + +<p>There was one person to whom the capture of Count Montgomery was +peculiarly gratifying. Catharine de' Medici had never forgotten the +murderous wound Montgomery's lance had inflicted upon her husband in the +rough tournament held in honor of Isabella's nuptials. True, the count +had entered the lists with Henry only by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_633" id="Page_633">[Pg 633]</a></span> king's express command, and +the fatal effects of the blow that shattered Henry's visor and drove the +splintered stock into his eye, were due to no malicious intent. +Nevertheless, Montgomery was never sincerely forgiven; and when the +slayer of the father was captured fighting against the son, Catharine +resolved that no considerations of pity should prevent his expiating his +unintended crime. Nor was the Roman Catholic party loth to see summary +punishment inflicted upon Montgomery in revenge for the blow he had +struck the "noblesse" of Béarn and the frightful slaughter of their +partisans he had authorized, five years before, during the third civil +war, at the storming of Orthez.<a name="FNanchor_1384_1384" id="FNanchor_1384_1384"></a><a href="#Footnote_1384_1384" class="fnanchor">[1384]</a> On the other hand, the Parisian +populace was excited by the revival of the false rumor already referred +to, that Count Montgomery, glorying in the mischance whereby France was +robbed of her king, had substituted for his ancestral coat of arms a +novel escutcheon of his own device, whereon was figured a broken +lance.<a name="FNanchor_1385_1385" id="FNanchor_1385_1385"></a><a href="#Footnote_1385_1385" class="fnanchor">[1385]</a> It need not surprise us, therefore, that though guiltless of +any crime of which the law of even that cruel age ordinarily took +cognizance, the Huguenot leader, after being placed on the rack in the +vain attempt to obtain from him admissions criminating his associates, +was condemned, as a traitor found in arms against his king, to be +beheaded and quartered, on the Place de Grève, on the twenty-sixth of +June, 1574.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Execution of Montgomery on the Place de Grève.</div> + +<p>Both enemies and friends unite in testifying to the fortitude with which +Count Montgomery underwent the execution of his severe sentence. Roman +Catholic writers, indeed, hint that he may have received profit from the +ministrations of five or six theological doctors, to whom they represent +him as gladly listening.<a name="FNanchor_1386_1386" id="FNanchor_1386_1386"></a><a href="#Footnote_1386_1386" class="fnanchor">[1386]</a> But Protestant historians<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_634" id="Page_634">[Pg 634]</a></span> give us a +circumstantial account that seems better entitled to credit, and leaves +no room for doubt that Gabriel de Montgomery died constant to the faith +which he had embraced in his retirement, after the death of Henry the +Second. He refused to confess to the famous Vigor, Archbishop of +Narbonne, and would neither kiss the crucifix offered to him by the +priest who rode with him in the tumbrel, nor listen to his words, nor +even look at him. To a Gray Friar, who attempted to convince him that he +was in error and had been deceived, he replied: "How deceived? If I have +been deceived, it was by members of your own order; for the first person +that ever gave me a Bible in French, and bade me read it, was a +Franciscan like yourself. And therein I learned the religion that I now +hold, which is the only true religion. Having lived in it ever since, I +wish, by the grace of God, to die in it to-day." On the scaffold, after a +touching address to the spectators, he recited in a loud voice the +Apostles' Creed, in the confession of which he protested that he died, +and then, "having made his prayer to God after the manner of those of the +(reformed) religion,"<a name="FNanchor_1387_1387" id="FNanchor_1387_1387"></a><a href="#Footnote_1387_1387" class="fnanchor">[1387]</a> manfully offered his neck to the +executioner's sword.<a name="FNanchor_1388_1388" id="FNanchor_1388_1388"></a><a href="#Footnote_1388_1388" class="fnanchor">[1388]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_635" id="Page_635">[Pg 635]</a></span></p><p>But the scene just described belongs strictly to the reign of the next +French monarch. The capture of Montgomery at Domfront had been followed, +within three days, by the death of the young king against whom the count +had been fighting.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Last days of Charles IX.</div> + +<p>It is difficult to determine the exact proportions in which physical +weakness and remorse for the past entered as ingredients of the malady +that cut short the life of Charles the Ninth. It may not be prudent to +accept implicitly all the stories told by contemporaries respecting the +wretched fancies to which the king became a victim. But it would be +carrying historical scepticism to the very verge of absurdity to reject +the whole series of reports that come down to us respecting the strange +hallucinations of Charles during the last months of his life. De Thou, +perhaps the most candid and dispassionate historian of the period, has +left the statement on record that, ever since St. Bartholomew's Day, +Charles, who at no time slept well, used frequently to have his rest +broken by the sudden recollection of its dreadful scenes. To lull him to +repose, his attendants had no resource but singing, the king being +passionately fond of music and of poetry.<a name="FNanchor_1389_1389" id="FNanchor_1389_1389"></a><a href="#Footnote_1389_1389" class="fnanchor">[1389]</a> Agrippa d'Aubigné +corroborates the statement, adding, on the authority of high noblemen who +had been present, that the king would awake trembling and groaning, and +that his agitation was sure to find expression in frightful imprecations +and words expressive of utter despair.<a name="FNanchor_1390_1390" id="FNanchor_1390_1390"></a><a href="#Footnote_1390_1390" class="fnanchor">[1390]</a></p> + +<p>With the growing certainty of his approaching death, the mental distress +of Charles proportionately increased. His old Huguenot nurse, to whom he +talked without reserve, was the witness of the startling conflict through +which he was passing in his last hours. While sitting near his bedside on +one occasion, she was suddenly recalled from a revery by the sound of the +sighs and sobs of the royal patient. To her solicitous questions as to +the cause of his distress, she received the most piteous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_636" id="Page_636">[Pg 636]</a></span> exclamations, +interrupted by weeping: "Ah, my nurse, my friend, how much blood! how +many murders! Ah, what wicked counsels have I had! My God, have pity upon +me and pardon me! I know not where I am; so perplexed and agitated have +they made me. What will become of me? What shall I do? I am lost; I know +it full well." The pious attendant's earnest exhortations and consoling +words had little effect in dispelling the gloom that had settled on the +termination of a life so auspiciously begun. She might pray, in his +hearing, that the blood of the murdered Huguenots might be on the heads +of those who gave the young king such treacherous advice. She might +encourage and urge him to rest in the confidence that, in view of his +penitence, God would not impute to him his crime, but cover him with the +mantle of Christ's righteousness.<a name="FNanchor_1391_1391" id="FNanchor_1391_1391"></a><a href="#Footnote_1391_1391" class="fnanchor">[1391]</a> Her words had little power to +dissipate his extreme despondency.</p> + +<div class="sidenote">Distress of his young queen.</div> + +<p>For months the life of Charles had been despaired of. Now he was visibly +dying. The news of the capture of Montgomery, which his mother came to +announce to him with a delight she neither was able nor anxious to hide, +brought him no pleasure. He had, he said, ceased to care for these +things. Meanwhile, Catharine, if not altogether devoid of natural +affection—if not experiencing unmingled satisfaction at the prospect +that the sceptre was likely to pass into the hands of her favorite son, +the King of Poland—at least took care to provide for the contingency of +Charles's speedy death, by obtaining, on the twenty-ninth of May, letters +to the governors of provinces, and the next day the more authoritative +letters patent conferring upon her the regency until the return of Henry +from Poland.<a name="FNanchor_1392_1392" id="FNanchor_1392_1392"></a><a href="#Footnote_1392_1392" class="fnanchor">[1392]</a> More sincere in her sorrow, the young Queen Elizabeth, +Charles's wife, endeavored to ward off the stroke of Heaven by solemn +processions. For nine successive days, laying aside all tokens of her +royal rank, simply clad, and with uncovered face, she walked barefooted, +and accompanied by a large number of poor boys and girls, from the wood +of Vincennes, where the court still lingered, to the city of Paris. +After<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_637" id="Page_637">[Pg 637]</a></span> devoutly praying for the king's recovery at the Sainte-Chapelle +and at the shrine of Notre Dame, she returned from her pilgrimage in the +same painful and humble manner, her ladies and the officers of her court +following at a respectful distance.<a name="FNanchor_1393_1393" id="FNanchor_1393_1393"></a><a href="#Footnote_1393_1393" class="fnanchor">[1393]</a></p> + +<p>Upon Sorbin, the king's confessor, devolved the duty of administering to +Charles the last rites of religion—Sorbin, who was accustomed to speak +of the perfidy and cruelty of the massacre as true magnanimity and +gentleness. It has been well remarked that, in all the dark drama of +guilt and retribution upon which the curtain was about to fall, no part +is more tragic than the scene in which the last words preparing the soul +for judgment were spoken by such a confessor as Sorbin to such a penitent +as Charles.<a name="FNanchor_1394_1394" id="FNanchor_1394_1394"></a><a href="#Footnote_1394_1394" class="fnanchor">[1394]</a> Under such spiritual guidance the unhappy boy-king may +possibly have expressed the sentiment which the priest ascribes to him at +the hour of death: that his greatest regret was that he had not seen the +Reformation wholly crushed.<a name="FNanchor_1395_1395" id="FNanchor_1395_1395"></a><a href="#Footnote_1395_1395" class="fnanchor">[1395]</a></p> + +<p>On Sunday, May the thirtieth, 1574, the festival of Pentecost, Charles +died, late in the afternoon.<a name="FNanchor_1396_1396" id="FNanchor_1396_1396"></a><a href="#Footnote_1396_1396" class="fnanchor">[1396]</a> Almost his last words had been of +congratulation that he left no son to inherit the throne, since he knew +very well that France had need of a man, and that under a child both king +and kingdom were wretched.<a name="FNanchor_1397_1397" id="FNanchor_1397_1397"></a><a href="#Footnote_1397_1397" class="fnanchor">[1397]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Death of Charles.</div> + +<p>The general usage was not violated in the present instance. Charles, like +a host of prominent princes and statesmen of the sixteenth century, was +currently reported to have fallen a victim to the poisoner's art, then in +its prime. Nor did the examina<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_638" id="Page_638">[Pg 638]</a></span>tion made after his death, though clearly +proving that the event had a natural cause, suffice to clear away the +unhappy impression.<a name="FNanchor_1398_1398" id="FNanchor_1398_1398"></a><a href="#Footnote_1398_1398" class="fnanchor">[1398]</a> The Huguenots had, perhaps, more reason than +others to regard the circumstances attending it as strange, if not +miraculous. That the king, whose guilty acquiescence in the murderous +scheme of Catharine, Anjou, and Guise, had deluged his realm in blood, +should himself have perished of a malady that caused blood to exude from +every pore in his body,<a name="FNanchor_1399_1399" id="FNanchor_1399_1399"></a><a href="#Footnote_1399_1399" class="fnanchor">[1399]</a> was certainly sufficiently singular to +arrest the attention of the world. The phenomenon has been shown beyond +all question to have many parallels in the annals of medicine.<a name="FNanchor_1400_1400" id="FNanchor_1400_1400"></a><a href="#Footnote_1400_1400" class="fnanchor">[1400]</a> But +the coincidence was so remarkable that we scarcely wonder that, in the +eyes of many, it partook of a supernatural character.</p> + +<p>Thus perished, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, a prince whom fair +natural endowments seemed to have destined to play a creditable, if not a +resplendent part in the history of his period; but whom the evil counsels +and examples of his mother, and the corrupt education which, designedly +or through an unfortunate accident, she had given him, had so depraved, +that his morals were regarded with disgust and reprobation by an age by +no means scrupulously pure.<a name="FNanchor_1401_1401" id="FNanchor_1401_1401"></a><a href="#Footnote_1401_1401" class="fnanchor">[1401]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">The funeral rites.</div> + +<p>The forty days' funeral rites were performed in honor of the deceased +king with all the detail of pomp customary on such occasions. For forty +days, on a bed of cloth of gold, lay in state the life-like effigy of +Charles of Valois, dressed in crimson and blue satin, and in ermine, with +a jewelled<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_639" id="Page_639">[Pg 639]</a></span> crown upon its head, and with sceptre and other emblems of +royalty at its side. For forty days the service of the king's table +remained unchanged, and the pleasing fiction was maintained that the +monarch was yet alive. The gentlemen in waiting, the cupbearer, the +pantler, the carver, and all the retinue of servants who, as in feudal +times, appeared at the royal meals, discharged each his appointed office +with punctilious precision. Courses of viands were brought on in regular +succession, and as regularly removed from the board. A cardinal or +prelate blessed the table before the empty show of a meal, and rendered +thanks at its conclusion. Only at the close, by the sad repetition of the +De profundis, and other psalms appropriate to funeral occasions, did the +pageant differ materially from many a scene of convivial entertainment in +which Charles had taken part. When the prescribed term of waiting was at +length over, the miserable show ended, the effigy was replaced by the +bier, funeral decorations took the place of festive emblems, and the body +of the late king was laid in its last resting-place.<a name="FNanchor_1402_1402" id="FNanchor_1402_1402"></a><a href="#Footnote_1402_1402" class="fnanchor">[1402]</a></p> + +<div class="sidenote">Had persecution, war, and treachery succeeded?</div> + +<p>The courtiers had already turned their eyes from the dead monarch to the +successor whose speedy return from Poland all eagerly awaited. Henry the +Third had already precipitately fled from Cracow, and was on his way to +assume his ancestral throne. He was to find the kingdom plunged in +disquiet, a prey to internal discord fostered by foreign princes. Neither +Huguenot nor Roman Catholic was satisfied. A full half-century from the +first promulgation of the reformed doctrines by Lefèvre d'Étaples found +the friends of the purer faith more resolute than ever in its assertion, +despite fire, massacre, and open warfare. No candid beholder could deny +that the system of persecution had thus far proved an utter failure. It +remained to be seen whether the new king would choose to repeat a +dangerous experiment.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1253_1253" id="Footnote_1253_1253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1253_1253"><span class="label">[1253]</span></a> Jean de Serres, Commentaria de statu rel. et reipublicæ, +iv., fol. 60 <i>verso</i>. I have made use, up to 1570, of the first edition +of this work, published in three volumes in 1571, my copy being one +formerly belonging to the library of Ludovico Manini, the last doge of +Venice. From 1570 on I refer to the edition of 1575, which comprises a +fourth and rarer volume, bringing down the history to the close of the +reign of Charles. A comparison between this edition and the later edition +of 1577 brings out the interesting circumstance that many Huguenots of +little courage, who at first apostatized, afterward returned to their old +faith. Thus, the edition of 1575 reads (iv. 51 <i>v.</i>): "Vix enim dici +possit, quam multi ad primum illum impetum a Religione resiluerint, +mortis amittendarumque facultatum metu, <i>quorum plerique etiamnum hærent +in luto</i>." The words I have italicized are omitted in the edition of +1577, as quoted by Soldan, ii. 473.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1254_1254" id="Footnote_1254_1254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1254_1254"><span class="label">[1254]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1255_1255" id="Footnote_1255_1255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1255_1255"><span class="label">[1255]</span></a> Ib., <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1256_1256" id="Footnote_1256_1256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1256_1256"><span class="label">[1256]</span></a> Borrel, Histoire de l'église réformée de Nîmes (Toulouse, +1856), pp. 77, 78, from Archives of the Hôtel-de-ville.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1257_1257" id="Footnote_1257_1257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1257_1257"><span class="label">[1257]</span></a> J. de Serres, iv., fols. 68-70; Borrel, Hist. de l'égl. +réf. de Nîmes, 78, 79; De Thou, iv. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1258_1258" id="Footnote_1258_1258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1258_1258"><span class="label">[1258]</span></a> See <i>ante</i>, chapter xviii., p. 480.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1259_1259" id="Footnote_1259_1259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1259_1259"><span class="label">[1259]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, Hist. univ., ii. 38 (liv. i., c. 8). +Neither De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 659, nor J. de Serres (either in his +Commentaria de statu rel. et reip., iv. 68, or in his Inventaire général +de l'histoire de France, Genève, 1619), makes any allusion to Regnier's +combat, while the former expressly, and the latter by implication, refer +to his agency in persuading the inhabitants of Montauban to espouse the +Protestant cause in arms. I incline to think, nevertheless, that +D'Aubigné has neither misplaced nor exaggerated a brilliant little affair +which was certainly to his taste.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1260_1260" id="Footnote_1260_1260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1260_1260"><span class="label">[1260]</span></a> J. de Serres, De statu, etc., iv., fol. 63; De Thou, iv. +(liv. liii.) 647.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1261_1261" id="Footnote_1261_1261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1261_1261"><span class="label">[1261]</span></a> Reveille-Matin, 200; Eusebii Philadelphi Dialogi (1574), +i. 57.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1262_1262" id="Footnote_1262_1262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1262_1262"><span class="label">[1262]</span></a> Arcère, Histoire de la Rochelle, i. 405. The records of +the customs showed that 30,000 casks of wine were brought in. An ample +supply of powder was also secured by offering a bonus of ten per cent, to +all that imported it from abroad.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1263_1263" id="Footnote_1263_1263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1263_1263"><span class="label">[1263]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 65; De Thou, iv. 649.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1264_1264" id="Footnote_1264_1264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1264_1264"><span class="label">[1264]</span></a> "Affirmabant vero haudquaquam se facere contra officium +et antiqua sua privilegia, per quæ illis tribueretur exemptio ab omni +præterquam ex sua civitate delecto ab ipsis præsidio, et facultas sese +suis armis custodiendi." Such was the claim of the Rochellois in answer +to Strozzi's summons. Jean de Serres, iv. 63.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1265_1265" id="Footnote_1265_1265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1265_1265"><span class="label">[1265]</span></a> Arcère, i. 412.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1266_1266" id="Footnote_1266_1266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1266_1266"><span class="label">[1266]</span></a> Ibid., i. 422; De Thou, iv. (liv. liii.) 654; J. de +Serres, iv., fols. 75, 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1267_1267" id="Footnote_1267_1267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1267_1267"><span class="label">[1267]</span></a> Delmas, Église réf. de la Rochelle, 105, 106. The same +author cites Henry IV.'s eulogy: "Il était grand homme de guerre, et plus +grand homme de bien." See also De Thou's strong expressions, viii. (liv. +cii.) 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1268_1268" id="Footnote_1268_1268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1268_1268"><span class="label">[1268]</span></a> See the detailed "Carte du Pays d'Aulnis, avec les Isles +de Ré, d'Oléron, et Provinces voisines, dressée en 1756," prefixed to the +first volume of Arcère, Histoire de la Rochelle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1269_1269" id="Footnote_1269_1269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1269_1269"><span class="label">[1269]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 34, 35 (liv. i., c. 6); De Thou, +iv. (liv. liii.) 655-656; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 75; Arcère, i. +427-429.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1270_1270" id="Footnote_1270_1270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1270_1270"><span class="label">[1270]</span></a> Arcère, i. 429, partly on MS. authority.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1271_1271" id="Footnote_1271_1271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1271_1271"><span class="label">[1271]</span></a> Ibid., i. 430.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1272_1272" id="Footnote_1272_1272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1272_1272"><span class="label">[1272]</span></a> The attitude of the Huguenot general had been and yet was +one of the strangest. That he was able in the end to extricate himself +without a stain attaching to his honor is still more remarkable. Both +king and Protestants understood full well that he would counsel nothing +which was not for the interest of both; and it was, therefore, no +violation of his duty as envoy of Charles, if, as Jean de Serres informs +us, when urging an amicable arrangement, he privately advised the +Rochellois to admit no one into the city in the king's name, before +receiving ample provisions for their security. Commentarii de statu +religionis et reipublicæ, iv., fol. 75.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1273_1273" id="Footnote_1273_1273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1273_1273"><span class="label">[1273]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1274_1274" id="Footnote_1274_1274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1274_1274"><span class="label">[1274]</span></a> Ibid., iv., fol. 81.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1275_1275" id="Footnote_1275_1275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1275_1275"><span class="label">[1275]</span></a> See the very clear account in the "Description +chorographique de l'Aulnis," by Arcère, prefixed to his history of La +Rochelle, i. 97, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1276_1276" id="Footnote_1276_1276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1276_1276"><span class="label">[1276]</span></a> Compare Arcère, i. 418, etc., and, especially, his plan +of the city in 1573. See also Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 83; De Thou, iv. +(liv. lv.) 759-761; D'Aubigné, ii. 36, 37 (liv. i., c. 7).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1277_1277" id="Footnote_1277_1277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1277_1277"><span class="label">[1277]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lv.) 765; Arcère, i. 436.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1278_1278" id="Footnote_1278_1278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1278_1278"><span class="label">[1278]</span></a> De Thou, iv. 761; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1279_1279" id="Footnote_1279_1279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1279_1279"><span class="label">[1279]</span></a> <i>E.g.</i>, of Virolet, Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 76.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1280_1280" id="Footnote_1280_1280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1280_1280"><span class="label">[1280]</span></a> Feb. 15th, according to J. de Serres, iv., fol. 83. +Arcère (i. 452) says Feb. 12th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1281_1281" id="Footnote_1281_1281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1281_1281"><span class="label">[1281]</span></a> Arcère, i. 458.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1282_1282" id="Footnote_1282_1282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1282_1282"><span class="label">[1282]</span></a> So, at least, Brantôme expressed himself. He was with the +army before La Rochelle.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1283_1283" id="Footnote_1283_1283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1283_1283"><span class="label">[1283]</span></a> Letter of Catharine, March 17th, Arcère, i. 466.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1284_1284" id="Footnote_1284_1284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1284_1284"><span class="label">[1284]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 789; Arcère, i. 489, 490; Jean +de Serres, iv., fol. 99, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1285_1285" id="Footnote_1285_1285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1285_1285"><span class="label">[1285]</span></a> The poor, according to Jean de Serres, came to use the +shell-fish in lieu of bread. If, as he assures us on the authority of men +deserving credit, the supply ceased almost on that precise day upon which +the royal army left the neighborhood, after the conclusion of peace, the +reformed may be pardoned for regarding the fact as a miracle little +inferior to that of the manna which never failed the ancient Israelites +until they set foot in Canaan. Commentarii de statu religionis et +reipublicæ, iv. 104 <i>verso</i>. "Dont lez reformez ont encores les tableaux +en leurs maisons pour mémoire comme d'un miracle," writes Agrippa +d'Aubigné, about forty years later (Hist. universelle, 1616, ii. 53).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1286_1286" id="Footnote_1286_1286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1286_1286"><span class="label">[1286]</span></a> Arcère, i. 504, 505.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1287_1287" id="Footnote_1287_1287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1287_1287"><span class="label">[1287]</span></a> Arcère, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1288_1288" id="Footnote_1288_1288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1288_1288"><span class="label">[1288]</span></a> Arcère, i. 477, 480.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1289_1289" id="Footnote_1289_1289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1289_1289"><span class="label">[1289]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 780; Arcère, i. 477; D'Aubigné, +ii. 45 (liv. i., c. 9).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1290_1290" id="Footnote_1290_1290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1290_1290"><span class="label">[1290]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 102; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 48 +(liv. i., c. 9); De Thou, iv. 767, 786, 787, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1291_1291" id="Footnote_1291_1291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1291_1291"><span class="label">[1291]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon to Charles IX., June 3, 1573. Corresp. +diplom., v. 339.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1292_1292" id="Footnote_1292_1292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1292_1292"><span class="label">[1292]</span></a> Jean de Serres (iv., fol. 87) states the length of the +siege of Sommières as <i>four</i> months, and the loss of men as five thousand +killed. The Recueil des choses mémorables, 1598 (p. 485), ascribed to the +same author, reduces the loss one-half. Cf. De Thou, iv. 746-748.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1293_1293" id="Footnote_1293_1293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1293_1293"><span class="label">[1293]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 88, 89; De Thou, iv. (liv. +lvi.) 749, 750.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1294_1294" id="Footnote_1294_1294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1294_1294"><span class="label">[1294]</span></a> "In ipso regni umbilico." Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1295_1295" id="Footnote_1295_1295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1295_1295"><span class="label">[1295]</span></a> Ibid., iv., fols. 72, 77, 79; Ag. d'Aubigné, ii. 40, 41; +De Thou, iv. (liv. liv.) 660-663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1296_1296" id="Footnote_1296_1296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1296_1296"><span class="label">[1296]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 93, 94.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1297_1297" id="Footnote_1297_1297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1297_1297"><span class="label">[1297]</span></a> "Ut Ierosolymitanæ, Samaritanæ, Saguntinæ famis memoriam +exæquare, nisi et exsuperare videatur." Ibid., iv., fol. 92.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1298_1298" id="Footnote_1298_1298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1298_1298"><span class="label">[1298]</span></a> "Discours de l'extrême famine, cherté de vivre, chairs, +et autres choses non acoustumées pour la nourriture de l'homme, dont les +assiégez dans la ville de Sancerre ont été affligez." 1574. Reprinted in +Archives curieuses, viii. 19-82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1299_1299" id="Footnote_1299_1299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1299_1299"><span class="label">[1299]</span></a> Edward Smedley, History of the Reformed Religion in +France (London, 1834), ii. 88.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1300_1300" id="Footnote_1300_1300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1300_1300"><span class="label">[1300]</span></a> "Fade et douceastre," p. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1301_1301" id="Footnote_1301_1301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1301_1301"><span class="label">[1301]</span></a> De Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 796. As early as on the twelfth +of April, such was the discouragement felt in Paris, that orders were +published to make "Paradises" in each parish, and to institute +processions, to supplicate the favor of heaven, in view of the repulses +experienced by the Roman Catholics before La Rochelle. Journal d'un curé +ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), p. 158.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1302_1302" id="Footnote_1302_1302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1302_1302"><span class="label">[1302]</span></a> Histoire du siége de La Rochelle par le duc d'Anjou en +1573, par A. Genet, capitaine du génie; <i>apud</i> Bulletin de la Société de +l'histoire du prot. français, ii. (1854) 96, 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1303_1303" id="Footnote_1303_1303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1303_1303"><span class="label">[1303]</span></a> Mémoires de Claude Haton, ii. 722.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1304_1304" id="Footnote_1304_1304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1304_1304"><span class="label">[1304]</span></a> At Troyes, for instance, where the poor who had flocked +to the city were invited to meet at one of the gates, to receive each a +loaf of bread and a piece of money. This done, they saw the gates closed +upon them, and were informed from the ramparts that they must go +elsewhere to find their living until the next harvest. Claude Haton, ii. +729.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1305_1305" id="Footnote_1305_1305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1305_1305"><span class="label">[1305]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, chapter xix., p. 552.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1306_1306" id="Footnote_1306_1306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1306_1306"><span class="label">[1306]</span></a> Here is his letter to Henry: "Mon frère. Dieu nous a fait +la grasse que vous estes ellu roy de Poulogne. J'en suis si ayse que je +ne sçay que vous mander. Je loue Dieu de bon cœur; pardonnés moy, +l'ayse me garde d'escrire. Je ne sceay que dire. Mon frère, je avons +receu vostre lestre. Je suis vostre bien bon frère et amy, <span class="smcap">Charles</span>." MS. +Bibliothèque nationale, <i>apud</i> Haton, ii. 733.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1307_1307" id="Footnote_1307_1307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1307_1307"><span class="label">[1307]</span></a> The edict says expressly (Art. 5th): "Et y faire +seulement les baptesmes et mariages à leur façon accoustumée sans plus +grande assemblée, outre les parens, parrins et marrines, jusques au +nombre de dix." Text in Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 98, etc., and Haag, France +protestante, x. (Documents) 110-114. Jean de Serres (iv., fol. 107, etc.) +and Von Polenz (Gesch. des Franz. Calvinismus, ii. 632) give a correct +synopsis; but Soldan is wrong in including among the concessions "den +Hausgottesdienst" (ii. 536), and De Thou still more incorrect when he +speaks of "les prêches et la Cène" (iv., liv. lvi. 796).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1308_1308" id="Footnote_1308_1308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1308_1308"><span class="label">[1308]</span></a> According to Davila, Sancerre was <i>not comprehended</i> in +the terms made with the Rochellois, "because it was not a free town under +the king's absolute dominion as the rest, but under the seigniory of the +Counts of Sancerre." London trans. of 1678, 193.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1309_1309" id="Footnote_1309_1309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1309_1309"><span class="label">[1309]</span></a> Jean de Léry, Discours de l'extrême famine, etc., 25-27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1310_1310" id="Footnote_1310_1310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1310_1310"><span class="label">[1310]</span></a> Jean de Léry, 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1311_1311" id="Footnote_1311_1311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1311_1311"><span class="label">[1311]</span></a> Styled also, in the articles of capitulation, "<i>le +gouverneur par élection</i> de ladite ville." He was an able and influential +magistrate, who had been elected to the governorship of his native city +at the time of the former troubles. Léry, 78-80.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1312_1312" id="Footnote_1312_1312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1312_1312"><span class="label">[1312]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné (Hist. univ., ii. 104) distinctly +represents La Chastre as desirous of destroying the entire city; while +Léry (p. 77) and Davila (p. 193) are in doubt whether Johanneau's murder +was not effected by his orders. Yet Léry himself records a conversation +he held about this time with La Chastre (p. 67), in which the latter +protested that he was not, as commonly reported, of a sanguinary +disposition, and appealed for corroboration to his merciful treatment of +some Huguenot prisoners that fell into his hands in the third civil war, +whom he refused to surrender to the Parisian parliament when formally +summoned to do so. Claude de la Chastre's noble letter to Charles IX., of +January 21, 1570 (Bulletin, iv. 28), seems to be a sufficient voucher for +his veracity. See <i>ante</i>, chapter xvi., p. 345.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1313_1313" id="Footnote_1313_1313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1313_1313"><span class="label">[1313]</span></a> Jean de Léry, 42.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1314_1314" id="Footnote_1314_1314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1314_1314"><span class="label">[1314]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, i. 104. It would be a great relief +could we believe that inordinate fondness for the dance was the chief +vice of the French court. Unfortunately the moral turpitude of the king +and his favorites rests upon less suspicious grounds than the revolting +stories told on hearsay by the unfriendly writer of the Eusebii +Philadelphi Dialogi (Edinburgi, 1574), ii. 117, 118. The "Affair of +Nantouillet," occurring just about the time of the Polish ambassadors' +arrival in Paris, is only too authentic. The "Prévôt de Paris," M. de +Nantouillet (cf. <i>ante</i>, chapter xv., page 258, note), grandson of +Cardinal du Prat, Chancellor of France under Francis I., offended Anjou +by somewhat contemptuously declining the hand of the duke's discarded +mistress, Mademoiselle de Châteauneuf. The lady easily induced her +princely lover to avenge her wounded vanity. One evening Charles IX., the +new king of Poland, the King of Navarre, the Grand Prior of France, and +their attendants, presented themselves at the stately mansion of +Nantouillet, on the southern bank of the Seine, opposite the Louvre, and +demanded that a banquet be prepared for them. Though the royal party was +masked, the unwilling host knew his guests but too well, and dared not +deny their peremptory command. In the midst of the carousal, at a +preconcerted signal, the king's followers began to ransack the house, +maltreating the occupants, wantonly destroying the costly furniture, +appropriating the silver plate, and breaking open doors and coffers in +search of money. The next day even Paris itself was indignant at the base +conduct of its king. To the first president of parliament, who that day +visited the palace and informed Charles of the current rumors respecting +his having been present and conniving at the pillage, the despicable +monarch denied their truth with his customary horrible imprecation. But +when the president expressed his great satisfaction, and said that +parliament would at once institute proceedings to discover and punish the +guilty, Charles promptly responded: "By no means. You will lose your +trouble;" and he added a significant threat for Nantouillet, that, should +he pursue his attempt to obtain satisfaction, he would find that he had +to do with an opponent infinitely his superior. Euseb. Phil. Dialogi, ii. +117, 118; Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 114, <i>verso</i>; D'Aubigné, ii. 104; De +Thou, iv. (liv. lvi.) 821.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1315_1315" id="Footnote_1315_1315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1315_1315"><span class="label">[1315]</span></a> Article 4th. Text in Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 98.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1316_1316" id="Footnote_1316_1316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1316_1316"><span class="label">[1316]</span></a> J. de Serres, iv., fol. 112.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1317_1317" id="Footnote_1317_1317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1317_1317"><span class="label">[1317]</span></a> This hamlet must not be confounded with the important +town of Milhaud, or Milhau-en-Rouergue, mentioned below, nearly seventy +miles farther west.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1318_1318" id="Footnote_1318_1318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1318_1318"><span class="label">[1318]</span></a> Histoire du Languedoc, v. 321.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1319_1319" id="Footnote_1319_1319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1319_1319"><span class="label">[1319]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 113, 114; De Thou, v. (liv. +lvii.) 12, 13; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 107; Histoire du Languedoc, v. 322. +It ought to be noted that the Montauban assembly in reality did little +more than confirm the regulations drawn up by previous and less +conspicuous political assemblies of the Huguenots held at Anduze in +February, and at Réalmont, in May, 1573. This clearly appears from +references to that earlier legislation contained in the more complete +"organization" adopted four months later at Milhau. See the document in +Haag, France Protestante, x. (Pièces justificatives) 124, 125. M. Jean +Loutchitzki has published in the Bulletin, xxii. (1873) 507-511, a list +of the political assemblies much fuller than given by any previous +writer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1320_1320" id="Footnote_1320_1320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1320_1320"><span class="label">[1320]</span></a> As it is of interest to fix the geographical distribution +of the provinces represented, I give the list contained in the preamble: +"Guyenne, Vivaretz, Gevaudan, Sénéschaussée de Toloze, Auvergne, haute et +basse Marche, Quercy, Périgord, Limosin, Agenois, Armignac, Cominges, +Coustraux, Bigorre, Albret, Foix, Lauraguay, Albigeois, païs de Castres +et Villelargue, Mirepoix, Carcassonne, et autres païs et provinces +adjacentes."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1321_1321" id="Footnote_1321_1321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1321_1321"><span class="label">[1321]</span></a> Requête de l'assemblée de Montauban, in Haag, La France +Protestante, x. (Pièces just.) 114-121.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1322_1322" id="Footnote_1322_1322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1322_1322"><span class="label">[1322]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 113, 114; De Thou, v. (liv. +lvii.) 12, 13; Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 106.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1323_1323" id="Footnote_1323_1323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1323_1323"><span class="label">[1323]</span></a> Histoire du Languedoc, v. 322.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1324_1324" id="Footnote_1324_1324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1324_1324"><span class="label">[1324]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1325_1325" id="Footnote_1325_1325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1325_1325"><span class="label">[1325]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv. (lib. xii.) fol. 114; D'Aubigné and +De Thou, <i>ubi supra</i>. See also Languet (Epistolæ secretæ, i. 216), who, +writing November 14, 1573, considers the Huguenots to be virtually +demanding the re-enactment of the edict of January, 1562.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1326_1326" id="Footnote_1326_1326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1326_1326"><span class="label">[1326]</span></a> De Thou and D'Aubigné, <i>ubi supra</i>. Hist. du Languedoc, +v. 322: "pourvû que lesdits de la religion donnent ordre de leur part, +qu'il ne soit entrepris aucune chose au contraire, comme il est avenu ces +jours passés, ce que je leur défens très-expressement." Charles IX. to +Damville, Oct. 18, 1573. Unfortunately, neither the promise nor the +condition was observed over scrupulously.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1327_1327" id="Footnote_1327_1327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1327_1327"><span class="label">[1327]</span></a> The king's aunt, the Duchess of Savoy, his mother, and +his brothers of Anjou and Alençon.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1328_1328" id="Footnote_1328_1328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1328_1328"><span class="label">[1328]</span></a> Relazione di Giov. Michiel, 1561, Tommaseo, i. 418-420.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1329_1329" id="Footnote_1329_1329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1329_1329"><span class="label">[1329]</span></a> De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1330_1330" id="Footnote_1330_1330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1330_1330"><span class="label">[1330]</span></a> Of this Queen Elizabeth reminded La Mothe Fénélon in a +conversation reported by him June 3, 1573, Corr. dipl., v. 345, 346.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1331_1331" id="Footnote_1331_1331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1331_1331"><span class="label">[1331]</span></a> La Mothe Fénélon to Charles IX., July 26, 1573, Corr. +dipl., v. 382.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1332_1332" id="Footnote_1332_1332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1332_1332"><span class="label">[1332]</span></a> The story was certainly not invented by his mother, +"comme il estoit sorty de sa dernière maladye <i>aussy jaune que cuyvre, +tout bouffy, deffiguré, bien fort petit et mince</i>." No wonder that +Leicester, while expressing the hope that the account might be false, +hinted that it operated against the proposed marriage. La Mothe Fénélon +to Charles IX., November 11, 1573, Correspondance diplomatique, v. 443.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1333_1333" id="Footnote_1333_1333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1333_1333"><span class="label">[1333]</span></a> Despatch of Aug. 20, ibid., v. 394.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1334_1334" id="Footnote_1334_1334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1334_1334"><span class="label">[1334]</span></a> The correspondence of La Mothe Fénélon, as preserved, is +not destitute of interest. See volumes v. and vi., <i>passim</i>; as also Le +Laboureur, Additions à Castelnau, vol. iii., pp. 350, <i>seq.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1335_1335" id="Footnote_1335_1335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1335_1335"><span class="label">[1335]</span></a> De Thou, v. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1336_1336" id="Footnote_1336_1336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1336_1336"><span class="label">[1336]</span></a> "Achten's dafür dieweil es den Franzosen gelungen das sie +das Königreich Polen ann sich practicirt, das sie darvon so hochmüthig +wordenn das sie müssen nun Hern der ganze weltt werdenn."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1337_1337" id="Footnote_1337_1337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1337_1337"><span class="label">[1337]</span></a> Letters of Landgrave William, Sept. 8th, Oct. 17th and +Nov. 6th, 1573, Groen van Prinsterer, iv. 116<sup>*</sup>, 118<sup>*</sup>, 123<sup>*</sup>. See also +Soldan, ii. 552-556, who, as usual, is very full and satisfactory in +everything bearing upon the relations of France to Germany. Rudolph, +Maximilian's son, who succeeded his father three years later, was +unfortunately far from embodying the excellences desired by the +landgrave. It may be questioned whether the Protestants of Germany would +have fared worse even under a Valois than under this degenerate +Hapsburger.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1338_1338" id="Footnote_1338_1338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1338_1338"><span class="label">[1338]</span></a> Louis of Nassau to William of Orange, December, 1573. +Groen van Prinsterer, iv. 278-281.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1339_1339" id="Footnote_1339_1339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1339_1339"><span class="label">[1339]</span></a> Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, ii. 534-538. J. de +Serres, iv., fol. 134, gives the date as April 17th. This volume of +Serres was published in the succeeding year, 1575.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1340_1340" id="Footnote_1340_1340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1340_1340"><span class="label">[1340]</span></a> The writer of an anonymous letter (now in the library of +Prince Czartoryski), who saw Henry as he rode into Heidelberg, with Louis +of Nassau on his right hand, and Duke Christopher, the elector's son, on +his left, thus describes his personal appearance: "Homo procera statura, +corpore gracili, facie oblonga pallida, oculis paululum prominentibus, +vultu subtruculento, indutus pallio holoserico rubri coloris." Heidelberg +letter "de transitu Henrici," etc., Dec. 22, 1573, <i>apud</i> Marquis de +Noailles, Henri de Valois et la Pologne (Paris, 1867), iii. (Pièces +justif.), 532.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1341_1341" id="Footnote_1341_1341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1341_1341"><span class="label">[1341]</span></a> Germany seems to have been full of blind rumors of +treacherous designs on the part of its French neighbors. I have before me +a pamphlet of little historical value, and evidently intended for popular +circulation, entitled "Entdeckung etlicher heimlichen Practicken, so +jetzund vorhanden wider unser geliebtes Vatterland, die Teutsche Nation, +was man gäntzlich willens und ins werck zubringen, gegen den +Evangelischen fürgenommen habe, durch einen guthertzigen und getrewen +Christen unserm Vatterland zu gütem an tag geben. M.D.LXXIII."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1342_1342" id="Footnote_1342_1342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1342_1342"><span class="label">[1342]</span></a> De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.), 22; Mém. de Pierre de Lestoile +(éd. Michaud et Poujoulat), i. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1343_1343" id="Footnote_1343_1343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1343_1343"><span class="label">[1343]</span></a> "Was sich in Franckreich zugetragen, weiss man auch."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1344_1344" id="Footnote_1344_1344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1344_1344"><span class="label">[1344]</span></a> The minute of the conversation drawn up by the elector +palatine with his own hand, and printed by Lalanne in the appendix to the +fourth volume of his edition of Brantôme's Works (411-418), is by far the +most trustworthy source of information we possess. On the last count of +the elector's indictment, Anjou's defence was certainly very lame: "Dass +ich selbst an seines Altvatters Hof gesehen <i>que ç'a été une Cour fort +dissolue</i>, aber seines Brudern und Frau Mutter Hof demselbigen bey weitem +nicht zu vergleichen." Ibid., 414.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1345_1345" id="Footnote_1345_1345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1345_1345"><span class="label">[1345]</span></a> "C'est ce qui fit croire à bien des gens, que l'Electeur +n'avoit pas recu un hôte comme Henri aussi poliment qu'il le devoit." De +Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1346_1346" id="Footnote_1346_1346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1346_1346"><span class="label">[1346]</span></a> Heidelberg letter of Dec. 22, 1573, Czartoryski MSS., De +Noailles, Pièces justif., iii. 533. See <i>ante</i>, p. 485.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1347_1347" id="Footnote_1347_1347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1347_1347"><span class="label">[1347]</span></a> Heidelberg letter, <i>ubi supra</i>, iii. 534.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1348_1348" id="Footnote_1348_1348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1348_1348"><span class="label">[1348]</span></a> Jean de Serres (edit. 1571), iii. 284; A. d'Aubigné, i. +264, "Pource que le Chancelier de l'Hospital ne pouvoit travailler de +cœur en mesme temps aux violentes depesches de Thavanes, de Montluc et +autres, et aux douceurs du Mareschal de Cossé, il ne fallut qu'un souspir +de probité pour lui faire oster les sceaux; ce que fit la Roine en le +relegant en sa maison près Estampes jusques à la fin de ses jours." See +also Languet's letter of September 20, 1568.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1349_1349" id="Footnote_1349_1349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1349_1349"><span class="label">[1349]</span></a> Chancellor de l'Hospital to Charles IX., January 12, +1573, copy discovered in the MSS. of the National Library, Paris, by +Prof. Soldan, and printed in Appendix XI. of his history.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1350_1350" id="Footnote_1350_1350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1350_1350"><span class="label">[1350]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, chapter xv., p. 264, note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1351_1351" id="Footnote_1351_1351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1351_1351"><span class="label">[1351]</span></a> "M. le chancelier de l'Hospital qui avoit les fleurs de +lys dans le cœur." Journal de Lestoile, p. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1352_1352" id="Footnote_1352_1352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1352_1352"><span class="label">[1352]</span></a> "Politici (novum enim hoc nomen ex novo negotio sub hoc +tempus natum)." Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 132.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1353_1353" id="Footnote_1353_1353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1353_1353"><span class="label">[1353]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fols. 115-117. The dedication of +Hotman's Franco-Gallia to the elector palatine is dated August 21, 1573.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1354_1354" id="Footnote_1354_1354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1354_1354"><span class="label">[1354]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 122. Serres gives an extended +summary of the work, whose author is unknown to him, fols. 119-128.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1355_1355" id="Footnote_1355_1355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1355_1355"><span class="label">[1355]</span></a> Eusebii Philadelphi Dialog., ii. 117, <i>et passim</i>. See +also the Tocsain contre les massacreurs, which, although published as +late as 1579, was written before the death of Charles the Ninth (see the +address of the printer, dated June 25, 1577), where the king is directly +compared to the Emperor Nero. Archives curieuses, vii. 162.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1356_1356" id="Footnote_1356_1356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1356_1356"><span class="label">[1356]</span></a> They had, however, generally retracted their admissions +of complicity made on the rack.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1357_1357" id="Footnote_1357_1357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1357_1357"><span class="label">[1357]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 118; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) +19, 20; Arcère, Histoire de la ville de la Rochelle, i. 533-540; Languet, +Letter of Feb. 8, 1574, i. 229.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1358_1358" id="Footnote_1358_1358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1358_1358"><span class="label">[1358]</span></a> See the list of members in the protocol of the +proceedings first published in the Bulletin de la Société de l'hist. du +prot. français, x. (1862) 351-353.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1359_1359" id="Footnote_1359_1359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1359_1359"><span class="label">[1359]</span></a> In this, as in other particulars, the political assembly +of Milhau merely re-enacted the provisions of the assembly of Réalmont. +For the dates of the early political assemblies of the Huguenots, which +must of course be carefully distinguished from their synods or +ecclesiastical assemblies, see the list in the Bulletin, etc., xxii. +(1873) 508.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1360_1360" id="Footnote_1360_1360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1360_1360"><span class="label">[1360]</span></a> Text of the document embodying the resolutions of the +political assembly of Milhau, in Haag, La France protestante (vol. x.), +Pièces justificatives, 121-126. The correct date seems to be Dec. 17th, +instead of 16th; Bulletin, as above, x. 351. Cf. also Léonce Anquez, +Histoire des assemblées politiques des réformés de France (1573-1622), +Paris, 1859, 7-11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1361_1361" id="Footnote_1361_1361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1361_1361"><span class="label">[1361]</span></a> Lettres d'Auger Gislen, seigneur de Busbec, amb. de +l'emp. Rodolphe II. auprès de Henri III. Cimber et Danjou, Archives +curieuses, x. 115.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1362_1362" id="Footnote_1362_1362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1362_1362"><span class="label">[1362]</span></a> "Dictitabat se Religionem reformatam minime probare; +ensis tantum sui mucronem esse Religiosum: id est, se non Religionis +doctrinam, sed Religiosorum causam sequi. Hujusmodi exemplis magnæ +offensiones adversus Religiosos conflabantur." Jean de Serres, iv., fol. +118. The reader needs perhaps to be reminded that <i>Religiosi</i> here stands +as the equivalent for the French designation of the Huguenots as "ceux de +la Religion."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1363_1363" id="Footnote_1363_1363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1363_1363"><span class="label">[1363]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 113, 114 (liv. ii., c. 4); Jean de +Serres, iv., fol. 117. Of "La Grande Chartreuse," which lies ten miles +north of Grenoble, see a good account in R. Töpffer, Voyages en Zigzag, +seconde série.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1364_1364" id="Footnote_1364_1364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1364_1364"><span class="label">[1364]</span></a> Languet, Epistolæ secretæ, i. 214, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1365_1365" id="Footnote_1365_1365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1365_1365"><span class="label">[1365]</span></a> E. Arnaud, Histoire des protestants du Dauphiné aux +xvi<sup>e</sup>, xvii<sup>e</sup> et xviii<sup>e</sup> siècles, Paris, 1875, i. 277-281; Ch. Charronet, +Les guerres de religion et la société protestante dans les Hautes-Alpes +(1560-1789), Gap., 1861, p. 75, etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1366_1366" id="Footnote_1366_1366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1366_1366"><span class="label">[1366]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 113; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.), +30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1367_1367" id="Footnote_1367_1367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1367_1367"><span class="label">[1367]</span></a> "Fere omnes qui non fuerunt participes cædis Amiralii et +aliorum, dicunt, Huguenotos merito corripere arma ad tutandam suam +salutem, cum nihil observetur eorum quæ hactenus fuerunt ipsis promissa." +Languet, letter of April 14, 1574, Epistolæ secretæ, i. 239.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1368_1368" id="Footnote_1368_1368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1368_1368"><span class="label">[1368]</span></a> "Et parmy leurs discours se representoient a chacun coup +la journée de St. Barthélemy."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1369_1369" id="Footnote_1369_1369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1369_1369"><span class="label">[1369]</span></a> The interesting particulars of the conference we obtain +from two long and very important despatches of Biron to Charles IX., +dated, the one, Ernandes, April 24th, the other, April 26th and 27th, +1574, MSS. Imperial Lib. of St. Petersburg, communicated to the Bulletin +de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., xxii. (1873) 401-413, by M. Jean +Loutchitzki.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1370_1370" id="Footnote_1370_1370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1370_1370"><span class="label">[1370]</span></a> Agrippa d'Aubigné, ii. 117. Shrove Tuesday fell, in 1574, +on March 9th.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1371_1371" id="Footnote_1371_1371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1371_1371"><span class="label">[1371]</span></a> Ten miles from the château de St. Germain, and about the +same distance from the palace of the Louvre. A part of the old forest yet +remains.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1372_1372" id="Footnote_1372_1372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1372_1372"><span class="label">[1372]</span></a> I follow Agrippa d'Aubigné, who here must be regarded as +excellent authority, for not only was he present, but it was by his means +("par ma conduitte") that Guitry was introduced into Navarre's chamber. +Hist. univ., ii. 119.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1373_1373" id="Footnote_1373_1373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1373_1373"><span class="label">[1373]</span></a> Jean de Serres (iv., fol. 138) and the Mémoires de +l'estat (Archives curieuses, "Discours de l'entreprise de St. Germain," +viii. 107-118) give the last of February for the date of the discovery of +the undertaking of Alençon; but, from a comparison of letters, Prof. +Soldan has shown (ii. 580) that it really was March 1st.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1374_1374" id="Footnote_1374_1374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1374_1374"><span class="label">[1374]</span></a> It is Agrippa d'Aubigné (Hist. univ., ii. 119) who +depicts the scene. As he seems to have been present on the occasion, we +may rely upon the truthfulness of the groundwork of his sketch, while +ascribing a little of the coloring to the free hand of the artist.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1375_1375" id="Footnote_1375_1375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1375_1375"><span class="label">[1375]</span></a> The testimony of Navarre and others is preserved, and has +been published, together with the interrogatories, in the Archives +curieuses, viii. 127-221.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1376_1376" id="Footnote_1376_1376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1376_1376"><span class="label">[1376]</span></a> Pierre de Lestoile, Mémoires (éd. Michaud et Poujoulat), +30. Languet, letter of May 11, 1574, ii. 7, 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1377_1377" id="Footnote_1377_1377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1377_1377"><span class="label">[1377]</span></a> Jean de Serres, iv. 136; Languet, letter of May 11, 1574, +ii. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1378_1378" id="Footnote_1378_1378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1378_1378"><span class="label">[1378]</span></a> "Je sçais bien que ce sont des chats que vos huguenots, +qui se retrouvent tousjours sur leurs pieds." Mém. de Pierre de Lestoile +(éd. Michaud et Poujoulat), 53.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1379_1379" id="Footnote_1379_1379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1379_1379"><span class="label">[1379]</span></a> "Ains les laissant en paix comme ministres de l'utilité +commune, et pères nourriciers des autres estats."</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1380_1380" id="Footnote_1380_1380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1380_1380"><span class="label">[1380]</span></a> P. Brisson, Hist. et vray discours des guerres civiles ès +pays de Poictou, <i>apud</i> Histoire des protestants et des églises réf. du +Poitou, par Auguste Lièvre (Poitiers, 1856), i. 189, 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1381_1381" id="Footnote_1381_1381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1381_1381"><span class="label">[1381]</span></a> De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 33.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1382_1382" id="Footnote_1382_1382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1382_1382"><span class="label">[1382]</span></a> De Thou, v. 44; Olhagaray, Hist. de Foix, etc., 638. Miss +Freer ("Henry III., King of France, His Court and Times," i. 366) accepts +the statement without question, while Prof. Soldan, ii. 587, rejects it, +basing his action upon a passage in another treatise of D'Aubigné than +that referred to below, viz.: "Choses notables et qui semblent dignes de +l'histoire," in Archives curieuses, viii. 411.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1383_1383" id="Footnote_1383_1383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1383_1383"><span class="label">[1383]</span></a> Hist. univ., ii. 126. See a contemporary account: "La +Prinse du Comte de Montgommery dedans le Chasteau de Donfron ... le Jeudy +xxvii. de May, mil cinq cens soixante et quatorze. A Paris, 1574. Avec +Privilege." Archives curieuses, viii. 223-238.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1384_1384" id="Footnote_1384_1384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1384_1384"><span class="label">[1384]</span></a> Aug. 13, 1569; see Olhagaray, Histoire de Foix, Béarn, et +Navarre (Paris, 1609), pp. 616, 617. According to this author, "le voyage +de Béarn, et le coup de Navarreux sur la noblesse du païs luy cousta +cela," <i>i.e.</i>, his execution. Ib., p. 639.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1385_1385" id="Footnote_1385_1385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1385_1385"><span class="label">[1385]</span></a> Mémoires d'un curé ligueur (Jehan de la Fosse), pp. 168, +169. See <i>ante</i>, chapter xiii., p. 78. Chantonnay (despatch of May 6, +1562) speaks of Montgomery as "se ventant que la plus belle et digne +œuvre que se soit jamais faicte en France, fut le coup de lance dont +il tua le roy Henry. Je m'esbayhis comme la royne le peult dissimuler." +Mém. de Condé, ii. 37.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1386_1386" id="Footnote_1386_1386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1386_1386"><span class="label">[1386]</span></a> "Discours de la Mort et Exécution de Gabriel Comte de +Montgommery, par Arrest de la Court, pour les conspirations et menees par +luy commises, contre le Roy et son estat. Qui fut à Paris, le +vingtsixiesme de Iuing, 1574. A Paris, 1574. Avec priv." (Archives cur., +viii. 239-253.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1387_1387" id="Footnote_1387_1387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1387_1387"><span class="label">[1387]</span></a> Doubtless repeating the words of the Confession of Sins, +beginning: "Seigneur Dieu, Père Eternel et Tout-puissant," etc., a form +loved by the Huguenots, and often on the lips of martyrs for the faith.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1388_1388" id="Footnote_1388_1388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1388_1388"><span class="label">[1388]</span></a> Mémoires de Lestoile, i. 38. Agrippa d'Aubigné gives us +(ii. 131) a full account of Montgomery's address, which he himself heard, +mounted, as he informs us, "en croupe" behind M. de Fervaques, to whom +Montgomery bade farewell just before his death. The Huguenot captain made +but two requests of the bystanders: "the first, that they would tell his +children, whom the judges had declared to be degraded to the rank of +'roturiers,' that, if they had not virtue of nobility enough to reassert +their position, their father consented to the act; as for the other +request, he conjured them, by the respect due to the words of a dying +man, not to represent him to others as beheaded for any of the reasons +assigned in his judicial condemnation—his wars, expeditions, and ensigns +won—subjects of frivolous praise to vain men—but to make him the +companion in cause and in death of so many simple persons according to +the world—old men, young men, and poor women—who in that same place +(the Place de Grève) had endured fire and knife." D'Aubigné's narrative, +as usual, is vivid, and mentions somewhat trivial details, which, +however, are additional pledges of its accuracy; <i>e.g.</i>, he alludes to +the fact that, having spoken as above to those who stood on the side +toward the river, he repeated his remarks to those on the other side of +the Place de Grève, beginning with the words, "I was saying to the men +yonder," etc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1389_1389" id="Footnote_1389_1389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1389_1389"><span class="label">[1389]</span></a> De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1390_1390" id="Footnote_1390_1390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1390_1390"><span class="label">[1390]</span></a> Hist. univ., ii. (liv. ii.) 129.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1391_1391" id="Footnote_1391_1391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1391_1391"><span class="label">[1391]</span></a> Mémoires de Pierre de Lestoile (éd. Michaud et +Poujoulat), i. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1392_1392" id="Footnote_1392_1392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1392_1392"><span class="label">[1392]</span></a> De Thou, v. 48; text in Isambert, Recueil des anc. lois +fr., xiv. 262.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1393_1393" id="Footnote_1393_1393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1393_1393"><span class="label">[1393]</span></a> Mémoires de Claude Haton, ii. 764</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1394_1394" id="Footnote_1394_1394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1394_1394"><span class="label">[1394]</span></a> North British Review, Oct., 1869, p. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1395_1395" id="Footnote_1395_1395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1395_1395"><span class="label">[1395]</span></a> Or, as Sorbin expressed it, "qu'il voyoit l'idole +Calvinesque n'estre encores du tout chassée." Le vray resveille-matin des +Calvinistes, 88, ibid., <i>ubi supra</i>. The expression, it will be noticed, +contains a distinct reference to the anagram upon the name of "Charles de +Valois"—"va chasser l'idole," upon which the Huguenots had founded +brilliant hopes. See <i>ante</i>, chapter xiii., p. 123. On the other hand, +since the massacre, some Huguenot had discovered that from the same name +could be obtained the appropriate words "<i>chasseur déloyal</i>." Recueil des +choses mémorables (1598), 506.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1396_1396" id="Footnote_1396_1396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1396_1396"><span class="label">[1396]</span></a> Languet, ii. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1397_1397" id="Footnote_1397_1397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1397_1397"><span class="label">[1397]</span></a> Agrippa D'Aubigné, ii. 129; De Thou, v. (liv. lvii.) 50. +Charles left but one legitimate child, a daughter, born Oct. 27, 1572, +who died in her sixth year.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1398_1398" id="Footnote_1398_1398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1398_1398"><span class="label">[1398]</span></a> Claude Haton, never more himself than when recounting the +circumstances of a case of murder, whether by sword or by poison, fully +credits the story; but the letter of Catharine to M. de Matignon, written +on the 31st of May, gives an intelligible account of the results of the +medical examination establishing the pulmonary nature of the king's +disease.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1399_1399" id="Footnote_1399_1399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1399_1399"><span class="label">[1399]</span></a> Jean de Serres, Comment de statu, etc., iv., fol. 137.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1400_1400" id="Footnote_1400_1400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1400_1400"><span class="label">[1400]</span></a> See examples given by White (Massacre of St. Bartholomew, +480) and others.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1401_1401" id="Footnote_1401_1401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1401_1401"><span class="label">[1401]</span></a> De Thou and others ascribe to Albert de Gondy, Count of +Retz, one of Charles's early instructors and a creature of Catharine de' +Medici, the unenviable credit of having taught the young monarch never to +tell the truth, and to use those horrible imprecations which startled +even the profane when coming from the lips of a dying man. De Thou, v. +47, etc. See also Jean de Serres, iv., fol. 137, and Brantôme, Le roy +Charles IX<sup>e</sup>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1402_1402" id="Footnote_1402_1402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1402_1402"><span class="label">[1402]</span></a> See the contemporary pamphlet, "Le Trespas et Obsèques du +très-chrestien roy de France, Charles IX<sup>e</sup>. de ce Nom;" reprinted in +Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses.</p></div></div> + +<hr class="hr40" /> + +<h2>INDEX.</h2> + +<p class='ind2'>A.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Abasement of the people, fruits of the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Accommodating" the Huguenots of Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Accord," the Protestants of Cateau-Cambrésis claim the benefit of the, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Acier, Baron d' (Jacques de Crussol), ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Acier, D', younger brother of Crussol, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Adrets, François de Beaumont, Baron des, a merciless general of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his vindication of his course, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, note;<br /> +his cruelty, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;<br /> +deserts the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Adriani, Giovambatista, the historian, his assertion that a plan for "Sicilian Vespers" was to have been executed at Moulins, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on the rejoicing in Italy over the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_534">534</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Agen, in Guyenne, persecution at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Agenois, Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Agimus a gagné Père Eternel," meaning of the expression, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aiguillon, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Airvault, ii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aix, Parliament of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>iniquitous order respecting the Waldenses or Vaudois, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>. See Vaudois of Provence.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alava, Frances de, Spanish ambassador at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Albi, refuses to admit a garrison, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Albigenses, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>accused of Manichæism, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Albret, Jeanne d'. See Navarre, Queen of.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aleander, papal nuncio, his hopes respecting Lefèvre d'Étaples, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alençon, city of, saved from becoming a scene of massacre by M. de Matignon, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alençon, Francis of, fourth son of Henry II., baptized Hercules, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>to be substituted for Anjou, as a suitor for the hand of Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;<br /> +his praise, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;<br /> +he takes no part in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and is threatened by his mother, ii. <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;<br /> +his reply to her attempt to estrange him from the admiral, ii. <a href="#Page_495">495</a>;<br /> +La Mothe Fénélon instructed to press his suit with Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_606">606</a>;<br /> +his disfigurement, ii. <a href="#Page_607">607</a>;<br /> +he is offered as candidate for election as King of the Romans, ii. <a href="#Page_608">608</a>;<br /> +the proposal is declined, ii. <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;<br /> +chosen by the party of the "Politiques" as their head, ii. <a href="#Page_619">619</a>;<br /> +his untrustworthy character, ii. <a href="#Page_619">619</a>, <a href="#Page_620">620</a>;<br /> +his irresolution, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alessandria, the Cardinal of, despatched as legate to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Charles IX.'s assurances to him, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400-403</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alexander III. dedicates the abbey of St. Germain-des-Prés, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alienor, or Éléonore, last Duchess of Aquitaine, her charter given to La Rochelle in 1199, ii. <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Allens, M. d', i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Alva, Duke of, is one of the ambassadors of Philip II., and a hostage for the execution of the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>declines the joint expedition proposed by Henry II. for the destruction of Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>;<br /> +is suspicious of the proposed conference at Bayonne, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168</a> (see Bayonne, Conference of);<br /> +sent to Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<br /> +alarm caused by his march, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;<br /> +he is invited by Cardinal Lorraine to enter France, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;<br /> +he procrastinates, ib.;<br /> +insincerity of his offers, ii. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;<br /> +sends a few troops under Count Aremberg, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;<br /> +is again called upon for aid, ii. <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;<br /> +his view of accommodations with heretics, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<br /> +opposes the peace of Saint Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<br /> +he receives a signal rebuff from Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;<br /> +exults over the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, but hesitates from policy to put the Huguenot prisoners to death, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>;<br /> +earns the approval of Pius V. by his butcheries, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>, <a href="#Page_565">565</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_644" id="Page_644">[Pg 644]</a></span> +Amboise, the peace of, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its terms condemned, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +Coligny's disappointment at, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<br /> +the terms in many places not observed, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +commissioners sent out to enforce the execution of the edict, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;<br /> +the Parliament of Paris sternly reproved by the king for its failure to record the edict, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;<br /> +the edict infringed upon by interpretative declarations, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Amboise, the Tumult of, causes of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>, seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Assembly of Nantes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>;<br /> +chronology of the Tumult, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_381">381</a>;<br /> +the plot betrayed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>;<br /> +dismay of the royal court, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>;<br /> +bloody executions following, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Amende honorable," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Amiens, one hundred and fifty Huguenots murdered at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Amnesty, the Edict of, March, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its terms ostensibly extended, but explained away, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Anagram of Charles de Valois (Charles IX.), ii. <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Andelot, François d', younger brother of Admiral Coligny, favors the Reformation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>denounced as a heretic by Cardinal Granvelle, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_316">316</a>;<br /> +his visit to Brittany, ib.;<br /> +he is summoned by Henry II., before whom he makes a manly defence of his faith, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;<br /> +is imprisoned, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;<br /> +his temporary weakness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_319">319</a>;<br /> +disappointment of the Pope at his escape from the stake, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>, note;<br /> +is consulted by Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>;<br /> +throws himself into Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +returns with reinforcements from Germany, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;<br /> +is left in Orleans by Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;<br /> +his warlike counsels at the outbreak of the second civil war prevail, ii. <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;<br /> +sent to intercept Count of Aremberg, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;<br /> +spirited remonstrance (ascribed to him) addressed to Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;<br /> +his escape from Brittany to La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;<br /> +his death ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;<br /> +his character and exploits, ii. <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ange, L', orator for the tiers état in the States General of Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_458">458</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Angers, massacre of, ii. <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Anglois, Jacques l', a Protestant minister, murdered at Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_515">515</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Angoulême, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Angoulême, Bastard of, ii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>, <a href="#Page_459">459</a>, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Angoulême, Margaret of, afterward Queen of Navarre, sister of Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>birth and studies, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>;<br /> +personal appearance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_105">105</a>;<br /> +political influence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_106">106</a>;<br /> +married first to Duke of Alençon, ib.;<br /> +goes to Spain to visit her captive brother, ib.;<br /> +marriage to Henry, King of Navarre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;<br /> +corresponds with Bishop Briçonnet, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>;<br /> +her Heptameron, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>;<br /> +her sanguine hopes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_133">133</a>;<br /> +her correspondence with Count von Hohenlohe, ib.;<br /> +favors Protestant preachers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;<br /> +attacked in the College of Navarre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_152">152</a>;<br /> +her "Miroir de l'âme pécheresse," ib.;<br /> +fruitless intercessions in the matter of the placards of 1534, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_168">168</a>;<br /> +she yields to the influence of the "Libertines," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_226">226</a>;<br /> +her address to the Parliament of Bordeaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_226">226</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Annats," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Anjou, Henry, Duke of (afterward Henry III., see Henry of Valois);<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is appointed by Charles IX. lieutenant-general, and placed in supreme command of the army, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> +endeavors to prevent the junction of Condé and the Germans, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +his forces at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;<br /> +his army goes into winter quarters, ii. <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;<br /> +his growing superiority in numbers, ii. <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;<br /> +endeavors to prevent the southern Huguenots from reinforcing Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;<br /> +throws his troops in front of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;<br /> +obtains a victory at Jarnac, March 13, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>,<a href="#Page_302">302</a>;<br /> +sends off exaggerated bulletins from the battle-field, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>,<a href="#Page_308">308</a>;<br /> +receives congratulations and sanguinary injunctions from Pius V., ii. <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;<br /> +he furloughs his troops, ii. <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;<br /> +relieves Poitiers, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;<br /> +his army strengthened, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;<br /> +defeats the Huguenots at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332-336</a>;<br /> +loses the advantages gained, through the mistake committed at St. Jean d'Angely, ii. <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, seq.;<br /> +disbands a great part of his army, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343</a>;<br /> +leaves the remainder in the prince dauphin's hands, ib.;<br /> +his projected marriage to Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, seq.;<br /> +machinations to dissuade him, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;<br /> +indignation of Charles at, ib.;<br /> +his new ardor, ii. <a href="#Page_381">381</a>;<br /> +papal and Spanish efforts, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;<br /> +the match abandoned, ii. <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;<br /> +his confession respecting the origin of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;<br /> +his jealousy of Coligny's influence, ib.;<br /> +he and his mother resolve upon the death of the admiral, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;<br /> +they call in the help of the Duchess of Nemours and Henry of Guise, ib.;<br /> +he visits the wounded admiral, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;<br /> +plies Charles IX. with arguments to frighten him into authorizing a massacre of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;<br /> +he rides through the streets of Paris encouraging the assassins, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>;<br /> +enriches himself from the plunder of the jeweller Baduère, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;<br /> +helps to persuade Charles IX. to assume the responsibility of the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_491">491</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_645" id="Page_645">[Pg 645]</a></span> +his letter to Montsoreau, Governor of Saumur, ii. <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;<br /> +sent to assume command of the army besieging La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>;<br /> +issues stringent ordinances after the example of the Huguenots, ib.;<br /> +he is elected King of Poland, ii. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>;<br /> +his reception at Heidelberg by the Elector Palatine, Frederick the Pious, ii. <a href="#Page_610">610</a>, seq.;<br /> +his personal appearance, ii. <a href="#Page_610">610</a>, note;<br /> +his lying assertions and the elector's frank remonstrance, ii. <a href="#Page_611">611</a>, <a href="#Page_612">612</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Antoine de Bourbon-Vendôme, King of Navarre. See Navarre, Antoine, King of.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aosta, story of Calvin's labors at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Arande, Michel d', i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his reply to Farel, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aremberg Count, sent by Alva to France, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Arnay-le-Duc, battle of, June 25, 1570, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Arras, Bishop of. See Granvelle, Cardinal.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Arras, execution of Vaudois at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Artois and Flanders, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii.<a href="#Page_186">186</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Assembly, a political, of the Huguenots, held in Nismes, Nov., 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>a military organization of the Huguenots provided for by the assembly of Montauban, Aug., 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;<br /> +previous assemblies, ii. <a href="#Page_601">601</a>, note;<br /> +the organization perfected in the assembly of Milhau, Dec. 17, 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_617">617-619</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Astrology, popular belief in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aubenas, a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aubigné, Agrippa d', at Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his father's exclamation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_393">393</a>;<br /> +his testimony as to Chancellor L'Hospital's complicity with the conspirators of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_412">412</a>;<br /> +his father appointed a commissioner for the execution of the edict of pacification of Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;<br /> +his enlistment in the Huguenot army, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;<br /> +on the firing of Charles IX. on the Huguenots at the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;<br /> +on the magnanimous reply of the Viscount D'Orthez to the king, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, note;<br /> +on the effect of the massacre on the king himself, ii. <a href="#Page_560">560</a>, <a href="#Page_561">561</a>;<br /> +his account of Regnier's deliverance of Montauban, ii. <a href="#Page_575">575</a>;<br /> +of the death of Count Montgomery, ii. <a href="#Page_634">634</a>, <a href="#Page_635">635</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aubigné, Merle d'. See Merle.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Audeberte, Anne her martyrdom, i,<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Auger, or Augier, Edmond, his violent sermons at Bordeaux, ii. <a href="#Page_523">523</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aumale, Claude, Duke of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>marries a daughter of Diana of Poitiers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;<br /> +his jealousy of the Duke of Nemours, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;<br /> +pursues the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<br /> +helps arrange the plan for assassinating Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_435">435</a>;<br /> +receives a rough answer from Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;<br /> +pursues Montgomery, ii. <a href="#Page_482">482</a>;<br /> +is killed before La Rochelle, March 3, 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Aurillac, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Autun, the "mice" of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Auxerre, assassination of Huguenots at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Avenelles, Des, betrays the designs of La Renaudie to the Guises, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Aventuriers," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Avignon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>popes at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ayamonte, Marquis d', sent by Philip II. to congratulate Charles IX. on the massacre of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_540">540</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Aygnos," for Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>B.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>"Babylonish captivity," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Baden, Marquis of, ii. <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Baden, the Swiss Diet of, ii. <a href="#Page_558">558</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Baduère, a rich jeweller in Paris and a Huguenot, great plunder obtained by the Duke of Anjou from his shop, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_613">613</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ballads, Huguenot, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120-125</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Balue, Cardinal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_34">34</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Barbaro, a Venetian ambassador, regards the conference of Saint Germain as an efficient means of spreading heresy, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Barrier, a Franciscan monk and curate at Provins, his remarks to the people when ordered to make proclamation of the king's tolerant order, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his seditious sermon on the edict of January, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;<br /> +at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bassompierre, ii. <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Battle of Pavia, Feb 24, 1525, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>of Saint Quentin, Aug. 10, 1557, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;<br /> +of Dreux, Dec. 19, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<br /> +of Saint Denis, Nov. 10, 1567, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213-215</a>;<br /> +of Jarnac, March 13, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;<br /> +of La Roche Abeille, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;<br /> +of Moncontour, Oct. 3, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332-336</a>;<br /> +of Arnay-le-Duc, June 25 and 26, 1570, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Baum, Professor, on the reply of Condé to the "petition" of the Triumvirs, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bayonne, Conference of, June, 1565, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>proposed by Catharine de' Medici, ib.;<br /> +looked upon with suspicion by Philip II. and Alva, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<br /> +current misapprehensions respecting its object, ii. <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;<br /> +what was actually proposed, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;<br /> +Charles declares himself against war, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;<br /> +the discussion between Alva, Catharine, and Isabella, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172-175</a>;<br /> +no plan of extermination adopted or even proposed, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;<br /> +festivities and pageantry, ii. <a href="#Page_176">176-179</a>;<br /> +the assertion of Adriani that the "Sicilian Vespers" projected at Bayonne were to have been executed at Moulins, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_646" id="Page_646">[Pg 646]</a></span> +some of the appointed victims, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Béarn, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>establishment of the Reformation in, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, seq.;<br /> +Montgomery takes a great part of, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Beaudiné, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Beaugency "loaned" by Condé to the King of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>retaken by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Beauvais, riot at, occasioned by the suspected Protestantism of Cardinal Châtillon, bishop of the city, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_474">474</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Beauvoir la Nocle, a Huguenot negotiator, ii. <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>escapes from the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_481">481-483</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bécanis, Vidal de, an inquisitor, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Beda, or Bédier, Natalis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Belin, an agent in the massacre of Troyes, ii. <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bellay, Guillaume du, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>labors for conciliation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>;<br /> +his representations at Smalcald to the German princes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;<br /> +makes in the name of Francis I., a Protestant confession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>;<br /> +is instructed to investigate the history and character of the Waldenses of Mérindol, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_239">239</a>;<br /> +his favorable report, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bellay, Jean du, Bishop of Paris, leans to the reformed doctrine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bellièvre, his lying representations to the Swiss respecting the admiral, the massacre, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_558">558</a>, <a href="#Page_559">559</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Berchon, Governor of Orange, expelled, ii. <a href="#Page_620">620</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Berne, canton of, intercedes for the relatives of Farel, but receives a rough answer from Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>again applies to him, with similar results, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;<br /> +intercedes for the Five Scholars of Lausanne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>;<br /> +other intercessions, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>;<br /> +sends troops to the aid of the Huguenots, but afterward recalls them, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Berquin, Louis de, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +becomes a reformer, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_129">129</a>;<br /> +prosecuted and imprisoned but released by order of the king, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_130">130</a>;<br /> +becomes acquainted with Erasmus, ib.;<br /> +his second imprisonment, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_131">131</a>;<br /> +and release, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>;<br /> +intercessions of Margaret of Angoulême, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_132">132</a>;<br /> +his third arrest, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>, seq.;<br /> +his execution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_145">145</a>;<br /> +elegies on, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Berthault, an evangelical preacher, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Béthisy, rue de, ii. <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Beza, or De Bèze, Theodore, efforts in behalf of the persecuted Protestants of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>consulted as to revolution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_377">377</a>;<br /> +dissuades the French Protestants from armed resistance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_378">378</a>;<br /> +his comment upon the edict of amnesty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_386">386</a>;<br /> +invited by Antoine of Bourbon to Nérac, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>;<br /> +he returns to Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>;<br /> +he is invited to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>;<br /> +urged by the Protestants of Paris to come, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_496">496</a>;<br /> +his hesitation, but final consent, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_497">497</a>;<br /> +he reaches St. Germain, ib.;<br /> +his previous history, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_497">497</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_498">498</a>;<br /> +he has a flattering reception, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_502">502</a>;<br /> +distrusts Chancellor L'Hospital, ib.;<br /> +has a discussion with Cardinal Lorraine, who professes to be satisfied, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_504">504</a>;<br /> +his diffidence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_512">512</a>;<br /> +his retort to the sneer of a cardinal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_514">514</a>;<br /> +his prayer and address, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_514">514-521</a>;<br /> +he is interrupted by an outcry of the theologians of the Sorbonne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_519">519</a>;<br /> +his brilliant success, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_523">523</a>;<br /> +his frankness justified, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_524">524</a>;<br /> +he asks a hearing to answer Cardinal Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_529">529</a>;<br /> +his reply, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_533">533</a>;<br /> +he skilfully parries the cardinal's demand that he should subscribe to the Augsburg Confession, ib.;<br /> +his remarks on Romish "vocation," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_534">534</a>;<br /> +and a proper and amicable conference, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_535">535</a>;<br /> +he excites the anger of the prelates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_536">536</a>;<br /> +replies to Lainez, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_537">537</a>;<br /> +at the conference of Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>, seq.;<br /> +is begged by Catharine de' Medici, Condé and Coligny to remain in France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_559">559</a>;<br /> +his anxiety to restrain the Protestants from violence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_565">565</a>;<br /> +urges the Huguenots to obey the edict of January, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;<br /> +he demands the punishment of the authors of the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br /> +his noble answer to the King of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<br /> +he is the probable author of Condé's reply to the "petition" of the Triumvirs, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<br /> +his view of the practicability of taking Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;<br /> +he is accused by Poltrot of having instigated the murder of the Duke of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;<br /> +he vindicates his innocence, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;<br /> +he is moderator of the seventh national synod, ii. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, note;<br /> +a price set on his head by the Duchess of Parma, ib.;<br /> +his remarks on Coligny's death, ii. <a href="#Page_554">554</a>;<br /> +his sermon on the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>;<br /> +his lively sympathy with the persecuted Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_556">556</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bible, old translations of, unfaithful, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>translation of Lefèvre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_78">78</a>;<br /> +eagerly bought, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>;<br /> +sale of French translations, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>;<br /> +translated by Olivetanus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Birague at the blood council, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Biron pursues the Huguenots after the battle of Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>negotiates with Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<br /> +carries to the Queen of Navarre the proposal of the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;<br /> +in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_473">473</a>;<br /> +sent to La Rochelle as governor, ii. <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;<br /> +is not received, ib.;<br /> +ii.<a href="#Page_581">581</a>, <a href="#Page_582">582</a>, <a href="#Page_616">616</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;<br /> +his new negotiations before La Rochelle ii. <a href="#Page_621">621</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Blamont, ii. <a href="#Page_609">609</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_647" id="Page_647">[Pg 647]</a></span> +Blasphemous taunts addressed to the Huguenots at Orleans in the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_509">509</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>See also, ii. <a href="#Page_570">570</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Blaye, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Blondel, executed at Toulouse, for singing a profane hymn of Marot at Corpus Christi, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bochetel, Bishop of Rennes, his false representations to the German princes respecting the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Boissière, Claude de la, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bombs, used by the Protestant garrison of Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Boniface VIII., Pope, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_27">27</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Book-pedlers from Switzerland, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Books, war upon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +not to be sold by pedlers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bordeaux, Parliament of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>sanguinary action of, after the battle of Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bordeaux, the boldness of the "Lutherans" of, according to the archbishop of the city, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>oppression to which the Protestants were subjected, ii. <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;<br /> +massacre of, Oct., 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522-524</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Boscheron des Portes, President, gives credit to an alleged admission of disloyal intentions on the part of La Renaudie, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_394">394-396</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux his admiration of the sagacity of the Cardinal of Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_546">546</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Botzheim, Johann Wilhelm von his account of the massacre at Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bouchavannes, ii. <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bouchet, Jean, his "Deploration," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_65">65</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bouillon, Duc de, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Boulogne, edict of pacification of, July, 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bouquin, Jean, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourbon, Antoine of. See Antoine, King of Navarre.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourbon, Cardinal his speech to the notables i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>exhorts Francis to prove himself "Very Christian," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +he is made governor of Paris in place of Marshal Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<br /> +his anger at L'Hospital's action in behalf of the scattered Protestants, ii. <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourg, Anne du, a learned and upright member of the Parliament of Paris, makes an eloquent plea for religious liberty in the "mercuriale," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his arrest, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>;<br /> +his trial and successive appeals, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_368">368</a>;<br /> +his officious advocate, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_369">369</a>;<br /> +his message to the Protestants of Paris, ib.;<br /> +his deportment in the Bastile, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_370">370</a>;<br /> +intercession of the Elector Palatine in his behalf, ib.;<br /> +his pathetic and eloquent speech i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>;<br /> +his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_372">372</a>;<br /> +a disastrous blow to the established church, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>;<br /> +account of Florimond de Ræmond, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_374">374</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourg, Jean du, a wealthy draper, executed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourges, captured by Marshal Saint André, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>violence at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;<br /> +unsuccessful attempt upon, ii. <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;<br /> +massacre of Protestants at, ii. <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourges, council of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>provincial council of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourniquet, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bourry, a Protestant captain, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bouteiller, Abbé, confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his doctrinal views, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Brandenburg, the Elector of, declines to help the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Brantôme, the Abbé de, his eulogy of Renée de France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;<br /> +on the firing of Charles IX. on the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, note;<br /> +on the chief actors in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Brazil, a Protestant colony sent to, under Villegagnon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>fails through Villegagnon's hostility to Protestantism, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bresse, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bretagne, Jacques, "vierg" of Autun, his able speech for the "tiers état" at the States General of Pontoise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_489">489</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Briçonnet, Guillaume, Bishop of Meaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>invites Lefèvre and Farel, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>;<br /> +his warning, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;<br /> +his weakness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>;<br /> +his synodal decree, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_80">80</a>;<br /> +cited before parliament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>;<br /> +becomes the jailer of the "Lutherans," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>;<br /> +his correspondence with Margaret of Angoulême, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Briquemault, execution of, Oct. 27, 1573, for alleged complicity in a Huguenot conspiracy against the king, ii. <a href="#Page_548">548</a>, <a href="#Page_549">549</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Brouage, ii. <a href="#Page_576">576</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Browning, W. S., his error as to the authorship of the "Vie de Coligny," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Brugière, execution of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Budé, Guillaume, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_144">144</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Burgundians, their intolerance of the Reformation, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Burleigh, Lord (see also Cecil), promotes the match between the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Busbec, his delineation of the character of the Duke of Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_620">620</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bussy, or Bucy, Porte de, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Bussy d'Amboise murders the Marquis de Renel, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>C.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Cabrières, destruction of i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caen, in Normandy, Protestant assemblies in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>iconoclasm at, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_648" id="Page_648">[Pg 648]</a></span> +saved from becoming a scene of massacre, by M. de Matignon, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caillaud, President, exceptional fairness of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_219">219</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Calais, captured by Francis, Duke of Guise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Calvin, John, the real author of Rector Cop's address, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his flight from Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> +his language respecting Francis I. and Charles V., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>;<br /> +becomes the apologist of the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_198">198</a>;<br /> +his birth and training, ib.;<br /> +studies at Paris, Orleans, and Bourges, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>;<br /> +is a pupil of Melchior Wolmar, ib.;<br /> +translates Seneca "De Clementia," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>;<br /> +his flight to Angoulême, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>;<br /> +traditions respecting his preaching, ib.;<br /> +he resigns his benefices, ib.;<br /> +reaches Basle, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_201">201</a>;<br /> +writes his "Christian Institutes," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_202">202</a>;<br /> +the original edition in Latin, ib.;<br /> +the preface, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>;<br /> +it has no effect in allaying persecution, but achieves distinction for its author, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_204">204</a>;<br /> +he revises the Bible of Olivetanus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>;<br /> +he visits Italy, ib.;<br /> +said to have labored at Aosta, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_207">207</a>;<br /> +passing through Geneva, is detained by the urgency of Farel, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>;<br /> +becomes the head of the commonwealth, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_210">210</a>;<br /> +his views respecting church and state, ib.;<br /> +respecting the punishment of heresy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_211">211</a>;<br /> +approves of the execution, but not the burning of Servetus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;<br /> +his fault the fault of the age, ib.;<br /> +he shuns notoriety, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_213">213</a>;<br /> +his character and natural endowments, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;<br /> +he is consulted by Protestants in every quarter of Europe, ib.;<br /> +his constant toils, ib.;<br /> +he encounters bitter opposition, but obtains the support of the people, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_215">215</a>;<br /> +estimate of his character by Étienne Pasquier, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;<br /> +his great influence, according to the Venetian Michiel, ib.;<br /> +writes against the Nicodemites and Libertines, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>;<br /> +consoles Protestant Church of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>;<br /> +and writes to stir up intercession in behalf of the prisoners, ib.;<br /> +his liturgy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>, seq.;<br /> +pseudo-Roman edition of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_344">344</a>;<br /> +consulted as to revolution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_377">377</a>;<br /> +dissuades from armed resistance, foreseeing civil war, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_378">378</a>;<br /> +endeavors to repress the tendency to iconoclasm, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_487">487</a>;<br /> +why he was not invited to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>;<br /> +his letter to Renée de France respecting the Duke of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cambray, the Archbishop of, ii. <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his vengeance upon Cateau-Cambrésis, ii. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Camisade," attempted, ii. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Capilupi, author of "Lo stratagema," ii. <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, etc.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caraffa, Cardinal, nephew of Paul IV., negotiates the breaking of the truce of Vaucelles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his character, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Carnavalet, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caroli, Pierre, wearies out Beda, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caroline, a strong earthwork thrown up by the Huguenots in Florida, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Carouge, M. de, at Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cartier, ii. <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Castelnau, Baron de, treacherous capture of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Castelnau, Michel de, Sieur de Mauvissière, the historian, sent by the Triumvirs to Catharine before the battle of Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>sent by Charles IX. to congratulate Alva, ii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, note;<br /> +ii.<a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;<br /> +his sketch of Coligny's plan of march, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Castel-Sarrasin, ii. <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Castres refuses to admit a garrison, in 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_578">578</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cateau-Cambrésis, the peace of, April 3, 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its disgraceful and disastrous conditions, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_323">323</a>;<br /> +a secret treaty for the extermination of the Protestants supposed, without sufficient reason, to have been drawn up at the same time, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_324">324-326</a>;<br /> +the Reformation in, ii. <a href="#Page_187">187-191</a>;<br /> +iconoclasm at, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;<br /> +the Protestants claim the benefit of the "Accord," ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cathari, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_62">62</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>credits the predictions of Nostradamus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>;<br /> +her marriage to Henry of Orleans, afterward Henry II, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>;<br /> +dissatisfaction of French people, ib.;<br /> +her dream the night before Henry II is mortally wounded, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>;<br /> +assumes an important part in the government, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_348">348</a>;<br /> +her timidity and dissimulation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>;<br /> +she dismisses Diana of Poitiers, ib.;<br /> +her alliance with the Guises, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_350">350</a>;<br /> +asks aid of Philip II, and receives promises, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_358">358</a>;<br /> +is appealed to by the persecuted Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>;<br /> +she encourages them, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_363">363</a>;<br /> +her favorite psalm, ib.;<br /> +she receives a second and more urgent appeal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_364">364</a>;<br /> +her indignation at the stories of the orgies in "la petite Genève," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>;<br /> +she declares that the Protestants are men of their word, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>;<br /> +she consults Coligny at the time of the Tumult of Amboise and receives good advice, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>;<br /> +receives a letter from the Huguenots signed Theophilus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +consults Regnier de la Planche, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>;<br /> +rejects the advances of the Guises, just before the death of Francis II, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_443">443</a>;<br /> +and makes terms with Navarre who yields the regency without a struggle, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>;<br /> +her adroitness in the management of Navarre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_452">452</a>;<br /> +the difficulties confronting her, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_453">453</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_649" id="Page_649">[Pg 649]</a></span> +her letter to her daughter Isabella, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_454">454</a>;<br /> +her determination to hold the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +her excuses to the Pope and Philip II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_500">500</a>;<br /> +warns her son Charles against gross superstition and against innovation, ib., note;<br /> +her letter to Pius IV., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_500">500</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_501">501</a>;<br /> +its effect at Rome, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_501">501</a>;<br /> +she is much pleased with the results of the first interview between Beza and Cardinal Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_504">504</a>;<br /> +she consents that the prelates shall not act as judges in the colloquy at Poissy, but will not have the decree put in writing, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_507">507</a>;<br /> +she is resolute that the colloquy should be held, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_508">508</a>;<br /> +refuses Cardinal Tournon's request to interrupt it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_522">522</a>;<br /> +her premature delight at the reported accord in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_541">541</a>;<br /> +her financial success with the prelates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_543">543</a>;<br /> +her crude notion of a conference, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_547">547</a>;<br /> +is compared by Roman Catholic preachers to Jezebel, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;<br /> +causes the retirement of Constable Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<br /> +sends for the Guises, ib.;<br /> +after the massacre of Vassy, orders the Duke of Guise to enter Paris, but invites him to come to court with a small suite, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br /> +her anxiety, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;<br /> +she removes with the king from Monceaux to Melun, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;<br /> +and thence to Fontainebleau, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<br /> +Soubise's account of her painful indecision, ib.;<br /> +her letters to Condé imploring his help, ii.,<a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<br /> +is brought back to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<br /> +Tavannes's view of her inclination to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +her terror, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br /> +unites in a declaration that the king is not in duress, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +confers with Condé, with a view to peace, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br /> +her crafty negotiations, ii. <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;<br /> +her speech to Throkmorton respecting the English in Normandy, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<br /> +delays Condé by negotiations before Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;<br /> +her reply when consulted by the Triumvirs as to the propriety of engaging the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<br /> +her exclamation on receiving false tidings from the battle of Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;<br /> +her promises to Condé at the peace of Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<br /> +Huguenot songs respecting, ii. <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;<br /> +her embarrassment in respect to the fulfilment of her promises, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +resolves to declare the majority of Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;<br /> +she endeavors to seduce Condé from the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;<br /> +her alienation from the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;<br /> +commands her maids of honor to go to mass, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;<br /> +her regulation respecting the deportment of gentlemen, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, note;<br /> +proposes the conference at Bayonne, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a> (see Bayonne, Conference of);<br /> +she opposes violent measures, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172-176</a>;<br /> +forbids Cardinal Lorraine to hold communication with Granvelle and Chantonnay, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;<br /> +she gives assurances to Condé just before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;<br /> +she favors the colonization of Florida by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<br /> +her resolute demands for satisfaction for the murder of the colonists, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;<br /> +she exonerates the Huguenots from disloyal acts and intentions, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;<br /> +her treacherous diplomacy, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;<br /> +again invokes Alva's help, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Santa Croce, the papal nuncio, claims the fulfilment of her promise to surrender Cardinal Châtillon to the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;<br /> +she inclines toward peace, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;<br /> +she is never sincere, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;<br /> +her short-sightedness, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;<br /> +sides with L'Hospital's enemies, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;<br /> +her intrigues, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<br /> +entreated by Charles IX. to avoid war, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;<br /> +her animosity against L'Hospital, whom she suspects of having prompted her son, ii. <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;<br /> +she receives congratulations and sanguinary recommendations from Pope Pius V., after the battle of Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;<br /> +negotiates for peace, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;<br /> +her duplicity, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<br /> +inclines to peace, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;<br /> +was she sincere in concluding the peace of Saint Germain? ii. <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;<br /> +her study of the example of Queen Blanche, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;<br /> +her character, according to Barbaro, ib.;<br /> +she is warned by the Queen of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;<br /> +she proposes to substitute Alençon for Anjou, as suitor for the hand of Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;<br /> +her vexation at the fresh scruples of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_383">383</a>;<br /> +she treats the Queen of Navarre with tantalizing insincerity, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;<br /> +she awaits Queen Elizabeth's decision, ii. <a href="#Page_413">413</a>;<br /> +the rout of Genlis determines her to take the Spanish side, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;<br /> +she follows Charles IX. to Montpipeau and breaks down her son's resolution, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +she is terrified by rumors of Elizabeth's desertion of her allies, ii. <a href="#Page_419">419</a>;<br /> +her jealousy of Coligny's influence, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;<br /> +she and Anjou resolve to put him out of the way, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;<br /> +declares to the Huguenots that the attack on Coligny must be punished, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +she visits the wounded admiral, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;<br /> +looks with suspicion on the private conference of Charles and Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;<br /> +she cuts it short, and on the way to the Louvre discovers the advice of Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;<br /> +learning that Coligny's wound will not prove fatal, she adopts extreme measures, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;<br /> +she plies Charles with arguments to terrify him into authorizing a massacre of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;<br /> +he yields reluctantly, ii. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_650" id="Page_650">[Pg 650]</a></span> +Catharine takes the responsibility upon herself for only six deaths, ii. <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;<br /> +goes down to the square in front of the Louvre, with her ladies, to view the naked corpses of the Huguenot leaders, ii. <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;<br /> +persuades Charles to assume the responsibility of the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_491">491</a>;<br /> +her unsuccessful attempt to alienate the sympathy of Queen Elizabeth from Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_547">547</a>;<br /> +her lying representation of the massacre in the provinces as having been contrary to the king's will, ib., note;<br /> +not influenced by religious motives, ii. <a href="#Page_563">563</a>;<br /> +spurious letter of, to Philip Strozzi, ii. <a href="#Page_577">577</a>;<br /> +her anxiety for the safety of Henry of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;<br /> +her flight from St. Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_626">626</a>;<br /> +her delight at the capture of Count Montgomery, ii. <a href="#Page_631">631</a>, <a href="#Page_632">632</a>;<br /> +she obtains from Charles IX. the regency until the return of Henry of Anjou from Poland, ii. <a href="#Page_636">636</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caturce, Jean de, executed at Toulouse, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caumont, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cavaignes, his execution, Oct. 27, 1572, for alleged complicity in a Huguenot conspiracy, ii. <a href="#Page_548">548</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his magnanimity, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cavalry, French, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Caylus, Chevalier de, ii. <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cecil urges Elizabeth to aid the Huguenots, and plans for this effect, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on siege of Poitiers, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.<br /> +See Burleigh.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cental, Vaudois villages belonging to the noble house of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chailly, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châlons-sur-Marne, the call for Protestant ministers in the vicinity of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_562">562</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Chambre ardente," a separate and special chamber of parliament, to try heresy, established first at Rouen, by Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>afterward at Paris, by Henry II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>;<br /> +under Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_366">366</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Champeaux, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chancellor of France, his oath, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chancellor of the university, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Change of religion involves change of government," accepted as an aphorism, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chantonnay, ambassador of Philip II., alarmed at the violence of the proscriptive plans formed before the death of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his insolent threats, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;<br /> +his boast that, with Throkmorton, he could overturn the state, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chapot, John, a printer from Dauphiny, executed at Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charente, the river, ii. <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charité, La, on the Loire, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>siege of,<a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charles VII. publishes the Pragmatic Sanction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charles VIII. confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charles Maximilian, second son of Henry II., afterward king as Charles IX., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his accession, Dec. 5, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +transfer of power consequent upon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>;<br /> +financial embarrassment and religious dissension, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_453">453</a>;<br /> +he writes to the magistrates of Geneva to stop the coming of Protestant ministers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>;<br /> +their prompt and complete vindication, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_464">464</a>;<br /> +he issues a new and tolerant order, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_476">476</a>;<br /> +which is opposed by parliament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>;<br /> +publishes the "Edict of July," by which all Protestant conventicles are still prohibited, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_488">488</a>;<br /> +his conversation with his mother about superstition and innovation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_500">500</a>, note;<br /> +orders the restitution of churches, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_544">544</a>;<br /> +hopes entertained by the Protestants respecting him, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_557">557</a>;<br /> +his curiosity as to the mass, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_558">558</a>;<br /> +his health, ib., note;<br /> +issues an order favorable to the Huguenots, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_560">560</a>;<br /> +publishes the "Edict of January," in accordance with which the Huguenots cease to be outlaws, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_576">576</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_577">577</a>;<br /> +retires from Monceaux to Melun, ii. <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;<br /> +and thence to Fontainebleau, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<br /> +is hurried back to Paris by Navarre and Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<br /> +his declaration that he is not held in duress, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +his edict of April 11, 1562, ostensibly re-enacting, but really annulling the edict of January, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<br /> +receives reinforcements from Germany and Switzerland, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<br /> +issues his edict of pacification, Amboise, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br /> +demands of Queen Elizabeth the restoration of Havre, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;<br /> +he proclaims his own majority, Rouen, Aug. 17, 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;<br /> +he sternly reproves the refractory Parliament of Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;<br /> +his "progress" through France, ii. <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, seq.;<br /> +his interpretative edicts and declarations infringe upon the edict of pacification, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +to Condé's appeal, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +he makes a conciliatory reply, ii. <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;<br /> +he reconciles the inhabitants of Orange and the Comtât Venaissin, ii. <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<br /> +he reaches Bayonne, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a> (see Bayonne, Conference of);<br /> +forbids the formation of confraternities, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<br /> +his edict obtained by Chancellor L'Hospital, for the relief of the scattered Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;<br /> +he is reported to have been threatened by Philip II. and the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<br /> +his flight from Meaux to Paris, at the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;<br /> +his sanguinary injunctions to Gordes, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, note;<br /> +he is alienated from the Huguenots by the attempt of Meaux, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_651" id="Page_651">[Pg 651]</a></span> +is moved by Spain, Rome, and the Sorbonne, to decline further negotiations with Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;<br /> +he issues the edict of pacification, Longjumeau, March 23, 1568, terminating the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<br /> +his indignation at a treacherous plan formed to violate the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;<br /> +his proclamation that he had not, in the edict of Longjumeau, intended to include Auvergne, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;<br /> +entreats his mother to avoid war, ii. <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;<br /> +his edicts of Sept., 1568, proscribing the reformed religion, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;<br /> +impolicy of this action, ii. <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;<br /> +attempt to make capital out of them, ib.;<br /> +receives congratulations and sanguinary injunctions from Pope Pius V., after the battle of Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;<br /> +treats the Duke of Deux-Ponts' declaration with contempt, ii. <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;<br /> +rewards Maurevel for the murder of De Mouy with the collar of the order, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;<br /> +his letter, ib.;<br /> +offers the Huguenots impossible terms, ii. <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<br /> +becomes strongly inclined to peace, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>;<br /> +he issues the edict of pacification, Saint Germain, Aug. 2, 1570, terminating the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, seq.;<br /> +his earnestness as to the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>;<br /> +he tears out the record of proceedings against Cardinal Châtillon from the parliamentary registers, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;<br /> +his assurances to Walsingham, ib.;<br /> +his gracious answer to the German princes, ii. <a href="#Page_372">372</a>;<br /> +he orders the "Croix de Gastines" to be taken down, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>;<br /> +indignant at the attempts to dissuade Anjou from marrying Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;<br /> +and at the affront received from Sebastian of Portugal, ib.;<br /> +his gracious reception of Coligny at Blois, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;<br /> +he intercedes with the Duke of Savoy in behalf of the Waldenses of Piedmont, ii. <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;<br /> +he denies that he has seen Louis of Nassau at all, ii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;<br /> +expresses gratification at the progress of conciliation in his dominions, ii. <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;<br /> +enters into a treaty of amity with Queen Elizabeth, April 18, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;<br /> +his assurances to the Cardinal of Alessandria, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400-403</a>;<br /> +he expresses to Téligny his disgust with his present counsellors, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +his earnestness respecting the Navarre marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_411">411</a>;<br /> +publishes anew the edict of pacification, ib.;<br /> +the Flemish project inflames his imagination, ii. <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;<br /> +the more after the capture of Valenciennes and Mons, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;<br /> +his mother, following him to Montpipeau, by her tears succeeds in breaking down his resolution, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418-420</a>;<br /> +he is thoroughly cast down, ii. <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +Coligny partially succeeds in reassuring him, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421</a>;<br /> +his anger at hearing that Alva had put some French soldiers to the torture, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;<br /> +his menacing deportment toward Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;<br /> +he gives Coligny assurances that he will soon attend to Protestant grievances, ii. <a href="#Page_437">437</a>;<br /> +his agitation on learning of Coligny's wound, ii. <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;<br /> +his promise of punishment, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +he visits Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>;<br /> +his private conference, ii. <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;<br /> +he reveals its character to the queen mother, ii. <a href="#Page_444">444</a>;<br /> +he writes to his governors and ambassadors expressing his extreme displeasure at the infraction of his edict, ii. <a href="#Page_445">445</a>;<br /> +he is plied with arguments to frighten him into authorizing the massacre of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>;<br /> +he reluctantly consents, ii. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +but stipulates that not one Huguenot shall be spared to reproach him, ib.;<br /> +sends Cosseins to guard Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;<br /> +issues orders to the prévôt des marchands to seize the keys of the gates, and the boats upon the Seine, ii. <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;<br /> +he commands Navarre and Condé to abjure Protestantism, ii. <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;<br /> +fires an arquebuse at the fleeing Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_482">482</a>;<br /> +he is waited upon by the municipal officers, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;<br /> +his first letter to Mandelot throwing the blame for the massacre upon the Guises, ii. <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;<br /> +assumes the responsibility for the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;<br /> +his speech at the "lit de justice," ib.;<br /> +his words at Montfaucon, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>;<br /> +he declares that he will maintain the edict of pacification, ii. <a href="#Page_498">498</a>;<br /> +change in his character after the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +his letter of Aug. 26, 1572, to Mondoucet, predicting the massacre in the provinces, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;<br /> +the verbal orders, ib.;<br /> +his declaration of Aug. 28, ib.;<br /> +his letter to Mandelot of Aug. 28, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;<br /> +the double set of letters, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;<br /> +instigates the murder of French prisoners by the Duke of Alva, ii. <a href="#Page_539">539</a>;<br /> +his letters to La Mothe Fénélon, ii. <a href="#Page_542">542</a>, <a href="#Page_543">543</a>;<br /> +he profanes the day of his daughter's birth by witnessing the execution of Briquemault and Cavaignes, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>;<br /> +plots the destruction of Geneva, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>;<br /> +his guilt in the eyes of the world, ii. <a href="#Page_559">559</a>;<br /> +disastrous effects of the massacre on the king himself, ii. <a href="#Page_560">560</a>, <a href="#Page_561">561</a>;<br /> +sends La Noue to treat with the Rochellois, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;<br /> +his joy at the election of Anjou as King of Poland, ii. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>;<br /> +issues his edict of pacification, Boulogne, July, 1573, terminating the fourth civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>;<br /> +takes part in the disgraceful "affair of Nantouillet," ii. <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>;<br /> +decline of his health, ii. <a href="#Page_605">605</a>;<br /> +his illness at Vitry le-Français, ii. <a href="#Page_606">606</a>;<br /> +his last days, ii. <a href="#Page_638">638</a>;<br /> +distress of his young queen, ii. <a href="#Page_636">636</a>;<br /> +representations of Sorbin his confessor, ii. <a href="#Page_637">637</a>;<br /> +his death, May 30, 1574, ii. <a href="#Page_637">637</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a>;<br /> +his funeral rites, ii. <a href="#Page_638">638</a>, <a href="#Page_639">639</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_652" id="Page_652">[Pg 652]</a></span> +Charles, Duke of Orleans, youngest son of Francis I, represents himself to the German princes as favoring the Reformation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charlesfort, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charpentier, Jacques, instigates the murder of his rival professor, Pierre de la Ramée, or Ramus, ii. <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Charpentier, Pierre, a Protestant jurist, who escapes from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, bribed by the king to write a justification of the massacre for circulation abroad, ii. <a href="#Page_553">553</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chartres, besieged by the Huguenots under the Prince of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chartres, François de Vendôme, Vidame of, thrown into the Bastile, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chartres, Jean de Ferrières, Vidame of, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>advises the Huguenots to leave Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;<br /> +escapes from the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_481">481-483</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chartreuse, La Grande, ii. <a href="#Page_621">621</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chassanée, Barth. de, on church of the Virgin "parituræ," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he declares "Lutheranism" in France suppressed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +his defence of the "mice of Autun," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;<br /> +his clemency to the Waldenses, ib.;<br /> +his definition of "haute justice," ii. <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chassetière, La, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chastelier-Pourtaut de Latour, ii. <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>treacherously murdered at Jarnac,<a href="#Page_304">304</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chastre, M. de la, Governor of Berry, his noble letter to the king refusing to put to death some captured Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii.<a href="#Page_597">597</a>, note;<br /> +lays siege to Sancerre, ii. <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;<br /> +his character, ii. <a href="#Page_597">597</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châtaigneraie, Madame de la, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_474">474</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châteaubriand, edict of, June 27, 1551, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its effects, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châtellain, Jean, of Metz, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his trial and execution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châtellerault taken by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châtillon, Odet de, Cardinal, elder brother of Admiral Coligny, appointed by Paul IV. one of the three inquisitors-general, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his Protestant proclivities, ib.;<br /> +riot at Beauvais in consequence of the suspicion that he is a Protestant, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_474">474</a>, seq.;<br /> +his communion under both forms, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +he is cited by the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;<br /> +the papal nuncio demands that the red cap be taken from him, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<br /> +the constable assumes his defence, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;<br /> +treats with Catharine, ii. <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Santa Croce, the papal nuncio, claims the fulfilment of Catharine de' Medici's promise to surrender him to the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;<br /> +his escort of twenty horse, ib., note;<br /> +his reception by Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;<br /> +his anxiety respecting the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<br /> +Charles IX tears out the record against him from the parliamentary registers, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>;<br /> +death of, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Châtillon-sur-Loire, ii. <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Chavagnac, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Christaudins, a nickname for the French Protestants i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Christopher, Duke, younger son of the elector palatine, ii. <a href="#Page_609">609</a>, <a href="#Page_610">610</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Churches, order for the restitution of the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_544">544</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the surrender of, urged by Beza, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cipierre (René of Savoy, son of the Count of Tende), ii. <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>murder of, ii. <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cities, privileges of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Clemangis, Nicholas de, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Clemency, spurious account of, ii. <a href="#Page_525">525</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Clement VII., Pope, his brief and bull indorsing the Inquisitorial Commission, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>, seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>gives lands of heretics to first comer, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +meets Francis I. at Marseilles, i<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>;<br /> +proposes to him a crusade, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Clergy, wealth and power of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_51">51</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>plurality of benefices, ib.;<br /> +non-residence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>;<br /> +revenues, ib.;<br /> +morals of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>;<br /> +have no regard for the spiritual wants of the people, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>;<br /> +before the concordat, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_55">55</a>;<br /> +aversion to use of the French language, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>;<br /> +ignorance of the Bible, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>;<br /> +sad straits of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_459">459</a>;<br /> +alone, make no progress, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_460">460</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Clerici, Nicholas, Dean of the Sorbonne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Clermont, murder at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cléry, violence of the iconoclasts at, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cleves, Marie of, daughter of the Duke of Nevers, marries Henry of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>permits the Protestants of Troyes to worship at Isle-au-Mont, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coconnas, a leading actor in the Massacre of St Bartholomew's Day, his fate, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is executed on the Place de Grève, ii. <a href="#Page_628">628</a>, <a href="#Page_629">629</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cocqueville, expedition of, into Flanders, and its fate, ii. <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coct, Anemond de, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cognac, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cognat, or Cognac, village in Auvergne, near which the "Viscounts" defeat the forces collected to oppose them, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coin, a strange, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coligny, Gaspard de, Admiral of France, sends a Protestant colony to Brazil, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>when converted to Protestantism, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>;<br /> +opposes the breaking of the truce of Vaucelles i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;<br /> +is consulted by Catharine de' Medici at the time of the Tumult of Amboise, and gives her sound advice, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_383">383</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_384">384</a>;<br /> +presents two Huguenot petitions at Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>;<br /> +his speech, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_421">421</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_653" id="Page_653">[Pg 653]</a></span> +Quintin forced to apologize to, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_460">460</a>;<br /> +he presents a Huguenot petition to the States General of Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +declares that the "Edict of July" can never be executed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_484">484</a>;<br /> +his reluctance to take up arms, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;<br /> +his wife's remonstrance, ii. <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;<br /> +his aversion to calling in foreign assistance, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<br /> +his remarks on the discipline of the Huguenot army, ii. <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;<br /> +on the practicability of capturing Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;<br /> +his success with the Huguenot right at Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +draws off the army after the defeat, to Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<br /> +takes a number of places in Sologne, ii. <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;<br /> +returns to Normandy, ib.;<br /> +his successes, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;<br /> +he is accused by Poltrot of having instigated the murder of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;<br /> +he vindicates his innocence, ii. <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;<br /> +his manly frankness, ib.;<br /> +his innocence established, ii. <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;<br /> +his defence espoused by Condé and the Montmorencies, ii. <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;<br /> +the petition of the Guises aimed at him, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;<br /> +the settlement of the feud delayed, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +he comes to Paris, on Marshal Montmorency's invitation, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<br /> +is likened by parliament to Pompey the Great, ib.;<br /> +is reconciled to the Guises at Moulins, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;<br /> +attempt to assassinate, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;<br /> +remonstrates with Catharine de' Medici, before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;<br /> +projects the Huguenot colonization of Florida, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<br /> +opposes taking up arms at the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;<br /> +at the battle of St. Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;<br /> +opposes the peace of Longjumeau, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<br /> +death of his wife, Charlotte de Laval, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;<br /> +he retires to Tanlay, ii. <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;<br /> +he is possibly the author of the spirited remonstrance attributed to D'Andelot, ii. <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;<br /> +attempt of court to ruin, ii. <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;<br /> +plot to seize, ii. <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;<br /> +his flight to La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;<br /> +his exclamation at the great success of the Huguenots at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;<br /> +his relations with the Prince of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;<br /> +after the death of Condé at Jarnac, draws off the cavalry to Saintes, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<br /> +his new responsibility, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;<br /> +his greatness, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;<br /> +success of a part of his army at La Roche Abeille, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;<br /> +his castle plundered, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;<br /> +wishes to lay siege to Saumur, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;<br /> +reluctantly consents to lay siege to Poitiers, ib.;<br /> +declared infamous by parliament, and a price set on his head, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;<br /> +his remarks upon the injuries done to him, ii. <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, note;<br /> +his army weakened, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;<br /> +starts to meet Montgomery, ib.;<br /> +wounded and defeated at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332-336</a>;<br /> +encouraged by L'Estrange, ii. <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;<br /> +his bold plan of march, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;<br /> +he sweeps through Guyenne, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;<br /> +his wonderful success, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;<br /> +turns toward Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;<br /> +his illness interrupts negotiations, ib.;<br /> +he engages Marshal Cossé at Arnay-le-Duc, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;<br /> +approaches Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;<br /> +he is consulted respecting the Flemish project, ii. <a href="#Page_386">386</a>;<br /> +he marries his second wife, Jacqueline d'Entremont, ib.;<br /> +marriage of his daughter Louise de Châtillon to Téligny, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;<br /> +he accepts an invitation to come to court at Blois, ib.;<br /> +his honorable reception, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>;<br /> +he receives a present of one hundred thousand livres from the king, ib.;<br /> +revisits Châtillon-sur-Loing, ii. <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;<br /> +accepts the king's invitation to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +he is remonstrated with as to his imprudence, but replies magnanimously, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;<br /> +he retains his courage after the rout of Genlis, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>;<br /> +the memorial on the advantages of a Flemish war, ib.;<br /> +his magnanimity under discouragement, ii. <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +he is partially successful in reassuring the king, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421</a>;<br /> +at the marriage of Henry of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;<br /> +his last letter to his wife, ii. <a href="#Page_430">430</a>;<br /> +Catharine and Anjou resolve to despatch him, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;<br /> +they call in the Duchess of Nemours and Henry of Guise, ib.;<br /> +Coligny receives assurances from the king that he will soon pay attention to the Huguenot complaints, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>;<br /> +he is wounded by Maurevel, Aug. 22, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_438">438</a>;<br /> +his intrepidity, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +he is visited by Charles and Catharine, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441-444</a>;<br /> +he dictates letters to his friends, requesting them to remain quiet, ii. <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;<br /> +his house is entered by Cosseins and his band, ii. <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +he is stabbed by Besme and despatched by others, ii. <a href="#Page_458">458</a>;<br /> +his body is thrown into the court, where Henry of Guise recognizes and kicks it, ii. <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;<br /> +his body is ignominiously treated, ib.;<br /> +the head is sent on to Rome, ii. <a href="#Page_460">460</a>;<br /> +his character and work, ib.;<br /> +his reluctance to resort to arms, ii. <a href="#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +destruction of his papers, ib., note;<br /> +his will, ii. <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, note;<br /> +his ability as a general, ib.;<br /> +a remark ascribed to him by Lord Macaulay, ii. <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, note;<br /> +his daily life, ii. <a href="#Page_463">463</a>;<br /> +a patron of learning, ii. <a href="#Page_464">464</a>;<br /> +his integrity, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a>;<br /> +the attempt of Catharine to inculpate him, ii. <a href="#Page_495">495</a>;<br /> +his memory declared infamous, his castle razed, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_496">496</a>;<br /> +indignities to his remains,<a href="#Page_496">496</a>, <a href="#Page_497">497</a>;<br /> +his burial-place, ii. <a href="#Page_497">497</a>, note;<br /> +Walsingham defends his memory, ii. <a href="#Page_547">547</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Collége Royal, founded, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>opposed by the Sorbonne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Colloquy of Poissy. See Poissy, Colloquy of.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_654" id="Page_654">[Pg 654]</a></span> +Commission to try Lutherans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_124">124</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>a new form of inquisition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_125">125</a>;<br /> +its powers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_126">126</a>;<br /> +indorsed and enlarged by the Pope, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Compiègne, edict of July 24, 1557, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_301">301</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Comtât Venaissin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>history of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>;<br /> +Montbrun in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>;<br /> +the inhabitants of, reconciled by Charles IX. to those of Orange, ii. <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<br /> +included in the Huguenot scheme of organization, ii. <a href="#Page_618">618</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Concordat of Leo X. and Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>excites dissatisfaction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_37">37</a>;<br /> +opposed by parliament, ib.;<br /> +reluctantly registered, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +opposed by the university, ib.;<br /> +advantageous to the crown, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Condé, Henry, Prince of, son of Louis: he and his cousin, Henry of Navarre, are recognized as generals-in-chief of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>nicknamed "one of the admiral's pages," ib.;<br /> +at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<br /> +at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;<br /> +he is commanded by the king to abjure Protestantism, and threatened, ii. <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;<br /> +his brave reply, ii. <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;<br /> +his forced conversion, ii. <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +he escapes to Germany, ii. <a href="#Page_629">629</a>, <a href="#Page_630">630</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Condé, Louis de Bourbon, Prince of, favors the Reformation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his peril after the Tumult of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_393">393</a>;<br /> +he is summoned by Francis II., ib.;<br /> +his defiance and Guise's offer, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_394">394</a>;<br /> +pressure upon him to come to Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_432">432</a>;<br /> +his infatuation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>;<br /> +is arrested on his reaching court, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>;<br /> +his remark to his brother the Cardinal of Bourbon, ib.;<br /> +his courage, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>;<br /> +his wife repulsed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>;<br /> +he is tried by a commission and is sentenced to death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +he is cleared by parliament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_465">465</a>;<br /> +and reconciled to Guise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>;<br /> +revives the courage of the Protestants at court, ii. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<br /> +he demands the punishment of the author of the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br /> +meets Guise entering Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;<br /> +receives letters from Catharine imploring his help, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<br /> +retires from Paris to Meaux, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<br /> +his course justified by La Noue, ib.;<br /> +he is too weak to anticipate the Triumvirs at Fontainebleau, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<br /> +throws himself into Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +publishes a justification of his assumption of arms, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<br /> +his measures to repress iconoclasm, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<br /> +replies to the petition of the Triumvirs, ii. <a href="#Page_59">59-61</a>;<br /> +eloquence of the reply, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<br /> +holds an interview with Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;<br /> +"loans" Beaugency to the King of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;<br /> +he retakes it, and furloughs a part of his army, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<br /> +he takes the field, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;<br /> +is urged by the Protestant ministers to enforce morality in the army, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<br /> +captures Pithiviers, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br /> +appears before Paris, ib.;<br /> +his delay, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;<br /> +suffers himself to be amused with fruitless conferences, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<br /> +engages the enemy at Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;<br /> +is taken prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +settles with the constable the terms of peace, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;<br /> +is deceived by the assurances of Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<br /> +he complains of the insolent speech of Damours, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;<br /> +he espouses the defence of Coligny against the Guises, ii. <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;<br /> +he is enticed by Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;<br /> +his amorous intrigue with Isabeau de Limueil, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;<br /> +death of his wife, Éléonore de Roye, ib.;<br /> +he disappoints Catharine by remaining steadfast to the Huguenot cause, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;<br /> +remonstrates with the government just before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;<br /> +at St. Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;<br /> +gives the battle of St. Denis, Nov. 10, 1567, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;<br /> +he is exonerated by Catharine de' Medici from the charge of disloyal acts and intentions, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;<br /> +goes to meet the Germans, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +meets John Casimir and his army, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<br /> +marches towards Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;<br /> +favors the peace of Longjumeau, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<br /> +retires to Noyers, ii. <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;<br /> +attempt of court to ruin, ii. <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;<br /> +his answer, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<br /> +plot to seize, ii. <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;<br /> +his last appeal, ii. <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;<br /> +his flight to La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;<br /> +his forces, ii. <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;<br /> +goes into winter quarters, ii. <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;<br /> +endeavors to join the auxiliaries from the south, ii. <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;<br /> +is wounded and treacherously killed in the battle of Jarnac, March 13, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;<br /> +his character, ii. <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;<br /> +his body treated with ignominy, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Conference, rumored, between Roman Catholic princes, for the extirpation of heresy, ii. <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Confession of faith of the French Protestant churches, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Confraternities, institution of, ii. <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>forbidden by Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<br /> +Tavannes favors the revival of, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<br /> +the "Christian and Royal League" formed at Troyes, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Contarini, a Venetian ambassador, his estimate of Admiral Coligny as a general, ii. <a href="#Page_462">462</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Controversial pamphlets against the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Conty, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cop, Rector, his extraordinary address before the university, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_153">153</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his threatened arrest and flight, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coras, Jean, a Protestant member of the Parliament of Toulouse, put to death, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cornu, Pierre, his remark on Pauvan's speech, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_655" id="Page_655">[Pg 655]</a></span> +Correro, Venetian ambassador, on the number of Huguenots murdered during the short peace, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cossé, Marshal, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>engages Coligny at Arnay-le-Duc, ii. <a href="#Page_354">354</a>;<br /> +negotiates for peace, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;<br /> +the king's estimate of, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +thrown into the Bastile, ii. <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cosseins sent with fifty guards ostensibly for Coligny's protection, ii. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cosset, an agent in the massacre at Meaux, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505-507</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coucy, declaration of, July 16, 1535, extends a partial forgiveness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Coudray, M. de, his courageous and pious death, ii. <a href="#Page_510">510</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Courault, an evangelical preacher, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Court of France, change in its sentiments respecting the Reformation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>fatal error of, ii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;<br /> +flight from Saint Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_626">626</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Courtenay, the Sieur de, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Courtène, Baron de, decapitated, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Courteville, or Courtewille, secretary of Philip II., sent on a secret mission, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_568">568</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Cramp-rings," their use, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Crevant, the Protestants of, attacked, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Croc, Du, French ambassador in Scotland, ii. <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Croquet, Nicholas, put to death at Paris, for celebrating the Lord's Supper, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Crusade, a, preached at Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>is indorsed by a papal bull, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Crussol, Antoine de, Count, appointed by a political assembly at Nismes, head and conservator of the reformed party in Languedoc, ii. <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>cf. ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Crussol, Madame de, her remark to Cardinal Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_505">505</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Cuñiga, Don Juan de, Spanish envoy at Rome, denies the premeditation of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_535">535</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Curée, royal governor of Vendôme, killed by the Roman Catholic noblesse, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>D.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Damours, advocate-general in the Parliament of Rouen, makes a violent and seditious speech before Charles IX. at Gaillon, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on Condé's complaint he is arrested, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Damville, Marshal, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>, <a href="#Page_604">604</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Dauphin, Prince, name given to the son of the Duke of Montpensier, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Dauphiny, orders for the extermination of the Huguenots in, sent out in the name of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>disorders and bloodshed in, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br /> +troops of, withdraw from the west, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>;<br /> +Gordes refuses to massacre the Protestants of, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>;<br /> +demands of the tiers état of, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>;<br /> +exploits of Montbrun in, ii<a href="#Page_621">621</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Dax, massacre in the prisons of, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Decemvirate, the bloody, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Declarations, royal. See Edicts.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Dehors, a merchant of Rouen, hung for reproving the seditious populace, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Demochares, or De Mouchy, a doctor of the Sorbonne and an inquisitor of the faith, his controversial pamphlet, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Désiré, Artus, despatched by the Sorbonne to invoke the aid of Philip II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_468">468</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Deux Ponts, reinforcements to the Huguenots from, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the Duke of, comes with German auxiliaries, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;<br /> +his declaration treated with contempt by Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;<br /> +succeeds in penetrating France, and bringing to Coligny reinforcements, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;<br /> +his death, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Diana of Poitiers, Duchess of Valentinois, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the infatuation of Henry II. for her,<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_262">262</a>;<br /> +undertakes to silence a poor tailor arrested as a Protestant, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;<br /> +instigates persecution in order to secure the confiscated property of the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;<br /> +is dismissed from court on the accession of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_349">349</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Dieppe, Protestant assemblies in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>great Protestant "temple" destroyed, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Dieu de Pâte," an opprobrious designation of the Roman Catholic host, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Domfront, ii. <a href="#Page_632">632</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Douen, O., author of Clément Marot et le Psautier huguenot, ii. <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Dragonnades," ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Dreux, the battle of, Dec. 19, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>mistakes of both sides at,<a href="#Page_95">95</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Du Chesne, or Quercu, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Duprat, Cardinal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>E.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Ebeling, F. W., ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ecclesiastical discipline adopted by the French Protestant churches, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_336">336</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Écouen, the magnificent seat of the Montmorency family, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_353">353</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Edicts, Declarations, and Ordinances, Royal:<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Edict of Francis I., January 13, 1535, abolishing the art of printing, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;<br /> +declaration of Coucy, July 16, 1535, extending partial forgiveness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;<br /> +edict of Lyons, May 31, 1536, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_656" id="Page_656">[Pg 656]</a></span> +edict of Fontainebleau, June 1, 1540, cutting off appeal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;<br /> +letters patent of Lyons, August 30, 1542, enjoining vigilance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +ordinance of Paris, July 23, 1543, defining the provinces of the lay and ecclesiastical judges, and making heresy punishable as sedition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>;<br /> +Henry II.'s edict of Fontainebleau, Dec. 11, 1547, against books from Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>;<br /> +edict of Paris, Nov. 19, 1549, conferring power of arrest for heresy upon the ecclesiastical judges, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;<br /> +edict of Châteaubriand, June 27, 1551, removing appeal from the presidial judges, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>;<br /> +edicts establishing the Spanish Inquisition in France, 1555, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>;<br /> +edict of Compiègne, July 24, 1557, confirming the papal appointment of three inquisitors-general, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;<br /> +Francis II.'s edict of amnesty, Amboise, March, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>;<br /> +restrictive edict of March 22, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;<br /> +edict of Romorantin, May, 1560, continuing the persecution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_411">411</a>;<br /> +Charles IX.'s letters-patent, Fontainebleau, April 19, 1561, enjoining toleration and permitting the return of exiles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>;<br /> +"Edict of July," July 11, 1561, forbidding conventicles, etc., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>;<br /> +edict for the restitution of the churches, Oct. 18, 1561, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_544">544</a>;<br /> +royal letters interpreting previous edicts, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_561">561</a>;<br /> +"Edict of January," January 17, 1562, recognizing Huguenot rights, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_576">576</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_577">577</a>;<br /> +declaration of the king that he is not in duress, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +edict of April 11, 1562, ostensibly re-enacting, but really annulling the edict of January, ii. <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<br /> +edict of pacification, Amboise, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br /> +restrictive declarations infringing upon the edict of Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;<br /> +declaration of Roussillon, Aug. 4, 1564, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>,<a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +other declarations, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, note;<br /> +edict, in 1566, for the relief of the scattered Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;<br /> +edict of pacification, Longjumeau, March 23, 1568, terminating the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<br /> +Charles IX. throws the edicts of pacification into the fire, ii. <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;<br /> +proscriptive edicts of Sept., 1568, ib.;<br /> +edict of pacification, Saint Germain, Aug. 8, 1570, terminating the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363-365</a>;<br /> +edict of pacification, Boulogne, July, 1573, terminating the fourth civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Edward III., of England, confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Eidgenossen, explanation of name of Huguenots, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Elbeuf, Marquis of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Elector Palatine, Frederick III., the Pious, intercedes for Anne du Bourg, and desires to make him professor of law in the University of Heidelberg, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_371">371</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>sends theologians to France, who come too late for the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_544">544</a>;<br /> +sends his son, John Casimir, to help the Huguenots in the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;<br /> +he previously sends Zuleger to see the state of affairs in France, ii. <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;<br /> +receives Henry of Anjou, king elect of Poland, at Heidelberg, ii. <a href="#Page_610">610</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Elizabeth, Queen, of England, her help invoked, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>her hard conditions, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;<br /> +her declaration, Sept. 20, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;<br /> +her aid rather damages than furthers the Protestant cause, ib.;<br /> +her letter to Mary of Scots, ii. <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;<br /> +her tardy recognition of the importance of the Huguenot struggle, ii. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;<br /> +she is summoned to restore Havre, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;<br /> +her misgivings as to helping the Huguenots in the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;<br /> +her double-dealing and effrontery, ii. <a href="#Page_295">295-297</a>;<br /> +her coldness after the Huguenot defeat at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;<br /> +projected marriage with the Duke of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_377">377</a>, seq.;<br /> +proposition to substitute Alençon, ii. <a href="#Page_380">380</a>;<br /> +Anjou's new ardor, ib.;<br /> +she interposes obstacles, ib.;<br /> +the Anjou match abandoned,<a href="#Page_396">396</a>;<br /> +Alençon suggested in his place and duly lauded, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;<br /> +enters into a treaty of amity with France, April 18, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>;<br /> +her perversity, ib., note;<br /> +she inspires the French with no confidence, ii. <a href="#Page_414">414</a>;<br /> +rumors that she means to desert her allies, ii. <a href="#Page_419">419</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +she toys with dishonorable proposals from the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_422">422</a>;<br /> +her cold reception of La Mothe Fénélon after the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_543">543</a>;<br /> +declaration of her council, ii. <a href="#Page_544">544</a>;<br /> +she censures Charles IX. for profaning the day of his daughter's birth by witnessing the execution of Briquemault and Cavaignes, ii. <a href="#Page_549">549</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>;<br /> +she secretly sends assistance to La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;<br /> +she disowns the enterprise of Montgomery after its failure, ib.;<br /> +she refuses to become executioner for the King of France, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>England, divided sympathies of the English, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>generous response of the English people, ii. <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;<br /> +its horror at the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a>;<br /> +great irritation in, ii. <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>English rebellion, the, encourages the French court in the war against the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Entremont, Jacqueline d', marries Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Epilepsy cured by kings and queens of England, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Escars, D', a treacherous servant of Antoine, King of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_657" id="Page_657">[Pg 657]</a></span> +Esnay, the inhumanity of the monks of, ii. <a href="#Page_517">517</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Espense, Claude d', speech of, at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_532">532</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>confers with the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Espine, Jean de l', a converted Carmelite monk, and a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_510">510</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>in the Conference of Saint Germain,<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>;<br /> +his escape on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Essarts, in Poitou, persecution at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Este, Anne d', daughter of Renée de France, married successively to the Duke of Guise and the Duke of Nemours, at the hollow reconciliation at Moulins, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>she enters readily into the plan for assassinating Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Esternay, M. d', his residence burned, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>comes to the help of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Estrange, L', encourages Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Estrapade, an ingenious contrivance for prolonging the torture of Protestant martyrs, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_178">178</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Étampes captured by Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>retaken by Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Étienne, or Stephens, Robert, on the ignorance of the Bible on the part of the clergy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Expiatory procession, the great, of January 21, 1535, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_173">173-176</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>F.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Faculty of Arts, its displeasure at the proceedings against the rector, Nicholas Cop, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_154">154</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Farel, Guillaume, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_68">68</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his devotion, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>;<br /> +invited to Meaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>;<br /> +goes to Dauphiny, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>;<br /> +at Montbéliard, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>;<br /> +intercession of Berne for his relatives, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>;<br /> +probably not the author of the placard of 1534, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>;<br /> +labors in Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>;<br /> +urges Calvin to remain at Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_208">208</a>;<br /> +his recollections, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_209">209</a>;<br /> +his efforts for the persecuted at Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;<br /> +his liturgy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_342">342</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Fashion of Geneva," the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fat, human, put to a new use by an apothecary of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_517">517</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Faur, Du, his speech in the "mercuriale" of 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his arrest, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ferralz, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_534">534</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ferrara, Duchess of. See Renée de France.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ferrara, Ippolito d'Este, Cardinal of, sent as legate to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_550">550</a>;<br /> +his reception by the French people, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_551">551</a>;<br /> +Chancellor L'Hospital opposes his recognition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_551">551</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_552">552</a>;<br /> +his intrigues and success, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_552">552</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_553">553</a>;<br /> +ii.<a href="#Page_17">17</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Feudal system, decline of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_5">5</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fiefs, absorbed in royal domain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, writes against Lefèvre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Five scholars of Lausanne, the, martyrdom of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Florida, the Huguenot attempts to colonize, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the first expedition, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<br /> +the second expedition, 1564, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;<br /> +the third expedition and its disastrous close, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;<br /> +efforts of the French government to obtain satisfaction from Philip II., ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;<br /> +sanguinary revenge of Dominique de Gourgues, ii. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Florimond de Ræmond, his remarks on the effects of the execution of Du Bourg and others, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_374">374</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Foix, Catharine de, her remark to John d'Albret, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Foix, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Foix, progress of Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_562">562</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Folion, Nicholas, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fontaine, M. de la, writes a lying account of the French massacre, in order to deceive the Swiss, ii. <a href="#Page_558">558</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fontainebleau, the assembly of notables, August 21, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>speech of Chancellor L'Hospital, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>;<br /> +Admiral Coligny presents two petitions for the Huguenots, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>;<br /> +speeches of Montluc, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>;<br /> +of Marillac, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +of Coligny, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_421">421</a>;<br /> +rejoinder of Guise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>;<br /> +speech of Cardinal Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_423">423</a>;<br /> +the results, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_424">424</a>;<br /> +the States General to be convened, and, meantime, all punishment for the matter of religion to cease, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fontainebleau, edict of, given by Francis I., June 1, 1540, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>by Henry II., Dec. 11, 1547, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>;<br /> +letters-patent of, by Charles IX., April 19, 1561, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_477">477</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fontenay, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fontenille, ii. <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fool, court, sensible remark of the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Forquevaulx, French ambassador at Madrid, insists upon satisfaction for the murder of the Huguenot colonists in Florida, ii. <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fosse, Voré de la, sent on a mission to Melanchthon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>France, at accession of Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_3">3</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>territorial development, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>;<br /> +subdivision in tenth century, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_5">5</a>;<br /> +foremost kingdom of Christendom, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_6">6</a>;<br /> +contrast with England, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_7">7</a>;<br /> +assimilation of language, etc., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>;<br /> +military resources, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>;<br /> +infested by highwaymen, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>;<br /> +changes in boundaries during the sixteenth century, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>;<br /> +population of in the sixteenth century, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Francis I., his reply to Charles V., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>and to Montmorency, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_658" id="Page_658">[Pg 658]</a></span> +his concordat with the Pope, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>;<br /> +haughty demeanor toward the parliament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_38">38</a>;<br /> +and university, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +his acquirements overrated, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;<br /> +patronage of art, ib.;<br /> +founds the Collége Royal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;<br /> +interferes for Lefèvre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>;<br /> +his personal appearance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_99">99</a>;<br /> +character and tastes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;<br /> +he is said miraculously to cure the king's evil, ib.;<br /> +contrasted with Charles V., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_101">101</a>;<br /> +his religious convictions, and fear of innovation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_102">102</a>;<br /> +loose morals, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>;<br /> +anxiety for papal support, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_104">104</a>;<br /> +at Madrid, abdicates in favor of the dauphin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;<br /> +his captivity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>;<br /> +he violates his pledges to Charles V., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_134">134</a>;<br /> +his pecuniary straits, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_135">135</a>;<br /> +assembles the notables ib.;<br /> +promises to prove himself "Very Christian," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +treats with the Germans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_147">147</a>;<br /> +and with Henry VIII., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>;<br /> +his interview with Clement VII., ib.;<br /> +declines the Pope's proposal of a crusade, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_149">149</a>;<br /> +rejects the intercession of the Bernese, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> +his letter to the Bishop of Paris ordering him to authorize two counsellors of parliament to proceed against the "Lutherans,", i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_156">156</a>;<br /> +favorably impressed by Melanchthon's plan of reconciliation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +his anger when a copy of the placard of 1534 is posted on his bedchamber door, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>;<br /> +which is enhanced by political considerations, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_168">168</a>;<br /> +his disgraceful edict abolishing the art of printing i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;<br /> +the edict suspended, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_170">170</a>;<br /> +orders an expiatory procession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_173">173</a>;<br /> +he takes part in it with great apparent devoutness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_175">175</a>;<br /> +his memorable speech in the episcopal palace, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_176">176</a>;<br /> +his declaration of Coucy, July 16, 1535, extending a partial forgiveness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;<br /> +is said to have been begged by Paul III. to moderate his cruelty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>;<br /> +his clemency dictated by policy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>;<br /> +his letter to the German princes in extenuation of his conduct, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>;<br /> +formally invites Melanchthon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_184">184</a>;<br /> +acquiesces in the Sorbonne's condemnation of Melanchthon's articles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;<br /> +his representations through Du Bellay to the German princes at Smalcald, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;<br /> +Du Bellay makes, in his name, a Protestant confession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_189">189</a>;<br /> +he does not deceive the Germans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>;<br /> +his edict of Lyons, May 31, 1536, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;<br /> +rejects the intercession of Strasbourg, Zurich, and Berne, ib.;<br /> +his orthodoxy no longer questioned, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_194">194</a>;<br /> +how viewed by the reformers in his later days, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>;<br /> +issues the edict of Fontainebleau, June 1, 1540, cutting off appeal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_218">218</a>;<br /> +his letters-patent from Lyons, August 30, 1542, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +his declaration at Angoulême, respecting "sacramentarians," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>;<br /> +his ordinance of Paris, July 23, 1543, making heresy punishable as treason, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_221">221</a>;<br /> +gives force of law to the Sorbonne's Twenty-five Articles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>;<br /> +sends a letter of pardon to the Waldenses of Provence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;<br /> +delays the execution of the Arrêt de Mérindol, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>;<br /> +is led by calumnious accusations to revoke his order, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_244">244</a>;<br /> +his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;<br /> +impartial estimates of his character, ib.;<br /> +his three sons, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>;<br /> +confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Francis, the dauphin, son of Francis I., his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Francis II., eldest son of Henry II., and husband of Mary, Queen of Scots: his accession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his edict of amnesty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_385">385</a>;<br /> +makes the Duke of Guise his lieutenant-general, with absolute power, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;<br /> +extends the terms of the amnesty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;<br /> +but explains it away by another edict, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_391">391</a>;<br /> +he is visibly affected by the executions of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>;<br /> +he is made to order the extermination of the Huguenots of Dauphiny, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>;<br /> +issues the edict of Romorantin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>;<br /> +universal commotion in his kingdom, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_413">413</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>;<br /> +he convokes the notables at Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>;<br /> +declares that he takes Coligny's presentation of the Huguenot petition in good part, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>;<br /> +is urged to stab Antoine, King of Navarre, but cannot muster courage to do it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>;<br /> +sends for Navarre and Condé, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_425">425</a>;<br /> +orders the arrest and trial of Condé, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>;<br /> +further designs for the extermination of the Huguenots before the termination of his reign, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>;<br /> +his failing health, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>;<br /> +his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>;<br /> +saves the Huguenots, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +recognized as a direct answer to their prayers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>;<br /> +his mean funeral obsequies, "the enemy of the Huguenots being buried like a Huguenot," ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Franco-Gallia," by François Hotman, a book touching on the royal authority, ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Francour, Francœur, or Francourt, goes with Beza to demand punishment for the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Frederick III., the Pious. See Elector Palatine.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Freer, Miss, on Coligny's reception at Blois, and his alleged alarm, ii. <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>French language, aversion of clergy for, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Fribourg, the canton of, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Fribours," a nickname for the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Froissy, his outrageous conduct toward M d'Esternay, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_659" id="Page_659">[Pg 659]</a></span> +Froment, the reformer, labors in Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Frontenay, or Fontenay, M. de, escapes from the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_481">481-483</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>negotiates with Biron, ii. <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Fronts d'airain," ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Froude, James Anthony, mistakes in his account of the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_497">497</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his singularly inaccurate account of French affairs about the time of the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;<br /> +his error respecting Cardinal Châtillon, ii. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, note;<br /> +his remarks on the fatal policy of Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>G.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Gaillard, Captain, his blasphemy and fury at the massacre in Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_570">570</a>, <a href="#Page_571">571</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gallars, Nicholas des, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>takes part in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gallican liberties, the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_25">25</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Garde, Baron de la. See Poulain.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Garnier, M., incorrectly estimates the Huguenots as constituting nearly one-third of the population of France, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Garrisons in Huguenot towns, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gastines, Abbé de, executed by order of Condé, by way of retaliation, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Gastines, Croix de," ii. <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>erected on the site of the house of the Gastines, put to death for having celebrated the Lord's Supper, ib.;<br /> +character of the elder Gastines, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>;<br /> +the cross taken down by order of the king, ii. <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Geneva becomes the centre of Protestant activity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>secures its independence with the assistance of Francis I. and the Bernese, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>;<br /> +according to the Venetian Suriano "the mine from which the ore of heresy is extracted," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_214">214</a>;<br /> +war upon books from, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +the "Five from Geneva" executed at Chambéry, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;<br /> +danger menacing the city, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_326">326</a>;<br /> +a joint expedition against it proposed by Henry II., but declined by the Duke of Alva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>;<br /> +character and influence of the ministers from, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_402">402</a>;<br /> +their numbers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_403">403</a>;<br /> +books from, destroyed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>;<br /> +the children in Languedoc, according to Villars, all know the Geneva catechism by heart, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_429">429</a>;<br /> +Charles IX. writes to the magistrates of Geneva to stop the coming of Protestant ministers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>;<br /> +their answer, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_464">464</a>;<br /> +sympathy of the citizens for the Huguenots escaped from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_554">554</a>, seq.;<br /> +a fast appointed at ii. <a href="#Page_555">555</a>;<br /> +its hospitality and danger, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>;<br /> +good advice given to Nismes, ib.;<br /> +the city saved by the illness of Charles IX., ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Geneva, Little, a part of Paris so called from the number of Protestants inhabiting it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_361">361</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>pretended orgies in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Genlis, a knight of the Order, forsakes Condé and goes over to the enemy, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Genlis, Jean de Hangest, Seigneur de, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>rout of July 19, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_415">415</a>;<br /> +he is taken prisoner, ib.;<br /> +his death, ib., note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>German Protestant princes are not deceived by Du Bellay's representations in the name of Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_190">190</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>nor by those of the Duke of Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_228">228</a>;<br /> +intercede for the Vaudois of Provence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>;<br /> +for the persecuted Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>;<br /> +their aid invoked by the Huguenots in the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> +intercession of the, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;<br /> +after the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_551">551</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>German troops, insubordination of, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Germany, rumors of treacherous designs on the part of France after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_611">611</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gerson, John, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_64">64</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Giustiniano, Marino, the Venetian ambassador reports the reasons Francis I. had assigned to him for abating the severity of the persecution of the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Glandage, M. de, plunders the city of Orange, ii. <a href="#Page_620">620</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>declares that only the point of his sword is Huguenot, ii. <a href="#Page_621">621</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gondy, Albert de. See Retz.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gordes, Governor of Dauphiny, refuses to allow the Protestants to be massacred, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Goudimel, an excellent musician, sets the psalms of Marot and Beza to music in several parts, ii. <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is murdered, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Governors, royal, oppression of Protestants by, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Grandfief, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_617">617</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Grand Marché, a part of Meaux inhabited by Huguenots, massacre at, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505-507</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Granvelle, Cardinal, his conference with the Cardinal of Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gravelines, the rout of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gregory XIII., Pope, receives the submission of the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé, recognizes the validity of their marriages, and admits them to his favor, by a bull of Oct. 27, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_500">500</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his incredulity as to the "pious" intentions of Charles IX. and Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_530">530</a>, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>;<br /> +orders public rejoicings at Rome over the news of the massacre of the Protestants, ii. <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>;<br /> +commemorative medals, ii. <a href="#Page_532">532</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_660" id="Page_660">[Pg 660]</a></span> +commemorative paintings by Vasari, ii. <a href="#Page_533">533</a>;<br /> +his extravagant expressions of joy, ii. <a href="#Page_534">534</a>;<br /> +gives audience to Maurevel, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Grignan, Count de, Governor of Provence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Grimaudet, François, representative of the tiers état of Anjou, his scathing exposure of the morals of the clergy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Gualtieri, Sebastiano, Bishop of Viterbo, nuncio to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his despondency and recall, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_549">549</a>;<br /> +hated by Catharine de' Medici, on account of his boorish ways, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_552">552</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guerchy, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>,<a href="#Page_438">438</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he defends himself on St. Bartholomew's Day, but is overpowered and killed, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_475">475</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guilloche Jean de, a Protestant member of the Parliament of Bordeaux, killed, ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guillotière, Faubourg de la, at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guise, the family of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>warning of Francis I. against, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guise, Claude, Duke of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his six sons, i<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guise, Francis, Duke of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his great credit with Henry II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;<br /> +his character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;<br /> +captures the city of Calais, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;<br /> +his great power on the accession of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>;<br /> +indignation against him and his brother, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>;<br /> +their confidence before the Tumult of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>;<br /> +the Duke is made lieutenant-general of the kingdom, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;<br /> +his perplexity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_413">413</a>;<br /> +his angry rejoinder to Coligny at the assembly of Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>;<br /> +he and Lorraine make advances to Catharine de' Medici, which she refuses, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_443">443</a>;<br /> +their alarm on the accession of Charles IX., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_450">450</a>;<br /> +with Montmorency and St. André forms the Triumvirate, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_471">471</a>;<br /> +his exultation over the "Edict of July," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_484">484</a>;<br /> +goes with his brothers to meet the Duke of Würtemberg at Saverne, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<br /> +his lying assurances, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;<br /> +he proceeds to Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br /> +where a bloody massacre takes place, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;<br /> +pamphlets respecting the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;<br /> +he attempts to vindicate himself from being the author of the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;<br /> +is forbidden by Catharine de' Medici to enter Paris, but is invited to come with a small suite to court, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br /> +makes a triumphal entry into Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<br /> +meets Condé and the Protestants going to a "prêche," ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;<br /> +brings Charles IX. and Catharine de' Medici back to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<br /> +sends for foreign aid, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +reply of his adherents to Condé's declaration, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<br /> +an intercepted letter of, ii. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, note;<br /> +his good generalship at Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +retakes Pithiviers and Étampes, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br /> +lays siege to Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;<br /> +captures the Portereau, ii. <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;<br /> +is shot by Poltrot, Feb 18, 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br /> +Beza and Coligny, accused of having instigated the murder, vindicate themselves, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, seq.;<br /> +his character, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<br /> +The petition of his family aimed at Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;<br /> +the settlement of the feud delayed, ii. <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;<br /> +the hollow reconciliation at Moulins, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>. See Triumvirs.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guise, Henry, Duke of, son of Francis, throws himself into Poitiers, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>marries Catharine of Cleves, widow of Prince Porcien, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a>;<br /> +his aid called in by Catharine de' Medici and Anjou in the assassination of Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_434">434</a>;<br /> +he comes to take leave of Charles, and receives a rough answer, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;<br /> +goes with a band to assassinate Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_456">456</a>;<br /> +kicks the dead body of the admiral, ii. <a href="#Page_459">459</a>;<br /> +pursues Montgomery and his companions, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;<br /> +throws the responsibility of the massacre upon the king, ii. <a href="#Page_491">491</a>;<br /> +policy of, in rescuing a few Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_491">491</a>, note;<br /> +in making his province of Champagne an exception to the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_525">525</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guise, Louis, Cardinal of, younger brother of the Cardinal of Lorraine, i<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at Saverne, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<br /> +author of the massacre of Sens, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;<br /> +at the Bayonne conference, ii. <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;<br /> +tries a heretical curate, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Guitry, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>H.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Hans, Jean de, a seditious preacher, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_567">567</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Haton, Claude, on morals of clergy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_54">54</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on their non-residence and plurality, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +complains of Huguenot boldness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_570">570</a>;<br /> +his singular account of the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;<br /> +on the miracle of the Cimetière des Innocents, ii. <a href="#Page_488">488</a>;<br /> +on the rosaries in the hands of Huguenot ladies, ii. <a href="#Page_525">525</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Haute justice" ii. <a href="#Page_364">364</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Havre, the English in, ii. <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>surrender of, demanded of Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;<br /> +fall of, July 29, 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Heidelberg, reception of Henry of Anjou at, ii. <a href="#Page_610">610</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Hennuyer, Le, Bishop of Lisieux, apocryphal speech ascribed to, ii. <a href="#Page_525">525</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Henry of Orleans, afterwards Henry II., married to Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_148">148</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ascends the throne, March 31, 1547, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_258">258</a>;<br /> +his insubordination, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>;<br /> +his great bodily vigor, ib.;<br /> +his character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_260">260</a>;<br /> +his inordinate love of pleasure, ib.;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_661" id="Page_661">[Pg 661]</a></span> +is ruled by Diana of Poitiers, Constable Montmorency, and Cardinal Lorraine, ib.;<br /> +his court, according to Dr. Wotton, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>;<br /> +rapacity of the courtiers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;<br /> +is persuaded to persecute the Protestants to atone for his immoral life. i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_274">274</a>;<br /> +publishes an edict, Fontainebleau, Dec. 11, 1547, against books from Geneva, etc., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>;<br /> +witnesses the execution of a poor tailor of the Rue St. Antoine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>;<br /> +his edict conferring power of arrest for heresy upon ecclesiastical judges, Paris, Nov. 19, 1549, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>;<br /> +he issues the edict of Châteaubriand, June 27, 1551, removing appeal from the decisions of presidial judges, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>;<br /> +his more than papal strictness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>;<br /> +makes repeated attempts to introduce the Spanish Inquisition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>;<br /> +he breaks the truce of Vaucelles at the solicitation of Pope Paul IV., and renews war with Philip II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;<br /> +issues the edict of Compiègne, July 24, 1557, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>;<br /> +rejects the Swiss intercession after the affair of the Rue St. Jacques, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>;<br /> +compels parliament to register the inquisition edict, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;<br /> +his indignation at the psalm-singing on the Pré aux Clercs, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>;<br /> +summons François d'Andelot, whom he orders to be imprisoned, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_318">318</a>;<br /> +desperate schemes to obtain money, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>;<br /> +makes the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis with Philip of Spain and Mary of England, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;<br /> +communicates to William, Prince of Orange, his own designs and those of Philip II. against the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;<br /> +proposes a joint French and Spanish expedition against Geneva, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_327">327</a>;<br /> +attends a <i>mercuriale</i> of the Parliament of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>;<br /> +orders the arrest of Du Bourg and other counsellors, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_335">335</a>;<br /> +marriage festivities for his daughter, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>;<br /> +is mortally wounded by Montgomery in the tournament, June 30, 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>;<br /> +his death, July 10, 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>;<br /> +epigrams upon the event, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_346">346</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Henry of Valois, third son of Henry II., afterward king of France as Henry III., baptized first Edward Alexander, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>is made Duke of Anjou. See Anjou, Duke of.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Heptameron of the Queen of Navarre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_119">119</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Heresy, views of Calvin respecting the punishment of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_211">211</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>made punishable as treason by Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_222">222</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Herminjard, M., on Briçonnet's defection, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_81">81</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Hesse, the Landgrave of, his opinion of the representations of the Guises, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>declines to help the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> +his distrust after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>;<br /> +will have nothing to do with the candidature of Alençon for King of the Romans, ii. <a href="#Page_609">609</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Heu, Gaspard de, his judicial assassination, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_380">380</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Hospital, Michel de l', Chancellor, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>rebukes Parliament of Bordeaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>;<br /> +his character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_412">412</a>;<br /> +little good expected of him, ib.;<br /> +one of the original conspirators of Amboise, ib.;<br /> +speech at the Assembly of Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_416">416</a>;<br /> +refuses to sign the sentence of the Prince of Condé, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +his address at the opening of the States General of Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>;<br /> +declares the co-existence of two religions impossible, ib.;<br /> +and that names of factions must be abolished, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_456">456</a>;<br /> +his strange representation of the character of previous persecutions, ib., note;<br /> +he is distrusted by Beza, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_502">502</a>;<br /> +his speech at the opening of the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_512">512</a>;<br /> +he opposes the ratification of the plenary powers of the papal legate, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_552">552</a>;<br /> +his speech to the notables at Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_574">574</a>;<br /> +entreats Catharine to throw herself into the arms of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<br /> +his danger from the fury of the Paris populace, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;<br /> +his censure of the Norman parliament, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, note;<br /> +his language to Santa Croce respecting the lives of French priests, ii. <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, note;<br /> +he is attacked by Cardinal Lorraine in the royal council at Melun, Feb., 1564, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> +sends out, without the authority of the council, an edict for the relief of the scattered Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>;<br /> +his altercation at Moulins with Cardinal Lorraine, ii. <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;<br /> +envoy to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<br /> +his striking memorial counselling just and pacific treatment of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;<br /> +Catharine de' Medici sides with his enemies, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;<br /> +her animosity against him, because she suspects him of having prompted Charles IX. to entreat her to avoid war, ii. <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;<br /> +another quarrel of L'Hospital and Lorraine respecting the chancellor's refusal to affix his signature to a papal bull, ii. <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;<br /> +his fall from power, ii. <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;<br /> +he retires to Vignai, ii. <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;<br /> +his last days, ii. <a href="#Page_613">613</a>;<br /> +his farewell letter to the king, ii. <a href="#Page_614">614</a>;<br /> +his death, ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Host, reverence for, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Hotman, François, author of the "Vita Gasparis Colinii," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>also of the "Epistre au Tigre de la France," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>;<br /> +his escape from the massacre of Bourges, ii. <a href="#Page_511">511</a>;<br /> +his "Franco-Gallia," ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Hugh Capet, Count of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Hugonis, a violent Roman Catholic preacher, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_662" id="Page_662">[Pg 662]</a></span> +Huguenots, various explanations of the origin of the designation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_397">397-399</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>message of the escaped prisoners of Tours, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>;<br /> +they petition Francis II. at Fontainebleau for liberty of worship, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_417">417</a>;<br /> +general plans of extermination formed by their enemies before the death of Francis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>;<br /> +the Spanish ambassador, Chantonnay, alarmed at the intemperance and violence of the scheme, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_441">441</a>, note;<br /> +return of Huguenot exiles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>;<br /> +popular curiosity to hear their psalms and sermons, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_468">468</a>;<br /> +their growing boldness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_478">478</a>;<br /> +they are said to have 2,150 churches, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_560">560</a>;<br /> +difficulty of restraining their impetuosity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_561">561</a>;<br /> +Romish complaints of their boldness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_570">570</a>;<br /> +immense crowds at the prêches, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<br /> +massacred at Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;<br /> +summoned to Meaux, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;<br /> +they seize Orleans, which becomes their centre during the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +they justify their assumption of arms, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;<br /> +their stringent articles of association, ii. <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;<br /> +nobles and cities that espouse their cause, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;<br /> +their strict discipline, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<br /> +cruelty at Pithiviers, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br /> +reverses of, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;<br /> +their ballads and songs, ii. <a href="#Page_120">120-125</a>;<br /> +they lose favor at court, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;<br /> +progress of, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;<br /> +they are accused of poisoning the wells in Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;<br /> +number of Huguenots in France, ib.;<br /> +assaults upon unoffending Huguenots at Crevant, Tours, Mans, and Vendôme, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +no redress obtained, ib.;<br /> +various acts of oppression, ii. <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;<br /> +excluded from judicial posts, ii. <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<br /> +progress of, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;<br /> +Huguenot pleasantries, ii. <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;<br /> +they suspect treacherous designs, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;<br /> +alarmed by the march of Alva and the Swiss levy, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;<br /> +they plan to seize Cardinal Lorraine and liberate Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;<br /> +the sudden rising, ii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;<br /> +they abate their demands at the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<br /> +admiration of the sultan's envoy for their bravery at the battle of St. Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, note;<br /> +they solicit the help of the German princes, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> +they are exonerated by Catharine de' Medici from the charge of disloyalty, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;<br /> +their generous sacrifices, ii. <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;<br /> +their imprudence in concluding the peace of Longjumeau without guarantees, ii. <a href="#Page_238">238</a>;<br /> +treatment of returning Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;<br /> +deprived of their rights by interpretative ordinances, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;<br /> +admirable organization of, ii. <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;<br /> +oath to be exacted of, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>;<br /> +the plot against them disclosed by an intercepted letter, ii. <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;<br /> +advantages at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;<br /> +enthusiasm of their youth, ib.;<br /> +the Protestant religion proscribed, ii. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;<br /> +their places of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +great successes in Poitou, Angoumois, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;<br /> +the great army collected in southern France joins Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;<br /> +negotiations and reprisals, ii. <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;<br /> +they suffer defeat at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, seq.;<br /> +they recover strength, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;<br /> +their success at La Roche Abeille, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;<br /> +they send a petition to the king, ii. <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;<br /> +their single purpose, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;<br /> +they commit a serious blunder in laying siege to Poitiers, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;<br /> +flight of refugees from Montargis, ii. <a href="#Page_328">328</a>;<br /> +defeated at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332-334</a>;<br /> +their heavy losses, ii. <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<br /> +their terms of peace, ii. <a href="#Page_357">357</a>;<br /> +their successes compensate for their defeats, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;<br /> +the Huguenot nobles flock to Paris to attend the marriage of Henry of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;<br /> +many alarmed by the king's cordiality, ii. <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;<br /> +their constancy in the massacre at Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_510">510</a>, <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, etc.;<br /> +return of many who had apostatized, ii. <a href="#Page_573">573</a>, note;<br /> +discontent of the Huguenots of the south with the terms on the edict of pacification of Boulogne, ii. <a href="#Page_599">599</a>;<br /> +they obtain a truce from Marshal Damville, ib.;<br /> +military organization of, provided for in the political assembly of Milhau and Montauban, ii. <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;<br /> +their bold demands contained in a petition to the king, ii. <a href="#Page_601">601</a>, <a href="#Page_602">602</a>;<br /> +demands of Lower Languedoc and Nismes, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>;<br /> +those of the tiers état of Provence and Dauphiny, ib.;<br /> +indignation of Catharine de' Medici at their boldness, ii. <a href="#Page_604">604</a>;<br /> +they remain firm, ib.;<br /> +they reassemble at Milhau, and perfect their organization, Dec. 17, 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_617">617-619</a>;<br /> +injury to their cause, arising from their alliance with the "Politiques," or Malcontents, ii. <a href="#Page_620">620</a>;<br /> +the Huguenots resume arms, 1574, undertaking the fifth civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_622">622</a>;<br /> +failure of the conferences between Biron and the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_623">623</a>, <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;<br /> +their stout demands, ii. <a href="#Page_624">624</a>;<br /> +some reasons of their military successes, ii. <a href="#Page_630">630</a>, <a href="#Page_631">631</a>;<br /> +failure of persecution, war, and treachery, of which they had been the victims, ii. <a href="#Page_639">639</a>. See Coligny, Condé, etc.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Huguerye, Michel de la, his Mémoires inédits, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his assertions as to the premeditation of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ib.;<br /> +his misrepresentation of the character of Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>I.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Iconoclasm at Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_143">143</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>by a monk at Troyes, for a "pious" object, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_169">169</a>;<br /> +in various parts of France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_663" id="Page_663">[Pg 663]</a></span> +at Montauban, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_486">486</a>;<br /> +can it be repressed? ii. <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;<br /> +stringent but ineffectual measures against, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;<br /> +at Caen, ii. <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;<br /> +at Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<br /> +at Valenciennes, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;<br /> +at Cateau-Cambrésis, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Images, whimsical defence of, ii. <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Impatience with "public idols," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_487">487</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>repressed by Calvin, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Inconsistency of the laws and practice of the courts, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_481">481</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Indiscreet partisans of reform, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Informers against the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Inquisition, the, is jealously watched in France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_125">125</a> (see Commission to try Lutherans);<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>also, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Inquisition, Spanish, proposition to introduce into France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>opposed by parliament and withdrawn, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>;<br /> +a second attempt ib.;<br /> +manly speech of President Séguier against it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>;<br /> +a third attempt, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>;<br /> +the Pope appoints three inquisitors-general, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_299">299</a>;<br /> +the papal bull confirmed by Henry II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>;<br /> +the inquisition edict registered by Henry in a "lit de justice," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Insubordination to royal authority, ii. <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Interpretative ordinances, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Isabella, or Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II. of France and Catharine de' Medici, born April 2, 1545, married to Philip II. of Spain, June, 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_338">338</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>discloses the plot to kidnap Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br /> +her discussion with her mother in the Bayonne conference, ii. <a href="#Page_172">172-175</a>;<br /> +again her husband's mouthpiece, ii. <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Italian Bible," the, Macchiavelli's Il Principe, ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ivoy, M. d', surrenders Bourges, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>treachery of his brother before Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>J.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>January, the Edict of, by Charles IX. (January 17, 1562), a celebrated ordinance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_576">576</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>marks the termination of the period of persecution according to the forms of law, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_577">577</a>;<br /> +inconsistencies of, ii. <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;<br /> +the Huguenot leaders urge its observance, ib.;<br /> +opposition of the papal party, ii. <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Jarnac, battle of, March 13, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the loss small in numbers, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<br /> +exaggerated bulletins of, ii. <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Jerusalem," temple de, one of the Protestant places of worship at Paris, destroyed by Constable Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Jewel, Bishop, on the French Protestant refugees, ii. <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>John Casimir, son of the elector palatine, comes to the assistance of the Huguenots, and meets Condé in Lorraine, ii. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>letter of the princes assembled at his marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>John Lackland, King of England, confers upon the inhabitants of La Rochelle exemption from the duty of marching elsewhere or receiving a garrison from abroad, ii. <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Joupitre, Jean, mayor of Bourges, ii. <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Joyeuse, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_574">574</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Julius II., Pope, his bull giving Navarre to the first comer, believed to be a forgery, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Julius III., Pope, his bull permitting the use of eggs, butter, and cheese, to be eaten during Lent, condemned and burned by order of Henry II. and parliament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>July, the Edict of, by Charles IX. (July 11, 1561), a severe measure, prohibiting conventicles for preaching or celebrating the sacraments, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>exultation of Guise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_484">484</a>;<br /> +Admiral Coligny declares that it cannot be executed, ib.;<br /> +disappointment of Protestants, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Jumièges, at the fair of, a friar pulled from the pulpit, and another preacher put in his place, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Jurieu, Pierre, his remarks respecting the origin of the name "Huguenot," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_398">398</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Justice, abuses in administration of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>K.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Killigrew of Pendennis reaches Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>King, the "fons omnis jurisdictionis," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>emperor in his own dominions, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>King's authority, checks upon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>King's evil, cured by the touch of the French monarchs, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_100">100</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Knox, John on the affair of the Rue St. Jacques, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his sermon on the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and his denunciation of Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>L.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>La Court, ii. <a href="#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lacretelle, M., estimates the Huguenots as numbering 1,500,000 souls, or one-tenth of the population of France, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>La Force, Jacques Nompar de Caumont, Duke of, his wonderful escape in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lagebaston, President of the Parliament of Bordeaux, ii. <a href="#Page_523">523</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lainez, second general of the Order of Jesus, makes an intemperate speech at Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_536">536</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>compares the Protestant ministers to apes and foxes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_537">537</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_664" id="Page_664">[Pg 664]</a></span> +Lambert, François, first monk converted, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his history, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_113">113</a>;<br /> +his imprudent appeals, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>;<br /> +his marriage and his death, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Languedoc, fifteen cities in this province receive Protestant ministers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_429">429</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the children learn religion only from the Geneva catechism, ib.;<br /> +of twenty-two bishops in Languedoc, all but five or six non-residents, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Languet, Hubert his description of the persecution under Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_366">366</a>;<br /> +of the confusion after the Tumult of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_397">397</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lansac, a special envoy of Charles IX. to Germany, his unscrupulous misrepresentations, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Lansquenets," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Laschêne, a Protestant nobleman, decapitated at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Laudonnière René de, leads the second colonial expedition to Florida, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>escapes from the massacre of the Huguenots, and succeeds in returning to France, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lausanne, the "Five scholars of," arrested, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_283">283</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>tried and executed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_285">285</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Leclerc, Jean, a wool-carder of Meaux, tears down a papal bull, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_87">87</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is branded, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_88">88</a>;<br /> +and burned alive at Metz, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Leclerc, Pierre, a minister and martyr at Meaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Le Coq, his evangelical sermon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Le Dieu le Fort," ii. <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lefèvre d'Étaples, Jacques, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_67">67</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>restores letters to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_68">68</a>;<br /> +his studies, ib.;<br /> +devotion, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_69">69</a>;<br /> +his commentary on the Pauline epistles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_70">70</a>;<br /> +foresees the Reformation, ib.;<br /> +controversy with Beda, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>;<br /> +invited to Meaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_73">73</a>;<br /> +spiritual progress of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>;<br /> +translates the New Testament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>;<br /> +his exultation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_79">79</a>;<br /> +retires to Strasbourg, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_84">84-93</a>;<br /> +tutor of the Duke of Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +librarian at Blois, ib.;<br /> +hopes entertained by Aleander respecting, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +mental sufferings and death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_96">96</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Leicester, Earl of, ii. <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>it is proposed to offer him the hand of Mademoiselle de Bourbon, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;<br /> +on Charles IX. and the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_559">559</a>, <a href="#Page_560">560</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Le Laboureur, on the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lent, the Pope's bull permitting eggs, butter, and cheese to be eaten during the fast, condemned by parliament, and publicly burned, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_286">286</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>negligent observance of, in court of Charles IX., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_468">468</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Leo X., his concordat, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Léran, Viscount de, wounded and pursued into the room of Margaret of Valois, on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Léry, Jean, goes to Brazil with Villegagnon, and, on his return, writes a history of the expedition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii.<a href="#Page_345">345</a>, note;<br /> +his account of the siege of Sancerre, ii. <a href="#Page_590">590</a>, <a href="#Page_591">591</a>, <a href="#Page_594">594-598</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Lettres de cachet," ii. <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lhomme, or Lhommet, Martin, a bookseller, hung for having a copy of the "Tigre" in his possession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_445">445</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Libertine party, the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_225">225</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lieutenant de la Mareschaussée, his ineffectual defence and death on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ligny, violence at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Limousin, Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Limueil, Isabeau de, her amorous intrigue with the Prince of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Lit de justice," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_312">312</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii.<a href="#Page_492">492</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Liturgies of Farel and Calvin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_341">341</a>, seq.,<a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_515">515</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Livry, the hermit of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Loménie, Martial de, a secretary of the king. Marshal Retz obtains his office and his estate of Versailles, and then causes him to be murdered, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Longjumeau, edict of pacification of, March 23, 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the peace opposed by Coligny, and favored by Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<br /> +discussion of the question of the sincerity of the court, ii. <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;<br /> +the edict thrown into the fire by Charles IX. in the parliament house, ii. <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Longjumeau Sieur de, assault upon his house, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_476">476</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Longueville, Duke of, prevents the massacre of the Protestants from extending to Picardy, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lorraine, Charles, Cardinal of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he exchanges the title of Cardinal of Guise for that of Cardinal of Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;<br /> +various estimates of his character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_271">271</a>;<br /> +his servility toward Diana of Poitiers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_273">273</a>;<br /> +hypocrisy to the Swiss envoys, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>;<br /> +his conference with Cardinal Granvelle, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>;<br /> +his great power on the accession of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_351">351</a>;<br /> +indignation of the people against him and his brother, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>;<br /> +message he receives from the escaped Huguenot prisoners of Tours, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_399">399</a>;<br /> +perplexity of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_413">413</a>;<br /> +his politic speech at Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_422">422</a>;<br /> +his hypocritical assurances to Throkmorton, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_424">424</a>, note;<br /> +pasquinade against, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>;<br /> +a virulent pamphlet against him entitled "Epistre au Tigre de la France," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444-448</a>;<br /> +effrontery of, in offering to represent the three orders at the States General, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +favors the holding of the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_495">495</a>;<br /> +he meets Beza and professes to be well satisfied, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_504">504</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_665" id="Page_665">[Pg 665]</a></span> +but subsequently boasts that he overthrew Beza in the first interview, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_505">505</a>;<br /> +his speech in reply to Beza, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_528">528</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_529">529</a>;<br /> +he demands of the Huguenot ministers subscription to the Augsburg Confession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_533">533</a>;<br /> +retires in disgust from Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_555">555</a>;<br /> +goes with his brothers to meet the Duke of Würtemberg at Saverne, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<br /> +his lying assurances, ii. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;<br /> +he declares himself, on oath, guiltless of the death of any man for religion's sake, ii. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;<br /> +he returns to France from the Council of Trent, and unsuccessfully seeks the approval of the decrees, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<br /> +his wrangle at Melun, Feb, 1564, with Chancellor L'Hospital, ii. <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> +his encounter with Marshal Montmorency in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;<br /> +forbidden by Catharine to hold communication with Granvelle and Chantonnay, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;<br /> +he disregards the prohibition, ib.;<br /> +his altercation with L'Hospital at Moulins, ii. <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;<br /> +the Huguenots plan to seize him, ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;<br /> +his flight to Rheims, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;<br /> +he invites Alva to enter France, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;<br /> +his plot revealed, ii. <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;<br /> +makes another attack upon L'Hospital, and is prevented by Marshal Montmorency from making a bodily assault, ii. <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;<br /> +his jealousy of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;<br /> +retires from court at the peace of Saint Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<br /> +his rejoicing at Rome over the news of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_532">532</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lorraine, John, first Cardinal of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_267">267</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his many ecclesiastical benefices, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lorraine, Mary of, married to James V. of Scotland, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_268">268</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Loue, La, taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>killed near Montpellier, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Louis VIII., of France, confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Louis IX., St Louis, disliked in Périgord, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_6">6</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his Pragmatic Sanction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Louis XI., his aversion to assembling the States General, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>consents to abrogate the Pragmatic Sanction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>;<br /> +subsequently re-enacts it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>;<br /> +confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Louis XII., re-enacts the Pragmatic Sanction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his motto, ib.;<br /> +confirms the privileges of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Louise de Savoie, mother of Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>encourages reformed preachers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>;<br /> +regent, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>;<br /> +change in her attitude, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_123">123</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lude, Count of, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Luns, Philippine de, a young lady of wealth and rank, strangled and burned at Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lusignan, "la pucelle," taken by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Luther, his teachings condemned by the Sorbonne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>wide circulation of his works, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_112">112</a>;<br /> +his books proscribed, ib.;<br /> +his letters respecting Melanchthon's projected visit to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Lutherans," rage of populace of Paris against, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lyon, Jacques du, Seigneur de Grandfief, plots to surrender La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_617">617</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Lyons, frontier town at accession of Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_3">3</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>council of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_140">140</a>;<br /> +inspection of books at great fairs of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>;<br /> +in the hands of Maligny, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +besieged, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;<br /> +Huguenots accused of poisoning wells in, ii. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;<br /> +massacre at, ii. <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>M.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Macaulay, Lord, a remark ascribed by him to Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_463">463</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Macchiavelli's Il Principe, "the Italian Bible," ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mackintosh, Sir James, receives from M. de Châteaubriand important documents bearing upon the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Macon, persecution at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Madrid, a royal country-seat, ii. <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Madrid, treaty of, declared null, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_136">136</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Magic, resort to, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_48">48</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maigret, Friar Aimé, preaches at Lyons, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Malassise, M. de, Henry de Mesmes, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maligny seizes Lyons, but, not being supported, fails to keep the place, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Malot, Jean, a minister at the colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Malta, siege of, by the Turks, in 1565, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mandelot, M. de, Governor of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_513">513</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his perplexity, ii. <a href="#Page_514">514</a>;<br /> +his responsibility for the massacre in Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_517">517</a>;<br /> +a suppliant for the spoils of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_518">518</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mangin, a martyr at Meaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mans, Protestants of, plundered or killed, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mansfeld, Count of. See Wolrad.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marcel, prévôt des marchands, ii. <a href="#Page_482">482</a>, etc.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marché-aux-pourceaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marcourt, Antoine, probable author of the placard of 1534, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Mardi Gras," the rising of, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Margaret of Valois, youngest daughter of Henry II., born May 14, 1552, her hand declined by Sebastian of Portugal, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>proposed marriage to Henry of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_392">392</a>;<br /> +the proposal comes from the Montmorencies, ii. <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;<br /> +absurdity of the story of a romantic attachment of Margaret, in 1571, to Henry of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, note;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_666" id="Page_666">[Pg 666]</a></span> +she is said to be at first indifferent, afterward anxious to marry Henry of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>;<br /> +described by Jeanne d'Albret, ii. <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;<br /> +the betrothal, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;<br /> +the marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +the entertainment in the Louvre, ii. <a href="#Page_429">429</a>;<br /> +on the morning of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marillac, Bishop of Vienne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his speech at Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_421">421</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marlorat, Augustin, a prominent Huguenot minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>;<br /> +he is hung by order of the Parliament of Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maromme, Laurent de, a leader of the murderers at Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_520">520</a>, <a href="#Page_521">521</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marot, Clément, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his flight to Ferrara, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marsac, Louis de, his words at the stake, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_278">278</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Marshals, remonstrance of the, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Martigues, Sebastian of Luxemburg, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his impiety, ib., note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Martin Theodoric, of Beauvais, his elegies on Louis de Berquin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_157">157</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>remarks respecting Barthélemi Milon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Martyr, Peter, or Pietro Martiro Vermigli, a native of Florence and a reformer, invited to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his arrival, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_527">527</a>;<br /> +his speech, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_536">536</a>;<br /> +takes part in the Conference of Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>;<br /> +his candid paper, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_540">540</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Martyrs, Protestant, constancy of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ingenious contrivance for prolonging their sufferings, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mary, Queen of Scots, wife of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_545">545</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mass, Roman Catholic, songs against, ii. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Massacre, of Protestants in Holy Week, 1561, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_474">474</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>of Vassy, March 1, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;<br /> +of Sens, April 12, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;<br /> +of Orange, June 5, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;<br /> +of Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52-54</a>;<br /> +of Troyes, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br /> +of Roman Catholics at Nismes ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;<br /> +in prisons of Orleans, Aug. 21, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;<br /> +of the garrison of Rabasteins, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>;<br /> +at Paris (see Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day);<br /> +of Meaux, Aug. 25 and 26, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505-507</a>;<br /> +of Troyes, Sept. 4, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;<br /> +of Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a> seq.;<br /> +of Bourges, Sept. 12, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_511">511</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>;<br /> +of Angers, ii. <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>;<br /> +of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_513">513-518</a>;<br /> +of Rouen, Sept., 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519-521</a>;<br /> +of Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>;<br /> +of Bordeaux, Oct, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522-524</a>;<br /> +why the massacre is not universal, ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>, <a href="#Page_525">525</a>;<br /> +cases of mercy, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, in Paris, the question of its premeditation, chapter xvii. passim;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>La Huguerye's statements, ii. <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>;<br /> +a significant mock combat, ii. <a href="#Page_431">431</a>;<br /> +the plan as sketched by Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a> seq.;<br /> +Salviati's testimony respecting the want of premeditation and the ignorance of the king, ii. <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>;<br /> +Coligny wounded, ii. <a href="#Page_437">437</a>;<br /> +Catharine and Anjou resolve upon extreme measures, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>;<br /> +the blood council, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, seq.;<br /> +Charles reluctantly consents, ii. <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +few victims selected at first, ii. <a href="#Page_450">450</a>;<br /> +religious hatred as a motive, ii. <a href="#Page_452">452</a>;<br /> +precautions taken, ib.;<br /> +the municipal officers of Paris called in, ii. <a href="#Page_454">454</a>;<br /> +murder of Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, seq.;<br /> +of Huguenot leaders in the Louvre, ii. <a href="#Page_465">465</a>, seq.;<br /> +on the signal bell from the Palais de Justice, the massacre becomes general, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>;<br /> +the part taken by the courtiers and the royal guard, ii. <a href="#Page_471">471</a>;<br /> +pitiless butchery, ii. <a href="#Page_474">474</a>;<br /> +shamelessness of the court ladies, ii. <a href="#Page_476">476</a>;<br /> +wonderful escapes, ii. <a href="#Page_477">477</a>;<br /> +the dead bodies buried by the municipality of Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_484">484</a>;<br /> +the massacre not at first a popular movement, ii. <a href="#Page_484">484</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;<br /> +pillage of the rich, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>;<br /> +action of the municipal officers, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>;<br /> +ineffectual orders issued to lay down arms, ii. <a href="#Page_487">487</a>;<br /> +miracle of the hawthorn of the Cimetière des Innocents, ii. <a href="#Page_488">488</a>;<br /> +number of the victims in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_489">489</a>;<br /> +speech of the king at the "lit de justice," ii. <a href="#Page_492">492</a>;<br /> +servility of parliament, ii. <a href="#Page_493">493</a>;<br /> +Coligny's memory declared infamous, ii. <a href="#Page_496">496</a>;<br /> +the verbal orders, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>;<br /> +two kinds of letters sent out, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>;<br /> +uncertain number of victims, ii. <a href="#Page_530">530</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Masso, an agent in the massacre at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'><a href="#Page_514">514</a>, <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Matignon, M. de, saves the Protestants of Caen and Alençon from massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maubert, Place, ii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maurevel murders De Mouy, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is rewarded with the collar of the order, ii. <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;<br /> +wounds Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Mauvais Garçons," highwaymen, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_44">44</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maximilian, Emperor of Germany, styles the French king "a king of asses," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, etc.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>May, Du, attempts to assassinate Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mayenne, Charles, Duke of, son of Francis, Duke of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Maynet, a Huguenot member of the Parliament of Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mazurier, Martial, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Medici family, the, is reputed to be destined to be fatal to Christendom, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_569">569</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Meaux, Reformation at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_67">67</a> seq., <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_92">92</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>new persecutions at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_253">253</a>;<br /> +the "Fourteen of Meaux," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_254">254</a>;<br /> +their execution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_255">255</a>;<br /> +iconoclasm at, ii. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_667" id="Page_667">[Pg 667]</a></span> +consequent severity of the Parliament of Paris, ib.;<br /> +massacre at, Aug. 25 and 26, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505-507</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Medals, commemorative of the junction of the Huguenots and their German allies, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>of the battles of Jarnac and Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, note;<br /> +of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="#Page_533">533</a>, <a href="#Page_559">559</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Melanchthon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>answers the Sorbonne's condemnation of Luther, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_109">109</a>;<br /> +visited by a French agent, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_160">160</a>;<br /> +draws up a plan of reconciliation, ib.;<br /> +his extravagant concessions, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_161">161</a>;<br /> +his own misgivings, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_162">162</a>;<br /> +his plan makes a favorable impression on Francis I., ib.;<br /> +is entreated to come to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>;<br /> +his perplexity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>;<br /> +he is formally invited by Francis, and consents, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_184">184</a>;<br /> +but fails to obtain permission from the Elector of Saxony, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>;<br /> +his chagrin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_186">186</a>;<br /> +his articles reprobated by the Sorbonne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;<br /> +approves of the execution of Servetus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Menendez, or Melendez, de Abila, sent by Philip II. to destroy the Huguenot settlements in Florida, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his cruelty and success, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mercenary troops, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Mercuriale," nature of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_331">331</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Henry II. goes in person to one of the Parliament of Paris, June 10, 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_332">332</a>;<br /> +that of June 23, 1561, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_480">480</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mérindol, some inhabitants of, summoned to Aix, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the infamous "Arrêt de Mérindol," November 18, 1540, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;<br /> +preparations to carry it into effect, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_237">237</a>;<br /> +it is delayed by friendly interposition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;<br /> +the place is taken and destroyed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Merle, d'Aubigné, a singular mistake of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_200">200</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Merlin, Jehan Reymond, a Protestant pastor, at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>counsels moderation to the Queen of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;<br /> +chaplain of Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_440">440</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>;<br /> +his wonderful escape, ii. <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Méru, a younger Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, note, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Messignac, Huguenot loss at, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Metz, labors of Jean Châtellain at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_114">114</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>anger of the people at his execution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Michelade," the, at Nismes, ii. <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Milhau-en-Rouergue, calls for ministers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the entire population becomes Protestant, ii. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<br /> +refuses to admit a garrison, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /> +a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +political Huguenot assembly at, ii. <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;<br /> +second assembly, Dec. 17, 1573, at which the scheme of organization is perfected, ii. <a href="#Page_617">617-619</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Miracles popular, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>miracle of the hawthorn tree of the Cimetière des Innocents, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Milon, Barthélemi, a paralytic, executed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_172">172</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>remarks of Martin Theodoric, of Beauvais, respecting ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Minard, President, assassination of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_370">370</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ministers, Protestant, the popular clamor for, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>their moderation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_479">479</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_480">480</a>;<br /> +the demand unabated for, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mirabel, a Huguenot leader, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mirambeau, a Huguenot negotiator, ii. <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Miron, the Duke of Anjou's confession to, ii. <a href="#Page_433">433</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mole, La, one of the party of the Politiques, ii. <a href="#Page_626">626</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is executed on the Place de Grève, ii. <a href="#Page_628">628</a>, <a href="#Page_629">629</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Monastic orders incur contempt, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_60">60</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Monclar, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Moncontour, battle of, Oct 3, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332</a> seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>exultation of the Roman Catholic party after, ii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<br /> +medals struck at Rome, ib., note;<br /> +extravagant action of parliament, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Money coined by the Huguenots, with the name and arms of Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mons, capture of, by Count Louis of Nassau, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montagut, or Montaigu, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montargis, the residence of the Duchess of Ferrara, affords a safe refuge to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>flight of Huguenots from Montargis to Sancerre, ii. <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montauban, the Protestants of, being maligned, vindicate their loyalty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_480">480</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>beg that no more ex-monks be sent into France as Protestant ministers, ib.;<br /> +iconoclasm at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_486">486</a>;<br /> +it refuses to admit a garrison in, 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /> +a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +Coligny at, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>;<br /> +becomes, through Regnier's agency, a Protestant stronghold, ii. <a href="#Page_574">574</a>;<br /> +political Huguenot assembly at, ii. <a href="#Page_600">600</a>;<br /> +it provides for a military organization of the Huguenots, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montbéliard, Farel at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_117">117</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montbrun, nephew of Cardinal Tournon, a Huguenot leader, in the Comtât Venaissin, etc., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_414">414</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <a href="#Page_526">526</a>;<br /> +his exploits in Dauphiny, ii. <a href="#Page_621">621</a>, <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mont de Marsan, ii. <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montecuccoli, Count of, accused of having poisoned the dauphin, Francis, and drawn asunder by four horses, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_259">259</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montélimart, Huguenots of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_404">404</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montereul, Claude a curate, active in the massacre of Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_520">520</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montesquiou, captain of Anjou's guards, treacherously murders the Prince of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montferrand, M. de, Governor of Bordeaux, ii. <a href="#Page_522">522</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_668" id="Page_668">[Pg 668]</a></span> +his brutal boast before the parliament that he had killed more than two hundred and fifty persons, ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montgomery, Gabriel, Count of, captain of the Scotch guard, mortally wounds Henry II. in the tournament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_339">339</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>commands the Protestants at Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;<br /> +escapes with D'Andelot to La Rochelle, at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;<br /> +throws himself into St. Jean d'Angely, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;<br /> +takes for the Huguenots a great part of Béarn, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;<br /> +goes to Coligny's assistance, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;<br /> +his raids, ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>;<br /> +escapes from the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_481">481-483</a>;<br /> +obtains help from England for La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;<br /> +Queen Elizabeth's interest in him, ib.;<br /> +he lands in Normandy, ii. <a href="#Page_630">630</a>;<br /> +takes Carentan, ib.;<br /> +is taken prisoner at Domfront, ii. <a href="#Page_631">631</a>;<br /> +delight of Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_631">631</a>, <a href="#Page_632">632</a>;<br /> +his sentence and execution, ii. <a href="#Page_633">633</a>;<br /> +his constancy, ii. <a href="#Page_634">634</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montigny's remark as to the Burgundians, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montluc, Bishop of Valence, his speech in the assembly of notables of Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_419">419</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his description of the Protestant ministers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_418">418</a>;<br /> +his evangelical preaching, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_469">469</a>;<br /> +confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Lorraine's reference to him in the Colloquy of Poissy, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<br /> +at the Conference of Saint Germain, ib.;<br /> +he is erroneously credited with writing Condé's reply to the Triumvirs, etc., ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;<br /> +he is sent to secure the election of Anjou to the throne of Poland, ii. <a href="#Page_552">552</a>;<br /> +his embarrassment, ii. <a href="#Page_553">553</a>, <a href="#Page_560">560</a>, note;<br /> +his success, ii. <a href="#Page_592">592</a>, <a href="#Page_593">593</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montluc, Blaise de, a cruel general, ii. <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +is praised by Pius IV. for his part in the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +his conversation with Alva at the Bayonne conference, ii. <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;<br /> +breaks down Coligny's bridge of boats, ii. <a href="#Page_350">350</a>;<br /> +accuses Damville, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352</a>;<br /> +succeeds in Béarn, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montmorency, Anne de, Grand Master and Constable, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his ancient family and valor, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_263">263</a>;<br /> +his cruelty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>;<br /> +his unpopularity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_264">264</a>;<br /> +disgraced by Francis I., but recalled by Henry II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_265">265</a>;<br /> +opposes the breaking of the truce of Vaucelles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_297">297</a>;<br /> +taken prisoner at the battle of St. Quentin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;<br /> +favors the peace of Cateau-Cambrésis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>;<br /> +his fall from power at the accession of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_347">347</a>;<br /> +retires to his estates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_353">353</a>;<br /> +his wealth, ib.;<br /> +indignation of Catharine de' Medici with him, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>;<br /> +his disgust at the progress of Protestantism and the popular demand for restitution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_469">469</a>;<br /> +joins in the triumvirate, notwithstanding his son's remonstrances, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_471">471</a>;<br /> +disappointment of the Protestants at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>, note;<br /> +his exploits at Paris in burning the Protestant preaching-places earn him the title of "le Capitaine Brûlebanc," ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;<br /> +is taken prisoner at the battle of Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +he espouses the defence of Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;<br /> +he takes sides against Cardinal Lorraine at Melun, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> +opposes the nuncio's demand that the red cap be taken away from Cardinal Châtillon, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;<br /> +at the Conference of La Chapelle Saint Denis declares that the king will not tolerate two religions, ii. <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;<br /> +he is mortally wounded in the battle of Saint Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;<br /> +three times a prisoner in previous wars, ib., note;<br /> +his character and exploits, ii. <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;<br /> +his conduct on entering La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_273">273</a>. See Triumvirs.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montmorency, François de, Marshal, eldest son of the constable, remonstrates with his father on the formation of the triumvirate, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is temporarily removed from the governorship of Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;<br /> +his inability to check the excesses of the turbulent mob, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br /> +espouses Coligny's defence, ii. <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;<br /> +takes energetic measures with the Parisians, ii. <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;<br /> +his encounter with Cardinal Lorraine, ii. <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<br /> +he brings Coligny to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<br /> +proclaims the edict of Amboise by public crier, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<br /> +hollow reconciliation with the Guises, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;<br /> +at Saint Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;<br /> +his retort to Catharine de' Medici, when Santa Croce demands the surrender of Cardinal Châtillon to the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;<br /> +remonstrance of, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<br /> +reply to Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;<br /> +proposes the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_394">394</a>;<br /> +his honorable reception by Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_399">399</a>;<br /> +Charles's estimate of, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +thrown into the Bastile, ii. <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montpézat, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_523">523</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montpellier, gathering of Huguenots for worship in the large school-rooms, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_429">429</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the chapter of the cathedral introduces a garrison, whereupon the Protestants rise and strip the churches, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_563">563</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_564">564</a>;<br /> +the consuls write to Geneva to double their corps of Protestant ministers, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montpensier, the Duke of, at the Bayonne conference, ii. <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>incites the massacre of Protestants, ii. <a href="#Page_476">476</a>, <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montpipeau, the "tears" of, ii. <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Montréal, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_669" id="Page_669">[Pg 669]</a></span> +Montsoreau, M. de, his letter to Puigaillard, ii. <a href="#Page_503">503</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he treacherously murders M. de la Rivière, ii. <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Morata, Olympia, her precocity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Morel, François de, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mornas, cruelty of Huguenots at, ii. <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mornieu, André, an échevin, heads the murderers of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_515">515</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mortier, Du, a privy councillor, refuses to sign the sentence of the Prince of Condé, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Morvilliers, Bishop of Orleans, a skilful negotiator, his noble words on straightforward diplomacy, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>royal envoy, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<br /> +replies to Coligny's memorial, ii. <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mothe Fénélon, La, French ambassador in England, his recommendation of the Duke of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his perplexity in defending the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_541">541</a>;<br /> +declares himself ashamed to be counted a Frenchman, ii. <a href="#Page_543">543</a>;<br /> +his cold reception by Queen Elizabeth, ib.;<br /> +confesses that he is not believed, ii. <a href="#Page_545">545</a>;<br /> +he is instructed to press the suit of Alençon for Queen Elizabeth's hand, ii. <a href="#Page_606">606</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Motley, Mr. J. L., ii. <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, note, <a href="#Page_537">537</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mouchy, De, apologizes for using French language, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_56">56</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at the Conference of Saint Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<br /> +his delight at its dismissal, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Moulin, Charles Du, a jurist, writes an able treatise against the Council of Trent, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Moulins, the assembly of notables at, in 1566, ii. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>alleged plan of the "Sicilian Vespers" to be executed at, ib.;<br /> +reconciliation of Coligny and the Guises, and of the Montmorencies and Guises at, ii. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;<br /> +fresh encounter of Cardinal Lorraine and Chancellor L'Hospital at, ii. <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mouvans, a Huguenot leader in Provence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his message to the Duke of Guise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;<br /> +ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mouy, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>murdered by Maurevel, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Mucidan, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Muntz, on Clemangis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_64">64</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Murderer, the, of a Huguenot rescued, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>N.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Nançay, captain of the guard, superintends the butchery of the Huguenot leaders in the Louvre, ii. <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nantes, the Protestants of, not to be compelled to hang tapestry on Corpus Christi Day, ii. <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the municipality of, refuses to massacre the Protestants, ii. <a href="#Page_529">529</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nantouillet, the affair of, ii. <a href="#Page_598">598</a>, <a href="#Page_599">599</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nassau, Louis, Count of, brother of the Prince of Orange, enters France with the Duke of Deux-Ponts, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;<br /> +confers with Charles IX. and urges him to espouse the cause of the Netherlands, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>;<br /> +captures Mons and Valenciennes, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>;<br /> +receives from Charles IX. assurances of help for the Prince of Orange, ii. <a href="#Page_609">609</a>;<br /> +his death, ii. <a href="#Page_610">610</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navarre conquered by the Spanish, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_107">107</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>little left to the king, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navarre, Bastard of, taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navarre, Antoine de Bourbon-Vendôme, King of, husband of Jeanne d'Albret, favors the Reformation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>rejects Montmorency's advances, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_352">352</a>;<br /> +his irresolution and pusillanimity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_354">354</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_355">355</a>;<br /> +wants indemnity for the kingdom of Navarre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_356">356</a>;<br /> +is received at court with studied discourtesy, ib.;<br /> +is deaf to remonstrance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_357">357</a>;<br /> +meets fresh indignity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_358">358</a>;<br /> +his irresolution embarrasses Montbrun at Lyons, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +invites Beza to Nérac, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>;<br /> +his short-lived zeal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_432">432</a>;<br /> +pressure upon him and Condé to force them to come to Orleans, ib.;<br /> +his concessions, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_433">433</a>;<br /> +at Limoges the Huguenot gentry offer him aid, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_434">434</a>;<br /> +he dismisses his escort, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>;<br /> +his infatuation, ib.;<br /> +reaches Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_436">436</a>;<br /> +is treated almost like a prisoner, ib.;<br /> +his danger, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +makes an ignominious compact with Catharine de' Medici just before the death of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>;<br /> +his opportunity at Charles IX.'s accession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_451">451</a>;<br /> +his contemptible character, ib.;<br /> +his humiliation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_466">466</a>;<br /> +he receives more consideration in consequence of the bold demands of the Particular Estates of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_467">467</a>;<br /> +his assurances to M. Gluck, the Danish ambassador, that he would have the gospel preached throughout France ib.;<br /> +he invites Beza to the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>;<br /> +his urgency, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_496">496</a>;<br /> +he is plied by the arts of the papal legate, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_553">553</a>;<br /> +his apostasy, ii. <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br /> +his defence of Guise after the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br /> +and Beza's reply, ii. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;<br /> +has become "all Spanish now," ii. <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;<br /> +seizes Charles IX. and brings him back to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;<br /> +he is mortally wounded at the siege of Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;<br /> +his last hours and death, ii. <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;<br /> +his character, ii. <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br /> +extravagant eulogy of De Thou, ii. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;<br /> +mourning at the Council of Trent, ib.;<br /> +his delight at the prospective marriage of his son to Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navarre, Henry of, son of Antoine de Bourbon-Vendôme and Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, afterward Henry IV. of France, born Dec. 14, 1553. Takes part in a tournament at the Bayonne Conference, ii. <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_670" id="Page_670">[Pg 670]</a></span> +remonstrates against the perfidy displayed by the Roman Catholics in the murder of Condé and other Protestants at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;<br /> +with his cousin Condé, he becomes nominal general-in-chief of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;<br /> +they are nicknamed "the admiral's pages," ib.;<br /> +at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_334">334</a>;<br /> +proposed marriage of Henry to Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_392">392</a> seq.;<br /> +by the death of his mother he becomes King of Navarre, June 9, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_408">408</a>;<br /> +the papal dispensation delayed, ii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>;<br /> +the betrothal, ii. <a href="#Page_426">426</a>;<br /> +the marriage, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +a significant mock combat, ii. <a href="#Page_431">431</a>;<br /> +complains to the king of the attack on Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;<br /> +his name not on the proscriptive roll, ii. <a href="#Page_451">451</a>;<br /> +he is summoned by Charles IX. and ordered to abjure the Protestant religion, ii. <a href="#Page_468">468</a>;<br /> +his very humble reply, ii. <a href="#Page_469">469</a>;<br /> +his name associated with the royal family as having been an object of the pretended Huguenot conspiracy, ii. <a href="#Page_490">490</a>;<br /> +his forced conversion, ii. <a href="#Page_498">498</a>, <a href="#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +his submission accepted by Pope Gregory XIII. and the validity of his marriage recognized, ii. <a href="#Page_500">500</a>;<br /> +he re-establishes the Roman Catholic Church in Béarn, ib.;<br /> +attempts flight, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_627">627</a>;<br /> +his examination and defence, ii. <a href="#Page_627">627</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navarre, Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of, daughter of Henry, King of Navarre, and Margaret of Angoulême, sister of Francis I., marries Antoine of Bourbon-Vendôme, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>reluctantly embraces the Reformation, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_432">432</a>;<br /> +her constancy, ii. <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;<br /> +her letter to the Cardinal of Armagnac, ii. <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;<br /> +she is cited to Rome and threatened with deposition as a heretic, Sept. 28, 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;<br /> +the royal council protests against the infraction of national liberties, and the insult to royalty, ii. <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;<br /> +she establishes the Reformation in Béarn, ii. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<br /> +meets much opposition, ii. <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;<br /> +Spanish and other plots against, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;<br /> +a plot to kidnap her and her children, ii. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;<br /> +goes to La Rochelle at the beginning of the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;<br /> +her spirited letters, ib.;<br /> +her words on Condé's death, ii. <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;<br /> +her courage after the battle of Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;<br /> +her offices after the defeat of Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_347">347</a>;<br /> +negotiates with Catharine de' Medici for peace, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a>;<br /> +her letter warning the queen mother respecting the observance of the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, and note;<br /> +her reply to the royal proposal of a marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_395">395</a>;<br /> +she becomes more favorable to it, ii. <a href="#Page_403">403</a>;<br /> +her solicitude, ii. <a href="#Page_404">404</a>;<br /> +she is treated with tantalizing insincerity, ib.;<br /> +she is shocked at the morals of the court, ii. <a href="#Page_405">405</a>;<br /> +she goes to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_406">406</a>;<br /> +her last illness and death, ii. <a href="#Page_406">406</a>, <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;<br /> +the story that she was poisoned, ii. <a href="#Page_407">407</a>;<br /> +her character and motives traduced by the Mémoires inédits de Michel de la Huguerye, ii. <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navarre, Margaret of. See Angoulême, Margaret of.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Navy, French, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Negotiations for peace of St. Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_356">356</a> seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nemours, Duchess of. See Este, Anne d'.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nemours, Duke of, fails to keep his word pledged to the Baron de Castelnau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_388">388</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>marries the widow of the Duke of Guise, and oppresses the Protestants of Lyonnais and Dauphiny, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;<br /> +praised by Pius V. in a special brief, ib.;<br /> +his jealousy of Aumale, ii. <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nevers, Duke of, at the blood council, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>New Testament, the, translated by Lefèvre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_77">77</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>New York, Huguenot church of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_345">345</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nicodemites, the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Niort, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Niquet, Spire, a poor bookbinder, roasted in a fire made of his own books, in the massacre of Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_474">474</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nismes, great concourse of the Huguenots of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Huguenots guard the gates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>;<br /> +massacre of Roman Catholics by the Protestants, known as the "Michelade," ii. <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;<br /> +brilliant capture of, by the Huguenots in the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>;<br /> +in Protestant hands, in 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_573">573</a>, <a href="#Page_574">574</a>;<br /> +obtains a truce, ii. <a href="#Page_599">599</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Normandy, progress of Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_287">287</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>burdens of taxation in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_313">313</a>;<br /> +popular awakening in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;<br /> +Admiral Coligny's successes in (Feb., 1563), ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>. See Rouen.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Non-residence of clergy, Claude Haton on, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_457">457</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Norris, Sir Henry, English ambassador, on the murder of Protestants in Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>on the condition of the French court, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Northumberland, Earl of, his rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Nostradamus, predictions of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_47">47</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_606">606</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Notables, assemblies of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>assembly at Fontainebleau, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_415">415</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Noue, François de la, justifies Condé's military conduct in evacuating Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his description of the discipline of the Huguenot army, ii. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;<br /> +on the irresistible desire for peace in 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;<br /> +taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;<br /> +also at Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_335">335</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_671" id="Page_671">[Pg 671]</a></span> +his success at Sainte Gemme, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;<br /> +he is sent by Charles IX. to treat with La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;<br /> +he is badly received, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;<br /> +he is subsequently chosen leader, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;<br /> +he retires when the hope of reconciliation disappears, ii. <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;<br /> +persuades the Huguenots to enter upon the fifth religious war, 1574, ii. <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>O.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Oath to be exacted of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ossat, D', Cardinal, ii. <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Obedience, spirit of, pervading all classes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Œcolampadius, his correspondence with Lefèvre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Official, or vicar, duties of i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_52">52</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Olaegui, secretary of the Spanish ambassador, reports the rapid spread of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day to the provinces, ii. <a href="#Page_505">505</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Olivetanus, or Olivetan, Pierre Robert, translates the Bible for the Vaudois, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Olivier, Chancellor, at first refuses to seal the royal commission to the Duke of Guise, making him lieutenant-general of France, with absolute powers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_390">390</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his remark as to the Cardinal of Lorraine, and death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_412">412</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Oppède, Jean Meynier, Baron d', first president of the Parliament of Aix, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_243">243</a>, seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Orange, city and principality of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>origin of Protestantism in, ii. <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;<br /> +great regret of the Prince of Orange, ib.;<br /> +massacre of Protestants at, ii. <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;<br /> +the inhabitants reconciled by Charles IX. to those of the Comtât Venaissin, ii. <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;<br /> +infringement upon the peace at, ii. <a href="#Page_373">373</a>;<br /> +included in the Huguenot scheme of organization, ii. <a href="#Page_618">618</a>;<br /> +plundered by M. de Glandage, ii. <a href="#Page_620">620</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Orange, William the Silent, Prince of, learns from Henry II. the designs of Philip and himself for the extermination of the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_325">325</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>attempts to assist the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;<br /> +outgeneralled by Alva, ib.;<br /> +enters France and terrifies the court, ii. <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;<br /> +the insubordination of his troops compels him to retire, ib.;<br /> +his declaration, ii. <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;<br /> +re-enters France with the Duke of Deux-Ponts, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;<br /> +goes to Germany to obtain reinforcements for Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ordinances, royal. See Edicts.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Organization of the Huguenots, admirable, ii. <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Orgies, pretended, in "la petite Genève," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Orleans, the "ghost" of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>progress of Protestantism at, ii. <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<br /> +the canons of the cathedral promise to attend the Protestant theological lectures, ii. <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<br /> +seized by Condé, it becomes the Huguenot centre during the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +iconoclasm at, ii. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<br /> +left by Condé and Coligny in D'Andelot's hands, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;<br /> +besieged by Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;<br /> +capture of the Portereau, ii. <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;<br /> +use of bombs by the garrison, ii. <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;<br /> +massacre of Huguenots in the prisons of, Aug. 21, 1569, ii. <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;<br /> +the great massacre of, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>, seq.;<br /> +a German account of the same, ii. <a href="#Page_569">569-571</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Orsini, Cardinal, ii. <a href="#Page_531">531</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Orthez, Viscount D', Governor of Bayonne, magnanimously refuses to murder the Protestants, ii. <a href="#Page_528">528</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ory, Oriz, or Oritz, Inquisitor of the Faith, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_288">288</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>P.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>"Paix boiteuse et mal-assise," ii. <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pamiers, persecution at, ii. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Huguenot commotion at, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pamphlets against the Guises, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Cardinal Lorraine has twenty-two on his table directed against himself, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_423">423</a>;<br /> +the "Epistre au Tigre de la France," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_448">448</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Panier, Paris, a doctor of civil law, put to death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Parcenac, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Paris, nobles flock to, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>learns obedience, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_9">9</a>;<br /> +wealth and population, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>;<br /> +persecution at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> +first Protestant church organized, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>;<br /> +the example followed elsewhere, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>;<br /> +alarm at, after defeat of St. Quentin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>;<br /> +progress of Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_562">562</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_563">563</a>;<br /> +immense crowds at the Huguenot preaching, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<br /> +fanaticism of the people, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;<br /> +their delight at the prospect of war, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;<br /> +their fury, ii. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;<br /> +approached by Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;<br /> +insubordination and riot at, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br /> +the people disarmed, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;<br /> +the citizen soldiers at the battle of Saint Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;<br /> +processions at ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;<br /> +line of the walls in the sixteenth century, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>;<br /> +the municipal officers call the king's attention to the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_486">486</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Parliament of Bordeaux, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_19">19</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Parliament of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_16">16</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>claims right of remonstrance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_17">17</a>;<br /> +humored by the crown, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_18">18</a>;<br /> +protests against repeal of Pragmatic Sanction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>;<br /> +opposes the concordat, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_37">37</a>;<br /> +reluctantly registers it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> +proceeds vigorously against the "Lutherans," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>;<br /> +denounced by the Sorbonne as altogether heretical i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>;<br /> +its inconsistent sentences, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_672" id="Page_672">[Pg 672]</a></span> +the mercuriale of 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_330">330</a>, seq.;<br /> +different issues of the trials of the five imprisoned judges, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_375">375</a>;<br /> +the mercuriale of 1561, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_481">481</a>, seq.;<br /> +diversity of sentiment in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_482">482</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>;<br /> +its decision embodied in the "Edict of July," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_483">483</a>;<br /> +its opposition to the edict of January, ii. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;<br /> +which it reluctantly registers, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<br /> +its excessive severity, ii. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;<br /> +it affects to regard Condé as a prisoner in the hands of the Protestant confederates, ii. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;<br /> +sternly reproved by Charles IX. for failing to record the edict of Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;<br /> +declares Coligny infamous, and sets a price on his head, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>;<br /> +extravagance after the victory of Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;<br /> +its servile reply to Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_493">493</a>;<br /> +it declares Coligny's memory infamous, ii. <a href="#Page_496">496</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Parliament of Rouen, or Normandy, puts to death Augustin Marlorat, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>. See Rouen.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Parliaments, provincial, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_17">17</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Parma, Duchess of, Regent of the Netherlands, sets a price on the head of Theodore Beza, ii. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Partenay falls into the hands of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pasquier, Étienne, on barbarism at the university, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his estimate of Calvin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>;<br /> +on Paris at the beginning of the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pasquinade against the Cardinal of Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_447">447</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Patriarche, the, a Protestant place of worship, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_571">571</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_573">573</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Paul III., Pope, his alleged intercession for the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_180">180</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>grounds of doubt respecting it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Paul IV., Pope, his disappointment at the escape of Andelot from the stake, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_320">320</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>;<br /> +believes that no heretic can be converted, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Paulin, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note; <a href="#Page_600">600</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pauvan, Jacques, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_89">89</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his theses, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>;<br /> +burned on the Place de Grève, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_91">91</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pavia, battle of, Feb. 24, 1525, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_122">122</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Peace of Amboise, March 19, 1563, terminating the first civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>peace of Longjumeau, or "short" peace, after the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;<br /> +number of Protestants murdered during, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /> +peace of St Germain, after the third civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>People, rights of, overlooked, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>"incomparable kindness of," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_14">14</a>;<br /> +submission to nobles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Périgord, Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Perry, Mr. G. G., his remarks on Whittingham, ii. <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Persecution, failure of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_220">220</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>more systematic, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_224">224</a>;<br /> +severity of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_359">359</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Petit, Guillaume, the king's confessor, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_72">72</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Petition of the Triumvirs, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Peyrat, M. du, ii. <a href="#Page_514">514</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pézénas, in Languedoc, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Philip the Fair and Pope Boniface VIII., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_27">27</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Philip II., King of Spain, offers aid to Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_358">358</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>opposed to a French national council, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_426">426</a>;<br /> +plots with the Pope, ib;<br /> +his aid invoked by the Sorbonne i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_468">468</a>;<br /> +his threats of invasion, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_555">555</a>;<br /> +his message to Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_567">567</a>;<br /> +he is commended by the Pope, i. 568;<br /> +he sends Courteville on a secret mission, ib.;<br /> +hesitates to aid the French Roman Catholics, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +his offers on paper, ib.;<br /> +looks with suspicion on the projected conference at Bayonne, ii. <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;<br /> +is said to have threatened Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<br /> +he approves Alva's procrastinating policy respecting assistance to the Guises, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;<br /> +offers 200,000 crowns if Charles will continue the war against the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;<br /> +recalls his troops, ii. <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;<br /> +opposes the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;<br /> +his ambassador leaves the French court in disgust, after giving away the silver plate Charles had given him, ii. <a href="#Page_391">391</a>;<br /> +his delight at hearing of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii., <a href="#Page_536">536</a> seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Philippe, M., an inconsiderate minister at Cateau-Cambrésis, leads the iconoclasts, ii. <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is executed, ii. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Philippi, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pibrac, avocat-général, ii. <a href="#Page_493">493</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Picardy, the Duke of Longueville prevents the massacre of the Protestants from extending to, ii. <a href="#Page_526">526</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pierre-Gourde, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Piles, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his brave defence of St. Jean d'Angely, ii. <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;<br /> +ravages the Spanish county of Roussillon, ii. <a href="#Page_351">351</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>;<br /> +his murder at the Louvre on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pinart, ii. <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pithiviers, or Pluviers, captured by Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>retaken by Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pius IV., Pope, his solicitude respecting France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>sends the Cardinal of Ferrara as legate, ib.;<br /> +commends Philip II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_568">568</a>;<br /> +praises Blaise de Montluc, by a brief, for his part in the massacre of Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +his bull against princely heretics, April 7, 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pius V., Pope, is said to have threatened Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his nuncio tries to prevent peace being concluded with the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;<br /> +praises the Duke of Nemours for his severity, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;<br /> +approves by a bull the crusade at Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<br /> +his sanguinary injunctions after the battle of Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_673" id="Page_673">[Pg 673]</a></span> +severely reproves Santa Fiore for sparing any heretics, ii. <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>;<br /> +his congratulatory letters after the battle of Moncontour, ii. <a href="#Page_336">336</a>;<br /> +recalls his troops ii. <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;<br /> +his bull against Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;<br /> +opposes the peace ii. <a href="#Page_360">360</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>;<br /> +alarmed at the prospects of the Huguenot ascendancy in France, he despatches his nephew, the Cardinal of Alessandria, as legate, to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400</a>;<br /> +the king's assurances, ii. <a href="#Page_400">400-403</a>;<br /> +the conditions required for granting a dispensation for the marriage of Henry of Navarre and Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_410">410</a>, note;<br /> +gives no dispensation until after the marriage, his bull being dated Oct 27, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +his letters to Charles, Catharine, Anjou, etc., instigating them to exterminate the heretics, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>, seq.;<br /> +his thirst for Huguenot blood, ii. <a href="#Page_567">567</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>;<br /> +redeems the Huguenot captives of Mornas in order to have the satisfaction of ordering their public execution, ii. <a href="#Page_568">568</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Placard, the, of 1534. Féret sent to Neufchâtel to have it printed, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its authorship, ib.;<br /> +its publication opposed by Courault and other prudent reformers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_165">165</a>;<br /> +its contents, ib.;<br /> +it produces great popular excitement in Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_167">167</a>;<br /> +a copy posted on the door of the king's bedchamber, ib.;<br /> +anger of Francis I., ib.;<br /> +barbarous executions consequent upon it, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_177">177</a>;<br /> +marks an epoch in the history of the Huguenots, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_193">193</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Placard, the year of the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_164">164</a>, etc.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Placards and pasquinades, both for and against the reformed doctrines, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_163">163</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Place, Pierre de la, President of the Cour d'Aides, and a historian, murdered in the massacre at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_479">479</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Plague, the, in Paris and Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Planche, Regnier de la, consulted by Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pleasantries, Huguenot, ii. 192.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Plessis Mornay, Philippe du, writes for Coligny a memorial on the Flemish project, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poissy, the prelates at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_493">493</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Beza and other French Protestants invited to a conference, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>;<br /> +wrangling of the prelates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +their demand, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_542">542</a>;<br /> +their character, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_547">547</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poissy, the Colloquy of, the Huguenots petition for fair treatment at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_505">505</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>vexatious delay, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_506">506</a>;<br /> +the Huguenots determine to leave unless their petition is granted, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_507">507</a>;<br /> +an informal decree in their favor, ib.;<br /> +the last efforts of the Sorbonne to prevent the conference prove abortive, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_508">508</a>;<br /> +the Huguenot ministers and delegates of churches proceed from St. Germain to Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>;<br /> +list of the former, ib.;<br /> +the assembly in the nuns' refectory, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_510">510</a>;<br /> +the prelates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_511">511</a>;<br /> +diffidence of Beza, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_512">512</a>;<br /> +Chancellor L'Hospital's oration at the opening, ib.;<br /> +the Huguenots are summoned, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_513">513</a>;<br /> +a cardinal's sneer and Beza's retort, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_514">514</a>;<br /> +Beza's prayer and address, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_514">514-521</a>;<br /> +he is interrupted by the theologians of the Sorbonne with cries of "Blasphemy!" i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_519">519</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Tournon tries to cut short the conference, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_521">521</a>;<br /> +but Catharine declines to permit its interruption, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_522">522</a>;<br /> +advantages gained, ib.;<br /> +the prelates' notion of a conference, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_526">526</a>;<br /> +arrival of Peter Martyr, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_527">527</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Lorraine replies to Beza, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_528">528</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Tournon's new demand, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_529">529</a>;<br /> +Beza asks a hearing, ib.;<br /> +he replies, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_532">532</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_533">533</a>;<br /> +speeches of Claude D'Espense and Claude de Sainctes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_532">532</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Lorraine's demand that the Huguenot ministers should subscribe to the Augsburg Confession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_533">533</a>;<br /> +Beza's reply, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_533">533-565</a>;<br /> +anger of the prelates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_536">536</a>;<br /> +speeches of Martyr and Lainez, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_536">536</a>;<br /> +close of the colloquy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_537">537</a>;<br /> +is followed by a private conference, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>;<br /> +and the arrival of five Protestant theologians from Germany, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_544">544</a>;<br /> +causes of the failure of the colloquy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_546">546</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poitiers, demands of the clergy at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>captured by the king, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;<br /> +siege of, by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poland, news of the massacre, how received in, ii. <a href="#Page_553">553</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Henry of Anjou elected king, ii. <a href="#Page_593">593</a>;<br /> +ambassadors from, come to France, ii. <a href="#Page_598">598</a>;<br /> +their magnificent reception, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Politiques," or Malcontents, the party of the, ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>their unsuccessful rising, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poltrot, Jean, de Mérey, assassinates François de Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his history, ii. <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;<br /> +his torture and execution, ii. <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;<br /> +accuses Beza and Coligny of having instigated the murder, ii. <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poncher, Bishop of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pons, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pont, Baron du, ii. <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Popincourt, a Protestant place of worship at Paris, destroyed by Constable Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Populace, cruelty of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_366">366</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Porcien, the Prince of, ii. <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>attempt to assassinate, ii. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Poulain, Poulin, or Polin, otherwise called Baron de la Garde, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Pragmatic Sanction of St Louis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_26">26</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>of Bourges, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_30">30</a>;<br /> +anger of the Pope at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_31">31</a>;<br /> +abrogated, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_32">32</a>;<br /> +re-enacted, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>;<br /> +abrogated by Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_36">36</a>;<br /> +still recognized by parliament, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_40">40</a>;<br /> +its restoration demanded, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_459">459</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_674" id="Page_674">[Pg 674]</a></span> +Pré aux Clercs, the public grounds of the university, psalm-singing on the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Prelates, French, cited to Rome and condemned, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Prerogative, royal, books upon, ii. <a href="#Page_615">615</a>, <a href="#Page_616">616</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Presidial judges, no appeal from their decisions in cases of heresy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Primacy of France divided between the Archbishops of Lyons and Sens, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_118">118</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Princes, scanty revenues of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_8">8</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Prior, the Grand, of France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_269">269</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at Saverne, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Privas, a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Processions, indecent, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_59">59</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>expiatory, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_142">142</a>, and especially, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_173">173</a>, etc.;<br /> +to intercede for help in the war against La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_592">592</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Profane oaths a test of Catholicity, ii. <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_585">585</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Profligacy of the court, the, ii. <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>alienation of, from the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Protestants of France, appeal to the Swiss and Germans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>persecuted in various places, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> +the tongues of the victims cut out, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> +or iron balls forced into their mouths, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_257">257</a>;<br /> +place a remonstrance in the chamber of Henry II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_308">308</a>;<br /> +they appeal to Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_362">362</a>;<br /> +a second and more urgent appeal, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_364">364</a>. See Huguenots.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Protestantism, causes of its sudden development in the last years of Henry II. and the reign of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_399">399-403</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Provence, Huguenots of, under Mouvans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>disorders and bloodshed in, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br /> +saved from witnessing a massacre of the Protestants in 1572 by the magnanimity of the Count de Tende, ii. <a href="#Page_527">527</a>;<br /> +demands of the tiers état of, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Provins, preaching of friars at, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>intolerance at, ii. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Psalms, versified by Marot and Beza, sung on the Pré aux Clercs, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_314">314</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>indignation of Henry II. at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_315">315</a>;<br /> +set to music for worship by Bourgeois and others, especially by Goudimel, in several parts, ii. <a href="#Page_517">517</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Puigaillard, ii. <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>, <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, <a href="#Page_617">617</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Punishments, barbarous, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_45">45</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>especially for heresy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Puyroche, M., his monograph on the massacre at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_513">513</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>Q.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Quercu, or De Chesne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Quintin, Jean, orator for the clergy in the States General of Orleans, makes a speech of insufferable arrogance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_458">458</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he pictures the sad straits of the clergy, and asks for the restoration of the Pragmatic Sanction, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_459">459</a>;<br /> +his word for the down-trodden people, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_460">460</a>;<br /> +he is compelled to apologize to Admiral Coligny, ib.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>R.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Rabasteins, massacre of the garrison of, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ramée, Pierre de la, or Ramus, assassinated at the instigation of Charpentier, ii. <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rapin, a Protestant gentleman sent by the king, judicially murdered by the Parliament of Toulouse, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Rapin, Vengeance de," ii. <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rapin, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Read, M. Charles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_569">569</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rector of the university, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Reform, abortive efforts at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_61">61</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Reformation, the French, becomes a popular movement, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_196">196</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Regnier, a Huguenot gentleman of Quercy, spared in the massacre at Paris, through the magnanimity of his personal enemy Vezins, ii. <a href="#Page_480">480</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>by his bravery and determination saves Montauban for the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_574">574</a>, <a href="#Page_575">575</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Reiters," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Relics, reverence for, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_49">49</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>great variety of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_50">50</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Renaissance, era of the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_41">41</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Renaudie, Godefroy de Barry, Seigneur de la, leader in the Tumult of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_379">379</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>assembles the malcontents at Nantes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_380">380</a>;<br /> +is betrayed by Des Avenelles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_382">382</a>;<br /> +his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_389">389</a>;<br /> +his body hung and quartered, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>;<br /> +inscription over his remains, ib.;<br /> +an alleged admission of disloyal intentions on his part, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_394">394</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Renée de France, Duchess of Ferrara, her hospitality, i, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>her court, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_205">205</a>;<br /> +her eulogy by Brantôme, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_206">206</a>;<br /> +on her return to France, rebukes the Duke of Guise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>;<br /> +affords a safe asylum to the Huguenots at Montargis, ii. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;<br /> +her letter to Calvin respecting the Duke of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<br /> +her answer to Malicorne, ii. <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;<br /> +her aversion to war, ii. <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Renel, Marquis de, murdered by Bussy d'Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rentigny, Madame de, courageously refuses a pardon based on recantation, and is executed as a Protestant, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_311">311</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Renty, ii. <a href="#Page_352">352</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Representative government, long break in history of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>demanded by the "tiers état" at Pontoise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_492">492</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rescue of Protestant prisoners, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_367">367</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_675" id="Page_675">[Pg 675]</a></span> +Retz, De, Count and Marshal (Albert de Gondy), ii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at the blood council, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>;<br /> +obtains the office and property of Loménie, including Versailles, and then causes him to be put to death, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, <a href="#Page_638">638</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Re-union of Romanists and Protestants, hopes of, long entertained, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_159">159</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rhinegrave, the, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ribault, Jean leads the first expedition to colonize Florida, ii. <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>returns to Florida in command of the third expedition, ii. <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;<br /> +flayed and quartered by the Spaniards, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rivière, M. de la, first Protestant pastor of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_295">295</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he is treacherously murdered, at Angers, by M. de Montsoreau, ii. <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roanne, la, the common prison of Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_515">515</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>butchery of Huguenots in, ii. <a href="#Page_516">516</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roche Abeille, La, Huguenot victory at, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rochefort, De, orator for the noblesse in the States General of Orleans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_457">457</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rochefoucauld, Count de la, escapes into Germany, hearing of the proscriptive plans of the court, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_442">442</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>;<br /> +he is murdered on St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_470">470</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rochelle, La, the city of, secured for the Prince of Condé by the skill of François de la Noue, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, seq.;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the alleged payment to Catharine de' Medici, in order to be free from a garrison, ib., note;<br /> +execution of Protestants at, in 1552, ii. <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;<br /> +refuses, in 1568, to receive a garrison, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /> +its government and privileges, ii. <a href="#Page_270">270-273</a>;<br /> +iconoclasm at, ii. <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;<br /> +places for Protestant worship in, accorded by Charles IX., ib.;<br /> +Constable Montmorency's roughness, ii. <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;<br /> +becomes a city of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +strengthens its works, ii. <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;<br /> +the tidings of the massacre at Bordeaux determine it to refuse to admit the emissaries of Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>;<br /> +in Protestant hands, ii. <a href="#Page_573">573</a>;<br /> +a great number of refugees in, ii. <a href="#Page_576">576</a>;<br /> +refuses to receive Biron, who is sent as royal governor, ii. <a href="#Page_578">578</a>;<br /> +first skirmish before, ii. <a href="#Page_579">579</a>;<br /> +mission of La Noue to, ib.;<br /> +he is badly received, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>;<br /> +the Rochellois reject the royal proposals, ii. <a href="#Page_581">581</a>;<br /> +they make advances to La Noue, ib.;<br /> +description of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>;<br /> +resoluteness of the Rochellois, ii. <a href="#Page_583">583</a>;<br /> +their military strength, ii. <a href="#Page_584">584</a>;<br /> +they fight and pray, ii. <a href="#Page_585">585</a>;<br /> +bravery of the women, ii. <a href="#Page_586">586</a>;<br /> +determination of the inhabitants, ii. <a href="#Page_587">587</a>;<br /> +La Noue retires, ib.;<br /> +the promised aid from England miscarries, ii. <a href="#Page_588">588</a>;<br /> +great losses of the royal army before, ii. <a href="#Page_591">591</a>;<br /> +treacherous attempt upon, Dec., 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_616">616</a>;<br /> +the severe punishment for it approved by Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_617">617</a>;<br /> +resumes arms, at the persuasion of La Noue, in the beginning of the fifth religious war, 1574, ii. <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roche-sur-Yon, La, Prince of, his warning respecting the danger impending over the Huguenots from the designs adopted at Bayonne, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rochetti, Louis de, an inquisitor, becomes a Protestant and is burned alive at Toulouse i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roma, De, a Dominican monk, his threat, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_76">76</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his cruelty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roman Church, how far responsible for the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_562">562</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Romans, the Huguenots of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_404">404</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rome, quarrels of France with, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_279">279</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Protestants never more exposed to disaster than when such quarrels exist, ib.;<br /> +the couriers going to, stripped of their dispatches on the frontiers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_495">495</a>;<br /> +rejoicings at, over the news of the massacre of the Protestants in France, ii. <a href="#Page_530">530</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Romorantin, the edict of, May, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_410">410</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ronsard, the poet, takes the sword against the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roquefort, ii. <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rouen, capital of Normandy, persecution at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_217">217</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>rescue of a Protestant bookbinder at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_367">367</a>;<br /> +Protestant assemblies in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;<br /> +seven thousand gather in the new market-place and sing psalms, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>;<br /> +besieged by the king, ii. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;<br /> +makes a brave defence, ii. <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;<br /> +its fall, ib.;<br /> +vexatious delays in publishing the edict of Amboise at, ii. <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br /> +partiality of parliament, ii. <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;<br /> +its protest against the return of Protestant exiles, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;<br /> +it meets with a decided rebuff, ii. <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;<br /> +riot when the edict of pacification of Longjumeau is published at, ii. <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;<br /> +troops quartered upon the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;<br /> +violence at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;<br /> +Protestants attacked at, March 4, 1571, ii. <a href="#Page_374">374</a>;<br /> +massacre of, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519-521</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roussel, Gérard, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>retires to Strasbourg, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_84">84</a>;<br /> +his excessive caution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_85">85</a>;<br /> +his theology and fortunes, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>;<br /> +his death, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_98">98</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roussillon, county of, Spanish, ravaged by M. de Piles, ii. <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roussillon, declaration of Aug. 4, 1564, infringing upon the edict of pacification of Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roy, Étienne le, a singer ii. <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Royal council," the name given to meetings at which the king is not present, ii. <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Roye, Éléonore de, wife of Louis de Condé, her grief and death, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_676" id="Page_676">[Pg 676]</a></span> +Roye, Madame de, mother-in-law of Condé, arrested, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_437">437</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>but subsequently declared innocent, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_465">465</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Ruble, Baron de, his remarks respecting La Huguerye's misrepresentation of the character of the Queen of Navarre, ii. <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Rubys, an agent in the massacre at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, note, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Russanges, De, a goldsmith, betrays the Protestants of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_360">360</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>S.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Sacramentarians excepted from the pardon extended in the Declaration of Coucy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_179">179</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sadolet, Bishop, his kindness to the Waldenses or Vaudois of Provence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sague, an agent of the King of Navarre, arrested, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_424">424</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sainctes, Claude de, his speech at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_532">532</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>complains of Huguenot boldness, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_570">570</a>;<br /> +a violent advocate of persecution, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Saint," the prefix of, insisted upon by the Sorbonne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint André, Jacques d'Albon, Marshal of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_266">266</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his rapid advancement, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_272">272</a>;<br /> +makes terms with the Guises, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_354">354</a>;<br /> +his influence with Constable Montmorency, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_469">469</a>;<br /> +becomes one of the triumvirs, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_471">471</a>;<br /> +he returns a defiant answer to Catharine de' Medici, when ordered to go to his government, ii. <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;<br /> +lays siege to and takes Bourges, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br /> +is killed in the battle of Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;<br /> +enmity of Catharine de' Medici toward, ii. <a href="#Page_97">97</a>. See Triumvirs.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Denis, battle of, Nov. 10, 1567, ii. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Étienne, ii. <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Germain, Conference of, 1561, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its article on the eucharist rejected by the Roman Catholic prelates, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_541">541</a>;<br /> +assembly of notables at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_574">574</a>;<br /> +conference of, January 28, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;<br /> +its profitless discussions, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;<br /> +delight of Mouchy and his companions at its close, ii. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br /> +flight of the court from, ii. <a href="#Page_626">626</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Germain, the edict of pacification of, ending the third civil war, Aug. 8, 1570, ii. <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>dissatisfaction of the clergy, ii. <a href="#Page_365">365</a>;<br /> +sincerity of the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint-Germain-des-Prés, the old abbey of, ii. <a href="#Page_483">483</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Germain l'Auxerrois, church of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_174">174</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>bell of, ii. <a href="#Page_455">455</a>, <a href="#Page_470">470</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Goard, ii. <a href="#Page_537">537</a>, <a href="#Page_538">538</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Héran, Governor of Auvergne, his reported magnanimity, ii. <a href="#Page_527">527</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Hippolyte, Wolfgang Schuch at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Jacques, Rue, affair of, Sept. 4, 1557, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_304">304</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>savage treatment of the prisoners, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_305">305</a>;<br /> +malicious rumors respecting Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_306">306</a>;<br /> +trials and executions, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_307">307</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Jean d'Angely, ii. <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>disastrous siege of, by the Roman Catholic army, ii. <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Lô, in Normandy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_408">408</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ii. <a href="#Page_631">631</a>, <a href="#Page_632">632</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Médard, the "tumult" of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_571">571</a>, seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Michael's Day, the Huguenots to rise upon (Sept. 29, 1567), ii. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the secret leaks out, ii. <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Paul, François de, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Quentin, defeat of, August 10, 1557, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_302">302</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Rémy, Nicole de, a mistress of Henry II., and a Spanish spy, suggests the marriage of Cardinal Bourbon in the contingency of the death of all Catharine de' Medici's sons, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Romain, Archbishop of Aix, cited by the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Romain, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_600">600</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saint Thomas, M. de, ii. <a href="#Page_511">511</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sainte Chapelle, founded by Saint Louis, its relics, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_174">174</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sainte Foy, De, or Arnauld Sorbin, a violent Roman Catholic preacher, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>instigates the massacre of Orleans, ii. <a href="#Page_508">508</a>;<br /> +acts as confessor of Charles IX. before his death, ii. <a href="#Page_637">637</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sainte Gemme, La Noue's success at, ii. <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saintes, ii. <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Salcède, sentenced to be boiled alive for counterfeiting, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_46">46</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Salic law, the, a bit of pleasantry, ii. <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Salignac, Abbé, confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his professed sympathy with the Reformation, and his timidity, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_539">539</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Salviati, papal nuncio in France, his testimony respecting the want of premeditation of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, and the king's ignorance, ii. <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>, <a href="#Page_531">531</a>, <a href="#Page_535">535</a>, <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sancerre refuses to admit a garrison, in 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>ford near, ii. <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;<br /> +a Huguenot place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +fruitless siege of, by Martinengo, ii. <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;<br /> +siege of, in 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>;<br /> +incipient famine in, ii. <a href="#Page_590">590</a>;<br /> +terrible straits of, ii. <a href="#Page_595">595</a>, <a href="#Page_596">596</a>;<br /> +capitulation of, ii. <a href="#Page_597">597</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sansac, ii. <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Santa Croce, Cardinal, sent as nuncio to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_548">548</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his reluctance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_549">549</a>;<br /> +his alarm at the time of the assembly of notables at Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_575">575</a>;<br /> +he claims the surrender of Cardinal Châtillon to the Pope, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_677" id="Page_677">[Pg 677]</a></span> +Santa Fiore, pontifical general in France, his instructions, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>severely reproved by Pius V. for having spared any heretics that fell into his hands, ii. <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_568">568</a>;<br /> +recalled, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sapin, a member of the Parliament of Paris, executed by order of Condé, by way of retaliation, ii. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saumur, ii. <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>, <a href="#Page_504">504</a>, <a href="#Page_512">512</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saunier, or Saulnier, Matthieu, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_90">90</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saverne, conference of, between the Duke of Würtemberg and the Guises, ii, <a href="#Page_13">13-17</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Savoy, Duke of, intercession of Charles IX. with, in behalf of the Waldenses, or Vaudois, of Piedmont, ii. <a href="#Page_390">390</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>collects an army to overwhelm Geneva, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Saxony, the elector of, refuses to let Melanchthon go to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_185">185</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his severe language to the reformer, ib.;<br /> +refuses to help the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Schism, the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_28">28</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Schmidt, Professor C., on Roussel's mysticism, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_97">97</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Schomberg, Gaspard de, a negotiator, ii. <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_550">550</a>, <a href="#Page_551">551</a>, <a href="#Page_608">608</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Schuch, Wolfgang, tragic end of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_116">116</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sebastian, King of Portugal, affronts Charles IX. by declining the hand of Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sébeville, Pierre de, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_83">83</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Séguier, President of the Parliament of Paris, makes a manly speech against the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_290">290</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his leaning to Protestantism, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_329">329</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Senlis, the bishop of, translates the "Hours" of Margaret of Angoulême in a Protestant fashion, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_151">151</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sens, provincial council of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_138">138</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its decrees against heresy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>;<br /> +persecution at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_256">256</a>;<br /> +massacre of, ii. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Serbelloni, Fabrizio, cousin of Pope Pius IV., massacres the Protestants at Orange, ii. <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Serignan, Viscount of, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sermons, seditious and fanatical, ii. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_523">523</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Serres, Jean de, the historian, ii. <a href="#Page_572">572</a>, note, et al.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Servetus, Michael, burned contrary to the desire of Calvin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_212">212</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his execution approved by Melanchthon and other reformers, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sevyn, Pierre de, a Protestant member of the Parliament of Bordeaux, killed, ii. <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Shakerley, Thomas, organist of the Cardinal of Ferrara, papal legate: he is a spy in the pay of Throkmorton, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_566">566</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his account of the French court, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sigismund Augustus, King of Poland, letter of Pius V. to him, ii. <a href="#Page_564">564</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sismondi, M. de, on the massacre of Vassy, ii. <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Smith, Sir Thomas, his account of the riotous conduct of the Parisian mob, ii. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his tribute to the Duke of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;<br /> +his remonstrance against the edict of pacification of Amboise, ii. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;<br /> +his altercation with Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +his words as to the Prince of Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, note;<br /> +his view of the design of the "progress" of Charles IX., ii <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;<br /> +on the growth of Protestantism in France, ii. <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;<br /> +his account of an interview with the Cardinal of Lorraine, ii. <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, note;<br /> +his account of the offer of a ring by Charles IX. to the Cardinal of Alessandria, ii. <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, note;<br /> +his plea for Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_422">422</a>, note;<br /> +his letter respecting the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_546">546</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Soldan, Professor, his view respecting the cities offered by the king to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>as to the terms of the edict of Boulogne, ii. <a href="#Page_594">594</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Soleure, the canton of, ii. <a href="#Page_557">557</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sommières, brave defence of, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sorbin. See Sainte Foy, De.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sorbonne, or theological faculty, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its great authority, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_23">23</a>;<br /> +its intolerance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>;<br /> +declaration of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_71">71</a>;<br /> +condemns Luther's teachings, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_108">108</a>;<br /> +its recommendations, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_110">110</a>;<br /> +reprobates Melanchthon's articles, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_187">187</a>;<br /> +publishes twenty-five articles of faith, March 10, 1543, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_223">223</a>;<br /> +denounces the Parliament of Paris as heretical, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_328">328</a>;<br /> +despatches Artus Désiré to invoke the aid of Philip II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_467">467</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_468">468</a>;<br /> +declares it impossible to have two religions in a kingdom without confusion, ii. <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Soubise, M. de, entreats Catharine to throw herself into the arms of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;<br /> +his humanity, ib.;<br /> +taken prisoner at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Souillac, Huguenot reverse at, ii. <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Spanish ambassador's house in Paris the centre of intrigue, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Spanish troops recalled, ii. <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>States General an object of suspicion, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_11">11</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>rarely convoked, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_12">12</a>;<br /> +compensating advantages, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>States General of Orleans, elections for, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_430">430</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>complaints inserted in the "cahiers," ib.;<br /> +demands of clergy at Poitiers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_431">431</a>;<br /> +opening of, Dec. 13, 1560, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_454">454</a>;<br /> +the chancellor's address, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_455">455</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Lorraine's effrontery, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_456">456</a>;<br /> +De Rochefort's address for the noblesse, ib.;<br /> +L'Ange for the tiers état, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_458">458</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_678" id="Page_678">[Pg 678]</a></span> +Jean Quintin's arrogant speech for the clergy, ib.;<br /> +Admiral Coligny presents a Huguenot petition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_461">461</a>;<br /> +the States prorogued, ib.;<br /> +meanwhile persecution to cease, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_462">462</a>;<br /> +meet at Pontoise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_488">488</a>;<br /> +speech of Bretagne,<i>vierg</i> of Autun, for the tiers état, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_489">489</a>;<br /> +demands of the tiers état, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_490">490</a>;<br /> +representative government, religious toleration and an impartial council insisted upon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_492">492</a>;<br /> +the prelates at Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_493">493</a>;<br /> +an invitation extended to Beza and other Frenchmen, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_494">494</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Strasbourg intercedes for Protestants of France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>but receives an unsatisfactory reply, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Strozzi, Philip, ii. <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_576">576</a>, <a href="#Page_583">583</a>, <a href="#Page_584">584</a>, <a href="#Page_623">623</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Stuart, a Scotch gentleman, said to have shot the constable in the battle of Saint Denis, ii. <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>murdered in cold blood at Jarnac, ii. <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sturm, John, lecturer in Paris, and afterward rector of the University of Strasbourg, writes to beg Melanchthon to come to France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sully, Maximilien de Béthune, Duke of, his escape in the massacre of Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sureau du Rosier, Hugues, an instrument in the forced conversion of Navarre and Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_499">499</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Suriano, Michel, a Venetian ambassador, his account of the Protestant ministers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_463">463</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his lugubrious account of France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_569">569</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Swiss, hesitation of the Protestant cantons to seem to countenance rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>bravery at the battle of Dreux, ii. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;<br /> +levy of six thousand men sent for, ii. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;<br /> +causes distrust among the Huguenots, ib.;<br /> +they escort Charles IX. to Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;<br /> +after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_558">558</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Sympathy of the judges with the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_300">300</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Synod, the first national, held in Paris, May, 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_335">335-337</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the second, Poitiers, March 10, 1561, ii. <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, note;<br /> +the third, Orleans, April 25, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;<br /> +the seventh, La Rochelle, April 2-11, 1571, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>T.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Tadon, ii. <a href="#Page_580">580</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tailor of the Rue St. Antoine, his bold speech and execution, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_277">277</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Talaize, ii. <a href="#Page_516">516</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tanquerel, a doctor of the Sorbonne, declares that the Pope can depose heretical kings, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_566">566</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tavannes, Gaspard de, Marshal, remonstrates against the peace, and favors the revival of the confraternities, ii. <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>author of plot to seize Condé and Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;<br /> +the king's estimate of his character, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +his blunt advice, ii. <a href="#Page_429">429</a>, note;<br /> +at the council of blood, ii. <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_448">448</a> note;<br /> +he rides through the streets of Paris encouraging the "blood-letting," ii. <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Teil, a Protestant captain, ii. <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Téligny, ii. <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>marries Louise de Châtillon, daughter of Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_387">387</a>;<br /> +a conversation with Charles IX., ii. <a href="#Page_408">408</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>;<br /> +opposes the proposition of the Vidame de Chartres to leave Paris, as a mark of distrust of the king, ii. <a href="#Page_446">446</a>, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>;<br /> +he is among the first victims of the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_471">471</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tende, the Count of, ii. <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he refuses to massacre the Protestants in Provence, ii. <a href="#Page_527">527</a>;<br /> +his speedy death attributed to poison, ib.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Terrides, a captain of Anjou, ii. <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tessier, ii. <a href="#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Theatrical effects, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_58">58</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Theophilus, letter signed, to Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_409">409</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Thionville, brilliant capture of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_321">321</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Thoré, a younger Montmorency, ii. <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>, <a href="#Page_625">625</a>, <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Thou, Christopher de, First President of the Parliament of Paris, member of the commission that condemned Condé to death, i <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_438">438</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his son's attempt to clear the memory of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_440">440</a>;<br /> +ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;<br /> +his unmanly speech at the "lit de justice," when Charles IX. assumes the responsibility of the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_493">493</a>;<br /> +presides at the trial of La Mole and Coconnas, ii <a href="#Page_629">629</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Thou, Jacques Auguste, de, the historian, son of Christopher, ii. <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, note;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>at the marriage of Henry of Navarre to Margaret of Valois, ii. <a href="#Page_428">428</a>;<br /> +on his father's part in the action of parliament at the time of the massacre, ii. <a href="#Page_493">493</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Thouars falls into the hands of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Three Bishoprics," the, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_66">66</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Throkmorton, Sir Nicholas, English ambassador, his account of the wound of Henry II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_340">340</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>of the dismay after the Tumult of Amboise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_387">387</a>;<br /> +of the perplexity of the Guises, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_413">413</a>;<br /> +his information respecting plans of Philip II. and the Pope, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_426">426</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_427">427</a>;<br /> +respecting the illness of Francis II., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_443">443</a>;<br /> +his account of matters at the French court, February 16, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;<br /> +urges Cecil to induce Queen Elizabeth to put away the candles and cross from the altar in her royal chapel, ii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<br /> +regards the Huguenots as the stronger party, ii. <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;<br /> +entreats Queen Elizabeth to inspirit Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;<br /> +invokes her aid for the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;<br /> +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_679" id="Page_679">[Pg 679]</a></span> +is captured by the Huguenots and remains with them, ii. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;<br /> +is hated by Catharine de' Medici, ib.;<br /> +his frankness with Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;<br /> +he asks her to help heartily, ii. <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<br /> +his altercation with Sir Thomas Smith, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +Chantonnay's boast that with his assistance he could overturn the state, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tiers État, its patient endurance, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_13">13</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its radical demands at the States General of Pontoise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_490">490</a> seq.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Tiger, Letter to the, of France," a virulent pamphlet against Cardinal Lorraine, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_444">444-448</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>written by François Hotman, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_446">446</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Title-pages, deceptive, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_275">275</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Toledo, Don Frederick of, routs Genlis and takes him prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Toleration, religious, demanded by the tiers état at Pontoise, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_492">492</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Toulouse, execution of Jean de Caturce at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_150">150</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>character of the city according to Protestant and Roman Catholic authors, ib;<br /> +massacre of Huguenots at, May, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_52">52-54</a>;<br /> +commemorated in 1762, but the commemoration forbidden by the French government in 1862, ii. <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;<br /> +the parliament, instead of publishing the edict of Amboise, forbids the profession of the reformed religion, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;<br /> +the parliament of, murders judicially M. Rapin, a Protestant gentleman sent by the king, ii. <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;<br /> +reluctantly registers the edict of pacification of 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;<br /> +a "crusade" preached at, ii. <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;<br /> +massacre of, in 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_521">521</a>, <a href="#Page_522">522</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tour, Jean de la, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tournon, Cardinal of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_139">139</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his arguments to dissuade Francis I. from intercourse with heretics, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_188">188</a>;<br /> +instigates the persecution of Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;<br /> +his reported bad faith, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_285">285</a>;<br /> +tries to cut short the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_521">521</a>;<br /> +his new demand, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_529">529</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tours, the Protestants of, attacked while at worship, ii. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tourtray M. de, executed on the Place de Grève, ii. <a href="#Page_628">628</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Toussain, Pierre, on the timidity of Lefèvre and Gérard Roussel, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_86">86</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Trade despised, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_15">15</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Traps for heretics, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_367">367</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Treacherous diplomacy, ii. <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Treaty of amity between Charles IX. and Queen Elizabeth, April 18, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_398">398</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_322">322</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Trent, the Council of, closes its sessions, Dec., 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>confirms the abuses of the Roman Catholic Church, and renders indelible the line of demarcation between the two religions, ii. <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;<br /> +Cardinal Lorraine makes a fruitless attempt to have the decrees received in France, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> +able treatise of Du Moulin against them, ii. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Triumvirate, the, formed by Montmorency, Guise, and St. André, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_470">470</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_471">471</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>a spurious statement of its objects, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_471">471-473</a>;<br /> +it retires in disgust from Saint Germain, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_556">556</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Triumvirs, petition of, ii. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>they amuse Condé before Paris with negotiations until reinforcements arrive, ii. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;<br /> +they consult Catharine de' Medici respecting the engagement, ii. <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Trivium" and "quadrivium," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Trouillas, an advocate, pretended orgies in the house of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he insists on being put on trial for these orgies, and not for heresy, and is tardily released, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_366">366</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Troyes, progress of Protestantism in, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_562">562</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>great crowds at the Huguenot services, ii. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<br /> +massacre of Huguenots in the prisons of, ii. <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;<br /> +formation of the "Christian and Royal League" at, ii. <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;<br /> +violence at, ii. <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;<br /> +Protestants returning from worship attacked, ii. <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>;<br /> +massacre of, Sept 4, 1572, ii. <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Truchares, a political Huguenot, mayor of La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Truchon, a judge, much edified by the signs of concord, just before the outbreak of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tuileries, new palace of the, built by Catharine de' Medici, ii. <a href="#Page_598">598</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Turenne, ii. <a href="#Page_625">625</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Turks, French civilities to, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Tytler-Fraser, Mr., ii. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>U.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>University of Paris, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_20">20</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>the four nations, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_21">21</a>;<br /> +the faculties, ib.;<br /> +chancellor and rector, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_22">22</a>;<br /> +number of its students, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>;<br /> +gives name to a quarter of the city, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_24">24</a>;<br /> +barbarism at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_42">42</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Unlettered persons forbidden to discuss matters of faith, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_281">281</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Uzès, Duke of, ii. <a href="#Page_604">604</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>V.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Val, Du, Bishop of Séez, confers with the Protestants at Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_538">538</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Valence, Huguenots of, seize the church of the Franciscans, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_404">404</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>a public assembly of the citizens, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_405">405</a>;<br /> +progress of good morals, ib.;<br /> +orders sent for the extermination of the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_406">406</a>;<br /> +treacherous treatment of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_407">407</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Valenciennes captured by Count Louis of Nassau, ii. <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Valéry, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_680" id="Page_680">[Pg 680]</a></span> +Valette, Jean de la, Grand Master of the Knights of Malta, ii. <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Varillas, M, an untrustworthy historian, ii. <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his good remarks respecting Admiral Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vasari paints three pictures in the Vatican, by order of Pope Gregory XIII. to commemorate the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, ii. <a href="#Page_533">533</a>, and note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vassy, a town in Champagne, part of the dower of Mary, Queen of Scots, ii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>establishment of the Huguenot church at, ii. <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;<br /> +arrival of the Duke of Guise, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br /> +massacre of, March 1, 1562, ii. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;<br /> +pamphlets respecting it, ii. <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;<br /> +upon whom rests the guilt of the butchery, ii. <a href="#Page_23">23-26</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vatable, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vaud, Pays de, conquered by Berne, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Vauderie," crime of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vaudrey, Anne de, bailli of Troyes, an agent in the massacre of Troyes, ii. <a href="#Page_507">507</a>, <a href="#Page_508">508</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vaudois, execution of, at Arras, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_63">63</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vaudois, or Waldenses, of Piedmont, mission of the four "evangelical" cantons in their behalf, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>Charles IX. intercedes in their behalf with the Duke of Savoy, ii. <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vaudois, or Waldenses, of Provence, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_230">230</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>their industry and thrift, ib.;<br /> +their villages in the Comtât Venaissin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_231">231</a>;<br /> +they send delegates to the Swiss and German reformers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_232">232</a>;<br /> +their doctrines and practices, ib.;<br /> +cause the Bible to be translated by Olivetanus, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>;<br /> +preliminary persecutions of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_234">234</a>;<br /> +iniquitous order of the Parliament of Aix against, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_235">235</a>;<br /> +followed by the "Arrêt de Mérindol," i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_236">236</a>;<br /> +temporarily saved by Chassanée, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_238">238</a>;<br /> +report of Du Bellay respecting their character and history, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_240">240</a>;<br /> +pardoned by Francis I., i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_241">241</a>;<br /> +are again summoned by the Parliament of Aix, ib.;<br /> +they publish a new confession, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_242">242</a>;<br /> +stealthy organization of an expedition against, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_245">245</a>;<br /> +villages burned, and the inhabitants butchered, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>;<br /> +destruction of Mérindol, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_247">247</a>;<br /> +destruction of Cabrières, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_248">248</a>;<br /> +of La Coste, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_249">249</a>;<br /> +the results, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_250">250</a>;<br /> +Francis led to give his approval to the massacre, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_251">251</a>;<br /> +an investigation ordered, ib.;<br /> +impunity of most of the culprits, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_252">252</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Venaissin, Comtât. See Comtât Venaissin.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Venetian ambassadors, opinions of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_10">10</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Verbal orders respecting the massacre in the provinces, ii. <a href="#Page_502">502</a>, <a href="#Page_514">514</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Verbelai, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Verez, De, throws himself into Geneva with a body of French soldiers, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_197">197</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vergne, La, ii. <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Versailles, the title how obtained by the king, ii. <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vertueil, the King of Navarre dismisses his escort at, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_435">435</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Very Christian King," title of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_35">35</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vézelay, birthplace of Theodore Beza, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_497">497</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>refuses to admit a garrison in 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;<br /> +a place of refuge, ii. <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;<br /> +sustains a successful siege, ii. <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vezins, a Roman Catholic gentleman of Quercy, magnanimously saves the life of his personal enemy, the Huguenot Regnier, ii. <a href="#Page_480">480</a>, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vialard, President, at Rouen, ii. <a href="#Page_519">519</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vieilleville, Marshal of, magnanimously refuses to take advantage of a royal patent giving him a share of the confiscated property of heretics, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_282">282</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>sent as envoy to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;<br /> +remonstrance of, ii. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;<br /> +the king's estimate of, ii. <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Vierg," the designation of an officer at Autun, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_489">489</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vigor, Archbishop of Narbonne, a violent Roman Catholic preacher, ii. <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_634">634</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Villars, Count de, burns books from Geneva at Pont St. Esprit, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_428">428</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>influences Constable Montmorency, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_469">469</a>;<br /> +appointed admiral after the death of Coligny, ii. <a href="#Page_523">523</a>, <a href="#Page_524">524</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Villegagnon, Vice-admiral of Brittany, sent with a Protestant colony to Brazil, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_291">291</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>founds Fort Coligny, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_292">292</a>;<br /> +becomes an enemy of the Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_293">293</a>;<br /> +and brings ruin on the expedition, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_294">294</a>;<br /> +vows eternal enmity to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;<br /> +writes to Renée of France, ii. <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Villemadon's letter of remonstrance to Catharine de' Medici, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_363">363</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Villemongys, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_392">392</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Villeneuve, capture of, by the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_589">589</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Viole, Claude, his speech in the "mercuriale" of 1559, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_334">334</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Virel, Jean, a minister at the Colloquy of Poissy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_509">509</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Viret, the reformer, intercedes for the poor non-combatants at Lyons, ii. <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Visconte, affair in the house of, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_361">361</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>"Viscounts," the army of the, ii. <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>they march to meet Condé, and defeat the troops collected by the Governor of Auvergne at Cognac, or Cognat, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;<br /> +relieve Orleans, ib.;<br /> +take Blois, ib.;<br /> +list of the viscounts, ii. <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Visions of celestial hosts, ii. <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vitelli, Chiappin, routs Genlis and takes him prisoner, ii. <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Vivarez, Montbrun's exploits in, ii. <a href="#Page_621">621</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Voré de la Fosse sent to Melanchthon, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_182">182</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>his interviews with him, and his letters, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_183">183</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_681" id="Page_681">[Pg 681]</a></span> +Vulcob, M. de, French ambassador to the Emperor of Germany, ii. <a href="#Page_550">550</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>W.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Waldenses. See Vaudois.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Walsingham, Francis, on the peace of Saint Germain, ii. <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>receives the assurances of the king as to his intention to observe the peace, ii. <a href="#Page_371">371</a>;<br /> +on the attempts to dissuade Anjou from marrying Queen Elizabeth, ii. <a href="#Page_379">379</a>;<br /> +on the English marriage and the anxiety of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_382">382</a>;<br /> +his enthusiastic description of Count Louis of Nassau, ii. <a href="#Page_384">384</a>, note;<br /> +urges Queen Elizabeth to advocate the invitation of Coligny to court, ii. <a href="#Page_388">388</a>, note;<br /> +he sets forth the critical nature of the situation, ii. <a href="#Page_416">416</a>;<br /> +he mentions rumors of Elizabeth's desertion of her allies, ii. <a href="#Page_420">420</a>;<br /> +he praises Coligny's magnanimity, ii. <a href="#Page_421">421</a>;<br /> +his reply to Catharine de' Medici respecting Coligny's loyalty, ii. <a href="#Page_495">495</a>, <a href="#Page_547">547</a>;<br /> +on the forced conversions of Navarre and Condé, ii. <a href="#Page_499">499</a>;<br /> +his conversation with the queen mother as to the maintenance of the edict of pacification, ii. <a href="#Page_547">547</a>, <a href="#Page_548">548</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>War, the first civil, or religious, April, 1562, to March 19, 1563, ii. <a href="#Page_34">34-115</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>its results, ii. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;<br /> +it prevents France from becoming Huguenot, ii. <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;<br /> +the second civil war, Sept., 1567, to March 23, 1568, ii. <a href="#Page_203">203-234</a>;<br /> +the third civil war, Sept., 1568, to Aug. 8, 1570, ii. <a href="#Page_274">274-366</a>;<br /> +the fourth civil war, Dec., 1572, to July, 1573, ii. <a href="#Page_582">582-593</a>;<br /> +meagre results of, ii. <a href="#Page_594">594</a>;<br /> +beginning of the fifth civil war, 1574, ii. <a href="#Page_622">622</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Westmoreland, Earl of, his rebellion, ii. <a href="#Page_358">358</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>White, Henry, Dr., the remark respecting Cardinal Lorraine which he ascribes to Beza, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_529">529</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>cf. also ii. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>, note, <a href="#Page_527">527</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Whittingham, Wm., Dean of Durham, ii. <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Winter, severity of the, 1568-1569, ii. <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Winter, Admiral, carries money, cannon, and ammunition to La Rochelle, ii. <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Wolmar, Melchior, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_43">43</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>a teacher of Calvin, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_199">199</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Wolrad, Count of Mansfeld, succeeds the Duke of Deux-Ponts in command of the German auxiliaries of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Worship, Protestant places of, assigned at the most inconvenient distances, ii. <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, note, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>, note.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Wotton, Dr., his view of the court of Henry II. of France, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_261">261</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Wringle, Pierre de, or Van, the printer of Serrières, near Neufchâtel, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_233">233</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Würtemberg, Christopher, Duke of, sends theologians to Poissy, who come too late for the colloquy, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_544">544</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>meets the Guises at Saverne, ii. <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<br /> +he remonstrates with them respecting the persecution of the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;<br /> +his judgment on the whole matter, ii. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<br /> +he declines the offer of the post of lieutenant-general of the king, ii. <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>Y.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Year, the old French, begins at Easter, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_276">276</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Yolet, ii. <a href="#Page_603">603</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Yverny, Madame d', butchered in the massacre at Paris, ii. <a href="#Page_474">474</a>.<br /><br /></li> +</ul> + +<p class='ind2'>Z.</p> + +<ul class='lsoff'> +<li>Zuleger, a councillor of the elector palatine, sent to France to see the state of affairs at the time of the second civil war, ii. <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>he reports favorably to the Huguenots, ii. <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.<br /><br /></li> + +<li>Zurich, intercedes for the French Protestants, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_191">191</a>;<br /></li> +<li class='pad'>but receives an unsatisfactory reply, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_192">192</a>;<br /> +intercedes with Henry II., after the affair of the Rue St. Jacques, with little success, i. <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/files/22762/22762-h/22762-h.htm#Page_310">310</a>.<br /></li> +</ul> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of History of the Rise of the Huguenots, by +Henry Baird + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 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