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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/31193-8.txt b/31193-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72c6439 --- /dev/null +++ b/31193-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2258 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Manifesto of the Communist Party, by +Karl Marx and Frederick Engels + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Manifesto of the Communist Party + +Author: Karl Marx + Frederick Engels + +Editor: Frederick Engels + +Release Date: February 5, 2010 [EBook #31193] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY *** + + + + +Produced by Al Haines, from images obtained from The Internet Archive. + + + + + + + + + +Manifesto + +Of the + +Communist + +Party + + +By + +KARL MARX + +and + +FREDERICK ENGELS + + + +AUTHORIZED ENGLISH TRANSLATION + + +Edited and Annotated by Frederick Engels + + + + +_Price 10 Cents_ + + + + +NEW YORK + +Published by the New York Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place + +1908 + + + + +PREFACE + +The "Manifesto" was published as the platform of the "Communist +League," a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, later on +international, and, under the political conditions of the Continent +before 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of the +League, held in London in November, 1847, Marx and Engels were +commissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical and +practical party programme. Drawn up in German, in January, 1848, the +manuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeks before the +French revolution of February 24. A French translation was brought out +in Paris, shortly before the insurrection of June, 1848. The first +English translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in George +Julian Harney's "Red Republican," London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish +edition had also been published. + +The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June, 1848--the first great +battle between Proletariat and Bourgeoisie--drove again into the +background, for a time, the social and political aspirations of the +European working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for supremacy was +again, as it had been before the revolution of February, solely between +the different sections of the propertied class; the working class was +reduced to a fight for political elbow-room, and to the position of +extreme wing of the Middle-class Radicals. Wherever independent +proletarian movements continued to show signs of life, they were +ruthlessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police hunted out the +Central Board of the Communist League, then located in Cologne. The +members were arrested, and, after eighteen months' imprisonment, they +were tried in October, 1852. This celebrated "Cologne Communist trial" +lasted from October 4 till November 12; seven of the prisoners were +sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from three to +six years. Immediately after the sentence the League was formally +dissolved by the remaining members. As to the "Manifesto," it seemed +thenceforth to be doomed to oblivion. + +When the European working class had recovered sufficient strength for +another attack on the ruling classes, the International Workingmen's +Association sprang up. But this association, formed with the express +aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe +and America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the +"Manifesto." The International was bound to have a programme broad +enough to be acceptable to the English Trades' Unions, to the followers +of Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain, and to the +Lassalleans(a) in Germany. Marx, who drew up this programme to the +satisfaction of all parties, entirely trusted to the intellectual +development of the working class, which was sure to result from +combined action and mutual discussion. The very events and +vicissitudes of the struggle against Capital, the defeats even more +than the victories, could not help bringing home to men's minds the +insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums, and preparing the way +for a more complete insight into the true conditions of working-class +emancipation. And Marx was right. The International, on its breaking +up in 1874, left the workers quite different men from what it had found +them in 1864. Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in Germany, were +dying out, and even the conservative English Trades' Unions, though +most of them had long since severed their connection with the +International, were gradually advancing towards that point at which, +last year at Swansea, their President could say in their name, +"Continental Socialism has lost its terrors for us." In fact, the +principles of the "Manifesto" had made considerable headway among the +workingmen of all countries. + +The Manifesto itself thus came to the front again. The German text had +been, since 1850, reprinted several times in Switzerland, England and +America. In 1872 it was translated into English in New York, where the +translation was published in "Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly." From +this English version a French one was made in "Le Socialiste" of New +York. Since then at least two more English translations, more or less +mutilated, have been brought out in America, and one of them has been +reprinted in England. The first Russian translation, made by +Bakounine, was published at Herzen's "Kolokol" office in Geneva, about +1863; a second one, by the heroic Vera Zasulitch, also in Geneva, 1882. +A new Danish edition is to be found in "Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek," +Copenhagen, 1885; a fresh French translation in "Le Socialiste," Paris, +1886. From this latter a Spanish version was prepared and published in +Madrid, 1886. The German reprints are not to be counted; there have +been twelve altogether at the least. An Armenian translation, which +was to be published in Constantinople some months ago, did not see the +light, I am told, because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a +book with the name of Marx on it, while the translator declined to call +it his own production. Of further translations into other languages I +have heard, but have not seen them. Thus the history of the Manifesto +reflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working class +movement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the most +international production of all Socialist Literature, the common +platform acknowledged by millions of workingmen from Siberia to +California. + +Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a _Socialist_ +Manifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand, +the adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenites in England, +Fourierists in France, both of them already reduced to the position of +mere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the most +multifarious social quacks, who, by all manners of tinkering, professed +to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of +social grievances; in both cases men outside the working class movement +and looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. Whatever +portion of the working classes had become convinced of the +insufficiency of mere political revolutions, and had proclaimed the +necessity of a total social change, that portion, then, called itself +Communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort of +Communism; still it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough +among the working class to produce the Utopian Communism, in France of +Cabet, and in Germany of Weitling. Thus, Socialism was, in 1847, a +middle class movement, Communism a working class movement. Socialism +was, on the Continent at least, "respectable"; Communism was the very +opposite. And as our notion, from the very beginning was, that "the +emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class +itself," there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must +take. Moreover, we have ever since been far from repudiating it. + +The "Manifesto" being our joint production, I consider myself bound to +state that the fundamental proposition which forms its nucleus belongs +to Marx. That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, the +prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social +organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which +is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and +intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history +of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding +land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, +contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed +classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of +evolution in which, nowadays, a stage has been reached where the +exploited and the oppressed class--the proletariat--cannot attain its +emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class--the +bourgeoisie--without, at the same time, and once for all, emancipating +society at large from all exploitation, oppression, class distinctions +and class struggles. + +This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do for history +what Darwin's theory has done for biology, we, both of us, had been +gradually approaching for some years before 1845. How far I had +independently progressed toward it, is best shown by my "Condition of +the Working Class in England."(b) But when I again met Marx at +Brussels in the spring of 1845, he had it ready worked out, and put it +before me, in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it +here. + +From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote the +following: + +"However much the state of things may have altered during the last +twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in this Manifesto +are, on the whole, as correct to-day as ever. Here and there some +detail might be improved. The practical application of the principles +will depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all +times, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, and +for that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures +proposed at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many +respects, be very differently worded to-day. In view of the gigantic +strides of modern industry since 1848, and of the accompanying improved +and extended organization of the working class; in view of the +practical experience gained, first in the February revolution, and +then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the proletariat for the +first time held political power for two whole months, this programme +has in some details become antiquated. One thing especially was proved +by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of +the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.' +(See 'The Civil War in France; Address of the General Council of the +International Workingmen's Association,' London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15, +where this point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident +that the criticism of Socialist literature is deficient in relation to +the present time, because it comes down only to 1847; also, that the +remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various opposition +parties (Section IV.), although in principle still correct, yet in +practice are antiquated, because the political situation has been +entirely changed, and the progress of history has swept from off the +earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated. + +"But, then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which we +have no longer any right to alter." + +The present translation is by Mr. Samuel Moore, the translator of the +greater portion of Marx's "Capital." We have revised it and I have +added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions. + +FREDERICK ENGELS. + +London, January 30, 1888. + + + +(a) Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be a +disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood on the ground of the "Manifesto." +But in his public agitation, 1862-64, he did not go beyond demanding +co-operative workshops supported by State credit. + +(b) The condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. By +Frederick Engels. Translated by Florence K. Wischnewetzky. To be had +from the N. Y. Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place, New York. + + + + +MANIFESTO + +OF THE + +COMMUNIST PARTY. + + +BY KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS. + + +A specter is haunting Europe--the specter of Communism. All the powers +of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this +specter; Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and +German police spies. + +Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as +Communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has +not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more +advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary +adversaries? + +Two things result from this fact. + +I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be in +itself a power. + +II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the +whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and +meet this nursery tale of the Specter of Communism with a Manifesto of +the party itself. + +To this end the Communists of various nationalities have assembled in +London, and sketched the following manifesto to be published in the +English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. + + + +I. + +BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS.(a) + +The history of all hitherto existing society(b) is the history of class +struggles. + +Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, +guildmaster(c) and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, +stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an +uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, that each time ended, either +in the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the +common ruin of the contending classes. + +In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a +complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold +gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, +plebeians, slaves; in the middle ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild +masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these +classes, again, subordinate gradations. + +The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal +society, has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but +established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of +struggle in place of the old ones. + +Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeois, possesses, however, this +distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society +as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, +into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and +Proletariat. + +From the serfs of the middle ages sprang the chartered burghers of the +earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the +bourgeoisie were developed. + +The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh +ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinese +markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the +increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to +commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, +and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal +society, a rapid development. + +The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was +monopolized by close guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing +wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. +The guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle +class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds +vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop. + +Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even +manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon steam and machinery +revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was +taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle +class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial +armies, the modern bourgeois. + +Modern industry has established the world's market, for which the +discovery of America paved the way. The market has given an immense +development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This +development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and +in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation and railways extended, +in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its +capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from +the middle ages. + +We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of +a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes +of production and of exchange. + +Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a +corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class +under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing +association in the medieval commune(d), here independent urban republic +(as in Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy +(as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, +serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a +counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the +great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the +establishment of Modern Industry and of the world's market, conquered +for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political +sway. The executive of the modern State is but a committee for +managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. + +The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. + +The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to +all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn +asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural +superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man +than naked self-interest, callous "cash payment." It has drowned the +most heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, +of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical +calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and +in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up +that single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade. In one word, for +exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has +substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. + +The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto +honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the +physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into +its paid wage laborers. + +The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and +has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. + +The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal +display of vigor in the middle ages, which Reactionists so much admire, +found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has +been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has +accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, +and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the +shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades. + +The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the +instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and +with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old +modes of production in unaltered forms, was, on the contrary, the first +condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant +revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social +conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation, distinguish the +bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen +relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and +opinions, are swept away; all new-formed ones become antiquated before +they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is +profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his +real conditions of life and his relations with his kind. + +The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the +bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle +everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. + +The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world's market +given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every +country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under +the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All +old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily +being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose +introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized +nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, +but raw material drawn from the remotest zones, industries whose +products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the +globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the +country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the +products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and +national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every +direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, +so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of +individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and +narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the +numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world +literature. + +The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of +production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws +all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap +prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters +down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely +obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, +on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it +compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, +_i.e._, to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a +world after its own image. + +The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It +has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population +as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of +the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the +country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and +semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of +peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. + +The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state +of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has +agglomerated population, centralized means of production, and has +concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of +this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely +connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and +systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one +government, one code of laws, one national class interest, one +frontier, and one customs tariff. + +The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has +created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all +preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature's forces to man, +machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam +navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents +for cultivation, canalization of rivers, whole populations conjured out +of the ground--what earlier century had even a presentiment that such +productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? + +We see then: the means of production and of exchange on whose +foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal +society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of +production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society +produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and +manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property, +became no longer compatible with the already developed productive +forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder. + +Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and +political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and +political sway of the bourgeois class. + +A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois +society with its relations of production, of exchange, and of property, +a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of +exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the +powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For +many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the +history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern +conditions of production, against the property relations that are the +conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is +enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return +put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the +bourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only of the +existing products, but also of the previously created productive +forces, is periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an +epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an +absurdity--the epidemic of overproduction. Society suddenly finds +itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a +famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every +means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and +why? because there is too much civilization, too much means of +subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive +forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the +development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, +they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are +fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring +disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of +bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow +to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie +get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a +mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new +markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That +is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive +crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. + +The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground +are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. + +But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to +itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield +those weapons--the modern working class--the proletarians. + +In proportion as the bourgeoisie, _i.e._, capital, is developed, in the +same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, +developed; a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find +work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. +These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, +like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to +all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the +market. + +Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, the +work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, +consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of +the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most +easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of +production of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means of +subsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the +propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore +also of labor, is equal, in the long run, to its cost of production. +In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, +the wage decreases. Nay, more, in proportion as the use of machinery +and division of labor increase, in the same proportion the burden of +toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by +increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of +the machinery, etc. + +Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal +master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of +laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As +privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a +perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves +of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State, they are daily and +hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-seer, and, above all, by +the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this +despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the +more hateful and the more embittering it is. + +The less skill and exertion of strength is implied in manual labor, in +other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is +the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and +sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working +class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, +according to age and sex. + +No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer so far +at an end that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by +the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, +the pawnbroker, etc. + +The lower strata of the middle class--the small trades-people, +shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and +peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because +their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modern +industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the +large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered +worthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is +recruited from all classes of the population. + +The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its +birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest +is carried on by individual laborers, then by the workpeople of a +factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against +the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their +attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against +the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares +that compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set +factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of +the workman of the middle ages. + +At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over +the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If +anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the +consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the +bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is +compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, +for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians +do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the +remnants of absolute monarchy, and land owners, the non-industrial +bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole historical movement +is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so +obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie. + +But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases +in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength +grows and it feels that strength more. The various interests and +conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and +more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions +of labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. +The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting +commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. +The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, +makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between +individual workman and individual bourgeois take more and more the +character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workers +begin to form combinations (Trades' Unions) against the bourgeois; they +club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found +permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these +occasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots. + +Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real +fruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result but in the ever +improved means of communication that are created in modern industry and +that place the workers of different localities in contact with one +another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the +numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national +struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political +struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the middle +ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern +proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years. + +This organization of the proletarians into a class and consequently +into a political party, is continually being upset again by the +competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up +again; stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition +of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the +divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hours' bill in +England was carried. + +Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, +in many ways, the course of the development of the proletariat. The +bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with +the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie +itself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of +industry; at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In +all these countries it sees itself compelled to appeal to the +proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into the +political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the +proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. + +Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes +are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or +are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also +supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and +progress. + +Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the +process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within +the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring +character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, +and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in +its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the +nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the +bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion +of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level +of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole. + +Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie to-day, +the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other +classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; the +proletariat is its special and essential product. + +The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the +artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie to save +from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They +are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are +reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by +chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their +impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their +present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint +to place themselves at that of the proletariat. + +The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting class +thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, be +swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of +life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of +reactionary intrigue. + +In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large are +already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his +relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with +the bourgeois family relations; modern industrial labor, modern +subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as +in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. +Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, +behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. + +All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify +their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their +conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of +the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own +previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous +mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to +fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and +insurances of, individual property. + +All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in +the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the +self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the +interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum +of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without +the whole super-incumbent strata of official society being sprung into +the air. + +Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat +with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat +of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its +own bourgeoisie. + +In depicting the most general phases of the development of the +proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within +existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open +revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the +foundation for the sway of the proletariat. + +Hitherto every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, +on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to +oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it under which it +can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period +of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the +petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to +develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead +of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below +the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and +pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here +it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the +ruling class in society and to impose its conditions of existence upon +society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is +incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, +because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it has +to feed him instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live +under this bourgeoisie; in other words, its existence is no longer +compatible with society. + +The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the +bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the +condition for capital is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively on +competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose +involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the +laborers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due +to association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts +from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie +produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore +produces, above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and the +victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. + + + +(a) By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Capitalists, owners of +the means of social production and employers of wage-labor. By +proletariat, the class of modern wage-laborers who, having no means of +production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor-power in +order to live. + +(b) That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, +the social organization existing previous to recorded history, was all +but unknown. Since then, Haxthausen discovered common ownership of +land in Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which +all Teutonic races started in history, and by and by village +communities were found to be, or to have been the primitive form of +society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization of +this primitive Communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, +by Morgan's crowning discovery of the true nature of the Gens and its +relation to the Tribe. With the dissolution of these primaeval +communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and +finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this process +of dissolution in: "Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und +des Staats," 2nd edit., Stuttgart, 1886. + +(c) Guildmaster, that is a full member of a guild, a master within, not +a head of a guild. + +(d) "Commune" was the name taken, in France, by the nascent towns even +before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters, local +self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate." Generally +speaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England is +here taken as the typical country; for its political development, +France. + + + + +II. + +PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS. + +In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? + +The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working +class parties. + +They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat +as a whole. + +They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which to +shape and mould the proletarian movement. + +The Communists are distinguished from the other working class parties +by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the +different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common +interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. +2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the +working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always +and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. + +The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most +advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of every +country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other +hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat +the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the +conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian +movement. + +The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the +other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, +overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by +the proletariat. + +The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on +ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or +that would-be universal reformer. + +They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from +an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under +our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at +all a distinctive feature of Communism. + +All property relations in the past have continually been subject to +historical change, consequent upon the change in historical conditions. + +The French revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor +of bourgeois property. + +The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of +property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But +modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete +expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that +is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the +few. + +In this sense the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the +single sentence: Abolition of private property. + +We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the +right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own +labor, which property is alleged to be the ground work of all personal +freedom, activity and independence. + +Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the +property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of +property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish +that; the development of industry has to a great extent already +destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily. + +Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property? + +But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. +It creates capital, _i.e._, that kind of property which exploits +wage-labor, and which cannot increase except upon condition of +begetting a new supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Property, +in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage +labor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. + +To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social +status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the +united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the +united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. + +Capital is therefore not a personal, it is a social power. + +When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the +property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby +transformed into social property. It is only the social character of +the property that is changed. It loses its class character. + +Let us now take wage-labor. + +The average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage, _i.e._, that +quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite to +keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the +wage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor, merely suffices to +prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend to +abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor, an +appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of +human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor +of others. All that we want to do away with, is the miserable +character of this appropriation, under which the laborer lives merely +to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the +interest of the ruling class requires it. + +In bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increase +accumulated labor. In Communist society accumulated labor is but a +means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer. + +In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in +Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois +society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living +person is dependent and has no individuality. + +And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois: +abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition +of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois +freedom is undoubtedly aimed at. + +By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of +production, free trade, free selling and buying. + +But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying +disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the +other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a +meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, +with the fettered traders of the middle ages, but have no meaning when +opposed to the Communistic abolition of buying and selling, of the +bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself. + +You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. +But in your existing society private property is already done away with +for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely +due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You +reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of +property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the +non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. + +In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your +property. Precisely so: that is just what we intend. + +From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital, +money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, +_i.e._, from the moment when individual property can no longer be +transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, +you say, individuality vanishes! + +You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other +person than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of property. +This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible. + +Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of +society: all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate +the labor of others by means of such appropriation. + +It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property all +work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us. + +According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the +dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire +nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work. The whole of +this objection is but another expression of tautology, that there can +no longer be any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital. + +All objections against the Communistic mode of producing and +appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged +against the Communistic modes of producing and appropriating +intellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois the disappearance of +class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the +disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the +disappearance of all culture. + +That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous +majority, a mere training to act as a machine. + +But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intended +abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions +of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth +of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, +just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a +law for all, a will, whose essential character and direction are +determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class. + +The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal +laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your +present mode of production and form of property--historical relations +that rise and disappear in the progress of production--the +misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. +What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in +the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in +the case of your own bourgeois form of property. + +Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this +infamous proposal of the Communists. + +On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? +On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form this +family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things +finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the +proletarians, and in public prostitution. + +The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its +complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. + +Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by +their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. + +But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we +replace home education by social. + +And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the +social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct +or indirect, of society by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have +not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek +to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education +from the influence of the ruling class. + +The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the +hallowed co-relation of parent and child become all the more +disgusting, as, by the action of modern industry, all family ties among +the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into +simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor. + +But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the +whole bourgeoisie in chorus. + +The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He +hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, +and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of +being common to all will likewise fall to the women. + +He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away +with the status of women as mere instruments of production. + +For the rest nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation +of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to +be openly and officially established by the Communists. The Communists +have no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almost +from time immemorial. + +Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their +proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, +take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. + +Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common, and thus, +at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with, is +that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically +concealed, an openly legalized community of women. For the rest it is +self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production +must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing +from that system, _i.e._, of prostitution both public and private. + +The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish +countries and nationality. + +The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them what they +have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire +political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, +must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, +though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. + +National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and +more vanishing; owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom +of commerce, to the world's market, to uniformity in the mode of +production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. + +The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still +faster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is +one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. + +In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put +an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put +an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the +nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an +end. + +The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical, +and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are not deserving of +serious examination. + +Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views, +and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness changes with every +change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social +relations and in his social life? + +What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual +production changes its character in proportion as material production +is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of +its ruling class. + +When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do but +express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one +have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even +pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. + +When the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient religions +were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the +eighteenth century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its +death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of +religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to +the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. + +"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical and +juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical +development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, +and law, constantly survived this change. + +"There are besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., +that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes +eternal truths, it abolishes all religion and all morality, instead of +constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to +all past historical experience." + +What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past +society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, +antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs. + +But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past +ages, viz., they exploitation of one part of society by the other. No +wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all +the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common +forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the +total disappearance of class antagonisms. + +The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional +property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most +radical rupture with traditional ideas. + +But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism. + +We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the working +class is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class; +to win the battle of democracy. + +The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, +all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all instruments of +production in the hands of the State, _i.e._, of the proletariat +organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive +forces as rapidly as possible. + +Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means of +despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of +bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear +economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of +the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the +old social order and are unavoidable as a means of entirely +revolutionizing the mode of production. + +These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. + +Nevertheless in the most advanced countries the following will be +pretty generally applicable: + +1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land +to public purposes. + +2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. + +3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. + +4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. + +5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a +national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly. + +6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the +hands of the State. + +7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the +State; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the +improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. + +8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrial +armies, especially for agriculture. + +9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries: gradual +abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more +equable distribution of the population over the country. + +10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of +children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education +with industrial production, etc., etc. + +When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared +and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast +association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its +political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely +the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the +proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by +the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means +of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps +away by force the old conditions of production then it will, along with +these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of +class antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will thereby have +abolished its own supremacy as a class. + +In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class +antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development +of each is the condition for the free development of all. + + + + +III. + +SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE. + +I. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM. + +(_a_) _Feudal Socialism_. + +Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the +aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern +bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July, 1830, and in the +English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the +hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political contest was +altogether out of question. A literary battle alone remained possible. +But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration +period(a) had become impossible. + +In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose +sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their +indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited +working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by +singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his ears +sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe. + +In this way arose feudal Socialism; half lamentation, half lampoon; +half echo of the past, half menace of the future, at times by its +bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the +very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effects, through total +incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history. + +The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the +proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often +as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of +arms and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. + +One section of the French Legitimists, and "Young England," exhibited +this spectacle. + +In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from that +of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under +circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now +antiquated. In showing that under their rule the modern proletariat +never existed they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary +offspring of their own form of society. + +For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of +their criticism, that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie +amounts to this: that under the bourgeois _regime_ a class is being +developed, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of +society. + +What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a +proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat. + +In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures +against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high +falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from +the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honor for traffic +in wool, beet-root sugar and potato spirit(b). + +As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has +Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism. + +Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge. +Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against +marriages, against the State? Has it not preached in the place of +these charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, +monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the Holy +Water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the +aristocrat. + + +(_b_) _Petty Bourgeois Socialism_. + +The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the +bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and +perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The medieval +burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the +modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed, +industrially and commercially these two classes still vegetate side by +side with the rising bourgeoisie. + +In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed, a +new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between +proletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself as a +supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of +this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the +proletariat by the action of competition and as modern industry +develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will +completely disappear as an independent section of modern society to be +replaced in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, +bailiffs and shopmen. + +In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than +half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the +proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use in their criticism of +the bourgeois _regime_, the standard of the peasant and petty +bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should +take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty bourgeois +Socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France +but also in England. + +This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the +contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare +the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved incontrovertibly +the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor; the +concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and +crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and +peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the +crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war +of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, +of the old family relations, of the old nationalities. + +In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either to +restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them +the old property relations and the old society, or to cramping the +modern means of production and of exchange, within the frame work of +the old property relations that have been and were bound to be exploded +by those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian. + +Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal +relations in agriculture. + +Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all +intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in +a miserable fit of the blues. + + +(_c_) _German or "True" Socialism_. + +The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature that +originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was +the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into +Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun +its contest with feudal absolutism. + +German philosophers,--would-be philosophers and _beaux +esprits_,--eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when +these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social +conditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German +social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate +practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to +the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the +first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of +"Practical Reason" in general, and the utterances of the will of the +revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws of +pure will, of will as it was bound to be, of true human will generally. + +The work of the German _literati_ consisted solely in bringing the new +French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, +or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own +philosophic point of view. + +This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language +is appropriated, namely, by translation. + +It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints +over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom +had been written. The German _literati_ reversed this process with the +profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense +beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French +criticism of the economic functions of money they wrote "Alienation of +Humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they +wrote "Dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth. + +The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the +French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True +Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical Foundation of +Socialism," and so on. + +The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely +emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to +express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of +having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing not true +requirements but the requirements of truth, not the interests of the +proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who +belongs to no class, has no reality, and exists only in the misty realm +of philosophical phantasy. + +This German Socialism, which took its school-boy task so seriously and +solemnly, and extolled its poor stock in trade in such mountebank +fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence. + +The fight of the German, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie, +against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the +liberal movement, became more earnest. + +By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True +Socialism" of confronting the political movement with the Socialist +demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, +against representative government, against bourgeois competition, +bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois +liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had +nothing to gain and everything to lose by this bourgeois movement. +German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French +criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern +bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of +existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very +things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in +Germany. + +To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, +professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome +scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie. + +It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets +with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German +working-class risings. + +While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a weapon for +fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly +represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the German +philistines. In Germany the _petty bourgeois_ class, a relique of the +16th century and since then constantly cropping up again under various +forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things. + +To preserve this class, is to preserve the existing state of things in +Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie +threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the +concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a +revolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two +birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic. + +The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, +steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in +which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths" all +skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods +amongst such a public. + +And on its part, German Socialism recognized more and more its own +calling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeois +philistine. + +It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German +petty philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness +of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, +the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme +length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of +Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all +class-struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist +and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong +to the domain of this foul and enervating literature. + + +2. CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM. + +A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, +in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society. + +To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, +improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of charity, +members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, +temperance fanatics, hole and corner reformers of every imaginable +kind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out into +complete systems. + +We may cite Proudhon's _Philosophie de la Misère_ as an example of this +form. + +The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social +conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting +therefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus its +revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie +without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world +in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism develops +this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. +In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to +march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in +reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of +existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning +the bourgeosie. + +A second and more practical, but less systematic form of this Socialism +sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the +working class, by showing that no mere political reform but a change in +the material conditions of existence in economical relations could be +of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of +existence this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands +abolition of the bourgeois relations of production,--an abolition that +can be effected only by a revolution--but administrative reforms, based +on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that +in no respect affect the relations between capital and labor, but, at +the best, lessen the cost and simplify the administrative work of +bourgeois government. + +Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when, +it becomes a mere figure of speech. + +Free Trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective Duties: +for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit +of the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously +meant word of bourgeois Socialism. + +It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for the +benefit of the working class. + + +3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM. + +We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern +revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, +such as the writings of Baboeuf and others. + +The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, +made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being +overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then +undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the +economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be +produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. +The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of +the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated +universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form. + +The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of St. +Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the early +undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between +proletariat and bourgeoisie (see: Section I., Bourgeoisie and +Proletariat.) + +The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms as +well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form +of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them +the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any +independent political movement. + +Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the +development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does +not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation +of the proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science, +after new social laws, that are to create these conditions. + +Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, +historically created conditions of emancipation to phantastic ones, and +the gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an +organization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future +history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the +practical carrying out of their social plans. + +In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly +for the interest of the working class, as being the most suffering +class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class +does the proletariat exist for them. + +The undeveloped state of the class struggle as well as their own +surroundings cause Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far +superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition +of every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence they +habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; +nay, by preference to the ruling class. For how can people, when once +they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan +of the best possible state of society? + +Hence they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary +action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavor, +by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force +of example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel. + +Such phantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the +proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a +phantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the first +instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of +society. + +But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a critical +element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence they +are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the +working class. The practical measures proposed in them, such as the +abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, +of the carrying on of industries for the account of private +individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social +harmony, the conversion of the functions of the State into a mere +superintendence of production, all these proposals point solely to the +disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just +cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognized under +their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, +therefore, are of a purely Utopian character. + +The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears an +inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the +modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this +phantastic standing apart from the contest, these phantastic attacks on +it lose all practical value and all theoretical justification. +Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many +respects, revolutionary, their disciples have in every case formed mere +reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their +masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the +proletariat. They, therefore, endeavor, and that consistently, to +deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They +still dream of experimental realization of their social Utopias, of +founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing "Home Colonies," of +setting up a "Little Icaria"(c)--duodecimo editions of the New +Jerusalem, and to realize all these castles in the air, they are +compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By +degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative +Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic +pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the +miraculous effects of their social science. + +They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of +the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from +blind unbelief in the new Gospel. + +The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, +oppose the Chartists and the "Réformistes." + + + +(a) Not the English Restoration 1660 to 1689, but the French +Restoration 1814 to 1830. + +(b) This applies chiefly to Germany where the landed aristocracy and +squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their +own account by stewards, and are moreover, extensive beet-root sugar +manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier British +aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they, too, know how to +make up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters of more +or less shady joint-stock companies. + +(c) Phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles +Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his Utopia and, later +on, to his American Communist colony. + + + + +IV. + +POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING +OPPOSITION PARTIES. + +Section II. has made clear the relations of the Communists to the +existing working class parties, such as the Chartists in England and +the Agrarian Reformers in America. + +The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the +enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the +movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the +future of that movement. In France the Communists ally themselves with +the Social-Democrats(a), against the conservative and radical +bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical +position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down +from the great Revolution. + +In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the +fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of +Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois. + +In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian +revolution, as the prime condition for national emancipation, that +party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846. + +In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a +revolutionary way against the absolute monarchy, the feudal +squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie. + +But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working +class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism +between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers +may straightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the +social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily +introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall +of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the +bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin. + +The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that +country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be +carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilization, +and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was in +the seventeenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and because +the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an +immediately following proletarian revolution. + +In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary +movement against the existing social and political order of things. + +In all these movements they bring, to the front, as the leading +question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of +development at the time. + +Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the +democratic parties of all countries. + +The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly +declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow +of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a +Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but +their chains. They have a world to win. + +Workingmen of all countries unite! + + + +(a) The party then represented in parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in +literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily press by the Reforme. The name +of Social-Democracy signified, with these its inventors, a section of +the Democratic or Republican party more or less tinged with Socialism. + + + + +THE END. + + + + + + +The Preamble + +OF THE + +INDUSTRIAL WORKERS + +OF THE WORLD + +An Address Delivered at Minneapolis, Minn, + +By DANIEL DE LEON + + +The organization of the Industrial Workers of the World, at Chicago, +July 10, 1905, marked an epoch in the history of the Labor Movement in +America, for the reason that, as the preamble to the constitution +declares, there can be no peace between the exploited working class and +the exploiting capitalist class; the I. W. W. organized on that +basis--the recognition of the class struggle. + + +A 48-PAGE PAMPHLET, 5 CENTS + + +Send all orders to .... + +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO. + +28 CITY HALL PLACE + +NEW YORK + + + + +WHAT MEANS THIS STRIKE? + +By DANIEL DE LEON + +"What Means This Strike?" is an address delivered before the striking +textile workers of New Bedford, Mass. It is the best thing extant with +which to begin the study of Socialism. The strike is used as an object +lesson to show the nature of capitalist society. The development of +the capitalist is clearly given, showing why it is that the capitalist +class is able to live in idleness and luxury while the working class +rots in poverty and toil. + +CONTENTS.--Whence Do Wages Come, and Whence Profits--The Capitalist +System of Production--Nature of the "Work" Performed by the +Capitalist--Mechanism of Stock Corporation--Nature of the "Work" +Performed by the "Directors" of Stock Corporations--"Original +Accumulation"--How the Capitalist in General Gets His Capital--How Levi +P. Morton Got His Capital--The Class Struggle--Nature of the Conflict +Between the Working Class and the Capitalist Class--Development of +Capitalist Society--Development of the Strike--How the Capitalists Rob +Inventors--How the Capitalist Uses Machinery to Rob and Subjugate the +Working Class--Why the Modern Strike Is Usually a Failure--Principles +of the Organization the Working Class Must Have to Fight Successfully +the Capitalist Class--Weaknesses of "Pure and Simple" Trade +Unions--Career of Samuel Gompers--There Will Be No Safety for the +Working Class Until It Wrenches the Government from the Capitalist +Class, Abolishes the Wages System of Slavery, and Unfurls the Banner of +the Socialist Republic. + + +Single Copies, 5 Cents; 100 Copies, + + + LITERATURE. + + Leaflets, in English, per thousand .......................... $1.75 + Leaflets, in German, " " .......................... 3.00 + Leaflets, in Italian, " " .......................... 4.00 + Leaflets, in French, " " .......................... 4.00 + Leaflets, in Slavonic, " " .......................... 3.00 + Leaflets, in Croatian, " " .......................... 3.00 + Leaflets, in Spanish, " " .......................... 5.00 + Leaflets, in Polish, " " .......................... 4.00 + Leaflets, in Finnish, " " .......................... 5.00 + Leaflets, in Swedish, " " .......................... 3.00 + +NOTE.---The requisite amount of each must accompany each order. All +supplies sent by the General Office have the postage or express charges +paid in advance. + + +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO. + +28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK + + + + +VALUE, PRICE, AND PROFIT + +By KARL MARX. Edited by his daughter ELEANOR MARX AVELING. With an +Introduction and Annotations by LUCIEN SANIAL. + + +This book is especially timely, like everything else that Marx wrote. +Written a couple of years before his "Capital" appeared, it is an +address to workingmen, and covers in popular form many of the subjects +later scientifically expanded in "Capital." + +Lucien Sanial says of it: "It is universally considered as the best +epitome we have of the first volume of 'Capital,' and as such, is +invaluable to the beginner in economics. It places him squarely on his +feet at the threshold of his inquiry; that is, in a position where his +perceptive faculties cannot be deceived and his reasoning power +vitiated by the very use of his eyesight; whereas, by the very nature +of his capitalist surroundings, he now stands on his head and sees all +things inverted." + +Special interest attaches to what Marx says relative to strikes. Were +the working Class thoroughly acquainted with the subject matter of this +little work, we should hear no more of the "common ground" on which +capital and labor might meet to settle their differences. + +The thousand and one schemes that are daily being flaunted in the faces +of the working class by the lieutenants of the capitalists show the +necessity there is on the part of the working class for a comprehensive +understanding of the matter of wages, the relation of the worker to the +employer, the source of profits, and the relation between profits and +wages. These and other subjects are here presented, and so clearly +does Marx present them that all he has to say can be understood by any +person willing to pay close attention to his words. + + +Cloth, 50 Cents. Paper, 15 Cents. + +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS COMPANY, + +28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK. + + +---------------------------------------------------------------------- + +From a Mechanical Standpoint + +it is the first one Marx's works published in America that can be +looked upon as a careful piece of publishing. It is to be hoped that +this excellent volume is the forerunner of other volumes of Marx, and +that America will have the honor of publishing an edition that is +accurate as to text, thorough in annotations, convenient in size, and +presentable in every way. The present book will delight the lover of +Marx, and every Socialist will desire a copy of it.--N. Y. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Manifesto of the Communist Party + +Author: Karl Marx + Frederick Engels + +Editor: Frederick Engels + +Release Date: February 5, 2010 [EBook #31193] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY *** + + + + +Produced by Al Haines, from images obtained from The Internet Archive. + + + + + +</pre> + + +<BR><BR> + +<H1 ALIGN="center"> +Manifesto +</H1> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +Of the +</H3> + +<H1 ALIGN="center"> +Communist +<BR> +Party +</H1> + +<BR> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +By +<BR> +KARL MARX +<BR> +and +<BR> +FREDERICK ENGELS +</H3> + +<BR><BR> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +AUTHORIZED ENGLISH TRANSLATION +</H3> + +<BR> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +Edited and Annotated by Frederick Engels +</H3> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +<I>Price 10 Cents</I> +</H4> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +NEW YORK +<BR> +Published by the New York Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place +<BR> +1908 +</H4> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap00b"></A> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +PREFACE +</H3> + +<P> +The "Manifesto" was published as the platform of the "Communist +League," a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, later on +international, and, under the political conditions of the Continent +before 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of the +League, held in London in November, 1847, Marx and Engels were +commissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical and +practical party programme. Drawn up in German, in January, 1848, the +manuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeks before the +French revolution of February 24. A French translation was brought out +in Paris, shortly before the insurrection of June, 1848. The first +English translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in George +Julian Harney's "Red Republican," London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish +edition had also been published. +</P> + +<P> +The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June, 1848—the first great +battle between Proletariat and Bourgeoisie—drove again into the +background, for a time, the social and political aspirations of the +European working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for supremacy was +again, as it had been before the revolution of February, solely between +the different sections of the propertied class; the working class was +reduced to a fight for political elbow-room, and to the position of +extreme wing of the Middle-class Radicals. Wherever independent +proletarian movements continued to show signs of life, they were +ruthlessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police hunted out the +Central Board of the Communist League, then located in Cologne. The +members were arrested, and, after eighteen months' imprisonment, they +were tried in October, 1852. This celebrated "Cologne Communist trial" +lasted from October 4 till November 12; seven of the prisoners were +sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from three to +six years. Immediately after the sentence the League was formally +dissolved by the remaining members. As to the "Manifesto," it seemed +thenceforth to be doomed to oblivion. +</P> + +<P> +When the European working class had recovered sufficient strength for +another attack on the ruling classes, the International Workingmen's +Association sprang up. But this association, formed with the express +aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe +and America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the +"Manifesto." The International was bound to have a programme broad +enough to be acceptable to the English Trades' Unions, to the followers +of Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain, and to the +Lassalleans(<A NAME="ch00bfn1text"></A><A HREF="#ch00bfn1">a</A>) in Germany. Marx, who drew up this programme to the +satisfaction of all parties, entirely trusted to the intellectual +development of the working class, which was sure to result from +combined action and mutual discussion. The very events and +vicissitudes of the struggle against Capital, the defeats even more +than the victories, could not help bringing home to men's minds the +insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums, and preparing the way +for a more complete insight into the true conditions of working-class +emancipation. And Marx was right. The International, on its breaking +up in 1874, left the workers quite different men from what it had found +them in 1864. Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in Germany, were +dying out, and even the conservative English Trades' Unions, though +most of them had long since severed their connection with the +International, were gradually advancing towards that point at which, +last year at Swansea, their President could say in their name, +"Continental Socialism has lost its terrors for us." In fact, the +principles of the "Manifesto" had made considerable headway among the +workingmen of all countries. +</P> + +<P> +The Manifesto itself thus came to the front again. The German text had +been, since 1850, reprinted several times in Switzerland, England and +America. In 1872 it was translated into English in New York, where the +translation was published in "Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly." From +this English version a French one was made in "Le Socialiste" of New +York. Since then at least two more English translations, more or less +mutilated, have been brought out in America, and one of them has been +reprinted in England. The first Russian translation, made by +Bakounine, was published at Herzen's "Kolokol" office in Geneva, about +1863; a second one, by the heroic Vera Zasulitch, also in Geneva, 1882. +A new Danish edition is to be found in "Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek," +Copenhagen, 1885; a fresh French translation in "Le Socialiste," Paris, +1886. From this latter a Spanish version was prepared and published in +Madrid, 1886. The German reprints are not to be counted; there have +been twelve altogether at the least. An Armenian translation, which +was to be published in Constantinople some months ago, did not see the +light, I am told, because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a +book with the name of Marx on it, while the translator declined to call +it his own production. Of further translations into other languages I +have heard, but have not seen them. Thus the history of the Manifesto +reflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working class +movement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the most +international production of all Socialist Literature, the common +platform acknowledged by millions of workingmen from Siberia to +California. +</P> + +<P> +Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a <I>Socialist</I> +Manifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand, +the adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenites in England, +Fourierists in France, both of them already reduced to the position of +mere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the most +multifarious social quacks, who, by all manners of tinkering, professed +to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of +social grievances; in both cases men outside the working class movement +and looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. Whatever +portion of the working classes had become convinced of the +insufficiency of mere political revolutions, and had proclaimed the +necessity of a total social change, that portion, then, called itself +Communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort of +Communism; still it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough +among the working class to produce the Utopian Communism, in France of +Cabet, and in Germany of Weitling. Thus, Socialism was, in 1847, a +middle class movement, Communism a working class movement. Socialism +was, on the Continent at least, "respectable"; Communism was the very +opposite. And as our notion, from the very beginning was, that "the +emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class +itself," there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must +take. Moreover, we have ever since been far from repudiating it. +</P> + +<P> +The "Manifesto" being our joint production, I consider myself bound to +state that the fundamental proposition which forms its nucleus belongs +to Marx. That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, the +prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social +organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which +is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and +intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history +of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding +land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, +contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed +classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of +evolution in which, nowadays, a stage has been reached where the +exploited and the oppressed class—the proletariat—cannot attain its +emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class—the +bourgeoisie—without, at the same time, and once for all, emancipating +society at large from all exploitation, oppression, class distinctions +and class struggles. +</P> + +<P> +This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do for history +what Darwin's theory has done for biology, we, both of us, had been +gradually approaching for some years before 1845. How far I had +independently progressed toward it, is best shown by my "Condition of +the Working Class in England."(<A NAME="ch00bfn2text"></A><A HREF="#ch00bfn2">b</A>) But when I again met Marx at +Brussels in the spring of 1845, he had it ready worked out, and put it +before me, in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it +here. +</P> + +<P> +From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote the +following: +</P> + +<P> +"However much the state of things may have altered during the last +twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in this Manifesto +are, on the whole, as correct to-day as ever. Here and there some +detail might be improved. The practical application of the principles +will depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all +times, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, and +for that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures +proposed at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many +respects, be very differently worded to-day. In view of the gigantic +strides of modern industry since 1848, and of the accompanying improved +and extended organization of the working class; in view of the +practical experience gained, first in the February revolution, and +then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the proletariat for the +first time held political power for two whole months, this programme +has in some details become antiquated. One thing especially was proved +by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of +the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.' +(See 'The Civil War in France; Address of the General Council of the +International Workingmen's Association,' London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15, +where this point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident +that the criticism of Socialist literature is deficient in relation to +the present time, because it comes down only to 1847; also, that the +remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various opposition +parties (Section IV.), although in principle still correct, yet in +practice are antiquated, because the political situation has been +entirely changed, and the progress of history has swept from off the +earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated. +</P> + +<P> +"But, then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which we +have no longer any right to alter." +</P> + +<P> +The present translation is by Mr. Samuel Moore, the translator of the +greater portion of Marx's "Capital." We have revised it and I have +added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions. +</P> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +FREDERICK ENGELS. +<BR> +London, January 30, 1888. +</P> + +<BR><BR> + +<A NAME="ch00bfn1"></A> +<A NAME="ch00bfn2"></A> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch00bfn1text">a</A>) Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be a +disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood on the ground of the "Manifesto." +But in his public agitation, 1862-64, he did not go beyond demanding +co-operative workshops supported by State credit. +</P> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch00bfn2text">b</A>) The condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. By +Frederick Engels. Translated by Florence K. Wischnewetzky. To be had +from the N. Y. Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place, New York. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap01"></A> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> +MANIFESTO +</H2> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +OF THE +</H4> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> +COMMUNIST PARTY. +</H2> + +<BR> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +BY KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS. +</H3> + +<BR> + +<P> +A specter is haunting Europe—the specter of Communism. All the powers +of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this +specter; Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and +German police spies. +</P> + +<P> +Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as +Communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has +not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more +advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary +adversaries? +</P> + +<P> +Two things result from this fact. +</P> + +<P> +I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be in +itself a power. +</P> + +<P> +II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the +whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and +meet this nursery tale of the Specter of Communism with a Manifesto of +the party itself. +</P> + +<P> +To this end the Communists of various nationalities have assembled in +London, and sketched the following manifesto to be published in the +English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. +</P> + +<BR><BR> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +I. +</H3> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS.(<A NAME="ch01fn1text"></A><A HREF="#ch01fn1">a</A>) +</H3> + +<P> +The history of all hitherto existing society(<A NAME="ch01fn2text"></A><A HREF="#ch01fn2">b</A>) is the history of class +struggles. +</P> + +<P> +Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, +guildmaster(<A NAME="ch01fn3text"></A><A HREF="#ch01fn3">c</A>) and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, +stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an +uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, that each time ended, either +in the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the +common ruin of the contending classes. +</P> + +<P> +In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a +complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold +gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, +plebeians, slaves; in the middle ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild +masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these +classes, again, subordinate gradations. +</P> + +<P> +The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal +society, has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but +established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of +struggle in place of the old ones. +</P> + +<P> +Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeois, possesses, however, this +distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society +as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, +into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and +Proletariat. +</P> + +<P> +From the serfs of the middle ages sprang the chartered burghers of the +earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the +bourgeoisie were developed. +</P> + +<P> +The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh +ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinese +markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the +increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to +commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, +and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal +society, a rapid development. +</P> + +<P> +The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was +monopolized by close guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing +wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. +The guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle +class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds +vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop. +</P> + +<P> +Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even +manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon steam and machinery +revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was +taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle +class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial +armies, the modern bourgeois. +</P> + +<P> +Modern industry has established the world's market, for which the +discovery of America paved the way. The market has given an immense +development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This +development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and +in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation and railways extended, +in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its +capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from +the middle ages. +</P> + +<P> +We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of +a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes +of production and of exchange. +</P> + +<P> +Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a +corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class +under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing +association in the medieval commune(<A NAME="ch01fn4text"></A><A HREF="#ch01fn4">d</A>), here independent urban republic +(as in Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy +(as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, +serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a +counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the +great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the +establishment of Modern Industry and of the world's market, conquered +for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political +sway. The executive of the modern State is but a committee for +managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to +all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn +asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural +superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man +than naked self-interest, callous "cash payment." It has drowned the +most heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, +of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical +calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and +in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up +that single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade. In one word, for +exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has +substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto +honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the +physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into +its paid wage laborers. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and +has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal +display of vigor in the middle ages, which Reactionists so much admire, +found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has +been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has +accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, +and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the +shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the +instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and +with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old +modes of production in unaltered forms, was, on the contrary, the first +condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant +revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social +conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation, distinguish the +bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen +relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and +opinions, are swept away; all new-formed ones become antiquated before +they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is +profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his +real conditions of life and his relations with his kind. +</P> + +<P> +The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the +bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle +everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world's market +given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every +country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under +the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All +old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily +being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose +introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized +nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, +but raw material drawn from the remotest zones, industries whose +products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the +globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the +country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the +products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and +national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every +direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, +so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of +individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and +narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the +numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world +literature. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of +production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws +all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap +prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters +down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely +obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, +on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it +compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, +<I>i.e.</I>, to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a +world after its own image. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It +has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population +as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of +the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the +country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and +semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of +peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state +of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has +agglomerated population, centralized means of production, and has +concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of +this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely +connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and +systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one +government, one code of laws, one national class interest, one +frontier, and one customs tariff. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has +created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all +preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature's forces to man, +machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam +navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents +for cultivation, canalization of rivers, whole populations conjured out +of the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that such +productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? +</P> + +<P> +We see then: the means of production and of exchange on whose +foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal +society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of +production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society +produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and +manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property, +became no longer compatible with the already developed productive +forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder. +</P> + +<P> +Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and +political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and +political sway of the bourgeois class. +</P> + +<P> +A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois +society with its relations of production, of exchange, and of property, +a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of +exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the +powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For +many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the +history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern +conditions of production, against the property relations that are the +conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is +enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return +put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the +bourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only of the +existing products, but also of the previously created productive +forces, is periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an +epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an +absurdity—the epidemic of overproduction. Society suddenly finds +itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a +famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every +means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and +why? because there is too much civilization, too much means of +subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive +forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the +development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, +they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are +fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring +disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of +bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow +to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie +get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a +mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new +markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That +is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive +crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. +</P> + +<P> +The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground +are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. +</P> + +<P> +But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to +itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield +those weapons—the modern working class—the proletarians. +</P> + +<P> +In proportion as the bourgeoisie, <I>i.e.</I>, capital, is developed, in the +same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, +developed; a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find +work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. +These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, +like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to +all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the +market. +</P> + +<P> +Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, the +work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, +consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of +the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most +easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of +production of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means of +subsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the +propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore +also of labor, is equal, in the long run, to its cost of production. +In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, +the wage decreases. Nay, more, in proportion as the use of machinery +and division of labor increase, in the same proportion the burden of +toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by +increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of +the machinery, etc. +</P> + +<P> +Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal +master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of +laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As +privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a +perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves +of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State, they are daily and +hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-seer, and, above all, by +the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this +despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the +more hateful and the more embittering it is. +</P> + +<P> +The less skill and exertion of strength is implied in manual labor, in +other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is +the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and +sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working +class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, +according to age and sex. +</P> + +<P> +No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer so far +at an end that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by +the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, +the pawnbroker, etc. +</P> + +<P> +The lower strata of the middle class—the small trades-people, +shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and +peasants—all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because +their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modern +industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the +large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered +worthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is +recruited from all classes of the population. +</P> + +<P> +The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its +birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest +is carried on by individual laborers, then by the workpeople of a +factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against +the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their +attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against +the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares +that compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set +factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of +the workman of the middle ages. +</P> + +<P> +At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over +the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If +anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the +consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the +bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is +compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, +for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians +do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the +remnants of absolute monarchy, and land owners, the non-industrial +bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole historical movement +is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so +obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases +in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength +grows and it feels that strength more. The various interests and +conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and +more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions +of labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. +The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting +commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. +The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, +makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between +individual workman and individual bourgeois take more and more the +character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workers +begin to form combinations (Trades' Unions) against the bourgeois; they +club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found +permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these +occasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots. +</P> + +<P> +Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real +fruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result but in the ever +improved means of communication that are created in modern industry and +that place the workers of different localities in contact with one +another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the +numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national +struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political +struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the middle +ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern +proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years. +</P> + +<P> +This organization of the proletarians into a class and consequently +into a political party, is continually being upset again by the +competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up +again; stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition +of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the +divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hours' bill in +England was carried. +</P> + +<P> +Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, +in many ways, the course of the development of the proletariat. The +bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with +the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie +itself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of +industry; at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In +all these countries it sees itself compelled to appeal to the +proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into the +political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the +proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes +are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or +are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also +supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and +progress. +</P> + +<P> +Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the +process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within +the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring +character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, +and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in +its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the +nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the +bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion +of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level +of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole. +</P> + +<P> +Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie to-day, +the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other +classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; the +proletariat is its special and essential product. +</P> + +<P> +The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the +artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie to save +from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They +are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are +reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by +chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their +impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their +present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint +to place themselves at that of the proletariat. +</P> + +<P> +The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting class +thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, be +swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of +life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of +reactionary intrigue. +</P> + +<P> +In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large are +already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his +relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with +the bourgeois family relations; modern industrial labor, modern +subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as +in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. +Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, +behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. +</P> + +<P> +All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify +their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their +conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of +the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own +previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous +mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to +fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and +insurances of, individual property. +</P> + +<P> +All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in +the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the +self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the +interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum +of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without +the whole super-incumbent strata of official society being sprung into +the air. +</P> + +<P> +Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat +with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat +of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its +own bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +In depicting the most general phases of the development of the +proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within +existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open +revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the +foundation for the sway of the proletariat. +</P> + +<P> +Hitherto every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, +on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to +oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it under which it +can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period +of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the +petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to +develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead +of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below +the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and +pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here +it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the +ruling class in society and to impose its conditions of existence upon +society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is +incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, +because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it has +to feed him instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live +under this bourgeoisie; in other words, its existence is no longer +compatible with society. +</P> + +<P> +The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the +bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the +condition for capital is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively on +competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose +involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the +laborers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due +to association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts +from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie +produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore +produces, above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and the +victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. +</P> + +<BR><BR> + +<A NAME="ch01fn1"></A> +<A NAME="ch01fn2"></A> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch01fn1text">a</A>) By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Capitalists, owners of +the means of social production and employers of wage-labor. By +proletariat, the class of modern wage-laborers who, having no means of +production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor-power in +order to live. +</P> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch01fn2text">b</A>) That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, +the social organization existing previous to recorded history, was all +but unknown. Since then, Haxthausen discovered common ownership of +land in Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which +all Teutonic races started in history, and by and by village +communities were found to be, or to have been the primitive form of +society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization of +this primitive Communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, +by Morgan's crowning discovery of the true nature of the Gens and its +relation to the Tribe. With the dissolution of these primaeval +communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and +finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this process +of dissolution in: "Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und +des Staats," 2nd edit., Stuttgart, 1886. +</P> + +<A NAME="ch01fn3"></A> +<A NAME="ch01fn4"></A> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch01fn3text">c</A>) Guildmaster, that is a full member of a guild, a master within, not +a head of a guild. +</P> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch01fn4text">d</A>) "Commune" was the name taken, in France, by the nascent towns even +before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters, local +self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate." Generally +speaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England is +here taken as the typical country; for its political development, +France. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap02"></A> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +II. +</H3> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS. +</H3> + +<P> +In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? +</P> + +<P> +The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working +class parties. +</P> + +<P> +They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat +as a whole. +</P> + +<P> +They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which to +shape and mould the proletarian movement. +</P> + +<P> +The Communists are distinguished from the other working class parties +by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the +different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common +interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. +2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the +working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always +and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. +</P> + +<P> +The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most +advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of every +country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other +hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat +the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the +conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian +movement. +</P> + +<P> +The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the +other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, +overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by +the proletariat. +</P> + +<P> +The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on +ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or +that would-be universal reformer. +</P> + +<P> +They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from +an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under +our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at +all a distinctive feature of Communism. +</P> + +<P> +All property relations in the past have continually been subject to +historical change, consequent upon the change in historical conditions. +</P> + +<P> +The French revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor +of bourgeois property. +</P> + +<P> +The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of +property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But +modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete +expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that +is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the +few. +</P> + +<P> +In this sense the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the +single sentence: Abolition of private property. +</P> + +<P> +We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the +right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own +labor, which property is alleged to be the ground work of all personal +freedom, activity and independence. +</P> + +<P> +Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the +property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of +property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish +that; the development of industry has to a great extent already +destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily. +</P> + +<P> +Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property? +</P> + +<P> +But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. +It creates capital, <I>i.e.</I>, that kind of property which exploits +wage-labor, and which cannot increase except upon condition of +begetting a new supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Property, +in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage +labor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. +</P> + +<P> +To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social +status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the +united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the +united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. +</P> + +<P> +Capital is therefore not a personal, it is a social power. +</P> + +<P> +When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the +property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby +transformed into social property. It is only the social character of +the property that is changed. It loses its class character. +</P> + +<P> +Let us now take wage-labor. +</P> + +<P> +The average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage, <I>i.e.</I>, that +quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite to +keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the +wage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor, merely suffices to +prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend to +abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor, an +appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of +human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor +of others. All that we want to do away with, is the miserable +character of this appropriation, under which the laborer lives merely +to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the +interest of the ruling class requires it. +</P> + +<P> +In bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increase +accumulated labor. In Communist society accumulated labor is but a +means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer. +</P> + +<P> +In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in +Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois +society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living +person is dependent and has no individuality. +</P> + +<P> +And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois: +abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition +of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois +freedom is undoubtedly aimed at. +</P> + +<P> +By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of +production, free trade, free selling and buying. +</P> + +<P> +But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying +disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the +other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a +meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, +with the fettered traders of the middle ages, but have no meaning when +opposed to the Communistic abolition of buying and selling, of the +bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself. +</P> + +<P> +You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. +But in your existing society private property is already done away with +for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely +due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You +reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of +property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the +non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. +</P> + +<P> +In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your +property. Precisely so: that is just what we intend. +</P> + +<P> +From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital, +money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, +<I>i.e.</I>, from the moment when individual property can no longer be +transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, +you say, individuality vanishes! +</P> + +<P> +You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other +person than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of property. +This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible. +</P> + +<P> +Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of +society: all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate +the labor of others by means of such appropriation. +</P> + +<P> +It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property all +work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us. +</P> + +<P> +According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the +dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire +nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work. The whole of +this objection is but another expression of tautology, that there can +no longer be any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital. +</P> + +<P> +All objections against the Communistic mode of producing and +appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged +against the Communistic modes of producing and appropriating +intellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois the disappearance of +class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the +disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the +disappearance of all culture. +</P> + +<P> +That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous +majority, a mere training to act as a machine. +</P> + +<P> +But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intended +abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions +of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth +of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, +just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a +law for all, a will, whose essential character and direction are +determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class. +</P> + +<P> +The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal +laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your +present mode of production and form of property—historical relations +that rise and disappear in the progress of production—the +misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. +What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in +the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in +the case of your own bourgeois form of property. +</P> + +<P> +Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this +infamous proposal of the Communists. +</P> + +<P> +On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? +On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form this +family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things +finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the +proletarians, and in public prostitution. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its +complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. +</P> + +<P> +Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by +their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. +</P> + +<P> +But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we +replace home education by social. +</P> + +<P> +And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the +social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct +or indirect, of society by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have +not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek +to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education +from the influence of the ruling class. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the +hallowed co-relation of parent and child become all the more +disgusting, as, by the action of modern industry, all family ties among +the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into +simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor. +</P> + +<P> +But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the +whole bourgeoisie in chorus. +</P> + +<P> +The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He +hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, +and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of +being common to all will likewise fall to the women. +</P> + +<P> +He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away +with the status of women as mere instruments of production. +</P> + +<P> +For the rest nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation +of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to +be openly and officially established by the Communists. The Communists +have no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almost +from time immemorial. +</P> + +<P> +Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their +proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, +take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. +</P> + +<P> +Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common, and thus, +at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with, is +that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically +concealed, an openly legalized community of women. For the rest it is +self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production +must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing +from that system, <I>i.e.</I>, of prostitution both public and private. +</P> + +<P> +The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish +countries and nationality. +</P> + +<P> +The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them what they +have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire +political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, +must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, +though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. +</P> + +<P> +National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and +more vanishing; owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom +of commerce, to the world's market, to uniformity in the mode of +production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. +</P> + +<P> +The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still +faster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is +one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. +</P> + +<P> +In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put +an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put +an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the +nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an +end. +</P> + +<P> +The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical, +and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are not deserving of +serious examination. +</P> + +<P> +Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views, +and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness changes with every +change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social +relations and in his social life? +</P> + +<P> +What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual +production changes its character in proportion as material production +is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of +its ruling class. +</P> + +<P> +When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do but +express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one +have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even +pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. +</P> + +<P> +When the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient religions +were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the +eighteenth century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its +death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of +religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to +the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. +</P> + +<P> +"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical and +juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical +development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, +and law, constantly survived this change. +</P> + +<P> +"There are besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., +that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes +eternal truths, it abolishes all religion and all morality, instead of +constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to +all past historical experience." +</P> + +<P> +What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past +society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, +antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs. +</P> + +<P> +But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past +ages, viz., they exploitation of one part of society by the other. No +wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all +the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common +forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the +total disappearance of class antagonisms. +</P> + +<P> +The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional +property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most +radical rupture with traditional ideas. +</P> + +<P> +But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism. +</P> + +<P> +We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the working +class is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class; +to win the battle of democracy. +</P> + +<P> +The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, +all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all instruments of +production in the hands of the State, <I>i.e.</I>, of the proletariat +organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive +forces as rapidly as possible. +</P> + +<P> +Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means of +despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of +bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear +economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of +the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the +old social order and are unavoidable as a means of entirely +revolutionizing the mode of production. +</P> + +<P> +These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. +</P> + +<P> +Nevertheless in the most advanced countries the following will be +pretty generally applicable: +</P> + +<P> +1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land +to public purposes. +</P> + +<P> +2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. +</P> + +<P> +3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. +</P> + +<P> +4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. +</P> + +<P> +5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a +national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly. +</P> + +<P> +6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the +hands of the State. +</P> + +<P> +7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the +State; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the +improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. +</P> + +<P> +8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrial +armies, especially for agriculture. +</P> + +<P> +9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries: gradual +abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more +equable distribution of the population over the country. +</P> + +<P> +10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of +children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education +with industrial production, etc., etc. +</P> + +<P> +When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared +and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast +association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its +political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely +the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the +proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by +the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means +of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps +away by force the old conditions of production then it will, along with +these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of +class antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will thereby have +abolished its own supremacy as a class. +</P> + +<P> +In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class +antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development +of each is the condition for the free development of all. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap03"></A> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +III. +</H3> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE. +</H3> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +I. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM. +</H4> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +(<I>a</I>) <I>Feudal Socialism</I>. +</H4> + +<P> +Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the +aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern +bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July, 1830, and in the +English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the +hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political contest was +altogether out of question. A literary battle alone remained possible. +But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration +period(<A NAME="ch03fn1text"></A><A HREF="#ch03fn1">a</A>) had become impossible. +</P> + +<P> +In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose +sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their +indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited +working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by +singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his ears +sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe. +</P> + +<P> +In this way arose feudal Socialism; half lamentation, half lampoon; +half echo of the past, half menace of the future, at times by its +bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the +very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effects, through total +incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history. +</P> + +<P> +The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the +proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often +as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of +arms and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. +</P> + +<P> +One section of the French Legitimists, and "Young England," exhibited +this spectacle. +</P> + +<P> +In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from that +of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under +circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now +antiquated. In showing that under their rule the modern proletariat +never existed they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary +offspring of their own form of society. +</P> + +<P> +For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of +their criticism, that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie +amounts to this: that under the bourgeois <I>regime</I> a class is being +developed, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of +society. +</P> + +<P> +What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a +proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat. +</P> + +<P> +In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures +against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high +falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from +the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honor for traffic +in wool, beet-root sugar and potato spirit(<A NAME="ch03fn2text"></A><A HREF="#ch03fn2">b</A>). +</P> + +<P> +As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has +Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism. +</P> + +<P> +Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge. +Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against +marriages, against the State? Has it not preached in the place of +these charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, +monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the Holy +Water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the +aristocrat. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +(<I>b</I>) <I>Petty Bourgeois Socialism</I>. +</H4> + +<P> +The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the +bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and +perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The medieval +burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the +modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed, +industrially and commercially these two classes still vegetate side by +side with the rising bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed, a +new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between +proletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself as a +supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of +this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the +proletariat by the action of competition and as modern industry +develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will +completely disappear as an independent section of modern society to be +replaced in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, +bailiffs and shopmen. +</P> + +<P> +In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than +half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the +proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use in their criticism of +the bourgeois <I>regime</I>, the standard of the peasant and petty +bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should +take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty bourgeois +Socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France +but also in England. +</P> + +<P> +This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the +contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare +the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved incontrovertibly +the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor; the +concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and +crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and +peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the +crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war +of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, +of the old family relations, of the old nationalities. +</P> + +<P> +In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either to +restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them +the old property relations and the old society, or to cramping the +modern means of production and of exchange, within the frame work of +the old property relations that have been and were bound to be exploded +by those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian. +</P> + +<P> +Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal +relations in agriculture. +</P> + +<P> +Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all +intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in +a miserable fit of the blues. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +(<I>c</I>) <I>German or "True" Socialism</I>. +</H4> + +<P> +The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature that +originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was +the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into +Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun +its contest with feudal absolutism. +</P> + +<P> +German philosophers,—would-be philosophers and <I>beaux +esprits</I>,—eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when +these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social +conditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German +social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate +practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to +the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the +first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of +"Practical Reason" in general, and the utterances of the will of the +revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws of +pure will, of will as it was bound to be, of true human will generally. +</P> + +<P> +The work of the German <I>literati</I> consisted solely in bringing the new +French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, +or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own +philosophic point of view. +</P> + +<P> +This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language +is appropriated, namely, by translation. +</P> + +<P> +It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints +over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom +had been written. The German <I>literati</I> reversed this process with the +profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense +beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French +criticism of the economic functions of money they wrote "Alienation of +Humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they +wrote "Dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth. +</P> + +<P> +The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the +French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True +Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical Foundation of +Socialism," and so on. +</P> + +<P> +The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely +emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to +express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of +having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing not true +requirements but the requirements of truth, not the interests of the +proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who +belongs to no class, has no reality, and exists only in the misty realm +of philosophical phantasy. +</P> + +<P> +This German Socialism, which took its school-boy task so seriously and +solemnly, and extolled its poor stock in trade in such mountebank +fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence. +</P> + +<P> +The fight of the German, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie, +against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the +liberal movement, became more earnest. +</P> + +<P> +By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True +Socialism" of confronting the political movement with the Socialist +demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, +against representative government, against bourgeois competition, +bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois +liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had +nothing to gain and everything to lose by this bourgeois movement. +German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French +criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern +bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of +existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very +things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in +Germany. +</P> + +<P> +To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, +professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome +scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets +with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German +working-class risings. +</P> + +<P> +While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a weapon for +fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly +represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the German +philistines. In Germany the <I>petty bourgeois</I> class, a relique of the +16th century and since then constantly cropping up again under various +forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things. +</P> + +<P> +To preserve this class, is to preserve the existing state of things in +Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie +threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the +concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a +revolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two +birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic. +</P> + +<P> +The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, +steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in +which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths" all +skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods +amongst such a public. +</P> + +<P> +And on its part, German Socialism recognized more and more its own +calling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeois +philistine. +</P> + +<P> +It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German +petty philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness +of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, +the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme +length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of +Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all +class-struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist +and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong +to the domain of this foul and enervating literature. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +2. CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM. +</H4> + +<P> +A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, +in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society. +</P> + +<P> +To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, +improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of charity, +members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, +temperance fanatics, hole and corner reformers of every imaginable +kind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out into +complete systems. +</P> + +<P> +We may cite Proudhon's <I>Philosophie de la Misère</I> as an example of this +form. +</P> + +<P> +The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social +conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting +therefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus its +revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie +without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world +in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism develops +this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. +In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to +march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in +reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of +existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning +the bourgeosie. +</P> + +<P> +A second and more practical, but less systematic form of this Socialism +sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the +working class, by showing that no mere political reform but a change in +the material conditions of existence in economical relations could be +of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of +existence this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands +abolition of the bourgeois relations of production,—an abolition that +can be effected only by a revolution—but administrative reforms, based +on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that +in no respect affect the relations between capital and labor, but, at +the best, lessen the cost and simplify the administrative work of +bourgeois government. +</P> + +<P> +Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when, +it becomes a mere figure of speech. +</P> + +<P> +Free Trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective Duties: +for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit +of the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously +meant word of bourgeois Socialism. +</P> + +<P> +It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois—for the +benefit of the working class. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM. +</H4> + +<P> +We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern +revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, +such as the writings of Baboeuf and others. +</P> + +<P> +The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, +made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being +overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then +undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the +economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be +produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. +The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of +the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated +universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form. +</P> + +<P> +The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of St. +Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the early +undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between +proletariat and bourgeoisie (see: Section I., Bourgeoisie and +Proletariat.) +</P> + +<P> +The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms as +well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form +of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them +the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any +independent political movement. +</P> + +<P> +Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the +development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does +not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation +of the proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science, +after new social laws, that are to create these conditions. +</P> + +<P> +Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, +historically created conditions of emancipation to phantastic ones, and +the gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an +organization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future +history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the +practical carrying out of their social plans. +</P> + +<P> +In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly +for the interest of the working class, as being the most suffering +class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class +does the proletariat exist for them. +</P> + +<P> +The undeveloped state of the class struggle as well as their own +surroundings cause Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far +superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition +of every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence they +habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; +nay, by preference to the ruling class. For how can people, when once +they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan +of the best possible state of society? +</P> + +<P> +Hence they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary +action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavor, +by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force +of example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel. +</P> + +<P> +Such phantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the +proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a +phantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the first +instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of +society. +</P> + +<P> +But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a critical +element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence they +are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the +working class. The practical measures proposed in them, such as the +abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, +of the carrying on of industries for the account of private +individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social +harmony, the conversion of the functions of the State into a mere +superintendence of production, all these proposals point solely to the +disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just +cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognized under +their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, +therefore, are of a purely Utopian character. +</P> + +<P> +The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears an +inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the +modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this +phantastic standing apart from the contest, these phantastic attacks on +it lose all practical value and all theoretical justification. +Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many +respects, revolutionary, their disciples have in every case formed mere +reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their +masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the +proletariat. They, therefore, endeavor, and that consistently, to +deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They +still dream of experimental realization of their social Utopias, of +founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing "Home Colonies," of +setting up a "Little Icaria"(<A NAME="ch03fn3text"></A><A HREF="#ch03fn3">c</A>)—duodecimo editions of the New +Jerusalem, and to realize all these castles in the air, they are +compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By +degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative +Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic +pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the +miraculous effects of their social science. +</P> + +<P> +They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of +the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from +blind unbelief in the new Gospel. +</P> + +<P> +The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, +oppose the Chartists and the "Réformistes." +</P> + +<BR><BR> + +<A NAME="ch03fn1"></A> +<A NAME="ch03fn2"></A> +<A NAME="ch03fn3"></A> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch03fn1text">a</A>) Not the English Restoration 1660 to 1689, but the French +Restoration 1814 to 1830. +</P> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch03fn2text">b</A>) This applies chiefly to Germany where the landed aristocracy and +squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their +own account by stewards, and are moreover, extensive beet-root sugar +manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier British +aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they, too, know how to +make up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters of more +or less shady joint-stock companies. +</P> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch03fn3text">c</A>) Phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles +Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his Utopia and, later +on, to his American Communist colony. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap04"></A> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +IV. +</H3> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION <BR> +TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES. +</H3> + +<P> +Section II. has made clear the relations of the Communists to the +existing working class parties, such as the Chartists in England and +the Agrarian Reformers in America. +</P> + +<P> +The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the +enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the +movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the +future of that movement. In France the Communists ally themselves with +the Social-Democrats(<A NAME="ch04fn1text"></A><A HREF="#ch04fn1">a</A>), against the conservative and radical +bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical +position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down +from the great Revolution. +</P> + +<P> +In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the +fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of +Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois. +</P> + +<P> +In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian +revolution, as the prime condition for national emancipation, that +party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846. +</P> + +<P> +In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a +revolutionary way against the absolute monarchy, the feudal +squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie. +</P> + +<P> +But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working +class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism +between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers +may straightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the +social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily +introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall +of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the +bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin. +</P> + +<P> +The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that +country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be +carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilization, +and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was in +the seventeenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and because +the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an +immediately following proletarian revolution. +</P> + +<P> +In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary +movement against the existing social and political order of things. +</P> + +<P> +In all these movements they bring, to the front, as the leading +question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of +development at the time. +</P> + +<P> +Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the +democratic parties of all countries. +</P> + +<P> +The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly +declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow +of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a +Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but +their chains. They have a world to win. +</P> + +<P> +Workingmen of all countries unite! +</P> + +<BR><BR> + +<A NAME="ch04fn1"></A> + +<P CLASS="footnote"> +(<A HREF="#ch04fn1text">a</A>) The party then represented in parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in +literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily press by the Reforme. The name +of Social-Democracy signified, with these its inventors, a section of +the Democratic or Republican party more or less tinged with Socialism. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<P CLASS="finis"> +THE END. +</P> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<HR> + +<BR><BR><BR> + +<A NAME="chap05"></A> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +The Preamble +</H3> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +OF THE +</H4> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> +INDUSTRIAL WORKERS +<BR> +OF THE WORLD +</H2> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +An Address Delivered at Minneapolis, Minn, +<BR> +By DANIEL DE LEON +</H3> + +<BR> + +<P> +The organization of the Industrial Workers of the World, at Chicago, +July 10, 1905, marked an epoch in the history of the Labor Movement in +America, for the reason that, as the preamble to the constitution +declares, there can be no peace between the exploited working class and +the exploiting capitalist class; the I. W. W. organized on that +basis—the recognition of the class struggle. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +A 48-PAGE PAMPHLET, 5 CENTS +</H4> + +<BR> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +Send all orders to .... +</P> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO. +<BR> +28 CITY HALL PLACE +<BR> +NEW YORK +</H3> + +<BR><BR> + +<HR> + +<BR><BR> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> +WHAT MEANS THIS STRIKE? +</H2> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +By DANIEL DE LEON +</H3> + +<P> +"What Means This Strike?" is an address delivered before the striking +textile workers of New Bedford, Mass. It is the best thing extant with +which to begin the study of Socialism. The strike is used as an object +lesson to show the nature of capitalist society. The development of +the capitalist is clearly given, showing why it is that the capitalist +class is able to live in idleness and luxury while the working class +rots in poverty and toil. +</P> + +<P> +CONTENTS.—Whence Do Wages Come, and Whence Profits—The Capitalist +System of Production—Nature of the "Work" Performed by the +Capitalist—Mechanism of Stock Corporation—Nature of the "Work" +Performed by the "Directors" of Stock Corporations—"Original +Accumulation"—How the Capitalist in General Gets His Capital—How Levi +P. Morton Got His Capital—The Class Struggle—Nature of the Conflict +Between the Working Class and the Capitalist Class—Development of +Capitalist Society—Development of the Strike—How the Capitalists Rob +Inventors—How the Capitalist Uses Machinery to Rob and Subjugate the +Working Class—Why the Modern Strike Is Usually a Failure—Principles +of the Organization the Working Class Must Have to Fight Successfully +the Capitalist Class—Weaknesses of "Pure and Simple" Trade +Unions—Career of Samuel Gompers—There Will Be No Safety for the +Working Class Until It Wrenches the Government from the Capitalist +Class, Abolishes the Wages System of Slavery, and Unfurls the Banner of +the Socialist Republic. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +Single Copies, 5 Cents; 100 Copies, +</H4> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +LITERATURE.<BR> +</H4> + +<PRE> +Leaflets, in English, per thousand .......................... $1.75 +Leaflets, in German, " " .......................... 3.00 +Leaflets, in Italian, " " .......................... 4.00 +Leaflets, in French, " " .......................... 4.00 +Leaflets, in Slavonic, " " .......................... 3.00 +Leaflets, in Croatian, " " .......................... 3.00 +Leaflets, in Spanish, " " .......................... 5.00 +Leaflets, in Polish, " " .......................... 4.00 +Leaflets, in Finnish, " " .......................... 5.00 +Leaflets, in Swedish, " " .......................... 3.00 +</PRE> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +NOTE.—-The requisite amount of each must accompany each order. All +supplies sent by the General Office have the postage or express charges +paid in advance. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO. +</H2> + +<H3 ALIGN="center"> +28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK +</H3> + +<BR><BR> + +<HR> + +<BR><BR> + +<H2 ALIGN="center"> +VALUE, PRICE, AND PROFIT +</H2> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +By KARL MARX. Edited by his daughter ELEANOR MARX AVELING. With an +Introduction and Annotations by LUCIEN SANIAL. +</P> + +<BR> + +<P> +This book is especially timely, like everything else that Marx wrote. +Written a couple of years before his "Capital" appeared, it is an +address to workingmen, and covers in popular form many of the subjects +later scientifically expanded in "Capital." +</P> + +<P> +Lucien Sanial says of it: "It is universally considered as the best +epitome we have of the first volume of 'Capital,' and as such, is +invaluable to the beginner in economics. It places him squarely on his +feet at the threshold of his inquiry; that is, in a position where his +perceptive faculties cannot be deceived and his reasoning power +vitiated by the very use of his eyesight; whereas, by the very nature +of his capitalist surroundings, he now stands on his head and sees all +things inverted." +</P> + +<P> +Special interest attaches to what Marx says relative to strikes. Were +the working Class thoroughly acquainted with the subject matter of this +little work, we should hear no more of the "common ground" on which +capital and labor might meet to settle their differences. +</P> + +<P> +The thousand and one schemes that are daily being flaunted in the faces +of the working class by the lieutenants of the capitalists show the +necessity there is on the part of the working class for a comprehensive +understanding of the matter of wages, the relation of the worker to the +employer, the source of profits, and the relation between profits and +wages. These and other subjects are here presented, and so clearly +does Marx present them that all he has to say can be understood by any +person willing to pay close attention to his words. +</P> + +<BR> + +<H4 ALIGN="center"> +Cloth, 50 Cents. Paper, 15 Cents. +<BR> +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS COMPANY, +<BR> +28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK. +</H4> + +<BR> + +<HR ALIGN="center" WIDTH="60%"> + +<P CLASS="noindent"> +From a Mechanical Standpoint +</P> + +<P> +it is the first one Marx's works published in America that can be +looked upon as a careful piece of publishing. It is to be hoped that +this excellent volume is the forerunner of other volumes of Marx, and +that America will have the honor of publishing an edition that is +accurate as to text, thorough in annotations, convenient in size, and +presentable in every way. The present book will delight the lover of +Marx, and every Socialist will desire a copy of it.—N. Y. Daily People. +</P> + +<HR ALIGN="center" WIDTH="60%"> + +<BR><BR><BR><BR> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Manifesto of the Communist Party, by +Karl Marx and Frederick Engels + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY *** + +***** This file should be named 31193-h.htm or 31193-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/1/1/9/31193/ + +Produced by Al Haines, from images obtained from The Internet Archive. + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Manifesto of the Communist Party + +Author: Karl Marx + Frederick Engels + +Editor: Frederick Engels + +Release Date: February 5, 2010 [EBook #31193] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY *** + + + + +Produced by Al Haines, from images obtained from The Internet Archive. + + + + + + + + + +Manifesto + +Of the + +Communist + +Party + + +By + +KARL MARX + +and + +FREDERICK ENGELS + + + +AUTHORIZED ENGLISH TRANSLATION + + +Edited and Annotated by Frederick Engels + + + + +_Price 10 Cents_ + + + + +NEW YORK + +Published by the New York Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place + +1908 + + + + +PREFACE + +The "Manifesto" was published as the platform of the "Communist +League," a workingmen's association, first exclusively German, later on +international, and, under the political conditions of the Continent +before 1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of the +League, held in London in November, 1847, Marx and Engels were +commissioned to prepare for publication a complete theoretical and +practical party programme. Drawn up in German, in January, 1848, the +manuscript was sent to the printer in London a few weeks before the +French revolution of February 24. A French translation was brought out +in Paris, shortly before the insurrection of June, 1848. The first +English translation, by Miss Helen Macfarlane, appeared in George +Julian Harney's "Red Republican," London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish +edition had also been published. + +The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June, 1848--the first great +battle between Proletariat and Bourgeoisie--drove again into the +background, for a time, the social and political aspirations of the +European working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for supremacy was +again, as it had been before the revolution of February, solely between +the different sections of the propertied class; the working class was +reduced to a fight for political elbow-room, and to the position of +extreme wing of the Middle-class Radicals. Wherever independent +proletarian movements continued to show signs of life, they were +ruthlessly hunted down. Thus the Prussian police hunted out the +Central Board of the Communist League, then located in Cologne. The +members were arrested, and, after eighteen months' imprisonment, they +were tried in October, 1852. This celebrated "Cologne Communist trial" +lasted from October 4 till November 12; seven of the prisoners were +sentenced to terms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from three to +six years. Immediately after the sentence the League was formally +dissolved by the remaining members. As to the "Manifesto," it seemed +thenceforth to be doomed to oblivion. + +When the European working class had recovered sufficient strength for +another attack on the ruling classes, the International Workingmen's +Association sprang up. But this association, formed with the express +aim of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe +and America, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the +"Manifesto." The International was bound to have a programme broad +enough to be acceptable to the English Trades' Unions, to the followers +of Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy and Spain, and to the +Lassalleans(a) in Germany. Marx, who drew up this programme to the +satisfaction of all parties, entirely trusted to the intellectual +development of the working class, which was sure to result from +combined action and mutual discussion. The very events and +vicissitudes of the struggle against Capital, the defeats even more +than the victories, could not help bringing home to men's minds the +insufficiency of their various favorite nostrums, and preparing the way +for a more complete insight into the true conditions of working-class +emancipation. And Marx was right. The International, on its breaking +up in 1874, left the workers quite different men from what it had found +them in 1864. Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in Germany, were +dying out, and even the conservative English Trades' Unions, though +most of them had long since severed their connection with the +International, were gradually advancing towards that point at which, +last year at Swansea, their President could say in their name, +"Continental Socialism has lost its terrors for us." In fact, the +principles of the "Manifesto" had made considerable headway among the +workingmen of all countries. + +The Manifesto itself thus came to the front again. The German text had +been, since 1850, reprinted several times in Switzerland, England and +America. In 1872 it was translated into English in New York, where the +translation was published in "Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly." From +this English version a French one was made in "Le Socialiste" of New +York. Since then at least two more English translations, more or less +mutilated, have been brought out in America, and one of them has been +reprinted in England. The first Russian translation, made by +Bakounine, was published at Herzen's "Kolokol" office in Geneva, about +1863; a second one, by the heroic Vera Zasulitch, also in Geneva, 1882. +A new Danish edition is to be found in "Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek," +Copenhagen, 1885; a fresh French translation in "Le Socialiste," Paris, +1886. From this latter a Spanish version was prepared and published in +Madrid, 1886. The German reprints are not to be counted; there have +been twelve altogether at the least. An Armenian translation, which +was to be published in Constantinople some months ago, did not see the +light, I am told, because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a +book with the name of Marx on it, while the translator declined to call +it his own production. Of further translations into other languages I +have heard, but have not seen them. Thus the history of the Manifesto +reflects, to a great extent, the history of the modern working class +movement; at present it is undoubtedly the most widespread, the most +international production of all Socialist Literature, the common +platform acknowledged by millions of workingmen from Siberia to +California. + +Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a _Socialist_ +Manifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand, +the adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenites in England, +Fourierists in France, both of them already reduced to the position of +mere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the most +multifarious social quacks, who, by all manners of tinkering, professed +to redress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of +social grievances; in both cases men outside the working class movement +and looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. Whatever +portion of the working classes had become convinced of the +insufficiency of mere political revolutions, and had proclaimed the +necessity of a total social change, that portion, then, called itself +Communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely instinctive sort of +Communism; still it touched the cardinal point and was powerful enough +among the working class to produce the Utopian Communism, in France of +Cabet, and in Germany of Weitling. Thus, Socialism was, in 1847, a +middle class movement, Communism a working class movement. Socialism +was, on the Continent at least, "respectable"; Communism was the very +opposite. And as our notion, from the very beginning was, that "the +emancipation of the working class must be the act of the working class +itself," there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must +take. Moreover, we have ever since been far from repudiating it. + +The "Manifesto" being our joint production, I consider myself bound to +state that the fundamental proposition which forms its nucleus belongs +to Marx. That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, the +prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social +organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which +is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and +intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history +of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding +land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, +contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed +classes; that the history of these class struggles forms a series of +evolution in which, nowadays, a stage has been reached where the +exploited and the oppressed class--the proletariat--cannot attain its +emancipation from the sway of the exploiting and ruling class--the +bourgeoisie--without, at the same time, and once for all, emancipating +society at large from all exploitation, oppression, class distinctions +and class struggles. + +This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do for history +what Darwin's theory has done for biology, we, both of us, had been +gradually approaching for some years before 1845. How far I had +independently progressed toward it, is best shown by my "Condition of +the Working Class in England."(b) But when I again met Marx at +Brussels in the spring of 1845, he had it ready worked out, and put it +before me, in terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it +here. + +From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote the +following: + +"However much the state of things may have altered during the last +twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in this Manifesto +are, on the whole, as correct to-day as ever. Here and there some +detail might be improved. The practical application of the principles +will depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all +times, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, and +for that reason no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures +proposed at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many +respects, be very differently worded to-day. In view of the gigantic +strides of modern industry since 1848, and of the accompanying improved +and extended organization of the working class; in view of the +practical experience gained, first in the February revolution, and +then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the proletariat for the +first time held political power for two whole months, this programme +has in some details become antiquated. One thing especially was proved +by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of +the ready-made State machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.' +(See 'The Civil War in France; Address of the General Council of the +International Workingmen's Association,' London, Truelove, 1871, p. 15, +where this point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident +that the criticism of Socialist literature is deficient in relation to +the present time, because it comes down only to 1847; also, that the +remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various opposition +parties (Section IV.), although in principle still correct, yet in +practice are antiquated, because the political situation has been +entirely changed, and the progress of history has swept from off the +earth the greater portion of the political parties there enumerated. + +"But, then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which we +have no longer any right to alter." + +The present translation is by Mr. Samuel Moore, the translator of the +greater portion of Marx's "Capital." We have revised it and I have +added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions. + +FREDERICK ENGELS. + +London, January 30, 1888. + + + +(a) Lassalle personally, to us, always acknowledged himself to be a +disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood on the ground of the "Manifesto." +But in his public agitation, 1862-64, he did not go beyond demanding +co-operative workshops supported by State credit. + +(b) The condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. By +Frederick Engels. Translated by Florence K. Wischnewetzky. To be had +from the N. Y. Labor News Co., 28 City Hall Place, New York. + + + + +MANIFESTO + +OF THE + +COMMUNIST PARTY. + + +BY KARL MARX AND FREDERICK ENGELS. + + +A specter is haunting Europe--the specter of Communism. All the powers +of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this +specter; Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and +German police spies. + +Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as +Communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has +not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more +advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary +adversaries? + +Two things result from this fact. + +I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be in +itself a power. + +II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the +whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and +meet this nursery tale of the Specter of Communism with a Manifesto of +the party itself. + +To this end the Communists of various nationalities have assembled in +London, and sketched the following manifesto to be published in the +English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. + + + +I. + +BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS.(a) + +The history of all hitherto existing society(b) is the history of class +struggles. + +Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, +guildmaster(c) and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, +stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an +uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, that each time ended, either +in the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the +common ruin of the contending classes. + +In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a +complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold +gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, +plebeians, slaves; in the middle ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild +masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these +classes, again, subordinate gradations. + +The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal +society, has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but +established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of +struggle in place of the old ones. + +Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeois, possesses, however, this +distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society +as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, +into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and +Proletariat. + +From the serfs of the middle ages sprang the chartered burghers of the +earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the +bourgeoisie were developed. + +The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh +ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinese +markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the +increase in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to +commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, +and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal +society, a rapid development. + +The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was +monopolized by close guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing +wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. +The guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufacturing middle +class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds +vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop. + +Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even +manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon steam and machinery +revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was +taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle +class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial +armies, the modern bourgeois. + +Modern industry has established the world's market, for which the +discovery of America paved the way. The market has given an immense +development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This +development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and +in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation and railways extended, +in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its +capital, and pushed into the background every class handed down from +the middle ages. + +We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of +a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes +of production and of exchange. + +Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a +corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class +under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing +association in the medieval commune(d), here independent urban republic +(as in Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy +(as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, +serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a +counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the +great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the +establishment of Modern Industry and of the world's market, conquered +for itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political +sway. The executive of the modern State is but a committee for +managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. + +The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. + +The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to +all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn +asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural +superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man +than naked self-interest, callous "cash payment." It has drowned the +most heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, +of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical +calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and +in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up +that single, unconscionable freedom--Free Trade. In one word, for +exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has +substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. + +The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto +honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the +physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into +its paid wage laborers. + +The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and +has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. + +The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal +display of vigor in the middle ages, which Reactionists so much admire, +found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has +been the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has +accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, +and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the +shade all former Exoduses of nations and crusades. + +The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the +instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and +with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old +modes of production in unaltered forms, was, on the contrary, the first +condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant +revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social +conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation, distinguish the +bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen +relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and +opinions, are swept away; all new-formed ones become antiquated before +they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is +profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his +real conditions of life and his relations with his kind. + +The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the +bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle +everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. + +The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world's market +given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every +country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under +the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All +old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily +being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose +introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilized +nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw material, +but raw material drawn from the remotest zones, industries whose +products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the +globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the +country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the +products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and +national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every +direction, universal inter-dependence of nations. And as in material, +so also in intellectual production. The intellectual creations of +individual nations become common property. National one-sidedness and +narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the +numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world +literature. + +The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of +production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws +all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap +prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters +down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely +obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, +on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it +compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, +_i.e._, to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a +world after its own image. + +The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It +has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population +as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of +the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the +country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and +semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of +peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. + +The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state +of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has +agglomerated population, centralized means of production, and has +concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of +this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely +connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and +systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one +government, one code of laws, one national class interest, one +frontier, and one customs tariff. + +The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has +created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all +preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature's forces to man, +machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam +navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents +for cultivation, canalization of rivers, whole populations conjured out +of the ground--what earlier century had even a presentiment that such +productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? + +We see then: the means of production and of exchange on whose +foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal +society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of +production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society +produced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and +manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property, +became no longer compatible with the already developed productive +forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder. + +Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and +political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and +political sway of the bourgeois class. + +A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois +society with its relations of production, of exchange, and of property, +a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of +exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to control the +powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For +many a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the +history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern +conditions of production, against the property relations that are the +conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is +enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return +put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the +bourgeois society. In these crises a great part not only of the +existing products, but also of the previously created productive +forces, is periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an +epidemic that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an +absurdity--the epidemic of overproduction. Society suddenly finds +itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a +famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every +means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and +why? because there is too much civilization, too much means of +subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive +forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the +development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, +they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are +fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring +disorder into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of +bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow +to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie +get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a +mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new +markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That +is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive +crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented. + +The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground +are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. + +But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to +itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield +those weapons--the modern working class--the proletarians. + +In proportion as the bourgeoisie, _i.e._, capital, is developed, in the +same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, +developed; a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find +work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. +These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, +like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to +all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the +market. + +Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, the +work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, +consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of +the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most +easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of +production of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means of +subsistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the +propagation of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore +also of labor, is equal, in the long run, to its cost of production. +In proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, +the wage decreases. Nay, more, in proportion as the use of machinery +and division of labor increase, in the same proportion the burden of +toil also increases, whether by prolongation of the working hours, by +increase of the work exacted in a given time, or by increased speed of +the machinery, etc. + +Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal +master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of +laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As +privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a +perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves +of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State, they are daily and +hourly enslaved by the machine, by the over-seer, and, above all, by +the individual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this +despotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the +more hateful and the more embittering it is. + +The less skill and exertion of strength is implied in manual labor, in +other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is +the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and +sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working +class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, +according to age and sex. + +No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer so far +at an end that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by +the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, +the pawnbroker, etc. + +The lower strata of the middle class--the small trades-people, +shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and +peasants--all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because +their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modern +industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the +large capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered +worthless by new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is +recruited from all classes of the population. + +The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With its +birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest +is carried on by individual laborers, then by the workpeople of a +factory, then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against +the individual bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their +attacks not against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against +the instruments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares +that compete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set +factories ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of +the workman of the middle ages. + +At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over +the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If +anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the +consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the +bourgeoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is +compelled to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, +for a time, able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians +do not fight their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the +remnants of absolute monarchy, and land owners, the non-industrial +bourgeois, the petty bourgeoisie. Thus the whole historical movement +is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so +obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie. + +But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases +in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength +grows and it feels that strength more. The various interests and +conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and +more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions +of labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. +The growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting +commercial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. +The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, +makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between +individual workman and individual bourgeois take more and more the +character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workers +begin to form combinations (Trades' Unions) against the bourgeois; they +club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found +permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these +occasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots. + +Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real +fruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result but in the ever +improved means of communication that are created in modern industry and +that place the workers of different localities in contact with one +another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the +numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national +struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political +struggle. And that union, to attain which the burghers of the middle +ages, with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern +proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years. + +This organization of the proletarians into a class and consequently +into a political party, is continually being upset again by the +competition between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up +again; stronger, firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition +of particular interests of the workers, by taking advantage of the +divisions among the bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hours' bill in +England was carried. + +Altogether collisions between the classes of the old society further, +in many ways, the course of the development of the proletariat. The +bourgeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with +the aristocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie +itself whose interests have become antagonistic to the progress of +industry; at all times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In +all these countries it sees itself compelled to appeal to the +proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus to drag it into the +political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the +proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. + +Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes +are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or +are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also +supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and +progress. + +Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the +process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within +the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring +character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, +and joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in +its hands. Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the +nobility went over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the +bourgeoisie goes over to the proletariat, and in particular, a portion +of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised themselves to the level +of comprehending theoretically the historical movement as a whole. + +Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie to-day, +the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other +classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; the +proletariat is its special and essential product. + +The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the +artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie to save +from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They +are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are +reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by +chance they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their +impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their +present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint +to place themselves at that of the proletariat. + +The "dangerous class," the social scum, that passively rotting class +thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may, here and there, be +swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of +life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of +reactionary intrigue. + +In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large are +already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his +relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common with +the bourgeois family relations; modern industrial labor, modern +subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as +in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. +Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, +behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. + +All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify +their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their +conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of +the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own +previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous +mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure and to +fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and +insurances of, individual property. + +All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in +the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the +self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the +interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum +of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without +the whole super-incumbent strata of official society being sprung into +the air. + +Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat +with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat +of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its +own bourgeoisie. + +In depicting the most general phases of the development of the +proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within +existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open +revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the +foundation for the sway of the proletariat. + +Hitherto every form of society has been based, as we have already seen, +on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to +oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it under which it +can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period +of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the +petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to +develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, instead +of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper below +the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and +pauperism develops more rapidly than population and wealth. And here +it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the +ruling class in society and to impose its conditions of existence upon +society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to rule because it is +incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, +because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it has +to feed him instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live +under this bourgeoisie; in other words, its existence is no longer +compatible with society. + +The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the +bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the +condition for capital is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively on +competition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose +involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the +laborers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due +to association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts +from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie +produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore +produces, above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and the +victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. + + + +(a) By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Capitalists, owners of +the means of social production and employers of wage-labor. By +proletariat, the class of modern wage-laborers who, having no means of +production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor-power in +order to live. + +(b) That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, +the social organization existing previous to recorded history, was all +but unknown. Since then, Haxthausen discovered common ownership of +land in Russia, Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which +all Teutonic races started in history, and by and by village +communities were found to be, or to have been the primitive form of +society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organization of +this primitive Communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, +by Morgan's crowning discovery of the true nature of the Gens and its +relation to the Tribe. With the dissolution of these primaeval +communities society begins to be differentiated into separate and +finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this process +of dissolution in: "Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und +des Staats," 2nd edit., Stuttgart, 1886. + +(c) Guildmaster, that is a full member of a guild, a master within, not +a head of a guild. + +(d) "Commune" was the name taken, in France, by the nascent towns even +before they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters, local +self-government and political rights as the "Third Estate." Generally +speaking, for the economical development of the bourgeoisie, England is +here taken as the typical country; for its political development, +France. + + + + +II. + +PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS. + +In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole? + +The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working +class parties. + +They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat +as a whole. + +They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which to +shape and mould the proletarian movement. + +The Communists are distinguished from the other working class parties +by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of the +different countries, they point out and bring to the front the common +interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. +2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the +working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always +and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. + +The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most +advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of every +country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other +hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat +the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the +conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian +movement. + +The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the +other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, +overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by +the proletariat. + +The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on +ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or +that would-be universal reformer. + +They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from +an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under +our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at +all a distinctive feature of Communism. + +All property relations in the past have continually been subject to +historical change, consequent upon the change in historical conditions. + +The French revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor +of bourgeois property. + +The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of +property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But +modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete +expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that +is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the +few. + +In this sense the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the +single sentence: Abolition of private property. + +We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the +right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own +labor, which property is alleged to be the ground work of all personal +freedom, activity and independence. + +Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the +property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of +property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish +that; the development of industry has to a great extent already +destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily. + +Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property? + +But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. +It creates capital, _i.e._, that kind of property which exploits +wage-labor, and which cannot increase except upon condition of +begetting a new supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Property, +in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage +labor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. + +To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social +status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the +united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the +united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. + +Capital is therefore not a personal, it is a social power. + +When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the +property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby +transformed into social property. It is only the social character of +the property that is changed. It loses its class character. + +Let us now take wage-labor. + +The average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage, _i.e._, that +quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite to +keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the +wage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor, merely suffices to +prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend to +abolish this personal appropriation of the products of labor, an +appropriation that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of +human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor +of others. All that we want to do away with, is the miserable +character of this appropriation, under which the laborer lives merely +to increase capital, and is allowed to live only in so far as the +interest of the ruling class requires it. + +In bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increase +accumulated labor. In Communist society accumulated labor is but a +means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer. + +In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in +Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois +society capital is independent and has individuality, while the living +person is dependent and has no individuality. + +And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois: +abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition +of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois +freedom is undoubtedly aimed at. + +By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of +production, free trade, free selling and buying. + +But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying +disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the +other "brave words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a +meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, +with the fettered traders of the middle ages, but have no meaning when +opposed to the Communistic abolition of buying and selling, of the +bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself. + +You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. +But in your existing society private property is already done away with +for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely +due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You +reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of +property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the +non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society. + +In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your +property. Precisely so: that is just what we intend. + +From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital, +money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, +_i.e._, from the moment when individual property can no longer be +transformed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, +you say, individuality vanishes! + +You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other +person than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of property. +This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible. + +Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of +society: all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate +the labor of others by means of such appropriation. + +It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property all +work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us. + +According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the +dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire +nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work. The whole of +this objection is but another expression of tautology, that there can +no longer be any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital. + +All objections against the Communistic mode of producing and +appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged +against the Communistic modes of producing and appropriating +intellectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois the disappearance of +class property is the disappearance of production itself, so the +disappearance of class culture is to him identical with the +disappearance of all culture. + +That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous +majority, a mere training to act as a machine. + +But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intended +abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions +of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth +of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, +just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a +law for all, a will, whose essential character and direction are +determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class. + +The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal +laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your +present mode of production and form of property--historical relations +that rise and disappear in the progress of production--the +misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. +What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in +the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in +the case of your own bourgeois form of property. + +Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this +infamous proposal of the Communists. + +On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based? +On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form this +family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things +finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the +proletarians, and in public prostitution. + +The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its +complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. + +Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by +their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. + +But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we +replace home education by social. + +And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the +social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct +or indirect, of society by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have +not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek +to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education +from the influence of the ruling class. + +The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the +hallowed co-relation of parent and child become all the more +disgusting, as, by the action of modern industry, all family ties among +the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into +simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor. + +But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the +whole bourgeoisie in chorus. + +The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He +hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, +and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of +being common to all will likewise fall to the women. + +He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away +with the status of women as mere instruments of production. + +For the rest nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation +of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to +be openly and officially established by the Communists. The Communists +have no need to introduce community of women; it has existed almost +from time immemorial. + +Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their +proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, +take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. + +Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common, and thus, +at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with, is +that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically +concealed, an openly legalized community of women. For the rest it is +self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production +must bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing +from that system, _i.e._, of prostitution both public and private. + +The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish +countries and nationality. + +The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them what they +have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire +political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, +must constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, +though not in the bourgeois sense of the word. + +National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily more and +more vanishing; owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom +of commerce, to the world's market, to uniformity in the mode of +production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. + +The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still +faster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is +one of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. + +In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put +an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put +an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the +nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to an +end. + +The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical, +and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are not deserving of +serious examination. + +Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views, +and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness changes with every +change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social +relations and in his social life? + +What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual +production changes its character in proportion as material production +is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of +its ruling class. + +When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do but +express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one +have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even +pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. + +When the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient religions +were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the +eighteenth century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its +death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of +religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to +the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. + +"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical and +juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical +development. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, +and law, constantly survived this change. + +"There are besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., +that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes +eternal truths, it abolishes all religion and all morality, instead of +constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to +all past historical experience." + +What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past +society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, +antagonisms that assumed different forms at different epochs. + +But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past +ages, viz., they exploitation of one part of society by the other. No +wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all +the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common +forms, or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the +total disappearance of class antagonisms. + +The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional +property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most +radical rupture with traditional ideas. + +But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism. + +We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the working +class is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class; +to win the battle of democracy. + +The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, +all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all instruments of +production in the hands of the State, _i.e._, of the proletariat +organized as the ruling class; and to increase the total of productive +forces as rapidly as possible. + +Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means of +despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of +bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear +economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of +the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the +old social order and are unavoidable as a means of entirely +revolutionizing the mode of production. + +These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. + +Nevertheless in the most advanced countries the following will be +pretty generally applicable: + +1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land +to public purposes. + +2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. + +3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. + +4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. + +5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a +national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly. + +6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the +hands of the State. + +7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the +State; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the +improvement of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. + +8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrial +armies, especially for agriculture. + +9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries: gradual +abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more +equable distribution of the population over the country. + +10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of +children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education +with industrial production, etc., etc. + +When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared +and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast +association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its +political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely +the organized power of one class for oppressing another. If the +proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by +the force of circumstances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means +of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps +away by force the old conditions of production then it will, along with +these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence of +class antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will thereby have +abolished its own supremacy as a class. + +In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class +antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development +of each is the condition for the free development of all. + + + + +III. + +SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE. + +I. REACTIONARY SOCIALISM. + +(_a_) _Feudal Socialism_. + +Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the +aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern +bourgeois society. In the French revolution of July, 1830, and in the +English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the +hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political contest was +altogether out of question. A literary battle alone remained possible. +But even in the domain of literature the old cries of the restoration +period(a) had become impossible. + +In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy were obliged to lose +sight, apparently, of their own interests, and to formulate their +indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited +working class alone. Thus the aristocracy took their revenge by +singing lampoons on their new master, and whispering in his ears +sinister prophecies of coming catastrophe. + +In this way arose feudal Socialism; half lamentation, half lampoon; +half echo of the past, half menace of the future, at times by its +bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the +very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effects, through total +incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history. + +The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the +proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often +as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of +arms and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter. + +One section of the French Legitimists, and "Young England," exhibited +this spectacle. + +In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different from that +of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under +circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now +antiquated. In showing that under their rule the modern proletariat +never existed they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary +offspring of their own form of society. + +For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of +their criticism, that their chief accusation against the bourgeoisie +amounts to this: that under the bourgeois _regime_ a class is being +developed, which is destined to cut up root and branch the old order of +society. + +What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a +proletariat, as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat. + +In political practice, therefore, they join in all coercive measures +against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high +falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from +the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honor for traffic +in wool, beet-root sugar and potato spirit(b). + +As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has +Clerical Socialism with Feudal Socialism. + +Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a Socialist tinge. +Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against +marriages, against the State? Has it not preached in the place of +these charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, +monastic life and Mother Church? Christian Socialism is but the Holy +Water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the +aristocrat. + + +(_b_) _Petty Bourgeois Socialism_. + +The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by the +bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence pined and +perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society. The medieval +burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the precursors of the +modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are but little developed, +industrially and commercially these two classes still vegetate side by +side with the rising bourgeoisie. + +In countries where modern civilization has become fully developed, a +new class of petty bourgeois has been formed, fluctuating between +proletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing itself as a +supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual members of +this class, however, are being constantly hurled down into the +proletariat by the action of competition and as modern industry +develops, they even see the moment approaching when they will +completely disappear as an independent section of modern society to be +replaced in manufactures, agriculture and commerce, by overlookers, +bailiffs and shopmen. + +In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than +half of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the +proletariat against the bourgeoisie, should use in their criticism of +the bourgeois _regime_, the standard of the peasant and petty +bourgeois, and from the standpoint of these intermediate classes should +take up the cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty bourgeois +Socialism. Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France +but also in England. + +This school of Socialism dissected with great acuteness the +contradictions in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare +the hypocritical apologies of economists. It proved incontrovertibly +the disastrous effects of machinery and division of labor; the +concentration of capital and land in a few hands; overproduction and +crises; it pointed out the inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and +peasant, the misery of the proletariat, the anarchy in production, the +crying inequalities in the distribution of wealth, the industrial war +of extermination between nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, +of the old family relations, of the old nationalities. + +In its positive aims, however, this form of Socialism aspires either to +restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them +the old property relations and the old society, or to cramping the +modern means of production and of exchange, within the frame work of +the old property relations that have been and were bound to be exploded +by those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian. + +Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal +relations in agriculture. + +Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all +intoxicating effects of self-deception, this form of Socialism ended in +a miserable fit of the blues. + + +(_c_) _German or "True" Socialism_. + +The Socialist and Communist literature of France, a literature that +originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was +the expression of the struggle against this power, was introduced into +Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begun +its contest with feudal absolutism. + +German philosophers,--would-be philosophers and _beaux +esprits_,--eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when +these writings immigrated from France into Germany, French social +conditions had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German +social conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate +practical significance, and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to +the German philosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the +first French Revolution were nothing more than the demands of +"Practical Reason" in general, and the utterances of the will of the +revolutionary French bourgeoisie signified in their eyes the laws of +pure will, of will as it was bound to be, of true human will generally. + +The work of the German _literati_ consisted solely in bringing the new +French ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience, +or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own +philosophic point of view. + +This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language +is appropriated, namely, by translation. + +It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic Saints +over the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancient heathendom +had been written. The German _literati_ reversed this process with the +profane French literature. They wrote their philosophical nonsense +beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French +criticism of the economic functions of money they wrote "Alienation of +Humanity," and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois State they +wrote "Dethronement of the Category of the General," and so forth. + +The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the +French historical criticisms they dubbed "Philosophy of Action," "True +Socialism," "German Science of Socialism," "Philosophical Foundation of +Socialism," and so on. + +The French Socialist and Communist literature was thus completely +emasculated. And, since it ceased in the hands of the German to +express the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of +having overcome "French one-sidedness" and of representing not true +requirements but the requirements of truth, not the interests of the +proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who +belongs to no class, has no reality, and exists only in the misty realm +of philosophical phantasy. + +This German Socialism, which took its school-boy task so seriously and +solemnly, and extolled its poor stock in trade in such mountebank +fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence. + +The fight of the German, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie, +against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, the +liberal movement, became more earnest. + +By this, the long wished-for opportunity was offered to "True +Socialism" of confronting the political movement with the Socialist +demands, of hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, +against representative government, against bourgeois competition, +bourgeois freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois +liberty and equality, and of preaching to the masses that they had +nothing to gain and everything to lose by this bourgeois movement. +German Socialism forgot, in the nick of time, that the French +criticism, whose silly echo it was, presupposed the existence of modern +bourgeois society, with its corresponding economic conditions of +existence, and the political constitution adapted thereto, the very +things whose attainment was the object of the pending struggle in +Germany. + +To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, +professors, country squires and officials, it served as a welcome +scarecrow against the threatening bourgeoisie. + +It was a sweet finish after the bitter pills of floggings and bullets +with which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the German +working-class risings. + +While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a weapon for +fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time, directly +represented a reactionary interest, the interest of the German +philistines. In Germany the _petty bourgeois_ class, a relique of the +16th century and since then constantly cropping up again under various +forms, is the real social basis of the existing state of things. + +To preserve this class, is to preserve the existing state of things in +Germany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie +threatens it with certain destruction; on the one hand, from the +concentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a +revolutionary proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two +birds with one stone. It spread like an epidemic. + +The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric, +steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in +which the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths" all +skin and bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods +amongst such a public. + +And on its part, German Socialism recognized more and more its own +calling as the bombastic representative of the petty bourgeois +philistine. + +It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German +petty philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness +of this model man it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, +the exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme +length of directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of +Communism, and of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all +class-struggles. With very few exceptions, all the so-called Socialist +and Communist publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong +to the domain of this foul and enervating literature. + + +2. CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM. + +A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances, +in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society. + +To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, +improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of charity, +members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals, +temperance fanatics, hole and corner reformers of every imaginable +kind. This form of Socialism has, moreover, been worked out into +complete systems. + +We may cite Proudhon's _Philosophie de la Misere_ as an example of this +form. + +The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social +conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting +therefrom. They desire the existing state of society minus its +revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a bourgeoisie +without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally conceives the world +in which it is supreme to be the best; and bourgeois socialism develops +this comfortable conception into various more or less complete systems. +In requiring the proletariat to carry out such a system, and thereby to +march straightway into the social New Jerusalem, it but requires in +reality, that the proletariat should remain within the bounds of +existing society, but should cast away all its hateful ideas concerning +the bourgeosie. + +A second and more practical, but less systematic form of this Socialism +sought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the +working class, by showing that no mere political reform but a change in +the material conditions of existence in economical relations could be +of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions of +existence this form of Socialism, however, by no means understands +abolition of the bourgeois relations of production,--an abolition that +can be effected only by a revolution--but administrative reforms, based +on the continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that +in no respect affect the relations between capital and labor, but, at +the best, lessen the cost and simplify the administrative work of +bourgeois government. + +Bourgeois Socialism attains adequate expression, when, and only when, +it becomes a mere figure of speech. + +Free Trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective Duties: +for the benefit of the working class. Prison Reform: for the benefit +of the working class. This is the last word and the only seriously +meant word of bourgeois Socialism. + +It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois--for the +benefit of the working class. + + +3. CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM. + +We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern +revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, +such as the writings of Baboeuf and others. + +The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, +made in times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being +overthrown, these attempts necessarily failed, owing to the then +undeveloped state of the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the +economic conditions for its emancipation, conditions that had yet to be +produced, and could be produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. +The revolutionary literature that accompanied these first movements of +the proletariat had necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated +universal asceticism and social levelling in its crudest form. + +The Socialist and Communist systems properly so called, those of St. +Simon, Fourier, Owen and others, spring into existence in the early +undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between +proletariat and bourgeoisie (see: Section I., Bourgeoisie and +Proletariat.) + +The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms as +well as the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form +of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them +the spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any +independent political movement. + +Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with the +development of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does +not as yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation +of the proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science, +after new social laws, that are to create these conditions. + +Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action, +historically created conditions of emancipation to phantastic ones, and +the gradual, spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an +organization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future +history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the +practical carrying out of their social plans. + +In the formation of their plans they are conscious of caring chiefly +for the interest of the working class, as being the most suffering +class. Only from the point of view of being the most suffering class +does the proletariat exist for them. + +The undeveloped state of the class struggle as well as their own +surroundings cause Socialists of this kind to consider themselves far +superior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition +of every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence they +habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; +nay, by preference to the ruling class. For how can people, when once +they understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan +of the best possible state of society? + +Hence they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary +action; they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavor, +by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by the force +of example, to pave the way for the new social Gospel. + +Such phantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the +proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a +phantastic conception of its own position, correspond with the first +instinctive yearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of +society. + +But these Socialist and Communist publications contain also a critical +element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence they +are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the +working class. The practical measures proposed in them, such as the +abolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, +of the carrying on of industries for the account of private +individuals, and of the wage system, the proclamation of social +harmony, the conversion of the functions of the State into a mere +superintendence of production, all these proposals point solely to the +disappearance of class antagonisms which were, at that time, only just +cropping up, and which, in these publications, are recognized under +their earliest, indistinct and undefined forms only. These proposals, +therefore, are of a purely Utopian character. + +The significance of Critical-Utopian Socialism and Communism bears an +inverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the +modern class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this +phantastic standing apart from the contest, these phantastic attacks on +it lose all practical value and all theoretical justification. +Therefore, although the originators of these systems were, in many +respects, revolutionary, their disciples have in every case formed mere +reactionary sects. They hold fast by the original views of their +masters, in opposition to the progressive historical development of the +proletariat. They, therefore, endeavor, and that consistently, to +deaden the class struggle and to reconcile the class antagonisms. They +still dream of experimental realization of their social Utopias, of +founding isolated "phalansteres," of establishing "Home Colonies," of +setting up a "Little Icaria"(c)--duodecimo editions of the New +Jerusalem, and to realize all these castles in the air, they are +compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois. By +degrees they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative +Socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic +pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the +miraculous effects of their social science. + +They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of +the working class; such action, according to them, can only result from +blind unbelief in the new Gospel. + +The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, +oppose the Chartists and the "Reformistes." + + + +(a) Not the English Restoration 1660 to 1689, but the French +Restoration 1814 to 1830. + +(b) This applies chiefly to Germany where the landed aristocracy and +squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for their +own account by stewards, and are moreover, extensive beet-root sugar +manufacturers and distillers of potato spirits. The wealthier British +aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that; but they, too, know how to +make up for declining rents by lending their names to floaters of more +or less shady joint-stock companies. + +(c) Phalansteres were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles +Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Cabet to his Utopia and, later +on, to his American Communist colony. + + + + +IV. + +POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO THE VARIOUS EXISTING +OPPOSITION PARTIES. + +Section II. has made clear the relations of the Communists to the +existing working class parties, such as the Chartists in England and +the Agrarian Reformers in America. + +The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the +enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the +movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the +future of that movement. In France the Communists ally themselves with +the Social-Democrats(a), against the conservative and radical +bourgeoisie, reserving, however, the right to take up a critical +position in regard to phrases and illusions traditionally handed down +from the great Revolution. + +In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the +fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of +Democratic Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois. + +In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian +revolution, as the prime condition for national emancipation, that +party which fomented the insurrection of Cracow in 1846. + +In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a +revolutionary way against the absolute monarchy, the feudal +squirearchy, and the petty bourgeoisie. + +But they never cease, for a single instant, to instil into the working +class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism +between bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers +may straightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the +social and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily +introduce along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall +of the reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the +bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin. + +The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that +country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be +carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilization, +and with a much more developed proletariat, than that of England was in +the seventeenth, and of France in the eighteenth century, and because +the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an +immediately following proletarian revolution. + +In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary +movement against the existing social and political order of things. + +In all these movements they bring, to the front, as the leading +question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of +development at the time. + +Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the +democratic parties of all countries. + +The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly +declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow +of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a +Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but +their chains. They have a world to win. + +Workingmen of all countries unite! + + + +(a) The party then represented in parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in +literature by Louis Blanc, in the daily press by the Reforme. The name +of Social-Democracy signified, with these its inventors, a section of +the Democratic or Republican party more or less tinged with Socialism. + + + + +THE END. + + + + + + +The Preamble + +OF THE + +INDUSTRIAL WORKERS + +OF THE WORLD + +An Address Delivered at Minneapolis, Minn, + +By DANIEL DE LEON + + +The organization of the Industrial Workers of the World, at Chicago, +July 10, 1905, marked an epoch in the history of the Labor Movement in +America, for the reason that, as the preamble to the constitution +declares, there can be no peace between the exploited working class and +the exploiting capitalist class; the I. W. W. organized on that +basis--the recognition of the class struggle. + + +A 48-PAGE PAMPHLET, 5 CENTS + + +Send all orders to .... + +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO. + +28 CITY HALL PLACE + +NEW YORK + + + + +WHAT MEANS THIS STRIKE? + +By DANIEL DE LEON + +"What Means This Strike?" is an address delivered before the striking +textile workers of New Bedford, Mass. It is the best thing extant with +which to begin the study of Socialism. The strike is used as an object +lesson to show the nature of capitalist society. The development of +the capitalist is clearly given, showing why it is that the capitalist +class is able to live in idleness and luxury while the working class +rots in poverty and toil. + +CONTENTS.--Whence Do Wages Come, and Whence Profits--The Capitalist +System of Production--Nature of the "Work" Performed by the +Capitalist--Mechanism of Stock Corporation--Nature of the "Work" +Performed by the "Directors" of Stock Corporations--"Original +Accumulation"--How the Capitalist in General Gets His Capital--How Levi +P. Morton Got His Capital--The Class Struggle--Nature of the Conflict +Between the Working Class and the Capitalist Class--Development of +Capitalist Society--Development of the Strike--How the Capitalists Rob +Inventors--How the Capitalist Uses Machinery to Rob and Subjugate the +Working Class--Why the Modern Strike Is Usually a Failure--Principles +of the Organization the Working Class Must Have to Fight Successfully +the Capitalist Class--Weaknesses of "Pure and Simple" Trade +Unions--Career of Samuel Gompers--There Will Be No Safety for the +Working Class Until It Wrenches the Government from the Capitalist +Class, Abolishes the Wages System of Slavery, and Unfurls the Banner of +the Socialist Republic. + + +Single Copies, 5 Cents; 100 Copies, + + + LITERATURE. + + Leaflets, in English, per thousand .......................... $1.75 + Leaflets, in German, " " .......................... 3.00 + Leaflets, in Italian, " " .......................... 4.00 + Leaflets, in French, " " .......................... 4.00 + Leaflets, in Slavonic, " " .......................... 3.00 + Leaflets, in Croatian, " " .......................... 3.00 + Leaflets, in Spanish, " " .......................... 5.00 + Leaflets, in Polish, " " .......................... 4.00 + Leaflets, in Finnish, " " .......................... 5.00 + Leaflets, in Swedish, " " .......................... 3.00 + +NOTE.---The requisite amount of each must accompany each order. All +supplies sent by the General Office have the postage or express charges +paid in advance. + + +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO. + +28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK + + + + +VALUE, PRICE, AND PROFIT + +By KARL MARX. Edited by his daughter ELEANOR MARX AVELING. With an +Introduction and Annotations by LUCIEN SANIAL. + + +This book is especially timely, like everything else that Marx wrote. +Written a couple of years before his "Capital" appeared, it is an +address to workingmen, and covers in popular form many of the subjects +later scientifically expanded in "Capital." + +Lucien Sanial says of it: "It is universally considered as the best +epitome we have of the first volume of 'Capital,' and as such, is +invaluable to the beginner in economics. It places him squarely on his +feet at the threshold of his inquiry; that is, in a position where his +perceptive faculties cannot be deceived and his reasoning power +vitiated by the very use of his eyesight; whereas, by the very nature +of his capitalist surroundings, he now stands on his head and sees all +things inverted." + +Special interest attaches to what Marx says relative to strikes. Were +the working Class thoroughly acquainted with the subject matter of this +little work, we should hear no more of the "common ground" on which +capital and labor might meet to settle their differences. + +The thousand and one schemes that are daily being flaunted in the faces +of the working class by the lieutenants of the capitalists show the +necessity there is on the part of the working class for a comprehensive +understanding of the matter of wages, the relation of the worker to the +employer, the source of profits, and the relation between profits and +wages. These and other subjects are here presented, and so clearly +does Marx present them that all he has to say can be understood by any +person willing to pay close attention to his words. + + +Cloth, 50 Cents. Paper, 15 Cents. + +NEW YORK LABOR NEWS COMPANY, + +28 CITY HALL PLACE, NEW YORK. + + +---------------------------------------------------------------------- + +From a Mechanical Standpoint + +it is the first one Marx's works published in America that can be +looked upon as a careful piece of publishing. It is to be hoped that +this excellent volume is the forerunner of other volumes of Marx, and +that America will have the honor of publishing an edition that is +accurate as to text, thorough in annotations, convenient in size, and +presentable in every way. The present book will delight the lover of +Marx, and every Socialist will desire a copy of it.--N. Y. Daily People. + +---------------------------------------------------------------------- + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Manifesto of the Communist Party, by +Karl Marx and Frederick Engels + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY *** + +***** This file should be named 31193.txt or 31193.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/3/1/1/9/31193/ + +Produced by Al Haines, from images obtained from The Internet Archive. + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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