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diff --git a/31270-h/31270-h.htm b/31270-h/31270-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..56ab217 --- /dev/null +++ b/31270-h/31270-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,47869 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + The Writings of Thomas Paine + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 70%; font-style:normal; + margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; + text-align: right;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + .center { text-align:center; } + .smcap { font-variant:small-caps;} + p.noindent { text-indent:0; } + +</style> + </head> + <body> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + +Project Gutenberg's The Writings of Thomas Paine, by Thomas Paine + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Project Gutenberg's Compilation of the Writings of Thomas Paine + +Author: Thomas Paine + +Release Date: February 7, 2010 [EBook #31270] +Last Updated: June 15, 2018 + + + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOMAS PAINE *** + + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + + +</pre> + <div class="fig" style="width:50%;"> + <img src="images/portrait.jpg" alt="cover " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + <i>THE PROJECT GUTENBERG WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE</i> + </h3> + <div class="mynote"> + <p> + This file was first posted, on a President's Day Holiday, in memory of + Thomas Paine, one of our most influential and most under-appreciated + patriots. DW + </p> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <h2> + CONTENTS + </h2> + <h3> + Click on the <big><b> ## </b></big> before each title to go directly to a<br /> + linked index of the detailed chapters and illustrations + </h3> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> + </p> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tbody> + <tr> + <td> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tr> + <td> + <b><big> <a href="#com"><big>##</big> </a> + <a href="#common">COMMON SENSE</a> <br /><br /> <i>COMPLETE<br />WRITINGS + OF PAINE</i><br /> <a href="#one"><big>##</big> </a> + <a href="#vol1"> VOLUME ONE</a><br /><br /> <a href="#two"><big>##</big> </a> + <a href="#vol2"> VOLUME TWO</a><br /><br /> <a href="#three"><big>##</big> </a> + <a href="#vol3"> VOLUME THREE</a><br /><br /> <a href="#four"><big>##</big> </a> + <a href="#vol4"> VOLUME FOUR</a><br /><br /> </big></b> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <p> + <a name="com" id="com"></a> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS of COMMON SENSE</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Aorigin"> OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL,<br /> + WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Amonarchy"> OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Athoughts"> THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Aability"> OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME<br /> + MISCELLANEOUS REFLECTIONS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Aappendix">APPENDIX</a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Aquakers">ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE CALLED QUAKERS</a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <a name="one" id="one"></a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS of VOLUME ONE</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0002"> THE AMERICAN CRISIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0003"> EDITOR'S PREFACE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0004"> THE CRISIS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0005"> THE CRISIS I. (THESE ARE THE TIMES THAT TRY + MEN'S SOULS) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0006"> THE CRISIS II. TO LORD HOWE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0007"> THE CRISIS III. (IN THE PROGRESS OF POLITICS) + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0008"> THE CRISIS IV. (THOSE WHO EXPECT TO REAP THE + BLESSINGS OF FREEDOM) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0009"> THE CRISIS. V. TO GEN. SIR WILLIAM HOWE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0010"> THE CRISIS VI. (TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND + GENERAL CLINTON) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0011"> THE CRISIS VII. TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0012"> THE CRISIS VIII. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF + ENGLAND. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0013"> THE CRISIS IX. (HAD AMERICA PURSUED HER + ADVANTAGES) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0014"> THE CRISIS X. ON THE KING OF ENGLAND'S + SPEECH. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0015"> THE CRISIS. XI. ON THE PRESENT STATE OF NEWS. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0016"> THE CRISIS. XII. TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0017"> THE CRISIS. XIII. THOUGHTS ON THE PEACE, AND + PROBABLE ADVANTAGES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0018"> A SUPERNUMERARY CRISIS: TO THE PEOPLE OF + AMERICA. </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="two" id="two"></a> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS OF VOLUME TWO</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Clink2H_4_0001"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN.</b> </a><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0002"> EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0003"> RIGHTS OF MAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0004"> PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0005"> PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0006"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN. PART THE FIRST BEING AN + ANSWER TO MR. BURKE</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0007"> OBSERVATIONS ON THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS + </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0008"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN. PART SECOND, COMBINING + PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE.</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0009"> FRENCH TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_PREF"> PREFACE </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0011"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN PART II.</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_INTR"> INTRODUCTION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. OF THE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT OLD + GOVERNMENTS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. OF THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF + GOVERNMENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. OF CONSTITUTIONS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. WAYS AND MEANS OF IMPROVING THE + CONDITION OF EUROPE </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_APPE"> APPENDIX </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0019"> THE AUTHOR'S NOTES FOR PART ONE AND PART TWO + </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <a name="three" id="three"></a> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS OF VOLUME THREE</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_INTR"> INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD VOLUME. </a><br /><br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0002"> I. </a> THE REPUBLICAN + PROCLAMATION <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0003"> II. </a> TO + THE AUTHORS OF "LE RIPUBLICAIN." <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0004"> + III. </a> TO THE ABBI SIHYES <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0005"> IV. </a> TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0006"> V. </a> TO MR. + SECRETARY DUNDAS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0007"> VI. </a> LETTERS + TO ONSLOW CRANLEY <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0008"> VII. </a> TO + THE SHERIFF OF THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX, <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0009"> + VIII. </a> TO MR. SECRETARY DUNDAS <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0010"> IX. </a> LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE + ADDRESSERS ON THE LATE PROCLAMATION <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0011"> + X. </a> ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FRANCE <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0012"> XI. </a> ANTI-MONARCHAL ESSAY FOR THE + USE OF NEW REPUBLICANS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0013"> XII. </a> TO + THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, ON THE PROSECUTION AGAINST THE SECOND PART <br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0014"> XIII. </a> ON THE PROPRIETY OF + BRINGING LOUIS XVI. TO TRIAL <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0015"> XIV. + </a> REASONS FOR PRESERVING THE LIFE OF LOUIS CAPET, <br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0016"> XV. </a> SHALL LOUIS XVI. HAVE + RESPITE? <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0017"> XVI. </a> DECLARATION + OF RIGHTS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0018"> XVII. </a> PRIVATE + LETTERS TO JEFFERSON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0019"> XVIII. </a> LETTER + TO DANTON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0020"> XIX. </a> A + CITIZEN OF AMERICA TO THE CITIZENS OF EUROPE <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0021"> XX. </a> APPEAL TO THE CONVENTION + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0022"> XXI. </a> THE MEMORIAL + TO MONROE <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0023"> XXII. </a> LETTER + TO GEORGE WASHINGTON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0024"> XXIII. </a> OBSERVATIONS + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0025"> XXIV. </a> DISSERTATION + ON FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0026"> + XXV. </a> THE CONSTITUTION OF 1795 <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0027"> XXVI. </a> THE DECLINE AND FALL OF + THE ENGLISH SYSTEM OF FINANCE <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0028"> + XXVII. </a> FORGETFULNESS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0029"> + XXVIII. </a> AGRARIAN JUSTICE <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0030"> XXIX. </a> THE EIGHTEENTH FRUCTIDOR + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0031"> XXX. </a> THE RECALL OF + MONROE <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0032"> XXXI. </a> PRIVATE + LETTER TO PRESIDENT JEFFERSON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0033"> + XXXII. </a> PROPOSAL THAT LOUISIANA BE PURCHASED <br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0034"> XXXIII. </a> THOMAS + PAINE TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0035"> XXXIV. </a> TO THE FRENCH INHABITANTS + OF LOUISIANA <br /><br /> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <a name="four" id="four"></a> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS OF VOLUME FOUR</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Elink2H_4_0001"> <b>THE AGE OF REASON</b> </a><br /><br /> + <a href="#Elink2H_4_0002"> EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION </a><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I - THE AUTHOR'S PROFESSION OF FAITH. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II - OF MISSIONS AND REVELATIONS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III - CONCERNING THE CHARACTER OF + JESUS CHRIST, AND HIS HISTORY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV - OF THE BASES OF CHRISTIANITY. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V - EXAMINATION IN DETAIL OF THE + PRECEDING BASES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI - OF THE TRUE THEOLOGY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII - EXAMINATION OF THE OLD + TESTAMENT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII - OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX - IN WHAT THE TRUE REVELATION + CONSISTS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X - CONCERNING GOD, AND THE LIGHTS + CAST ON HIS EXISTENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI - OF THE THEOLOGY OF THE + CHRISTIANS; AND THE TRUE THEOLOGY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII - THE EFFECTS OF CHRISTIANISM ON + EDUCATION; PROPOSED </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII - COMPARISON OF CHRISTIANISM WITH + THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV - SYSTEM OF THE UNIVERSE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV - ADVANTAGES OF THE EXISTENCE OF + MANY WORLDS IN EACH SOLAR </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI - APPLICATION OF THE PRECEDING TO + THE SYSTEM OF THE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII - OF THE MEANS EMPLOYED IN ALL + TIME, AND ALMOST </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Elink2H_4_0020"> <b>THE AGE OF REASON - PART II</b> </a><br /><br /> + <a href="#Elink2H_PREF"> PREFACE </a><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0018"> CHAPTER I - THE OLD TESTAMENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0020"> CHAPTER II - THE NEW TESTAMENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0021"> CHAPTER III - CONCLUSION </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <a name="common" id="common"> </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:50%;"> + <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <h1> + COMMON SENSE; + </h1> + <p class="noindent center"> + <span class="smcap">addressed to the</span> + </p> + <p class="noindent center xl"> + INHABITANTS + </p> + <p class="noindent center"> + <span class="smcap">of</span> + </p> + <p class="noindent center xl"> + AMERICA, + </p> + <p class="noindent center"> + On the following interesting <br /> + </p> + <div> + <a name="AContents" id="AContents"></a> + <h2> + SUBJECTS + </h2> + </div> + <ol> + <li> + <a href="#Aorigin"> Of the Origin and Design of Government in general,<br /> + with concise Remarks on the English Constitution. </a> + </li> + <li> + <a href="#Amonarchy"> Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession </a> + </li> + <li> + <a href="#Athoughts"> Thoughts on the present State of American Affairs + </a> + </li> + <li> + <a href="#Aability"> Of the present Ability of America, with some<br /> + miscellaneous Reflections </a> + </li> + </ol> + <hr /> + <p> + A new edition, with several additions in the body of the work. To which is + added an <span class="smcap"><a href="#Aappendix">appendix</a></span>; + together with an <a href="#Aquakers">address to the people called Quakers</a>. + </p> + <hr /> + <p class="noindent" style="margin-left:10%;"> + <span style="margin-left:-1em;">Man knows no Master save creating <span + class="smcap">Heaven</span></span><br /> <span style="margin-left:-1em;">Or + those whom choice and common good ordain.</span> + </p> + <p class="right smcap"> + Thomson. + </p> + <hr /> + <hr /> + <p class="noindent center large"> + PHILADELPHIA + </p> + <p class="noindent center"> + Printed and sold by W. & T. Bradford, February 14, 1776. + </p> + <hr class="break" /> + <p class="noindent center large"> + MDCCLXXVI + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h1> + Common Sense + </h1> + <h2> + By Thomas Paine + </h2> + <p> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <div> + <a name="Aintro" id="Aintro"></a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_1" + id="APage_1">1</a></span> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents">INTRODUCTION.</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + <span class="smcap">Perhaps</span> the sentiments contained in the + following pages, are not <em>yet</em> sufficiently fashionable to procure + them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing <em>wrong</em>, + gives it a superficial appearance of being <em>right</em>, and raises at + first a formidable outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon + subsides. Time makes more converts than reason. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_2" id="APage_2">2</a></span> As a + long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the + right of it in question (and in Matters too which might never have been + thought of, had not the Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as + the King of England hath undertaken in his <em>own Right</em>, to support + the Parliament in what he calls <em>Theirs</em>, and as the good people of + this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an + undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally + to reject the usurpation of either. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_3" id="APage_3">3</a></span> In the + following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is + personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals + make no part thereof. The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a + pamphlet; and those whose sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will + cease of themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their + conversion. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_4" id="APage_4">4</a></span> The + cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many + circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, + and through which the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, + and in the Event of which, their Affections are interested. The laying a + Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural + rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the Face + of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the + Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the + </p> + <p class="right"> + AUTHOR + </p> + <p> + P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of + taking notice (had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the + Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet appeared, it is now + presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such a Performance + ready for the Public being considerably past. + </p> + <p> + Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, + as the Object for Attention is the <em>Doctrine itself</em>, not the <em>Man</em>. + Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is unconnected with any + Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private, but the influence + of reason and principle. + </p> + <p class="noindent"> + <i>Philadelphia, February 14, 1776</i> <br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <div> + <a name="Aorigin" id="Aorigin"></a> <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_5" + id="APage_5">5</a></span> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents"> OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL,<br /> + WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION.</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + <span class="smcap">Some</span> writers have so confounded society with + government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas + they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is + produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former + promotes our happiness <em>positively</em> by uniting our affections, the + latter <em>negatively</em> by restraining our vices. The one encourages + intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The first a patron, the last + a punisher. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_6" id="APage_6">6</a></span> Society + in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but + a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we + suffer, or are exposed to the same miseries <em>by a government</em>, + which we might expect in a country <em>without government</em>, our + calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we + suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the + palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For + were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, + man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it + necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the + protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence + which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the + least. <em>Wherefore</em>, security being the true design and end of + government, it unanswerably follows that whatever <em>form</em> thereof + appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and + greatest benefit, is preferable to all others. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_7" id="APage_7">7</a></span> In order + to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us + suppose a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the + earth, unconnected with the rest, they will then represent the first + peopling of any country, or of the world. In this state of natural + liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will + excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, + and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged + to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn requires the + same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable dwelling in + the midst of a wilderness, but <em>one</em> man might labour out of the + common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled + his timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; + hunger in the mean time would urge him from his work, and every different + want call him a different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be + death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable him + from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to + perish than to die. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_8" id="APage_8">8</a></span> Thus + necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived + emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would + supersede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary + while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as nothing but + heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in + proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which + bound them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their + duty and attachment to each other; and this remissness, will point out the + necessity, of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of + moral virtue. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_9" id="APage_9">9</a></span> Some + convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of + which, the whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It + is more than probable that their first laws will have the title only of + <span class="smcap">Regulations</span>, and be enforced by no other + penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by + natural right, will have a seat. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_10" id="APage_10">10</a></span> But + as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and + the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too + inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when + their number was small, their habitations near, and the public concerns + few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their consenting + to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from + the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which + those who appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole + body would act were they present. If the colony continue increasing, it + will become necessary to augment the number of the representatives, and + that the interest of every part of the colony may be attended to, it will + be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part sending + its proper number; and that the <em>elected</em> might never form to + themselves an interest separate from the <em>electors</em>, prudence will + point out the propriety of having elections often; because as the <em>elected</em> + might by that means return and mix again with the general body of the <em>electors</em> + in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be secured by the + prudent reflexion of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent + interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the + community, they will mutually and naturally support each other, and on + this (not on the unmeaning name of king) depends the <em>strength of + government, and the happiness of the governed.</em> + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_11" id="APage_11">11</a></span> Here + then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered + necessary by the inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too + is the design and end of government, viz. freedom and security. And + however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears deceived by sound; + however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our + understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is + right. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_12" id="APage_12">12</a></span> I + draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which + no art can overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less + liable it is to be disordered; and the easier repaired when disordered; + and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks on the so much boasted + constitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and slavish times + in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was over run with + tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is + imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it + seems to promise, is easily demonstrated. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_13" id="APage_13">13</a></span> + Absolute governments (tho’ the disgrace of human nature) have this + advantage with them, that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know + the head from which their suffering springs, know likewise the remedy, and + are not bewildered by a variety of causes and cures. But the constitution + of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may suffer for years + together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies, some + will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will + advise a different medicine. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_14" id="APage_14">14</a></span> I + know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if + we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English + constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient + tyrannies, compounded with some new republican materials. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_15" id="APage_15">15</a></span> <em>First.</em>—The + remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_16" id="APage_16">16</a></span> <em>Secondly.</em>—The + remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_17" id="APage_17">17</a></span> <em>Thirdly.</em>—The + new republican materials, in the persons of the commons, on whose virtue + depends the freedom of England. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_18" id="APage_18">18</a></span> The + two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore + in a <em>constitutional sense</em> they contribute nothing towards the + freedom of the state. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_19" id="APage_19">19</a></span> To + say that the constitution of England is a <em>union</em> of three powers + reciprocally <em>checking</em> each other, is farcical, either the words + have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_20" id="APage_20">20</a></span> To + say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things: + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_21" id="APage_21">21</a></span> <em>First.</em>—That + the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other + words, that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of + monarchy. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_22" id="APage_22">22</a></span> <em>Secondly.</em>—That + the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser or more + worthy of confidence than the crown. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_23" id="APage_23">23</a></span> But + as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king + by withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check + the commons, by empowering him to reject their other bills; it again + supposes that the king is wiser than those whom it has already supposed to + be wiser than him. A mere absurdity! + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_24" id="APage_24">24</a></span> There + is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it + first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to + act in cases where the highest judgment is required. The state of a king + shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know + it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by unnaturally opposing and + destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_25" id="APage_25">25</a></span> Some + writers have explained the English constitution thus; the king, say they, + is one, the people another; the peers are an house in behalf of the king; + the commons in behalf of the people; but this hath all the distinctions of + a house divided against itself; and though the expressions be pleasantly + arranged, yet when examined they appear idle and ambiguous; and it will + always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, + when applied to the description of some thing which either cannot exist, + or is too incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will + be words of sound only, and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot + inform the mind, for this explanation includes a previous question, viz. + <em>How came the king by a power which the people are afraid to trust, and + always obliged to check?</em> Such a power could not be the gift of a wise + people, neither can any power, <em>which needs checking</em>, be from God; + yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a power to + exist. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_26" id="APage_26">26</a></span> But + the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not + accomplish the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the + greater weight will always carry up the less, and as all the wheels of a + machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to know which power in + the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and though the + others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the + rapidity of its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their + endeavors will be ineffectual; the first moving power will at last have + its way, and what it wants in speed is supplied by time. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_27" id="APage_27">27</a></span> That + the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution needs not + be mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being + the giver of places and pensions is self-evident, wherefore, though we + have been wise enough to shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, + we at the same time have been foolish enough to put the crown in + possession of the key. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_28" id="APage_28">28</a></span> The + prejudice of Englishmen, in favour of their own government by king, lords + and commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. + Individuals are undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, + but the <em>will</em> of the king is as much the <em>law</em> of the land + in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of proceeding + directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more + formidable shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the + first, hath only made kings more subtle—not more just. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_29" id="APage_29">29</a></span> + Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of + modes and forms, the plain truth is, that <em>it is wholly owing to the + constitution of the people, and not to the constitution of the government</em> + that the crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_30" id="APage_30">30</a></span> An + inquiry into the <em>constitutional errors</em> in the English form of + government is at this time highly necessary, for as we are never in a + proper condition of doing justice to others, while we continue under the + influence of some leading partiality, so neither are we capable of doing + it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice. And + as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose or judge + of a wife, so any prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution of + government will disable us from discerning a good one. <br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <div> + <a name="Amonarchy" id="Amonarchy"></a> <span class="pagenum"><a + name="APage_31" id="APage_31">31</a></span> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents">OF MONARCHY AND HEREDITARY SUCCESSION.</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + <span class="smcap">Mankind</span> being originally equals in the order of + creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent + circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a great measure + be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill + sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the <em>consequence</em>, + but seldom or never the <em>means</em> of riches; and though avarice will + preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too + timorous to be wealthy. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_32" id="APage_32">32</a></span> But + there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or + religious reason can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men into + <span class="smcap">kings</span> and <span class="smcap">subjects</span>. + Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the + distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so + exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth + enquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery + to mankind. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_33" id="APage_33">33</a></span> In + the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there + were no kings; the consequence of which was there were no wars; it is the + pride of kings which throw mankind into confusion. Holland without a king + hath enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchial + governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same remark; for the quiet and + rural lives of the first patriarchs hath a happy something in them, which + vanishes away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_34" id="APage_34">34</a></span> + Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens, + from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most + prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the promotion of + idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honors to their deceased kings, and the + christian world hath improved on the plan by doing the same to their + living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, + who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust! + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_35" id="APage_35">35</a></span> As + the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the + equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the authority of + scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the + prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government by kings. All + anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very smoothly glossed over + in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the attention of + countries which have their governments yet to form. “<i>Render unto + Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s</i>” is the + scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support of monarchical + government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state + of vassalage to the Romans. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_36" id="APage_36">36</a></span> Near + three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the creation, + till the Jews under a national delusion requested a king. Till then their + form of government (except in extraordinary cases, where the Almighty + interposed) was a kind of republic administred by a judge and the elders + of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held sinful to acknowledge + any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man seriously + reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of Kings, + he need not wonder, that the Almighty ever jealous of his honor, should + disapprove of a form of government which so impiously invades the + prerogative of heaven. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_37" id="APage_37">37</a></span> + Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for which + a curse in reserve is denounced against them. The history of that + transaction is worth attending to. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_38" id="APage_38">38</a></span> The + children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon marched + against them with a small army, and victory, thro’ the divine + interposition, decided in his favour. The Jews elate with success, and + attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed making him a king, + saying, <em>Rule thou over us, thou and thy son and thy son’s son.</em> + Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an + hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, <em>I will + not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you.</em> <span + class="smcap">The Lord shall rule over you.</span> Words need not be more + explicit; Gideon doth not <em>decline</em> the honor, but denieth their + right to give it; neither doth he compliment them with invented + declarations of his thanks, but in the positive stile of a prophet charges + them with disaffection to their proper Sovereign, the King of heaven. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_39" id="APage_39">39</a></span> About + one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into the same + error. The hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous customs of the + Heathens, is something exceedingly unaccountable; but so it was, that + laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel’s two sons, who were + entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and clamorous + manner to Samuel, saying, <i>Behold thou art old, and thy sons walk not in + thy ways, now make us a king to judge us like all other nations.</i> And + here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad, viz. that they + might be <em>like</em> unto other nations, i.e. the Heathens, whereas + their true glory laid in being as much <em>unlike</em> them as possible. + <em>But the thing displeased Samuel when they said, Give us a king to + judge us; and Samuel prayed unto the Lord, and the Lord said unto Samuel, + Hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee, for + they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected me</em>, THAT I SHOULD + NOT REIGN OVER THEM. <i>According to all the works which they have done + since the day that I brought them up out of Egypt, even unto this day; + wherewith they have forsaken me and served other Gods; so do they also + unto thee. Now therefore hearken unto their voice, howbeit, protest + solemnly unto them and shew them the manner of the king that shall reign + over them, i.e.</i> not of any particular king, but the general manner of + the kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And + notwithstanding the great distance of time and difference of manners, the + character is still in fashion. <i>And Samuel told all the words of the + Lord unto the people, that asked of him a king. And he said, This shall be + the manner of the king that shall reign over you; he will take your sons + and appoint them for himself, for his chariots, and to be his horsemen, + and some shall run before his chariots</i> (this description agrees with + the present mode of impressing men) <i>and he will appoint him captains + over thousands and captains over fifties, and will set them to ear his + ground and to reap his harvest, and to make his instruments of war, and + instruments of his chariots; and he will take your daughters to be + confectionaries, and to be cooks and to be bakers</i> (this describes the + expence and luxury as well as the oppression of kings) <i>and he will take + your fields and your olive yards, even the best of them, and give them to + his servants; and he will take the tenth of your feed, and of your + vineyards, and give them to his officers and to his servants</i> (by which + we see that bribery, corruption and favoritism are the standing vices of + kings) <i>and he will take the tenth of your men servants, and your maid + servants, and your goodliest young men and your asses, and put them to his + work; and he will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his + servants, and ye shall cry out in that day because of your king which ye + shall have chosen,</i> <span class="smcap">and the Lord will not hear you + in that day</span>. This accounts for the continuation of monarchy; + neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, + either sanctify the title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the + high encomium given of David takes no notice of him <em>officially as a + king</em>, but only as a <em>man</em> after God’s own heart. <i>Nevertheless + the People refused to obey the voice of Samuel, and they said, Nay, but we + will have a king over us, that we may be like all the nations, and that + our king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight our battles.</i> + Samuel continued to reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before + them their ingratitude, but all would not avail; and seeing them fully + bent on their folly, he cried out, <i>I will call unto the Lord, and he + shall send thunder and rain</i> (which then was a punishment, being in the + time of wheat harvest) <i>that ye may perceive and see that your + wickedness is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord,</i> <span + class="smcap">in asking you a king</span>. <i>So Samuel called unto the + Lord, and the Lord sent thunder and rain that day, and all the people + greatly feared the Lord and Samuel. And all the people said unto Samuel, + Pray for thy servants unto the Lord thy God that we die not, for</i> <span + class="smcap">we have added unto our sins this evil, to ask a king.</span> + These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no + equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his protest + against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. And a + man hath good reason to believe that there is as much of king-craft, as + priest-craft, in withholding the scripture from the public in Popish + countries. For monarchy in every instance is the Popery of government. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_40" id="APage_40">40</a></span> To + the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as + the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, + claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on posterity. + For all men being originally equals, no <em>one</em> by <em>birth</em> + could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all + others for ever, and though himself might deserve <em>some</em> decent + degree of honors of his cotemporaries, yet his descendants might be far + too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest <em>natural</em> proofs + of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature disapproves it, + otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving + mankind an <em>ass for a lion</em>. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_41" id="APage_41">41</a></span> + Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors than + were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no power + to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say “We + choose you for <em>our</em> head,” they could not, without manifest + injustice to their children, say “that your children and your + children’s children shall reign over <em>ours</em> for ever.” + Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the + next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most + wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary right + with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once established + is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, + and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_42" id="APage_42">42</a></span> This + is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an + honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable, that could we take off + the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their first rise, that + we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian + of some restless gang, whose savage manners or pre-eminence in subtility + obtained him the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in + power, and extending his depredations, over-awed the quiet and defenceless + to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could + have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a + perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and + unrestrained principles they professed to live by. Wherefore, hereditary + succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a matter + of claim, but as something casual or complimental; but as few or no + records were extant in those days, and traditional history stuffed with + fables, it was very easy, after the lapse of a few generations, to trump + up some superstitious tale, conveniently timed, Mahomet like, to cram + hereditary right down the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the disorders + which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and + the choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very + orderly) induced many at first to favor hereditary pretensions; by which + means it happened, as it hath happened since, that what at first was + submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards claimed as a right. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_43" id="APage_43">43</a></span> + England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but + groaned beneath a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his senses + can say that their claim under William the Conqueror is a very honorable + one. A French bastard landing with an armed banditti, and establishing + himself king of England against the consent of the natives, is in plain + terms a very paltry rascally original.—It certainly hath no divinity + in it. However, it is needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of + hereditary right; if there are any so weak as to believe it, let them + promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy + their humility, nor disturb their devotion. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_44" id="APage_44">44</a></span> Yet I + should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The question + admits but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election, or by + usurpation. If the first king was taken by lot, it establishes a precedent + for the next, which excludes hereditary succession. Saul was by lot, yet + the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear from that + transaction there was any intention it ever should. If the first king of + any country was by election, that likewise establishes a precedent for the + next; for to say, that the <i>right</i> of all future generations is taken + away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not only of a + king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parrallel in or out of + scripture but the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will + of all men lost in Adam; and from such comparison, and it will admit of no + other, hereditary succession can derive no glory. For as in Adam all + sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one all + mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as our + innocence was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as + both disable us from reassuming some former state and privilege, it + unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary succession are + parellels. Dishonorable rank! Inglorious connexion! Yet the most subtile + sophist cannot produce a juster simile. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_45" id="APage_45">45</a></span> As to + usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that William the + Conqueror was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted. The plain truth + is, that the antiquity of English monarchy will not bear looking into. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_46" id="APage_46">46</a></span> But + it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which + concerns mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men it would have + the seal of divine authority, but as it opens a door to the <em>foolish</em>, + the <em>wicked</em>, and the <em>improper</em>, it hath in it the nature + of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and others to + obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds + are early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so + materially from the world at large, that they have but little opportunity + of knowing its true interests, and when they succeed to the government are + frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any throughout the dominions. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_47" id="APage_47">47</a></span> + Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is + subject to be possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the regency, + acting under the cover of a king, have every opportunity and inducement to + betray their trust. The same national misfortune happens, when a king worn + out with age and infirmity, enters the last stage of human weakness. In + both these cases the public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who can + tamper successfully with the follies either of age or infancy. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_48" id="APage_48">48</a></span> The + most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of hereditary + succession, is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this + true, it would be weighty; whereas, it is the most barefaced falsity ever + imposed upon mankind. The whole history of England disowns the fact. + Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted kingdom since + the conquest, in which time there have been (including the Revolution) no + less than eight civil wars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of + making for peace, it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it + seems to stand on. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_49" id="APage_49">49</a></span> The + contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York and + Lancaster, laid England in a scene of blood for many years. Twelve pitched + battles, besides skirmishes and sieges, were fought between Henry and + Edward. Twice was Henry prisoner to Edward, who in his turn was prisoner + to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of war and the temper of a nation, + when nothing but personal matters are the ground of a quarrel, that Henry + was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace, and Edward obliged to fly + from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as sudden transitions of temper are + seldom lasting, Henry in his turn was driven from the throne, and Edward + recalled to succeed him. The parliament always following the strongest + side. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_50" id="APage_50">50</a></span> This + contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not entirely + extinguished till Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were united. + Including a period of 67 years, viz. from 1422 to 1489. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_51" id="APage_51">51</a></span> In + short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) + but the world in blood and ashes. ’Tis a form of government which + the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_52" id="APage_52">52</a></span> If we + inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries + they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to + themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene, and leave + their successors to tread the same idle round. In absolute monarchies the + whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on the king; the + children of Israel in their request for a king, urged this plea “that + he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles.” But in + countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a man + would be puzzled to know what <em>is</em> his business. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_53" id="APage_53">53</a></span> The + nearer any government approaches to a republic the less business there is + for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the + government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in + its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt + influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath so + effectually swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the house + of commons (the republican part in the constitution) that the government + of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall + out with names without understanding them. For it is the republican and + not the monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen + glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing a house of commons from out of + their own body—and it is easy to see that when republican virtue + fails, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly, but + because monarchy hath poisoned the republic, the crown hath engrossed the + commons? + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_54" id="APage_54">54</a></span> In + England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give away + places; which in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it + together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed + eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshipped into the + bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight of + God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived. <br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <div> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_55" id="APage_55">55</a></span> <a + name="Athoughts" id="Athoughts"></a> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents"> THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS.</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + <span class="smcap">In</span> the following pages I offer nothing more + than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other + preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself + of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to + determine for themselves; that he will put <em>on</em>, or rather that he + will not put <em>off</em>, the true character of a man, and generously + enlarge his views beyond the present day. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_56" id="APage_56">56</a></span> + Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England + and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from + different motives, and with various designs; but all have been + ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the last + resource, decide the contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and + the continent hath accepted the challenge. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_57" id="APage_57">57</a></span> It + hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho’ an able minister + was not without his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of + commons, on the score, that his measures were only of a temporary kind, + replied “<i>they will last my time.</i>” Should a thought so + fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the name of + ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_58" id="APage_58">58</a></span> The + sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ’Tis not the affair of + a city, a country, a province, or a kingdom, but of a continent—of + at least one eighth part of the habitable globe. ’Tis not the + concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in + the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, + by the proceedings now. Now is the seed time of continental union, faith + and honor. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the + point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge + with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_59" id="APage_59">59</a></span> By + referring the matter from argument to arms, a new æra for politics + is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, + &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, <i>i.e.</i> to the commencement + of hostilities, are like the almanacks of the last year; which, though + proper then, are superseded and useless now. Whatever was advanced by the + advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the + same point, viz. a union with Great-Britain; the only difference between + the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing force, the + other friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, + and the second hath withdrawn her influence. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_60" id="APage_60">60</a></span> As + much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation, which, like an + agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, + that we should examine the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into + some of the many material injuries which these colonies sustain, and + always will sustain, by being connected with, and dependant on + Great-Britain. To examine that connexion and dependance, on the principles + of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, + and what we are to expect, if dependant. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_61" id="APage_61">61</a></span> I + have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her + former connexion with Great-Britain, that the same connexion is necessary + towards her future happiness, and will always have the same effect. + Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of argument. We may as well + assert that because a child has thrived upon milk, that it is never to + have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a + precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is + true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, + and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with + her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself are the necessaries + of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of + Europe. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_62" id="APage_62">62</a></span> But + she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us is true, and + defended the continent at our expence as well as her own is admitted, and + she would have defended Turkey from the same motive, viz. the sake of + trade and dominion. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_63" id="APage_63">63</a></span> Alas, + we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large + sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of + Great-Britain, without considering, that her motive was <em>interest</em> + not <em>attachment</em>; that she did not protect us from <em>our enemies</em> + on <em>our account</em>, but from <em>her enemies</em> on <em>her own + account</em>, from those who had no quarrel with us on any <em>other + account</em>, and who will always be our enemies on the <em>same account</em>. + Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent throw + off the dependance, and we should be at peace with France and Spain were + they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought to warn + us against connexions. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_64" id="APage_64">64</a></span> It + has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation + to each other but through the parent country, <i>i.e.</i> that + Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest, are sister colonies + by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of proving + relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving + enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps + ever will be our enemies as <em>Americans</em>, but as our being the <em>subjects + of Great-Britain</em>. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_65" id="APage_65">65</a></span> But + Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her + conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon + their families; wherefore the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; + but it happens not to be true, or only partly so, and the phrase <em>parent</em> + or <em>mother country</em> hath been jesuitically adopted by the king and + his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on + the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the + parent country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the + persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from <em>every part</em> + of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the tender embraces of the + mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of + England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, + pursues their descendants still. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_66" id="APage_66">66</a></span> In + this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three + hundred and sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship + on a larger scale; we claim brotherhood with every European christian, and + triumph in the generosity of the sentiment. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_67" id="APage_67">67</a></span> It is + pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of + local prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world. A man born + in any town in England divided into parishes, will naturally associate + most with his fellow parishioners (because their interests in many cases + will be common) and distinguish him by the name of <em>neighbour</em>; if + he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of a + street, and salutes him by the name of <em>townsman</em>; if he travel out + of the county, and meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions + of street and town, and calls him <em>countryman</em>, i.e. <em>county-man</em>; + but if in their foreign excursions they should associate in France or any + other part of <em>Europe</em>, their local remembrance would be enlarged + into that of <em>Englishmen</em>. And by a just parity of reasoning, all + Europeans meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are <em>countrymen</em>; + for England, Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole, + stand in the same places on the larger scale, which the divisions of + street, town, and county do on the smaller ones; distinctions too limited + for continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants, even of this + province, are of English descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of + parent or mother country applied to England only, as being false, selfish, + narrow and ungenerous. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_68" id="APage_68">68</a></span> But + admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it amount to? + Nothing. Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes every other name + and title: And to say that reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical. + The first king of England, of the present line (William the Conqueror) was + a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are descendants from the same + country; therefore, by the same method of reasoning, England ought to be + governed by France. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_69" id="APage_69">69</a></span> Much + hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies, that in + conjunction they might bid defiance to the world. But this is mere + presumption; the fate of war is uncertain, neither do the expressions mean + any thing; for this continent would never suffer itself to be drained of + inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia, Africa, or + Europe. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_70" id="APage_70">70</a></span> + Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is + commerce, and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and + friendship of all Europe; because, it is the interest of all Europe to + have America a <em>free port</em>. Her trade will always be a protection, + and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_71" id="APage_71">71</a></span> I + challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a single + advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected with Great + Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage is derived. Our + corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our imported goods + must be paid for buy them where we will. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_72" id="APage_72">72</a></span> But + the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without + number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, + instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because, any submission to, or + dependance on Great-Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in + European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who + would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither + anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form + no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of + America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, + while by her dependence on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the + scale of British politics. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_73" id="APage_73">73</a></span> + Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and + whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade + of America goes to ruin, <em>because of her connection with Britain</em>. + The next war may not turn out like the last, and should it not, the + advocates for reconciliation now will be wishing for separation then, + because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of + war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood + of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, <span class="smcap">’Tis + time to part</span>. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed + England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of + the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise + at which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and + the manner in which it was peopled encreases the force of it. The + reformation was preceded by the discovery of America, as if the Almighty + graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the persecuted in future years, + when home should afford neither friendship nor safety. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_74" id="APage_74">74</a></span> The + authority of Great-Britain over this continent, is a form of government, + which sooner or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no + true pleasure by looking forward, under the painful and positive + conviction, that what he calls “the present constitution” is + merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that <em>this + government</em> is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we + may bequeath to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are + running the next generation into debt, we ought to do the work of it, + otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In order to discover the line + of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and fix our + station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a + prospect, which a few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_75" id="APage_75">75</a></span> + Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offence, yet I am + inclined to believe, that all those who espouse the doctrine of + reconciliation, may be included within the following descriptions. + Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who <em>cannot</em> + see; prejudiced men, who <em>will not</em> see; and a certain set of + moderate men, who think better of the European world than it deserves; and + this last class, by an ill-judged deliberation, will be the cause of more + calamities to this continent, than all the other three. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_76" id="APage_76">76</a></span> It is + the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the + evil is not sufficient brought to <em>their</em> doors to make <em>them</em> + feel the precariousness with which all American property is possessed. But + let our imaginations transport us for a few moments to Boston, that seat + of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to renounce + a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate + city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no + other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn out to beg. Endangered + by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and + plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition + they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack + for their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_77" id="APage_77">77</a></span> Men + of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offences of Britain, + and, still hoping for the best, are apt to call out, “<i>Come, come, + we shall be friends again, for all this.</i>” But examine the + passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of reconciliation to + the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can hereafter + love, honour, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and + sword into your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only + deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your + future connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honour, will + be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present + convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than + the first. But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I + ask, Hath your house been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before + your face? Are your wife and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or + bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child by their hands, and + yourself the ruined and wretched survivor? If you have not, then are you + not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands + with the murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father, + friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have + the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a sycophant. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_78" id="APage_78">78</a></span> This + is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those + feelings and affections which nature justifies, and without which, we + should be incapable of discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying + the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit horror for the purpose of + provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumbers, that + we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the power of + Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not conquer herself by + <em>delay</em> and <em>timidity</em>. The present winter is worth an age + if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will + partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will + not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the means + of sacrificing a season so precious and useful. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_79" id="APage_79">79</a></span> It is + repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things to all examples from + former ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to + any external power. The most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The + utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot, at this time, compass a plan short + of separation, which can promise the continent even a year’s + security. Reconciliation is <em>now</em> a fallacious dream. Nature hath + deserted the connexion, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton + wisely expresses, “never can true reconcilement grow where wounds of + deadly hate have pierced so deep.” + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_80" id="APage_80">80</a></span> Every + quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been + rejected with disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing + flatters vanity, or confirms obstinacy in Kings more than repeated + petitioning—and nothing hath contributed more than that very measure + to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and Sweden. + Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God’s sake, let us + come to a final separation, and not leave the next generation to be + cutting throats, under the violated unmeaning names of parent and child. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_81" id="APage_81">81</a></span> To + say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so + at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well + may we suppose that nations, which have been once defeated, will never + renew the quarrel. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_82" id="APage_82">82</a></span> As to + government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent + justice: The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be + managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a power, so distant + from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they cannot conquer us, they + cannot govern us. To be always running three or four thousand miles with a + tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer, which when + obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years + be looked upon as folly and childishness—There was a time when it + was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_83" id="APage_83">83</a></span> Small + islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for + kingdoms to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in + supposing a continent to be perpetually governed by an island. In no + instance hath nature made the satellite larger than its primary planet, + and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the + common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems: + England to Europe, America to itself. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_84" id="APage_84">84</a></span> I am + not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the + doctrine of separation and independance; I am clearly, positively, and + conscientiously persuaded that it is the true interest of this continent + to be so; that every thing short of <em>that</em> is mere patchwork, that + it can afford no lasting felicity,—that it is leaving the sword to + our children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little + farther, would have rendered this continent the glory of the earth. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_85" id="APage_85">85</a></span> As + Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we + may be assured that no terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the + continent, or any ways equal to the expence of blood and treasure we have + been already put to. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_86" id="APage_86">86</a></span> The + object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the + expence. The removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter + unworthy the millions we have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was + an inconvenience, which would have sufficiently ballanced the repeal of + all the acts complained of, had such repeals been obtained; but if the + whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it is + scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only. + Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we + fight for; for in a just estimation, it is as great a folly to pay a + Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always considered the + independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must + arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the + event could not be far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, + it was not worth the while to have disputed a matter, which time would + have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in earnest; otherwise, it is + like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of a + tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for + reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but + the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, + sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch, that + with the pretended title of <span class="smcap">father of his people</span> + can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their + blood upon his soul. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_87" id="APage_87">87</a></span> But + admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I + answer, the ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_88" id="APage_88">88</a></span> <em>First</em>. + The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will + have a negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he + hath shewn himself such an inveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered + such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or is he not, a proper man to + say to these colonies, “<em>You shall make no laws but what I + please.</em>” And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant, as + not to know, that according to what is called the <em>present constitution</em>, + that this continent can make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and + is there any man so unwise, as not to see, that (considering what has + happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such as suit <em>his</em> + purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America, + as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After matters are made up + (as it is called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown + will be exerted, to keep this continent as low and humble as possible? + Instead of going forward we shall go backward, or be perpetually + quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning.—We are already greater than + the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us + less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our + prosperity, a proper power to govern us? Whoever says <em>No</em> to this + question is an <em>independant</em>, for independancy means no more, than, + whether we shall make our own laws, or whether the king, the greatest + enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us “<em>there + shall be no laws but such as I like.</em>” + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_89" id="APage_89">89</a></span> But + the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there can make + no laws without his consent. In point of right and good order, there is + something very ridiculous, that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often + happened) shall say to several millions of people, older and wiser than + himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law. But in this place I + decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to expose the + absurdity of it, and only answer, that England being the King’s + residence, and America not so, makes quite another case. The king’s + negative <em>here</em> is ten times more dangerous and fatal than it can + be in England, for <em>there</em> he will scarcely refuse his consent to a + bill for putting England into as strong a state of defence as possible, + and in America he would never suffer such a bill to be passed. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_90" id="APage_90">90</a></span> + America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, + England consults the good of <em>this</em> country, no farther than it + answers her <em>own</em> purpose. Wherefore, her own interest leads her to + suppress the growth of <em>ours</em> in every case which doth not promote + her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty state we + should soon be in under such a second-hand government, considering what + has happened! Men do not change from enemies to friends by the alteration + of a name: And in order to shew that reconciliation <em>now</em> is a + dangerous doctrine, I affirm, <em>that it would be policy in the king at + this time, to repeal the acts for the sake of reinstating himself in the + government of the provinces;</em> in order, that <span class="smcap">he + may accomplish by craft and subtilty, in the long run, what he cannot do + by force and violence in the short one.</span> Reconciliation and ruin are + nearly related. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_91" id="APage_91">91</a></span> <em>Secondly</em>. + That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to + no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by + guardianship, which can last no longer than till the colonies come of age, + so the general face and state of things, in the interim, will be unsettled + and unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to come to a + country whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every + day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of + the present inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of + their effects, and quit the continent. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_92" id="APage_92">92</a></span> But + the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independance, + i.e. a continental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent + and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a + reconciliation with Britain now, as it is more than probable, that it will + be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the consequences of which may + be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_93" id="APage_93">93</a></span> + Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will + probably suffer the same fate) Those men have other feelings than us who + have nothing suffered. All they <em>now</em> possess is liberty, what they + before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and having nothing more to + lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the + colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who + is nearly out of his time; they will care very little about her. And a + government which cannot preserve the peace, is no government at all, and + in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray what is it that + Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult + break out the very day after reconciliation? I have heard some men say, + many of whom I believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an + independance, fearing that it would produce civil wars. It is but seldom + that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the case here; for + there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connexion than from + independance. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I + driven from house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances + ruined, that as man, sensible of injuries, I could never relish the + doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself bound thereby. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_94" id="APage_94">94</a></span> The + colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to + continental government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person + easy and happy on that head. No man can assign the least pretence for his + fears, on any other grounds, than such as are truly childish and + ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superiority over + another. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_95" id="APage_95">95</a></span> Where + there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality + affords no temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we may say + always) in peace. Holland and Swisserland are without wars, foreign or + domestic: Monarchical governments, it is true, are never long at rest; the + crown itself is a temptation to enterprizing ruffians at <em>home</em>; + and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, + swells into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a + republican government, by being formed on more natural principles, would + negociate the mistake. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_96" id="APage_96">96</a></span> If + there is any true cause of fear respecting independance, it is because no + plan is yet laid down. Men do not see their way out—Wherefore, as an + opening into that business, I offer the following hints; at the same time + modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that + they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could the + straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently + form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter. + </p> + <hr class="break" /> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_97" id="APage_97">97</a></span> Let + the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The representation more + equal. Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a + Continental Congress. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_98" id="APage_98">98</a></span> Let + each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each + district to send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so that each + colony send at least thirty. The whole number in Congress will be at least + 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose a president by the following + method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole + thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress choose (by + ballot) a president from out of the delegates of <em>that</em> province. + In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, + omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former + Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have had + their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but + what is satisfactorily just, not less than three fifths of the Congress to + be called a majority.—He that will promote discord, under a + government so equally formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his + revolt. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_99" id="APage_99">99</a></span> But + as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this + business must first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent + that it should come from some intermediate body between the governed and + the governors, that is, between the Congress and the people, let a <span + class="smcap">Continental Conference</span> be held, in the following + manner, and for the following purpose. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_100" id="APage_100">100</a></span> A + committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each colony. Two + members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five + representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city + or town of each province, for, and in behalf of the whole province, by as + many qualified voters as shall think proper to attend from all parts of + the province for that purpose; or, if more convenient, the representatives + may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts thereof. In this + conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of + business, <em>knowledge</em> and <em>power</em>. The members of Congress, + Assemblies, or Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, + will be able and useful counsellors, and the whole, being impowered by the + people, will have a truly legal authority. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_101" id="APage_101">101</a></span> + The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a <span + class="smcap">Continental Charter</span>, or Charter of the United + Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna Charta of England) fixing + the number and manner of choosing members of Congress, members of + Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and + jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is + continental, not provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, + and above all things, the free exercise of religion, according to the + dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is necessary for a + charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to + dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said + charter, to be the legislators and governors of this continent for the + time being: Whose peace and happiness, may God preserve, Amen. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_102" id="APage_102">102</a></span> + Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar + purpose, I offer them the following extracts from that wise observer on + governments <em>Dragonetti</em>. “The science” says he “of + the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and freedom. + Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode + of government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, + with the least national expense. + </p> + <p class="quotation"> + Dragonetti on virtue and rewards.” + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_103" id="APage_103">103</a></span> + But where says some is the King of America? I’ll tell you Friend, he + reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of + Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly + honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter; let + it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown + be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve + of monarchy, that in America <span class="smcap">the law is king</span>. + For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the + law <em>ought</em> to be King; and there ought to be no other. But lest + any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of + the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it + is. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_104" id="APage_104">104</a></span> A + government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously + reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, + that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of our own + in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in our power, than to trust + such an interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it now, some + Massanello ¹ may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular + disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and the discontented, and + by assuming to themselves the powers of government, may sweep away the + liberties of the continent like a deluge. Should the government of America + return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering situation of things, + will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune; and + in such a case, what relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, + the fatal business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the + wretched Britons under the oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose + independance now, ye know not what ye do; ye are opening a door to eternal + tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There are thousands, + and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the + continent, that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the + Indians and Negroes to destroy us, the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is + dealing brutally by us, and treacherously by them. + </p> + <div class="footer"> + <p class="noindent"> + ¹ Thomas Anello, otherwise Massanello, a fisherman of Naples, who + after spiriting up his countrymen in the public market place, against + the oppressions of the Spaniards, to whom the place was then subject, + prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day became king. + </p> + </div> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_105" id="APage_105">105</a></span> To + talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, + and our affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, + is madness and folly. Every day wears out the little remains of kindred + between us and them, and can there be any reason to hope, that as the + relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that we shall agree + better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to quarrel over + than ever? + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_106" id="APage_106">106</a></span> Ye + that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time + that is past? Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither + can ye reconcile Britain and America. The last cord now is broken, the + people of England are presenting addresses against us. There are injuries + which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if she did. As + well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent + forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these + unextinguishable feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the + guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish us from the herd of + common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and justice be + extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence were we callous to + the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often escape + unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us + into justice. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_107" id="APage_107">107</a></span> O + ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the + tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with + oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe. Asia, and Africa, + have long expelled her—Europe regards her like a stranger, and + England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and + prepare in time an asylum for mankind. <br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <div> + <a name="Aability" id="Aability"></a> <span class="pagenum"><a + name="APage_108" id="APage_108">108</a></span> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents"> OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA,<br /> WITH SOME + MISCELLANEOUS REFLEXIONS.</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + <span class="smcap">I have</span> never met with a man, either in England + or America, who hath not confessed his opinion, that a separation between + the countries, would take place one time or other: And there is no + instance, in which we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring to + describe, what we call, the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for + independance. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_109" id="APage_109">109</a></span> As + all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let + us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and + endeavour, if possible, to find out the <em>very</em> time. But we need + not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the <em>time hath found us</em>. + The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_110" id="APage_110">110</a></span> It + is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our + present numbers are sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The + Continent hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined + men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of + strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the + whole, when united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or, less + than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is already + sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be insensible, that Britain + would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the continent + remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred + years hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should + be less so, because the timber of the country is every day diminishing, + and that, which will remain at last, will be far off and difficult to + procure. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_111" id="APage_111">111</a></span> + Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under the + present circumstances would be intolerable. The more sea port towns we + had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present + numbers are so happily proportioned to our wants, that no man need be + idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the necessities of an + army create a new trade. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_112" id="APage_112">112</a></span> + Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will + serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity with + a settled form of government, an independant constitution of its own, the + purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the sake + of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry + only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost + cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon + their backs, from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is + unworthy a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart + and a pedling politician. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_113" id="APage_113">113</a></span> + The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard if the work be but + accomplished. No nation ought to be without a debt. A national debt is a + national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. + Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty + millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions interest. + And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is + without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth part of the + English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The navy of + England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half + sterling. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_114" id="APage_114">114</a></span> + The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the + following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above + estimation of the navy is just. <em>See Entic’s naval history, + intro.</em> page 56. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_115" id="APage_115">115</a></span> + The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts, + yards, sails and rigging, together with a proportion of eight months + boatswain’s and carpenter’s sea-stores, as calculated by Mr. + Burchett, Secretary to the navy. + </p> + <table summary="Table1" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tbody> + <tr style="font-size:small;"> + <th></th> + <th></th> + <th></th> + <th></th> + <th class="center"> + £<br /> <span style="font-size:x-small">[pounds <br /> sterling]</span> + </th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + For a ship of + </td> + <td> + 100 + </td> + <td> + guns + </td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 35,553 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:right"> + 90 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 29,886 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 80 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 23,638 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 70 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 17,785 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 60 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 14,197 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 50 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 10,606 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 40 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 7,558 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 30 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 5,846 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 20 + </td> + <td></td> + <td style="text-align:center; width:40px;"> + = + </td> + <td class="right"> + 3,710 + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_116" id="APage_116">116</a></span> + And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the + whole British navy, which in the year 1757, when it was at its greatest + glory consisted of the following ships and guns: + </p> + <table summary="Table2" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto"> + <tbody> + <tr style="font-size:small;"> + <th> + Ships. + </th> + <th class="right"> + Guns. + </th> + <th></th> + <th> + Cost of one. + </th> + <th> + Cost of all. + </th> + </tr> + <tr style="font-size:x-small;"> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td colspan="2"> + Cost in £ [pounds sterling] + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 6 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 100 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 35,553 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 213,318 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 12 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 90 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 29,886 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 358,632 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 12 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 80 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 23,638 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 283,656 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 43 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 70 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 17,785 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 764,755 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 35 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 60 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 14,197 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 496,895 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 40 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 50 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 10,606 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 424,240 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 45 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 40 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 7,558 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 340,110 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 58 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 20 + </td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 3,710 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 215,180 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="right"> + 85 + </td> + <td class="right" style="font-size:x-small; width:100px;"> + Sloops, bombs<br /> and fireships, one<br /> with another, at + </td> + <td> + <span style="font-size:xx-large;">}</span> + </td> + <td class="right"> + 2,000 + </td> + <td class="right"> + 170,000 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td> + ------------ + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" style="font-size:small;"> + Cost + </td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 3,266,786 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2" style="font-size:small;"> + Remains for Guns + </td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 233,214 + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td> + ------------ + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td></td> + <td class="right"> + 3,500,000 + </td> + </tr> + </tbody> + </table> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_117" id="APage_117">117</a></span> No + country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of + raising a fleet as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her natural + produce. We need go abroad for nothing. Whereas the Dutch, who make large + profits by hiring out their ships of war to the Spaniards and Portuguese, + are obliged to import most of the materials they use. We ought to view the + building a fleet as an article of commerce, it being the natural + manufactory of this country. It is the best money we can lay out. A navy + when finished is worth more than it cost. And is that nice point in + national policy, in which commerce and protection are united. Let us + build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means replace our + paper currency with ready gold and silver. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_118" id="APage_118">118</a></span> In + point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is + not necessary that one fourth part should be sailors. The Terrible + privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest engagement of any ship last + war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her complement of men was + upwards of two hundred. A few able and social sailors will soon instruct a + sufficient number of active landmen in the common work of a ship. + Wherefore, we never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters than + now, while our timber is standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our + sailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of war, of seventy and eighty + guns were built forty years ago in New-England, and why not the same now? + Ship-building is America’s greatest pride, and in which, she will in + time excel the whole world. The great empires of the east are mostly + inland, and consequently excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. + Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no power in Europe, hath either + such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of materials. Where + nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only + hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut + out from the sea; wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and + cordage are only articles of commerce. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_119" id="APage_119">119</a></span> In + point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the little + people now, which we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have + trusted our property in the streets, or fields rather; and slept securely + without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case now is altered, + and our methods of defence, ought to improve with our increase of + property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up the + Delaware, and laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution, + for what sum he pleased; and the same might have happened to other places. + Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen or sixteen guns, might have + robbed the whole Continent, and carried off half a million of money. These + are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity + of naval protection. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_120" id="APage_120">120</a></span> + Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she + will protect us. Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a + navy in our harbours for that purpose? Common sense will tell us, that the + power which hath endeavoured to subdue us, is of all others, the most + improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected under the pretence of + friendship; and ourselves, after a long and brave resistance, be at last + cheated into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted into our + harbours, I would ask, how is she to protect us? A navy three or four + thousand miles off can be of little use, and on sudden emergencies, none + at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why not do it + for ourselves? Why do it for another? + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_121" id="APage_121">121</a></span> + The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth + part of them are at any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in + being; yet their names are pompously continued in the list, if only a + plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part, of such as are fit for + service, can be spared on any one station at one time. The East and West + Indies, Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britain extends + her claim, make large demands upon her navy. From a mixture of prejudice + and inattention, we have contracted a false notion respecting the navy of + England, and have talked as if we should have the whole of it to encounter + at once, and for that reason, supposed, that we must have one as large; + which not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of + disguised Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be + farther from truth than this; for if America had only a twentieth part of + the naval force of Britain, she would be by far an over match for her; + because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our whole + force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in the long + run, have two to one the advantage of those who had three or four thousand + miles to sail over, before they could attack us, and the same distance to + return in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet, + hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as large a one over her + trade to the West-Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the + Continent, is entirely at its mercy. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_122" id="APage_122">122</a></span> + Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace, + if we should not judge it necessary to support a constant navy. If + premiums were to be given to merchants, to build and employ in their + service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty or fifty guns, (the + premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty + or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty, would + keep up a sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the + evil so loudly complained of in England, of suffering their fleet, in time + of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite the sinews of commerce and + defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our riches play into + each other’s hand, we need fear no external enemy. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_123" id="APage_123">123</a></span> In + almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even to + rankness, so that we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior to that + of other countries. Our small arms equal to any in the world. Cannon we + can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we are every day producing. + Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our inherent character, + and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore, what is it that we + want? Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can expect nothing but + ruin. If she is once admitted to the government of America again, this + Continent will not be worth living in. Jealousies will be always arising; + insurrections will be constantly happening; and who will go forth to quell + them? Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a foreign + obedience? The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting + some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, + and fully proves, that nothing but Continental authority can regulate + Continental matters. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_124" id="APage_124">124</a></span> + Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that + the fewer our numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which + instead of being lavished by the king on his worthless dependants, may be + hereafter applied, not only to the discharge of the present debt, but to + the constant support of government. No nation under heaven hath such an + advantage as this. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_125" id="APage_125">125</a></span> + The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being + against, is an argument in favour of independance. We are sufficiently + numerous, and were we more so, we might be less united. It is a matter + worthy of observation, that the more a country is peopled, the smaller + their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the + moderns: and the reason is evident. For trade being the consequence of + population, men become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything + else. Commerce diminishes the spirit, both of patriotism and military + defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that the bravest + achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation. With the + increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, + notwithstanding its numbers, submits to continued insults with the + patience of a coward. The more men have to lose, the less willing are they + to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear, and submit to courtly + power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_126" id="APage_126">126</a></span> + Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in + individuals. It might be difficult, if not impossible, to form the + Continent into one government half a century hence. The vast variety of + interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population, would create + confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being able might scorn + each other’s assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in + their little distinctions, the wise would lament, that the union had not + been formed before. Wherefore, the <em>present time</em> is the <em>true + time</em> for establishing it. The intimacy which is contracted in + infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all + others, the most lasting and unalterable. Our present union is marked with + both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but our + concord hath withstood our troubles, and fixes a memorable area for + posterity to glory in. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_127" id="APage_127">127</a></span> + The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens to + a nation but once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government. Most + nations have let slip the opportunity, and by that means have been + compelled to receive laws from their conquerors, instead of making laws + for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a form of government; + whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be formed first, + and men delegated to execute them afterward: but from the errors of other + nations, let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity—<em>To + begin government at the right end</em>. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_128" id="APage_128">128</a></span> + When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the point + of the sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government, in + America, be legally and authoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of + having it filled by some fortunate ruffian, who may treat us in the same + manner, and then, where will be our freedom? where our property? + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_129" id="APage_129">129</a></span> As + to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government, to + protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other + business which government hath to do therewith. Let a man throw aside that + narrowness of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of + all professions are so unwilling to part with, and he will be at once + delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is the companion of mean + souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and + conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there + should be diversity of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger + field for our Christian kindness. Were we all of one way of thinking, our + religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this + liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be + like children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their + Christian names. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_130" id="APage_130">130</a></span> In + <a href="#APage_101"> <ins + title="Transcriber's Note: the link corresponds to the page number in this edition."> + page forty</ins></a>, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a + Continental Charter, (for I only presume to offer hints, not plans) and in + this place, I take the liberty of re-mentioning the subject, by observing, + that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn obligation, which + the whole enters into, to support the right of every separate part, + whether of religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a + right reckoning make long friends. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_131" id="APage_131">131</a></span> In + a <a href="#APage_97"> <ins + title="Transcriber's Note: the link corresponds to the page number in this edition."> + former page</ins></a> I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and + equal representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves + our attention. A small number of electors, or a small number of + representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number of the + representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased. + As an instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators + petition was before the House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight + members only were present, all the Bucks county members, being eight, + voted against it, and had seven of the Chester members done the same, this + whole province had been governed by two counties only, and this danger it + is always exposed to. The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that house + made in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates + of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power + out of their own hands. A set of instructions for the Delegates were put + together, which in point of sense and business would have dishonoured a + schoolboy, and after being approved by a <em>few</em>, a <em>very few</em> + without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed <em>in behalf + of the whole colony</em>; whereas, did the whole colony know, with what + ill-will that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they + would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_132" id="APage_132">132</a></span> + Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued would + grow into oppressions. Expedience and right are different things. When the + calamities of America required a consultation, there was no method so + ready, or at that time so proper, as to appoint persons from the several + Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have + proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more than + probable that we shall never be without a <span class="smcap">Congress</span>, + every well wisher to good order, must own, that the mode for choosing + members of that body, deserves consideration. And I put it as a question + to those, who make a study of mankind, whether <em>representation and + election</em> is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to + possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that + virtue is not hereditary. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_133" id="APage_133">133</a></span> It + is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are + frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes. Mr. Cornwall (one of + the Lords of the Treasury) treated the petition of the New-York Assembly + with contempt, because <em>that</em> House, he said, consisted but of + twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not with + decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty. + ¹ + </p> + <div class="footer"> + <p class="noindent"> + ¹ Those who would fully understand of what great consequence a + large and equal representation is to a state, should read Burgh’s + political disquisitions. + </p> + </div> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_134" id="APage_134">134</a></span> + <span class="smcap">To Conclude</span>, however strange it may appear to + some, or however unwilling they may be to think so, matters not, but many + strong and striking reasons may be given, to shew, that nothing can settle + our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for + independance. Some of which are, + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_135" id="APage_135">135</a></span> + <em>First</em>.—It is the custom of nations, when any two are at + war, for some other powers, not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as + mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: but while America + calls herself the Subject of Great-Britain, no power, however well + disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present + state we may quarrel on for ever. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_136" id="APage_136">136</a></span> + <em>Secondly</em>.—It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or + Spain will give us any kind of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of + that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach, and strengthening + the connection between Britain and America; because, those powers would be + sufferers by the consequences. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_137" id="APage_137">137</a></span> + <em>Thirdly</em>.—While we profess ourselves the subjects of + Britain, we must, in the eye of foreign nations, be considered as rebels. + The precedent is somewhat dangerous to <em>their peace</em>, for men to be + in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the + paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea much too + refined for common understanding. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_138" id="APage_138">138</a></span> + <em>Fourthly</em>.—Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched + to foreign courts, setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the + peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring, at + the same time, that not being able, any longer, to live happily or safely + under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been driven to + the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time, + assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of + our desire of entering into trade with them: Such a memorial would produce + more good effects to this Continent, than if a ship were freighted with + petitions to Britain. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_139" id="APage_139">139</a></span> + Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither be + received nor heard abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, and + will be so, until, by an independance, we take rank with other nations. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_140" id="APage_140">140</a></span> + These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all + other steps which we have already passed over, will in a little time + become familiar and agreeable; and, until an independance is declared, the + Continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some + unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to + set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the thoughts + of its necessity. + </p> + <hr class="break" /> + <div> + <br /><br /><br /> <a name="Aappendix" id="Aappendix"></a> <span + class="pagenum"><a name="APage_141" id="APage_141">141</a></span> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents">APPENDIX.</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + <span class="smcap">Since</span> the publication of the first edition of + this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the King’s + Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy + directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, + at a more seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody + mindedness of the one, shew the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the + other. Men read by way of revenge. And the Speech, instead of terrifying, + prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_142" id="APage_142">142</a></span> + Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, have a + hurtful tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance to base + and wicked performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it + naturally follows, that the King’s Speech, as being a piece of + finished villainy, deserved, and still deserves, a general execration both + by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a + nation, depends greatly, on the <em>chastity</em> of what may properly be + called <span class="smcap">national manners</span>, it is often better, to + pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new + methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that + guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to + this prudent delicacy, that the King’s Speech, hath not, before now, + suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be called one, is + nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common + good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of + offering up human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general + massacre of mankind, is one of the privileges, and the certain consequence + of Kings; for as nature knows them <em>not</em>, they know <em>not her</em>, + and although they are beings of our <em>own</em> creating, they know not + <em>us</em>, and are become the gods of their creators. The Speech hath + one good quality, which is, that it is not calculated to deceive, neither + can we, even if we would, be deceived by it. Brutality and tyranny appear + on the face of it. It leaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even + in the moment of reading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the naked + and untutored Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_143" id="APage_143">143</a></span> + Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, + fallaciously called, “<em>The Address of the people of</em> <span + class="smcap">England</span> <em>to the inhabitants of</em> <span + class="smcap">America</span>,” hath, perhaps, from a vain + supposition, that the people <em>here</em> were to be frightened at the + pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his part) + the real character of the present one: “But” says this writer, + “if you are inclined to pay compliments to an administration, which + we do not complain of,” (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham’s + at the repeal of the Stamp Act) “it is very unfair in you to + withhold them from that prince, <em>by whose</em> <span class="smcap">nod + alone</span> <em>they were permitted to do any thing</em>.” This is + toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry even without a mask: And he who + can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to + rationality—an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be + considered—as one, who hath not only given up the proper dignity of + man, but sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls + through the world like a worm. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_144" id="APage_144">144</a></span> + However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either says + or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, + trampled nature and conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and + constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself an + universal hatred. It is <em>now</em> the interest of America to provide + for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more + her duty to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to + support a power who is become a reproach to the names of men and + christians—<span class="smcap">Ye</span>, whose office it is to + watch over the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye + are of, as well as ye, who are more immediately the guardians of the + public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated + by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation—But + leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my + farther remarks to the following heads. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_145" id="APage_145">145</a></span> + First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_146" id="APage_146">146</a></span> + Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, <span + class="smcap">reconciliation</span> or <span class="smcap">independance</span>? + with some occasional remarks. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_147" id="APage_147">147</a></span> In + support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion + of some of the ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and + whose sentiments, on that head, are not yet publicly known. It is in + reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state of foreign + dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its + legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence. America doth + not yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath + made stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, it is but + childhood, compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had + she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own hands. + England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were + she to accomplish it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will + be her final ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of + America, by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great + measure continue, were the countries as independant of each other as + France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better + market. But it is the independance of this country of Britain or any + other, which is now the main and only object worthy of contention, and + which, like all other truths discovered by necessity, will appear clearer + and stronger every day. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_148" id="APage_148">148</a></span> + First. Because it will come to that one time or other. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_149" id="APage_149">149</a></span> + Secondly. Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to + accomplish. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_150" id="APage_150">150</a></span> I + have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with + silently remarking, the specious errors of those who speak without + reflecting. And among the many which I have heard, the following seems the + most general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years + hence, instead of <em>now</em>, the Continent would have been more able to + have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military + ability, <em>at this time</em>, arises from the experience gained in the + last war, and which in forty or fifty years time, would have been totally + extinct. The Continent, would not, by that time, have had a General, or + even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us, would + have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this + single position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the + present time is preferable to all others. The argument turns thus—at + the conclusion of the last war, we had experience, but wanted numbers; and + forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers, without experience; + wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some particular point between + the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former remains, and a + proper increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the + present time. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_151" id="APage_151">151</a></span> + The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come under + the head I first set out with, and to which I again return by the + following position, viz. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_152" id="APage_152">152</a></span> + Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the governing + and sovereign power of America, (which, as matters are now circumstanced, + is giving up the point intirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very + means of sinking the debt we have, or may contract. The value of the back + lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely deprived of, by the + unjust extention of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds + sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, + Pennsylvania currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, + to two millions yearly. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_153" id="APage_153">153</a></span> It + is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burthen + to any, and the quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in + time, will wholly support the yearly expence of government. It matters not + how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands when sold be applied to + the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congress for the + time being, will be the continental trustees. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_154" id="APage_154">154</a></span> I + proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and most + practicable plan, <span class="smcap">reconciliation</span> or <span + class="smcap">independance</span>; with some occasional remarks. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_155" id="APage_155">155</a></span> He + who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument, + and on that ground, I answer <em>generally—That</em> <span + class="smcap">independance</span> <em>being a</em> <span class="smcap">single + simple line</span>, <em>contained within ourselves; and reconciliation, a + matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and in which, a treacherous + capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.</em> + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_156" id="APage_156">156</a></span> + The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable + of reflexion. Without law, without government, without any other mode of + power than what is founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by + an unexampled concurrence of sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to + change, and which every secret enemy is endeavouring to dissolve. Our + present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom without a plan; + constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect + Independance contending for dependance. The instance is without a + precedent; the case never existed before; and who can tell what may be the + event? The property of no man is secure in the present unbraced system of + things. The mind of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed + object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion starts. Nothing + is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one + thinks himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not have + assembled offensively, had they known that their lives, by that act, were + forfeited to the laws of the state. A line of distinction should be drawn, + between, English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America + taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one + forfeits his liberty, the other his head. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_157" id="APage_157">157</a></span> + Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our + proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. The Continental Belt + is too loosely buckled. And if something is not done in time, it will be + too late to do any thing, and we shall fall into a state, in which, + neither <em>Reconciliation</em> nor <em>Independance</em> will be + practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old + game of dividing the Continent, and there are not wanting among us, + Printers, who will be busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The artful + and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago in two of the + New-York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are + men who want either judgment or honesty. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_158" id="APage_158">158</a></span> It + is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation: But + do such men seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how + dangerous it may prove, should the Continent divide thereon. Do they take + within their view, all the various orders of men whose situation and + circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein. Do they + put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose <em>all</em> is <em>already</em> + gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted <em>all</em> for the defence of + his country. If their ill judged moderation be suited to their own private + situations <em>only</em>, regardless of others, the event will convince + them, that “they are reckoning without their Host.” + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_159" id="APage_159">159</a></span> + Put us, say some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which I + answer, the request is not <em>now</em> in the power of Britain to comply + with, neither will she propose it; but if it were, and even should be + granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is such a corrupt + and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, + nay, even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the + pretence, of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in + that case, Where is our redress?—No going to law with nations; + cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of justice, but of + war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not + sufficient, that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our + circumstances, likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed + towns repaired or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts + (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions worse + than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied + with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent—but + now it is too late, “The Rubicon is passed.” + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_160" id="APage_160">160</a></span> + Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary + law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human + feelings, as the taking up arms to enforce obedience thereto. The object, + on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of men are too + valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence which is done + and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property by an armed + force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which + conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which such + a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought to + have ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered, + as dating its æra from, and published by, <em>the first musket that + was fired against her</em>. This line is a line of consistency; neither + drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of + events, of which the colonies were not the authors. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_161" id="APage_161">161</a></span> I + shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well intended + hints. We ought to reflect, that there are three different ways, by which + an independancy may hereafter be effected; and that <em>one</em> of those + <em>three</em>, will one day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the + legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob: + It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude + a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not + hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independancy be brought + about by the first of those means, we have every opportunity and every + encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest constitution on the + face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over again. + A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of + Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, + perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion + of freedom from the event of a few months. The Reflexion is awful—and + in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry + cavellings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against + the business of a world. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_162" id="APage_162">162</a></span> + Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and an + Independance be hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge the + consequence to ourselves, or to those rather, whose narrow and prejudiced + souls, are habitually opposing the measure, without either inquiring or + reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of Independance, + which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of. We + ought not now to be debating whether we shall be independant or not, but, + anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and + uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon. Every day convinces us of its + necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings yet remain among us) should, of + all men, be the most solicitous to promote it; for, as the appointment of + committees at first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well + established form of government, will be the only certain means of + continuing it securely to them. <em>Wherefore</em>, if they have not + virtue enough to be <span class="smcap">Whigs</span>, they ought to have + prudence enough to wish for Independance. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_163" id="APage_163">163</a></span> In + short, Independance is the only <span class="smcap">Bond</span> that can + tye and keep us together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will + be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well, as a cruel + enemy. We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; + for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be + less hurt by treating with the American states for terms of peace, than + with those, whom she denominates, “rebellious subjects,” for + terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope + for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we + have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a + redress of our grievances, let us <em>now</em> try the alternative, by <em>independantly</em> + redressing them ourselves, and then offering to open the trade. The + mercantile and reasonable part in England, will be still with us; because, + peace <em>with</em> trade, is preferable to war <em>without</em> it. And + if this offer be not accepted, other courts may be applied to. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_164" id="APage_164">164</a></span> On + these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to + refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it + is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that + the party in favour of it are too numerous to be opposed. <span + class="smcap">Wherefore</span>, instead of gazing at each other with + suspicious or doubtful curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his + neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, + which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former + dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other + be heard among us, than those of <em>a good citizen, an open and resolute + friend, and a virtuous supporter of the</em> <span class="smcap">rights</span> + <em>of</em> <span class="smcap">mankind</span> <em>and of the</em> FREE + AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA. + </p> + <hr class="break" /> + <div> + <a name="Aquakers" id="Aquakers"></a> + </div> + <p style="margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em;"> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_165" id="APage_165">165</a></span> + <em>To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called + Quakers, or to so many of them as were concerned in publishing the late + piece, entitled</em> “<span class="smcap">The Ancient Testimony and + Principles</span> of the People called <span class="smcap">Quakers</span> + renewed, with Respect to the <span class="smcap">King</span> and <span + class="smcap">Government</span>, and touching the <span class="smcap">Commotions</span> + now prevailing in these and other parts of <span class="smcap">America</span> + addressed to the <span class="smcap">People in General</span>.” + </p> + <hr class="break" /> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_166" id="APage_166">166</a></span> + The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religion + either by ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. To God, + and not to man, are all men accountable on the score of religion. + Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly addressed to you as a + religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the + professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_167" id="APage_167">167</a></span> As + you have, without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the + place of the whole body of the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order + to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is under the necessity, of putting + himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very writings and + principles, against which your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen + this singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him that + presumption of character which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither + he nor you can have any claim or title to <em>Political Representation</em>. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_168" id="APage_168">168</a></span> + When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they + stumble and fall. And it is evident from the manner in which ye have + managed your testimony, that politics, (as a religious body of men) is not + your proper Walk; for however well adapted it might appear to you, it is, + nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely together, and the + conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_169" id="APage_169">169</a></span> + The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you credit + for, and expect the same civility from you, because the love and desire of + peace is not confined to Quakerism, it is the natural, as well the + religious wish of all denominations of men. And on this ground, as men + labouring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do we + exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. <em>Our plan is peace for + ever.</em> We are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real + end to it but in a final separation. We act consistently, because for the + sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted peace, do we bear the + evils and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will + steadily continue to endeavour, to separate and dissolve a connexion which + hath already filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it + remains, will be the fatal cause of future mischiefs to both countries. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_170" id="APage_170">170</a></span> We + fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor passion; we + are not insulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor ravaging the + globe for plunder. Beneath the shade of our own vines are we attacked; in + our own houses, and on our own lands, is the violence committed against + us. We view our enemies in the character of Highwaymen and Housebreakers, + and having no defence for ourselves in the civil law, are obliged to + punish them by the military one, and apply the sword, in the very case, + where you have before now, applied the halter—Perhaps we feel for + the ruined and insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent, + with a degree of tenderness which hath not yet made its way into some of + your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake not the cause and ground of + your Testimony. Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the <em>Bigot</em> + in the place of the <em>Christian</em>. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_171" id="APage_171">171</a></span> O + ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the bearing + arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the + difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye + really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a political + hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof, by proclaiming + your doctrine to our enemies, <em>for they likewise bear</em> <span + class="smcap">arms</span>. Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing + it at St. James’s, to the commanders in chief at Boston, to the + Admirals and Captains who are piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all + the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under <span + class="smcap">him</span> whom ye profess to serve. Had ye the honest soul + of <em>Barclay</em> ¹ ye would preach repentance to <em>your</em> + king; Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal + ruin. Ye would not spend your partial invectives against the injured and + the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and <em>spare + none</em>. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us + the authors of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for + we testify unto all men, that we do not complain against you because ye + are <em>Quakers</em>, but because ye pretend to <em>be</em> and are <span + class="smcap">not</span> Quakers. + </p> + <div class="footer"> + <p style="margin:1em; text-indent:-1em;"> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_172" id="APage_172">172</a></span> + ¹“Thou hast tasted of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest + what it is to be banished thy native country, to be over-ruled as well + as to rule, and set upon the throne; and being <em>oppressed</em> thou + hast reason to know how <em>hateful</em> the <em>oppressor</em> is both + to God and man: If after all these warnings and advertisements, thou + dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but forget him who + remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to follow lust and + vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.—Against which + snare, as well as the temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and + prompt thee to evil, the most excellent and prevalent remedy will be, to + apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy conscience, + and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at + ease in thy sins.” + </p> + <p class="quotation"> + —Barclay’s address to Charles II. + </p> + </div> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_173" id="APage_173">173</a></span> + Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your testimony, + and other parts of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and + comprehended in, <em>the act of bearing arms</em>, and that by the <em>people</em> + only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party for conscience; because, the + general tenor of your actions wants uniformity: And it is exceedingly + difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; + because, we see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that + they are exclaiming against the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, + hunting after it with a step as steady as Time, and an appetite as keen as + Death. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_174" id="APage_174">174</a></span> + The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your + testimony, that, “when a man’s ways please the Lord, he maketh + even his enemies to be at peace with him”; is very unwisely chosen + on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king’s ways + (whom ye are desirous of supporting) do <em>not</em> please the Lord, + otherwise, his reign would be in peace. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_175" id="APage_175">175</a></span> I + now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which all + the foregoing seems only an introduction, viz. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_176" id="APage_176">176</a></span> + “It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called + to profess the light of Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto + this day, that the setting up and putting down kings and governments, is + God’s peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to himself: And + that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor + to be busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the + ruin, or overturn of any of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of + our nation, and good of all men: That we may live a peaceable and quiet + life, in all godliness and honesty; <em>under the government which God is + pleased to set over us.</em>”—If these are <em>really</em> + your principles why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, + which ye call God’s Work, to be managed by himself? These very + principles instruct you to wait with patience and humility, for the event + of all public measures, and to receive <em>that event</em> as the divine + will towards you. <em>Wherefore</em>, what occasion is there for your <em>political + testimony</em> if you fully believe what it contains: And the very + publishing it proves, that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or + have not virtue enough to practise what ye believe. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_177" id="APage_177">177</a></span> + The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet + and inoffensive subject of any, and every government <em>which is set over + him</em>. And if the setting up and putting down of kings and governments + is God’s peculiar prerogative, he most certainly will not be robbed + thereof by us; wherefore, the principle itself leads you to approve of + every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings as being his + work. <span class="smcap">Oliver Cromwell</span> thanks you. <span + class="smcap">Charles</span>, then, died not by the hands of man; and + should the present Proud Imitator of him, come to the same untimely end, + the writers and publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it + contains, to applaud the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, + neither are changes in governments brought about by any other means than + such as are common and human; and such as we are now using. Even the + dispersion of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was effected by + arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought not to + be meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless ye + can produce divine authority, to prove, that the Almighty who hath created + and placed this <em>new</em> world, at the greatest distance it could + possibly stand, east and west, from every part of the old, doth, + nevertheless, disapprove of its being independant of the corrupt and + abandoned court of Britain, unless I say, ye can shew this, how can ye on + the ground of your principles, justify the exciting and stirring up the + people “firmly to unite in the <em>abhorrence</em> of all such <em>writings</em>, + and <em>measures</em>, as evidence a desire and design to break off the + <em>happy</em> connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of + Great-Britain, and our just and necessary subordination to the king, and + those who are lawfully placed in authority under him.” What a slap + of the face is here! the men, who in the very paragraph before, have + quietly and passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of + kings and governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling their + principles, and putting in for a share of the business. Is it possible, + that the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can any ways follow from + the doctrine laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be seen; + the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such as could only have + been made by those, whose understandings were darkened by the narrow and + crabby spirit of a despairing political party; for ye are not to be + considered as the whole body of the Quakers but only as a factional and + fractional part thereof. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_178" id="APage_178">178</a></span> + Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no man to + abhor, as ye have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which I + subjoin the following remark; “That the setting up and putting down + of kings,” most certainly mean, the making him a king, who is yet + not so, and the making him no king who is already one. And pray what hath + this to do in the present case? We neither mean to <em>set up</em> nor to + <em>put down</em>, neither to <em>make</em> nor to <em>unmake</em>, but to + have nothing to <em>do</em> with them. Wherefore, your testimony in + whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgement, and + for many other reasons had better have been let alone than published. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_179" id="APage_179">179</a></span> + First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion + whatever, and is of the utmost danger to society, to make it a party in + political disputes. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_180" id="APage_180">180</a></span> + Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the + publishing political testimonies, as being concerned therein and approvers + thereof. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_181" id="APage_181">181</a></span> + Thirdly, Because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony and + friendship which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable donations + hath lent a hand to establish; and the preservation of which, is of the + utmost consequence to us all. + </p> + <p> + <span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_182" id="APage_182">182</a></span> + And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewell. Sincerely + wishing, that as men and christians, ye may always fully and + uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious right; and be, in your + turn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which ye + have unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, <em>may be + disavowed and reprobated by every inhabitant of</em> <span class="smcap">America</span>. + <br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="finis"> + F I N I S. + </p> + <hr /> + <div> + <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_183" id="APage_183">183</a></span> + <br /><br /><br /> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents">On Common Sense</a> + </h2> + </div> + <blockquote> + <p class="noindent"> + “No writer has exceeded Paine in ease and familiarity of style, in + perspicuity of expression, happiness of elucidation, and in simple and + unassuming language.” + </p> + <p class="right noindent"> + <em>Thomas Jefferson</em> + </p> + </blockquote> + <blockquote> + <p class="noindent"> + “A pamphlet called ‘Commonsense’ makes a great noise. + One of the vilest things that ever was published to the world. Full of + false representations, lies, calumny, and treason, whose principles are + to subvert all Kingly Governments and erect an Independent Republic.” + </p> + <p class="right noindent"> + <em>Nicholas Cresswell</em> + </p> + </blockquote> + <blockquote> + <p class="noindent"> + “I dreaded the effect so popular a pamphlet might have among the + people, and determined to do all in my Power to counteract the effect of + it.” + </p> + <p class="right noindent"> + <em>John Adams</em> + </p> + </blockquote> + <blockquote> + <p class="noindent"> + “Its effects were sudden and extensive upon the American mind. It + was read by public men.” + </p> + <p class="right noindent"> + <em>Dr. Benjamin Rush</em> + </p> + </blockquote> + <blockquote> + <p class="noindent"> + “Have you read the pamphlet <i>Common Sense</i>? I never saw such + a masterful performance.… In short, I own myself convinced, by + the arguments, of the necessity of separation.” + </p> + <p class="right noindent"> + <em>General Charles Lee</em> + </p> + </blockquote> + <div> + <br /><span class="pagenum"><a name="APage_184" id="APage_184">184</a></span> + <br /><br /><br /> + <h2> + <a href="#AContents">Transcriber's Notes</a> + </h2> + </div> + <p> + This production of the Bradford edition of Common Sense retains the + original characteristics of the document—the author's use of + capitalization (large and small), spelling, and italics. + </p> + <p> + The page numbers of this version of the book were my invention, for ease + in reading the HTML document. The page numbers can more accurately be + called paragraph numbers. They match the paragraph numbers in the edited + text of ‘Common Sense’ from the National Humanities Center. + </p> + <p> + In one case, the text refers to page forty (see our <a href="#APage_130">Page + 130</a>). We provided a link to the appropriate part of our document but + retained the page number specified by Paine. Our page numbers are not + carried over to the Kindle, E-PUB, and text documents produced by Project + Gutenberg. + </p> + <p> + The section "On Common Sense," containing quotes about Common Sense, have + been added by this transcriber. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + <i>THE WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE</i> + </h3> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#common"> <b>Common Sense</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol1"> <b>Volume One</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol2"> <b>Volume Two</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol3"> <b>Volume Three</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol4"> <b> Volume Four</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <a name="vol1" id="vol1"> </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE<br /><br />VOLUME I. + </h1> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h3> + COLLECTED AND EDITED BY MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY + </h3> + <h2> + 1774 - 1779 + </h2> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS of VOLUME ONE</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0002"> THE AMERICAN CRISIS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0003"> EDITOR'S PREFACE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0004"> THE CRISIS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0005"> THE CRISIS I. (THESE ARE THE TIMES THAT TRY + MEN'S SOULS) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0006"> THE CRISIS II. TO LORD HOWE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0007"> THE CRISIS III. (IN THE PROGRESS OF POLITICS) + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0008"> THE CRISIS IV. (THOSE WHO EXPECT TO REAP THE + BLESSINGS OF FREEDOM) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0009"> THE CRISIS. V. TO GEN. SIR WILLIAM HOWE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0010"> THE CRISIS VI. (TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND + GENERAL CLINTON) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0011"> THE CRISIS VII. TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0012"> THE CRISIS VIII. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF + ENGLAND. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0013"> THE CRISIS IX. (HAD AMERICA PURSUED HER + ADVANTAGES) </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0014"> THE CRISIS X. ON THE KING OF ENGLAND'S + SPEECH. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0015"> THE CRISIS. XI. ON THE PRESENT STATE OF NEWS. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0016"> THE CRISIS. XII. TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0017"> THE CRISIS. XIII. THOUGHTS ON THE PEACE, AND + PROBABLE ADVANTAGES </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Blink2H_4_0018"> A SUPERNUMERARY CRISIS: TO THE PEOPLE OF + AMERICA. </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Blink2H_4_0002" id="Blink2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h1> + THE AMERICAN CRISIS. + </h1> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0003" id="Blink2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EDITOR'S PREFACE. + </h2> + <p> + THOMAS PAINE, in his Will, speaks of this work as The American Crisis, + remembering perhaps that a number of political pamphlets had appeared in + London, 1775-1776, under general title of "The Crisis." By the blunder of + an early English publisher of Paine's writings, one essay in the London + "Crisis" was attributed to Paine, and the error has continued to cause + confusion. This publisher was D. I. Eaton, who printed as the first number + of Paine's "Crisis" an essay taken from the London publication. But his + prefatory note says: "Since the printing of this book, the publisher is + informed that No. 1, or first Crisis in this publication, is not one of + the thirteen which Paine wrote, but a letter previous to them." + Unfortunately this correction is sufficiently equivocal to leave on some + minds the notion that Paine did write the letter in question, albeit not + as a number of his "Crisis "; especially as Eaton's editor unwarrantably + appended the signature "C. S.," suggesting "Common Sense." There are, + however, no such letters in the London essay, which is signed "Casca." It + was published August, 1775, in the form of a letter to General Gage, in + answer to his Proclamation concerning the affair at Lexington. It was + certainly not written by Paine. It apologizes for the Americans for + having, on April 19, at Lexington, made "an attack upon the King's troops + from behind walls and lurking holes." The writer asks: "Have not the + Americans been driven to this frenzy? Is it not common for an enemy to + take every advantage?" Paine, who was in America when the affair occurred + at Lexington, would have promptly denounced Gage's story as a falsehood, + but the facts known to every one in America were as yet not before the + London writer. The English "Crisis" bears evidence throughout of having + been written in London. It derived nothing from Paine, and he derived + nothing from it, unless its title, and this is too obvious for its origin + to require discussion. I have no doubt, however, that the title was + suggested by the English publication, because Paine has followed its + scheme in introducing a "Crisis Extraordinary." His work consists of + thirteen numbers, and, in addition to these, a "Crisis Extraordinary" and + a "Supernumerary Crisis." In some modern collections all of these have + been serially numbered, and a brief newspaper article added, making + sixteen numbers. But Paine, in his Will, speaks of the number as thirteen, + wishing perhaps, in his characteristic way, to adhere to the number of the + American Colonies, as he did in the thirteen ribs of his iron bridge. His + enumeration is therefore followed in the present volume, and the numbers + printed successively, although other writings intervened. + </p> + <p> + The first "Crisis" was printed in the Pennsylvania Journal, December 19, + 1776, and opens with the famous sentence, "These are the times that try + men's souls"; the last "Crisis" appeared April 19,1783, (eighth + anniversary of the first gun of the war, at Lexington,) and opens with the + words, "The times that tried men's souls are over." The great effect + produced by Paine's successive publications has been attested by + Washington and Franklin, by every leader of the American Revolution, by + resolutions of Congress, and by every contemporary historian of the events + amid which they were written. The first "Crisis" is of especial historical + interest. It was written during the retreat of Washington across the + Delaware, and by order of the Commander was read to groups of his + dispirited and suffering soldiers. Its opening sentence was adopted as the + watchword of the movement on Trenton, a few days after its publication, + and is believed to have inspired much of the courage which won that + victory, which, though not imposing in extent, was of great moral effect + on Washington's little army. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Blink2H_4_0004" id="Blink2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + THE CRISIS + </h1> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0005" id="Blink2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS I. (THESE ARE THE TIMES THAT TRY MEN'S SOULS) + </h2> + <p> + THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the + sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their + country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man + and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this + consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the + triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness + only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper + price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an + article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated. Britain, with an army to + enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right (not only to TAX) + but "to BIND us in ALL CASES WHATSOEVER," and if being bound in that + manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon + earth. Even the expression is impious; for so unlimited a power can belong + only to God. + </p> + <p> + Whether the independence of the continent was declared too soon, or + delayed too long, I will not now enter into as an argument; my own simple + opinion is, that had it been eight months earlier, it would have been much + better. We did not make a proper use of last winter, neither could we, + while we were in a dependent state. However, the fault, if it were one, + was all our own*; we have none to blame but ourselves. But no great deal + is lost yet. All that Howe has been doing for this month past, is rather a + ravage than a conquest, which the spirit of the Jerseys, a year ago, would + have quickly repulsed, and which time and a little resolution will soon + recover. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The present winter is worth an age, if rightly employed; but, if +lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the evil; and +there is no punishment that man does not deserve, be he who, or what, or +where he will, that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious +and useful. +</pre> + <p> + I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret + opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up a + people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who + have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war, + by every decent method which wisdom could invent. Neither have I so much + of the infidel in me, as to suppose that He has relinquished the + government of the world, and given us up to the care of devils; and as I + do not, I cannot see on what grounds the king of Britain can look up to + heaven for help against us: a common murderer, a highwayman, or a + house-breaker, has as good a pretence as he. + </p> + <p> + 'Tis surprising to see how rapidly a panic will sometimes run through a + country. All nations and ages have been subject to them. Britain has + trembled like an ague at the report of a French fleet of flat-bottomed + boats; and in the fourteenth [fifteenth] century the whole English army, + after ravaging the kingdom of France, was driven back like men petrified + with fear; and this brave exploit was performed by a few broken forces + collected and headed by a woman, Joan of Arc. Would that heaven might + inspire some Jersey maid to spirit up her countrymen, and save her fair + fellow sufferers from ravage and ravishment! Yet panics, in some cases, + have their uses; they produce as much good as hurt. Their duration is + always short; the mind soon grows through them, and acquires a firmer + habit than before. But their peculiar advantage is, that they are the + touchstones of sincerity and hypocrisy, and bring things and men to light, + which might otherwise have lain forever undiscovered. In fact, they have + the same effect on secret traitors, which an imaginary apparition would + have upon a private murderer. They sift out the hidden thoughts of man, + and hold them up in public to the world. Many a disguised Tory has lately + shown his head, that shall penitentially solemnize with curses the day on + which Howe arrived upon the Delaware. + </p> + <p> + As I was with the troops at Fort Lee, and marched with them to the edge of + Pennsylvania, I am well acquainted with many circumstances, which those + who live at a distance know but little or nothing of. Our situation there + was exceedingly cramped, the place being a narrow neck of land between the + North River and the Hackensack. Our force was inconsiderable, being not + one-fourth so great as Howe could bring against us. We had no army at hand + to have relieved the garrison, had we shut ourselves up and stood on our + defence. Our ammunition, light artillery, and the best part of our stores, + had been removed, on the apprehension that Howe would endeavor to + penetrate the Jerseys, in which case Fort Lee could be of no use to us; + for it must occur to every thinking man, whether in the army or not, that + these kind of field forts are only for temporary purposes, and last in use + no longer than the enemy directs his force against the particular object + which such forts are raised to defend. Such was our situation and + condition at Fort Lee on the morning of the 20th of November, when an + officer arrived with information that the enemy with 200 boats had landed + about seven miles above; Major General [Nathaniel] Green, who commanded + the garrison, immediately ordered them under arms, and sent express to + General Washington at the town of Hackensack, distant by the way of the + ferry = six miles. Our first object was to secure the bridge over the + Hackensack, which laid up the river between the enemy and us, about six + miles from us, and three from them. General Washington arrived in about + three-quarters of an hour, and marched at the head of the troops towards + the bridge, which place I expected we should have a brush for; however, + they did not choose to dispute it with us, and the greatest part of our + troops went over the bridge, the rest over the ferry, except some which + passed at a mill on a small creek, between the bridge and the ferry, and + made their way through some marshy grounds up to the town of Hackensack, + and there passed the river. We brought off as much baggage as the wagons + could contain, the rest was lost. The simple object was to bring off the + garrison, and march them on till they could be strengthened by the Jersey + or Pennsylvania militia, so as to be enabled to make a stand. We staid + four days at Newark, collected our out-posts with some of the Jersey + militia, and marched out twice to meet the enemy, on being informed that + they were advancing, though our numbers were greatly inferior to theirs. + Howe, in my little opinion, committed a great error in generalship in not + throwing a body of forces off from Staten Island through Amboy, by which + means he might have seized all our stores at Brunswick, and intercepted + our march into Pennsylvania; but if we believe the power of hell to be + limited, we must likewise believe that their agents are under some + providential control. + </p> + <p> + I shall not now attempt to give all the particulars of our retreat to the + Delaware; suffice it for the present to say, that both officers and men, + though greatly harassed and fatigued, frequently without rest, covering, + or provision, the inevitable consequences of a long retreat, bore it with + a manly and martial spirit. All their wishes centred in one, which was, + that the country would turn out and help them to drive the enemy back. + Voltaire has remarked that King William never appeared to full advantage + but in difficulties and in action; the same remark may be made on General + Washington, for the character fits him. There is a natural firmness in + some minds which cannot be unlocked by trifles, but which, when unlocked, + discovers a cabinet of fortitude; and I reckon it among those kind of + public blessings, which we do not immediately see, that God hath blessed + him with uninterrupted health, and given him a mind that can even flourish + upon care. + </p> + <p> + I shall conclude this paper with some miscellaneous remarks on the state + of our affairs; and shall begin with asking the following question, Why is + it that the enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these + middle ones the seat of war? The answer is easy: New England is not + infested with Tories, and we are. I have been tender in raising the cry + against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their + danger, but it will not do to sacrifice a world either to their folly or + their baseness. The period is now arrived, in which either they or we must + change our sentiments, or one or both must fall. And what is a Tory? Good + God! what is he? I should not be afraid to go with a hundred Whigs against + a thousand Tories, were they to attempt to get into arms. Every Tory is a + coward; for servile, slavish, self-interested fear is the foundation of + Toryism; and a man under such influence, though he may be cruel, never can + be brave. + </p> + <p> + But, before the line of irrecoverable separation be drawn between us, let + us reason the matter together: Your conduct is an invitation to the enemy, + yet not one in a thousand of you has heart enough to join him. Howe is as + much deceived by you as the American cause is injured by you. He expects + you will all take up arms, and flock to his standard, with muskets on your + shoulders. Your opinions are of no use to him, unless you support him + personally, for 'tis soldiers, and not Tories, that he wants. + </p> + <p> + I once felt all that kind of anger, which a man ought to feel, against the + mean principles that are held by the Tories: a noted one, who kept a + tavern at Amboy, was standing at his door, with as pretty a child in his + hand, about eight or nine years old, as I ever saw, and after speaking his + mind as freely as he thought was prudent, finished with this unfatherly + expression, "Well! give me peace in my day." Not a man lives on the + continent but fully believes that a separation must some time or other + finally take place, and a generous parent should have said, "If there must + be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace;" and this + single reflection, well applied, is sufficient to awaken every man to + duty. Not a place upon earth might be so happy as America. Her situation + is remote from all the wrangling world, and she has nothing to do but to + trade with them. A man can distinguish himself between temper and + principle, and I am as confident, as I am that God governs the world, that + America will never be happy till she gets clear of foreign dominion. Wars, + without ceasing, will break out till that period arrives, and the + continent must in the end be conqueror; for though the flame of liberty + may sometimes cease to shine, the coal can never expire. + </p> + <p> + America did not, nor does not want force; but she wanted a proper + application of that force. Wisdom is not the purchase of a day, and it is + no wonder that we should err at the first setting off. From an excess of + tenderness, we were unwilling to raise an army, and trusted our cause to + the temporary defence of a well-meaning militia. A summer's experience has + now taught us better; yet with those troops, while they were collected, we + were able to set bounds to the progress of the enemy, and, thank God! they + are again assembling. I always considered militia as the best troops in + the world for a sudden exertion, but they will not do for a long campaign. + Howe, it is probable, will make an attempt on this city [Philadelphia]; + should he fail on this side the Delaware, he is ruined. If he succeeds, + our cause is not ruined. He stakes all on his side against a part on ours; + admitting he succeeds, the consequence will be, that armies from both ends + of the continent will march to assist their suffering friends in the + middle states; for he cannot go everywhere, it is impossible. I consider + Howe as the greatest enemy the Tories have; he is bringing a war into + their country, which, had it not been for him and partly for themselves, + they had been clear of. Should he now be expelled, I wish with all the + devotion of a Christian, that the names of Whig and Tory may never more be + mentioned; but should the Tories give him encouragement to come, or + assistance if he come, I as sincerely wish that our next year's arms may + expel them from the continent, and the Congress appropriate their + possessions to the relief of those who have suffered in well-doing. A + single successful battle next year will settle the whole. America could + carry on a two years' war by the confiscation of the property of + disaffected persons, and be made happy by their expulsion. Say not that + this is revenge, call it rather the soft resentment of a suffering people, + who, having no object in view but the good of all, have staked their own + all upon a seemingly doubtful event. Yet it is folly to argue against + determined hardness; eloquence may strike the ear, and the language of + sorrow draw forth the tear of compassion, but nothing can reach the heart + that is steeled with prejudice. + </p> + <p> + Quitting this class of men, I turn with the warm ardor of a friend to + those who have nobly stood, and are yet determined to stand the matter + out: I call not upon a few, but upon all: not on this state or that state, + but on every state: up and help us; lay your shoulders to the wheel; + better have too much force than too little, when so great an object is at + stake. Let it be told to the future world, that in the depth of winter, + when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the + country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and to repulse + it. Say not that thousands are gone, turn out your tens of thousands; + throw not the burden of the day upon Providence, but "show your faith by + your works," that God may bless you. It matters not where you live, or + what rank of life you hold, the evil or the blessing will reach you all. + The far and the near, the home counties and the back, the rich and the + poor, will suffer or rejoice alike. The heart that feels not now is dead; + the blood of his children will curse his cowardice, who shrinks back at a + time when a little might have saved the whole, and made them happy. I love + the man that can smile in trouble, that can gather strength from distress, + and grow brave by reflection. 'Tis the business of little minds to shrink; + but he whose heart is firm, and whose conscience approves his conduct, + will pursue his principles unto death. My own line of reasoning is to + myself as straight and clear as a ray of light. Not all the treasures of + the world, so far as I believe, could have induced me to support an + offensive war, for I think it murder; but if a thief breaks into my house, + burns and destroys my property, and kills or threatens to kill me, or + those that are in it, and to "bind me in all cases whatsoever" to his + absolute will, am I to suffer it? What signifies it to me, whether he who + does it is a king or a common man; my countryman or not my countryman; + whether it be done by an individual villain, or an army of them? If we + reason to the root of things we shall find no difference; neither can any + just cause be assigned why we should punish in the one case and pardon in + the other. Let them call me rebel and welcome, I feel no concern from it; + but I should suffer the misery of devils, were I to make a whore of my + soul by swearing allegiance to one whose character is that of a sottish, + stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish man. I conceive likewise a horrid + idea in receiving mercy from a being, who at the last day shall be + shrieking to the rocks and mountains to cover him, and fleeing with terror + from the orphan, the widow, and the slain of America. + </p> + <p> + There are cases which cannot be overdone by language, and this is one. + There are persons, too, who see not the full extent of the evil which + threatens them; they solace themselves with hopes that the enemy, if he + succeed, will be merciful. It is the madness of folly, to expect mercy + from those who have refused to do justice; and even mercy, where conquest + is the object, is only a trick of war; the cunning of the fox is as + murderous as the violence of the wolf, and we ought to guard equally + against both. Howe's first object is, partly by threats and partly by + promises, to terrify or seduce the people to deliver up their arms and + receive mercy. The ministry recommended the same plan to Gage, and this is + what the tories call making their peace, "a peace which passeth all + understanding" indeed! A peace which would be the immediate forerunner of + a worse ruin than any we have yet thought of. Ye men of Pennsylvania, do + reason upon these things! Were the back counties to give up their arms, + they would fall an easy prey to the Indians, who are all armed: this + perhaps is what some Tories would not be sorry for. Were the home counties + to deliver up their arms, they would be exposed to the resentment of the + back counties who would then have it in their power to chastise their + defection at pleasure. And were any one state to give up its arms, that + state must be garrisoned by all Howe's army of Britons and Hessians to + preserve it from the anger of the rest. Mutual fear is the principal link + in the chain of mutual love, and woe be to that state that breaks the + compact. Howe is mercifully inviting you to barbarous destruction, and men + must be either rogues or fools that will not see it. I dwell not upon the + vapors of imagination; I bring reason to your ears, and, in language as + plain as A, B, C, hold up truth to your eyes. + </p> + <p> + I thank God, that I fear not. I see no real cause for fear. I know our + situation well, and can see the way out of it. While our army was + collected, Howe dared not risk a battle; and it is no credit to him that + he decamped from the White Plains, and waited a mean opportunity to ravage + the defenceless Jerseys; but it is great credit to us, that, with a + handful of men, we sustained an orderly retreat for near an hundred miles, + brought off our ammunition, all our field pieces, the greatest part of our + stores, and had four rivers to pass. None can say that our retreat was + precipitate, for we were near three weeks in performing it, that the + country might have time to come in. Twice we marched back to meet the + enemy, and remained out till dark. The sign of fear was not seen in our + camp, and had not some of the cowardly and disaffected inhabitants spread + false alarms through the country, the Jerseys had never been ravaged. Once + more we are again collected and collecting; our new army at both ends of + the continent is recruiting fast, and we shall be able to open the next + campaign with sixty thousand men, well armed and clothed. This is our + situation, and who will may know it. By perseverance and fortitude we have + the prospect of a glorious issue; by cowardice and submission, the sad + choice of a variety of evils—a ravaged country—a depopulated + city—habitations without safety, and slavery without hope—our + homes turned into barracks and bawdy-houses for Hessians, and a future + race to provide for, whose fathers we shall doubt of. Look on this picture + and weep over it! and if there yet remains one thoughtless wretch who + believes it not, let him suffer it unlamented. + </p> + <p> + COMMON SENSE. + </p> + <p> + December 23, 1776. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0006" id="Blink2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS II. TO LORD HOWE. + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "What's in the name of lord, that I should fear + To bring my grievance to the public ear?" + CHURCHILL. +</pre> + <p> + UNIVERSAL empire is the prerogative of a writer. His concerns are with all + mankind, and though he cannot command their obedience, he can assign them + their duty. The Republic of Letters is more ancient than monarchy, and of + far higher character in the world than the vassal court of Britain; he + that rebels against reason is a real rebel, but he that in defence of + reason rebels against tyranny has a better title to "Defender of the + Faith," than George the Third. + </p> + <p> + As a military man your lordship may hold out the sword of war, and call it + the "ultima ratio regum": the last reason of kings; we in return can show + you the sword of justice, and call it "the best scourge of tyrants." The + first of these two may threaten, or even frighten for a while, and cast a + sickly languor over an insulted people, but reason will soon recover the + debauch, and restore them again to tranquil fortitude. Your lordship, I + find, has now commenced author, and published a proclamation; I have + published a Crisis. As they stand, they are the antipodes of each other; + both cannot rise at once, and one of them must descend; and so quick is + the revolution of things, that your lordship's performance, I see, has + already fallen many degrees from its first place, and is now just visible + on the edge of the political horizon. + </p> + <p> + It is surprising to what a pitch of infatuation, blind folly and obstinacy + will carry mankind, and your lordship's drowsy proclamation is a proof + that it does not even quit them in their sleep. Perhaps you thought + America too was taking a nap, and therefore chose, like Satan to Eve, to + whisper the delusion softly, lest you should awaken her. This continent, + sir, is too extensive to sleep all at once, and too watchful, even in its + slumbers, not to startle at the unhallowed foot of an invader. You may + issue your proclamations, and welcome, for we have learned to "reverence + ourselves," and scorn the insulting ruffian that employs you. America, for + your deceased brother's sake, would gladly have shown you respect and it + is a new aggravation to her feelings, that Howe should be forgetful, and + raise his sword against those, who at their own charge raised a monument + to his brother. But your master has commanded, and you have not enough of + nature left to refuse. Surely there must be something strangely + degenerating in the love of monarchy, that can so completely wear a man + down to an ingrate, and make him proud to lick the dust that kings have + trod upon. A few more years, should you survive them, will bestow on you + the title of "an old man": and in some hour of future reflection you may + probably find the fitness of Wolsey's despairing penitence—"had I + served my God as faithful as I have served my king, he would not thus have + forsaken me in my old age." + </p> + <p> + The character you appear to us in, is truly ridiculous. Your friends, the + Tories, announced your coming, with high descriptions of your unlimited + powers; but your proclamation has given them the lie, by showing you to be + a commissioner without authority. Had your powers been ever so great they + were nothing to us, further than we pleased; because we had the same right + which other nations had, to do what we thought was best. "The UNITED + STATES of AMERICA," will sound as pompously in the world or in history, as + "the kingdom of Great Britain"; the character of General Washington will + fill a page with as much lustre as that of Lord Howe: and the Congress + have as much right to command the king and Parliament in London to desist + from legislation, as they or you have to command the Congress. Only + suppose how laughable such an edict would appear from us, and then, in + that merry mood, do but turn the tables upon yourself, and you will see + how your proclamation is received here. Having thus placed you in a proper + position in which you may have a full view of your folly, and learn to + despise it, I hold up to you, for that purpose, the following quotation + from your own lunarian proclamation.—"And we (Lord Howe and General + Howe) do command (and in his majesty's name forsooth) all such persons as + are assembled together, under the name of general or provincial + congresses, committees, conventions or other associations, by whatever + name or names known and distinguished, to desist and cease from all such + treasonable actings and doings." + </p> + <p> + You introduce your proclamation by referring to your declarations of the + 14th of July and 19th of September. In the last of these you sunk yourself + below the character of a private gentleman. That I may not seem to accuse + you unjustly, I shall state the circumstance: by a verbal invitation of + yours, communicated to Congress by General Sullivan, then a prisoner on + his parole, you signified your desire of conferring with some members of + that body as private gentlemen. It was beneath the dignity of the American + Congress to pay any regard to a message that at best was but a genteel + affront, and had too much of the ministerial complexion of tampering with + private persons; and which might probably have been the case, had the + gentlemen who were deputed on the business possessed that kind of easy + virtue which an English courtier is so truly distinguished by. Your + request, however, was complied with, for honest men are naturally more + tender of their civil than their political fame. The interview ended as + every sensible man thought it would; for your lordship knows, as well as + the writer of the Crisis, that it is impossible for the King of England to + promise the repeal, or even the revisal of any acts of parliament; + wherefore, on your part, you had nothing to say, more than to request, in + the room of demanding, the entire surrender of the continent; and then, if + that was complied with, to promise that the inhabitants should escape with + their lives. This was the upshot of the conference. You informed the + conferees that you were two months in soliciting these powers. We ask, + what powers? for as commissioner you have none. If you mean the power of + pardoning, it is an oblique proof that your master was determined to + sacrifice all before him; and that you were two months in dissuading him + from his purpose. Another evidence of his savage obstinacy! From your own + account of the matter we may justly draw these two conclusions: 1st, That + you serve a monster; and 2d, That never was a messenger sent on a more + foolish errand than yourself. This plain language may perhaps sound + uncouthly to an ear vitiated by courtly refinements, but words were made + for use, and the fault lies in deserving them, or the abuse in applying + them unfairly. + </p> + <p> + Soon after your return to New York, you published a very illiberal and + unmanly handbill against the Congress; for it was certainly stepping out + of the line of common civility, first to screen your national pride by + soliciting an interview with them as private gentlemen, and in the + conclusion to endeavor to deceive the multitude by making a handbill + attack on the whole body of the Congress; you got them together under one + name, and abused them under another. But the king you serve, and the cause + you support, afford you so few instances of acting the gentleman, that out + of pity to your situation the Congress pardoned the insult by taking no + notice of it. + </p> + <p> + You say in that handbill, "that they, the Congress, disavowed every + purpose for reconciliation not consonant with their extravagant and + inadmissible claim of independence." Why, God bless me! what have you to + do with our independence? We ask no leave of yours to set it up; we ask no + money of yours to support it; we can do better without your fleets and + armies than with them; you may soon have enough to do to protect + yourselves without being burdened with us. We are very willing to be at + peace with you, to buy of you and sell to you, and, like young beginners + in the world, to work for our living; therefore, why do you put yourselves + out of cash, when we know you cannot spare it, and we do not desire you to + run into debt? I am willing, sir, that you should see your folly in every + point of view I can place it in, and for that reason descend sometimes to + tell you in jest what I wish you to see in earnest. But to be more serious + with you, why do you say, "their independence?" To set you right, sir, we + tell you, that the independency is ours, not theirs. The Congress were + authorized by every state on the continent to publish it to all the world, + and in so doing are not to be considered as the inventors, but only as the + heralds that proclaimed it, or the office from which the sense of the + people received a legal form; and it was as much as any or all their heads + were worth, to have treated with you on the subject of submission under + any name whatever. But we know the men in whom we have trusted; can + England say the same of her Parliament? + </p> + <p> + I come now more particularly to your proclamation of the 30th of November + last. Had you gained an entire conquest over all the armies of America, + and then put forth a proclamation, offering (what you call) mercy, your + conduct would have had some specious show of humanity; but to creep by + surprise into a province, and there endeavor to terrify and seduce the + inhabitants from their just allegiance to the rest by promises, which you + neither meant nor were able to fulfil, is both cruel and unmanly: cruel in + its effects; because, unless you can keep all the ground you have marched + over, how are you, in the words of your proclamation, to secure to your + proselytes "the enjoyment of their property?" What is to become either of + your new adopted subjects, or your old friends, the Tories, in Burlington, + Bordentown, Trenton, Mount Holly, and many other places, where you proudly + lorded it for a few days, and then fled with the precipitation of a + pursued thief? What, I say, is to become of those wretches? What is to + become of those who went over to you from this city and State? What more + can you say to them than "shift for yourselves?" Or what more can they + hope for than to wander like vagabonds over the face of the earth? You may + now tell them to take their leave of America, and all that once was + theirs. Recommend them, for consolation, to your master's court; there + perhaps they may make a shift to live on the scraps of some dangling + parasite, and choose companions among thousands like themselves. A traitor + is the foulest fiend on earth. + </p> + <p> + In a political sense we ought to thank you for thus bequeathing estates to + the continent; we shall soon, at this rate, be able to carry on a war + without expense, and grow rich by the ill policy of Lord Howe, and the + generous defection of the Tories. Had you set your foot into this city, + you would have bestowed estates upon us which we never thought of, by + bringing forth traitors we were unwilling to suspect. But these men, + you'll say, "are his majesty's most faithful subjects;" let that honor, + then, be all their fortune, and let his majesty take them to himself. + </p> + <p> + I am now thoroughly disgusted with them; they live in ungrateful ease, and + bend their whole minds to mischief. It seems as if God had given them over + to a spirit of infidelity, and that they are open to conviction in no + other line but that of punishment. It is time to have done with tarring, + feathering, carting, and taking securities for their future good behavior; + every sensible man must feel a conscious shame at seeing a poor fellow + hawked for a show about the streets, when it is known he is only the tool + of some principal villain, biassed into his offence by the force of false + reasoning, or bribed thereto, through sad necessity. We dishonor ourselves + by attacking such trifling characters while greater ones are suffered to + escape; 'tis our duty to find them out, and their proper punishment would + be to exile them from the continent for ever. The circle of them is not so + great as some imagine; the influence of a few have tainted many who are + not naturally corrupt. A continual circulation of lies among those who are + not much in the way of hearing them contradicted, will in time pass for + truth; and the crime lies not in the believer but the inventor. I am not + for declaring war with every man that appears not so warm as myself: + difference of constitution, temper, habit of speaking, and many other + things, will go a great way in fixing the outward character of a man, yet + simple honesty may remain at bottom. Some men have naturally a military + turn, and can brave hardships and the risk of life with a cheerful face; + others have not; no slavery appears to them so great as the fatigue of + arms, and no terror so powerful as that of personal danger. What can we + say? We cannot alter nature, neither ought we to punish the son because + the father begot him in a cowardly mood. However, I believe most men have + more courage than they know of, and that a little at first is enough to + begin with. I knew the time when I thought that the whistling of a cannon + ball would have frightened me almost to death; but I have since tried it, + and find that I can stand it with as little discomposure, and, I believe, + with a much easier conscience than your lordship. The same dread would + return to me again were I in your situation, for my solemn belief of your + cause is, that it is hellish and damnable, and, under that conviction, + every thinking man's heart must fail him. + </p> + <p> + From a concern that a good cause should be dishonored by the least + disunion among us, I said in my former paper, No. I. "That should the + enemy now be expelled, I wish, with all the sincerity of a Christian, that + the names of Whig and Tory might never more be mentioned;" but there is a + knot of men among us of such a venomous cast, that they will not admit + even one's good wishes to act in their favor. Instead of rejoicing that + heaven had, as it were, providentially preserved this city from plunder + and destruction, by delivering so great a part of the enemy into our hands + with so little effusion of blood, they stubbornly affected to disbelieve + it till within an hour, nay, half an hour, of the prisoners arriving; and + the Quakers put forth a testimony, dated the 20th of December, signed + "John Pemberton," declaring their attachment to the British government.* + These men are continually harping on the great sin of our bearing arms, + but the king of Britain may lay waste the world in blood and famine, and + they, poor fallen souls, have nothing to say. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * I have ever been careful of charging offences upon whole societies +of men, but as the paper referred to is put forth by an unknown set of +men, who claim to themselves the right of representing the whole: +and while the whole Society of Quakers admit its validity by a silent +acknowledgment, it is impossible that any distinction can be made by +the public: and the more so, because the New York paper of the 30th of +December, printed by permission of our enemies, says that "the Quakers +begin to speak openly of their attachment to the British Constitution." +We are certain that we have many friends among them, and wish to know +them. +</pre> + <p> + In some future paper I intend to distinguish between the different kind of + persons who have been denominated Tories; for this I am clear in, that all + are not so who have been called so, nor all men Whigs who were once + thought so; and as I mean not to conceal the name of any true friend when + there shall be occasion to mention him, neither will I that of an enemy, + who ought to be known, let his rank, station or religion be what it may. + Much pains have been taken by some to set your lordship's private + character in an amiable light, but as it has chiefly been done by men who + know nothing about you, and who are no ways remarkable for their + attachment to us, we have no just authority for believing it. George the + Third has imposed upon us by the same arts, but time, at length, has done + him justice, and the same fate may probably attend your lordship. You + avowed purpose here is to kill, conquer, plunder, pardon, and enslave: and + the ravages of your army through the Jerseys have been marked with as much + barbarism as if you had openly professed yourself the prince of ruffians; + not even the appearance of humanity has been preserved either on the march + or the retreat of your troops; no general order that I could ever learn, + has ever been issued to prevent or even forbid your troops from robbery, + wherever they came, and the only instance of justice, if it can be called + such, which has distinguished you for impartiality, is, that you treated + and plundered all alike; what could not be carried away has been + destroyed, and mahogany furniture has been deliberately laid on fire for + fuel, rather than the men should be fatigued with cutting wood.* There was + a time when the Whigs confided much in your supposed candor, and the + Tories rested themselves in your favor; the experiments have now been + made, and failed; in every town, nay, every cottage, in the Jerseys, where + your arms have been, is a testimony against you. How you may rest under + this sacrifice of character I know not; but this I know, that you sleep + and rise with the daily curses of thousands upon you; perhaps the misery + which the Tories have suffered by your proffered mercy may give them some + claim to their country's pity, and be in the end the best favor you could + show them. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * As some people may doubt the truth of such wanton destruction, I +think it necessary to inform them that one of the people called Quakers, +who lives at Trenton, gave me this information at the house of Mr. +Michael Hutchinson, (one of the same profession,) who lives near Trenton +ferry on the Pennsylvania side, Mr. Hutchinson being present. +</pre> + <p> + In a folio general-order book belonging to Col. Rhal's battalion, taken at + Trenton, and now in the possession of the council of safety for this + state, the following barbarous order is frequently repeated, "His + excellency the Commander-in-Chief orders, that all inhabitants who shall + be found with arms, not having an officer with them, shall be immediately + taken and hung up." How many you may thus have privately sacrificed, we + know not, and the account can only be settled in another world. Your + treatment of prisoners, in order to distress them to enlist in your + infernal service, is not to be equalled by any instance in Europe. Yet + this is the humane Lord Howe and his brother, whom the Tories and their + three-quarter kindred, the Quakers, or some of them at least, have been + holding up for patterns of justice and mercy! + </p> + <p> + A bad cause will ever be supported by bad means and bad men; and whoever + will be at the pains of examining strictly into things, will find that one + and the same spirit of oppression and impiety, more or less, governs + through your whole party in both countries: not many days ago, I + accidentally fell in company with a person of this city noted for + espousing your cause, and on my remarking to him, "that it appeared clear + to me, by the late providential turn of affairs, that God Almighty was + visibly on our side," he replied, "We care nothing for that you may have + Him, and welcome; if we have but enough of the devil on our side, we shall + do." However carelessly this might be spoken, matters not, 'tis still the + insensible principle that directs all your conduct and will at last most + assuredly deceive and ruin you. + </p> + <p> + If ever a nation was made and foolish, blind to its own interest and bent + on its own destruction, it is Britain. There are such things as national + sins, and though the punishment of individuals may be reserved to another + world, national punishment can only be inflicted in this world. Britain, + as a nation, is, in my inmost belief, the greatest and most ungrateful + offender against God on the face of the whole earth. Blessed with all the + commerce she could wish for, and furnished, by a vast extension of + dominion, with the means of civilizing both the eastern and western world, + she has made no other use of both than proudly to idolize her own + "thunder," and rip up the bowels of whole countries for what she could + get. Like Alexander, she has made war her sport, and inflicted misery for + prodigality's sake. The blood of India is not yet repaid, nor the + wretchedness of Africa yet requited. Of late she has enlarged her list of + national cruelties by her butcherly destruction of the Caribbs of St. + Vincent's, and returning an answer by the sword to the meek prayer for + "Peace, liberty and safety." These are serious things, and whatever a + foolish tyrant, a debauched court, a trafficking legislature, or a blinded + people may think, the national account with heaven must some day or other + be settled: all countries have sooner or later been called to their + reckoning; the proudest empires have sunk when the balance was struck; and + Britain, like an individual penitent, must undergo her day of sorrow, and + the sooner it happens to her the better. As I wish it over, I wish it to + come, but withal wish that it may be as light as possible. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps your lordship has no taste for serious things; by your connections + in England I should suppose not; therefore I shall drop this part of the + subject, and take it up in a line in which you will better understand me. + </p> + <p> + By what means, may I ask, do you expect to conquer America? If you could + not effect it in the summer, when our army was less than yours, nor in the + winter, when we had none, how are you to do it? In point of generalship + you have been outwitted, and in point of fortitude outdone; your + advantages turn out to your loss, and show us that it is in our power to + ruin you by gifts: like a game of drafts, we can move out of one square to + let you come in, in order that we may afterwards take two or three for + one; and as we can always keep a double corner for ourselves, we can + always prevent a total defeat. You cannot be so insensible as not to see + that we have two to one the advantage of you, because we conquer by a + drawn game, and you lose by it. Burgoyne might have taught your lordship + this knowledge; he has been long a student in the doctrine of chances. + </p> + <p> + I have no other idea of conquering countries than by subduing the armies + which defend them: have you done this, or can you do it? If you have not, + it would be civil in you to let your proclamations alone for the present; + otherwise, you will ruin more Tories by your grace and favor, than you + will Whigs by your arms. + </p> + <p> + Were you to obtain possession of this city, you would not know what to do + with it more than to plunder it. To hold it in the manner you hold New + York, would be an additional dead weight upon your hands; and if a general + conquest is your object, you had better be without the city than with it. + When you have defeated all our armies, the cities will fall into your + hands of themselves; but to creep into them in the manner you got into + Princeton, Trenton, &c. is like robbing an orchard in the night before + the fruit be ripe, and running away in the morning. Your experiment in the + Jerseys is sufficient to teach you that you have something more to do than + barely to get into other people's houses; and your new converts, to whom + you promised all manner of protection, and seduced into new guilt by + pardoning them from their former virtues, must begin to have a very + contemptible opinion both of your power and your policy. Your authority in + the Jerseys is now reduced to the small circle which your army occupies, + and your proclamation is no where else seen unless it be to be laughed at. + The mighty subduers of the continent have retreated into a nutshell, and + the proud forgivers of our sins are fled from those they came to pardon; + and all this at a time when they were despatching vessel after vessel to + England with the great news of every day. In short, you have managed your + Jersey expedition so very dexterously, that the dead only are conquerors, + because none will dispute the ground with them. + </p> + <p> + In all the wars which you have formerly been concerned in you had only + armies to contend with; in this case you have both an army and a country + to combat with. In former wars, the countries followed the fate of their + capitals; Canada fell with Quebec, and Minorca with Port Mahon or St. + Phillips; by subduing those, the conquerors opened a way into, and became + masters of the country: here it is otherwise; if you get possession of a + city here, you are obliged to shut yourselves up in it, and can make no + other use of it, than to spend your country's money in. This is all the + advantage you have drawn from New York; and you would draw less from + Philadelphia, because it requires more force to keep it, and is much + further from the sea. A pretty figure you and the Tories would cut in this + city, with a river full of ice, and a town full of fire; for the immediate + consequence of your getting here would be, that you would be cannonaded + out again, and the Tories be obliged to make good the damage; and this + sooner or later will be the fate of New York. + </p> + <p> + I wish to see the city saved, not so much from military as from natural + motives. 'Tis the hiding place of women and children, and Lord Howe's + proper business is with our armies. When I put all the circumstances + together which ought to be taken, I laugh at your notion of conquering + America. Because you lived in a little country, where an army might run + over the whole in a few days, and where a single company of soldiers might + put a multitude to the rout, you expected to find it the same here. It is + plain that you brought over with you all the narrow notions you were bred + up with, and imagined that a proclamation in the king's name was to do + great things; but Englishmen always travel for knowledge, and your + lordship, I hope, will return, if you return at all, much wiser than you + came. + </p> + <p> + We may be surprised by events we did not expect, and in that interval of + recollection you may gain some temporary advantage: such was the case a + few weeks ago, but we soon ripen again into reason, collect our strength, + and while you are preparing for a triumph, we come upon you with a defeat. + Such it has been, and such it would be were you to try it a hundred times + over. Were you to garrison the places you might march over, in order to + secure their subjection, (for remember you can do it by no other means,) + your army would be like a stream of water running to nothing. By the time + you extended from New York to Virginia, you would be reduced to a string + of drops not capable of hanging together; while we, by retreating from + State to State, like a river turning back upon itself, would acquire + strength in the same proportion as you lost it, and in the end be capable + of overwhelming you. The country, in the meantime, would suffer, but it is + a day of suffering, and we ought to expect it. What we contend for is + worthy the affliction we may go through. If we get but bread to eat, and + any kind of raiment to put on, we ought not only to be contented, but + thankful. More than that we ought not to look for, and less than that + heaven has not yet suffered us to want. He that would sell his birthright + for a little salt, is as worthless as he who sold it for pottage without + salt; and he that would part with it for a gay coat, or a plain coat, + ought for ever to be a slave in buff. What are salt, sugar and finery, to + the inestimable blessings of "Liberty and Safety!" Or what are the + inconveniences of a few months to the tributary bondage of ages? The + meanest peasant in America, blessed with these sentiments, is a happy man + compared with a New York Tory; he can eat his morsel without repining, and + when he has done, can sweeten it with a repast of wholesome air; he can + take his child by the hand and bless it, without feeling the conscious + shame of neglecting a parent's duty. + </p> + <p> + In publishing these remarks I have several objects in view. + </p> + <p> + On your part they are to expose the folly of your pretended authority as a + commissioner; the wickedness of your cause in general; and the + impossibility of your conquering us at any rate. On the part of the + public, my intention is, to show them their true and sold interest; to + encourage them to their own good, to remove the fears and falsities which + bad men have spread, and weak men have encouraged; and to excite in all + men a love for union, and a cheerfulness for duty. + </p> + <p> + I shall submit one more case to you respecting your conquest of this + country, and then proceed to new observations. + </p> + <p> + Suppose our armies in every part of this continent were immediately to + disperse, every man to his home, or where else he might be safe, and + engage to reassemble again on a certain future day; it is clear that you + would then have no army to contend with, yet you would be as much at a + loss in that case as you are now; you would be afraid to send your troops + in parties over to the continent, either to disarm or prevent us from + assembling, lest they should not return; and while you kept them together, + having no arms of ours to dispute with, you could not call it a conquest; + you might furnish out a pompous page in the London Gazette or a New York + paper, but when we returned at the appointed time, you would have the same + work to do that you had at first. + </p> + <p> + It has been the folly of Britain to suppose herself more powerful than she + really is, and by that means has arrogated to herself a rank in the world + she is not entitled to: for more than this century past she has not been + able to carry on a war without foreign assistance. In Marlborough's + campaigns, and from that day to this, the number of German troops and + officers assisting her have been about equal with her own; ten thousand + Hessians were sent to England last war to protect her from a French + invasion; and she would have cut but a poor figure in her Canadian and + West Indian expeditions, had not America been lavish both of her money and + men to help her along. The only instance in which she was engaged singly, + that I can recollect, was against the rebellion in Scotland, in the years + 1745 and 1746, and in that, out of three battles, she was twice beaten, + till by thus reducing their numbers, (as we shall yours) and taking a + supply ship that was coming to Scotland with clothes, arms and money, (as + we have often done,) she was at last enabled to defeat them. England was + never famous by land; her officers have generally been suspected of + cowardice, have more of the air of a dancing-master than a soldier, and by + the samples which we have taken prisoners, we give the preference to + ourselves. Her strength, of late, has lain in her extravagance; but as her + finances and credit are now low, her sinews in that line begin to fail + fast. As a nation she is the poorest in Europe; for were the whole + kingdom, and all that is in it, to be put up for sale like the estate of a + bankrupt, it would not fetch as much as she owes; yet this thoughtless + wretch must go to war, and with the avowed design, too, of making us + beasts of burden, to support her in riot and debauchery, and to assist her + afterwards in distressing those nations who are now our best friends. This + ingratitude may suit a Tory, or the unchristian peevishness of a fallen + Quaker, but none else. + </p> + <p> + 'Tis the unhappy temper of the English to be pleased with any war, right + or wrong, be it but successful; but they soon grow discontented with ill + fortune, and it is an even chance that they are as clamorous for peace + next summer, as the king and his ministers were for war last winter. In + this natural view of things, your lordship stands in a very critical + situation: your whole character is now staked upon your laurels; if they + wither, you wither with them; if they flourish, you cannot live long to + look at them; and at any rate, the black account hereafter is not far off. + What lately appeared to us misfortunes, were only blessings in disguise; + and the seeming advantages on your side have turned out to our profit. + Even our loss of this city, as far as we can see, might be a principal + gain to us: the more surface you spread over, the thinner you will be, and + the easier wiped away; and our consolation under that apparent disaster + would be, that the estates of the Tories would become securities for the + repairs. In short, there is no old ground we can fail upon, but some new + foundation rises again to support us. "We have put, sir, our hands to the + plough, and cursed be he that looketh back." + </p> + <p> + Your king, in his speech to parliament last spring, declared, "That he had + no doubt but the great force they had enabled him to send to America, + would effectually reduce the rebellious colonies." It has not, neither can + it; but it has done just enough to lay the foundation of its own next + year's ruin. You are sensible that you left England in a divided, + distracted state of politics, and, by the command you had here, you became + a principal prop in the court party; their fortunes rest on yours; by a + single express you can fix their value with the public, and the degree to + which their spirits shall rise or fall; they are in your hands as stock, + and you have the secret of the alley with you. Thus situated and + connected, you become the unintentional mechanical instrument of your own + and their overthrow. The king and his ministers put conquest out of doubt, + and the credit of both depended on the proof. To support them in the + interim, it was necessary that you should make the most of every thing, + and we can tell by Hugh Gaine's New York paper what the complexion of the + London Gazette is. With such a list of victories the nation cannot expect + you will ask new supplies; and to confess your want of them would give the + lie to your triumphs, and impeach the king and his ministers of + treasonable deception. If you make the necessary demand at home, your + party sinks; if you make it not, you sink yourself; to ask it now is too + late, and to ask it before was too soon, and unless it arrive quickly will + be of no use. In short, the part you have to act, cannot be acted; and I + am fully persuaded that all you have to trust to is, to do the best you + can with what force you have got, or little more. Though we have greatly + exceeded you in point of generalship and bravery of men, yet, as a people, + we have not entered into the full soul of enterprise; for I, who know + England and the disposition of the people well, am confident, that it is + easier for us to effect a revolution there, than you a conquest here; a + few thousand men landed in England with the declared design of deposing + the present king, bringing his ministers to trial, and setting up the Duke + of Gloucester in his stead, would assuredly carry their point, while you + are grovelling here, ignorant of the matter. As I send all my papers to + England, this, like Common Sense, will find its way there; and though it + may put one party on their guard, it will inform the other, and the nation + in general, of our design to help them. + </p> + <p> + Thus far, sir, I have endeavored to give you a picture of present affairs: + you may draw from it what conclusions you please. I wish as well to the + true prosperity of England as you can, but I consider INDEPENDENCE as + America's natural right and interest, and never could see any real + disservice it would be to Britain. If an English merchant receives an + order, and is paid for it, it signifies nothing to him who governs the + country. This is my creed of politics. If I have any where expressed + myself over-warmly, 'tis from a fixed, immovable hatred I have, and ever + had, to cruel men and cruel measures. I have likewise an aversion to + monarchy, as being too debasing to the dignity of man; but I never + troubled others with my notions till very lately, nor ever published a + syllable in England in my life. What I write is pure nature, and my pen + and my soul have ever gone together. My writings I have always given away, + reserving only the expense of printing and paper, and sometimes not even + that. I never courted either fame or interest, and my manner of life, to + those who know it, will justify what I say. My study is to be useful, and + if your lordship loves mankind as well as I do, you would, seeing you + cannot conquer us, cast about and lend your hand towards accomplishing a + peace. Our independence with God's blessing we will maintain against all + the world; but as we wish to avoid evil ourselves, we wish not to inflict + it on others. I am never over-inquisitive into the secrets of the cabinet, + but I have some notion that, if you neglect the present opportunity, it + will not be in our power to make a separate peace with you afterwards; for + whatever treaties or alliances we form, we shall most faithfully abide by; + wherefore you may be deceived if you think you can make it with us at any + time. A lasting independent peace is my wish, end and aim; and to + accomplish that, I pray God the Americans may never be defeated, and I + trust while they have good officers, and are well commanded, and willing + to be commanded, that they NEVER WILL BE. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, Jan. 13, 1777. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0007" id="Blink2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS III. (IN THE PROGRESS OF POLITICS) + </h2> + <p> + IN THE progress of politics, as in the common occurrences of life, we are + not only apt to forget the ground we have travelled over, but frequently + neglect to gather up experience as we go. We expend, if I may so say, the + knowledge of every day on the circumstances that produce it, and journey + on in search of new matter and new refinements: but as it is pleasant and + sometimes useful to look back, even to the first periods of infancy, and + trace the turns and windings through which we have passed, so we may + likewise derive many advantages by halting a while in our political + career, and taking a review of the wondrous complicated labyrinth of + little more than yesterday. + </p> + <p> + Truly may we say, that never did men grow old in so short a time! We have + crowded the business of an age into the compass of a few months, and have + been driven through such a rapid succession of things, that for the want + of leisure to think, we unavoidably wasted knowledge as we came, and have + left nearly as much behind us as we brought with us: but the road is yet + rich with the fragments, and, before we finally lose sight of them, will + repay us for the trouble of stopping to pick them up. + </p> + <p> + Were a man to be totally deprived of memory, he would be incapable of + forming any just opinion; every thing about him would seem a chaos: he + would have even his own history to ask from every one; and by not knowing + how the world went in his absence, he would be at a loss to know how it + ought to go on when he recovered, or rather, returned to it again. In like + manner, though in a less degree, a too great inattention to past + occurrences retards and bewilders our judgment in everything; while, on + the contrary, by comparing what is past with what is present, we + frequently hit on the true character of both, and become wise with very + little trouble. It is a kind of counter-march, by which we get into the + rear of time, and mark the movements and meaning of things as we make our + return. There are certain circumstances, which, at the time of their + happening, are a kind of riddles, and as every riddle is to be followed by + its answer, so those kind of circumstances will be followed by their + events, and those events are always the true solution. A considerable + space of time may lapse between, and unless we continue our observations + from the one to the other, the harmony of them will pass away unnoticed: + but the misfortune is, that partly from the pressing necessity of some + instant things, and partly from the impatience of our own tempers, we are + frequently in such a hurry to make out the meaning of everything as fast + as it happens, that we thereby never truly understand it; and not only + start new difficulties to ourselves by so doing, but, as it were, + embarrass Providence in her good designs. + </p> + <p> + I have been civil in stating this fault on a large scale, for, as it now + stands, it does not appear to be levelled against any particular set of + men; but were it to be refined a little further, it might afterwards be + applied to the Tories with a degree of striking propriety: those men have + been remarkable for drawing sudden conclusions from single facts. The + least apparent mishap on our side, or the least seeming advantage on the + part of the enemy, have determined with them the fate of a whole campaign. + By this hasty judgment they have converted a retreat into a defeat; + mistook generalship for error; while every little advantage purposely + given the enemy, either to weaken their strength by dividing it, embarrass + their councils by multiplying their objects, or to secure a greater post + by the surrender of a less, has been instantly magnified into a conquest. + Thus, by quartering ill policy upon ill principles, they have frequently + promoted the cause they designed to injure, and injured that which they + intended to promote. + </p> + <p> + It is probable the campaign may open before this number comes from the + press. The enemy have long lain idle, and amused themselves with carrying + on the war by proclamations only. While they continue their delay our + strength increases, and were they to move to action now, it is a + circumstantial proof that they have no reinforcement coming; wherefore, in + either case, the comparative advantage will be ours. Like a wounded, + disabled whale, they want only time and room to die in; and though in the + agony of their exit, it may be unsafe to live within the flapping of their + tail, yet every hour shortens their date, and lessens their power of + mischief. If any thing happens while this number is in the press, it will + afford me a subject for the last pages of it. At present I am tired of + waiting; and as neither the enemy, nor the state of politics have yet + produced any thing new, I am thereby left in the field of general matter, + undirected by any striking or particular object. This Crisis, therefore, + will be made up rather of variety than novelty, and consist more of things + useful than things wonderful. + </p> + <p> + The success of the cause, the union of the people, and the means of + supporting and securing both, are points which cannot be too much attended + to. He who doubts of the former is a desponding coward, and he who + wilfully disturbs the latter is a traitor. Their characters are easily + fixed, and under these short descriptions I leave them for the present. + </p> + <p> + One of the greatest degrees of sentimental union which America ever knew, + was in denying the right of the British parliament "to bind the colonies + in all cases whatsoever." The Declaration is, in its form, an almighty + one, and is the loftiest stretch of arbitrary power that ever one set of + men or one country claimed over another. Taxation was nothing more than + the putting the declared right into practice; and this failing, recourse + was had to arms, as a means to establish both the right and the practice, + or to answer a worse purpose, which will be mentioned in the course of + this number. And in order to repay themselves the expense of an army, and + to profit by their own injustice, the colonies were, by another law, + declared to be in a state of actual rebellion, and of consequence all + property therein would fall to the conquerors. + </p> + <p> + The colonies, on their part, first, denied the right; secondly, they + suspended the use of taxable articles, and petitioned against the practice + of taxation: and these failing, they, thirdly, defended their property by + force, as soon as it was forcibly invaded, and, in answer to the + declaration of rebellion and non-protection, published their Declaration + of Independence and right of self-protection. + </p> + <p> + These, in a few words, are the different stages of the quarrel; and the + parts are so intimately and necessarily connected with each other as to + admit of no separation. A person, to use a trite phrase, must be a Whig or + a Tory in a lump. His feelings, as a man, may be wounded; his charity, as + a Christian, may be moved; but his political principles must go through + all the cases on one side or the other. He cannot be a Whig in this stage, + and a Tory in that. If he says he is against the united independence of + the continent, he is to all intents and purposes against her in all the + rest; because this last comprehends the whole. And he may just as well + say, that Britain was right in declaring us rebels; right in taxing us; + and right in declaring her "right to bind the colonies in all cases + whatsoever." It signifies nothing what neutral ground, of his own + creating, he may skulk upon for shelter, for the quarrel in no stage of it + hath afforded any such ground; and either we or Britain are absolutely + right or absolutely wrong through the whole. + </p> + <p> + Britain, like a gamester nearly ruined, has now put all her losses into + one bet, and is playing a desperate game for the total. If she wins it, + she wins from me my life; she wins the continent as the forfeited property + of rebels; the right of taxing those that are left as reduced subjects; + and the power of binding them slaves: and the single die which determines + this unparalleled event is, whether we support our independence or she + overturn it. This is coming to the point at once. Here is the touchstone + to try men by. He that is not a supporter of the independent States of + America in the same degree that his religious and political principles + would suffer him to support the government of any other country, of which + he called himself a subject, is, in the American sense of the word, A + TORY; and the instant that he endeavors to bring his toryism into + practice, he becomes A TRAITOR. The first can only be detected by a + general test, and the law hath already provided for the latter. + </p> + <p> + It is unnatural and impolitic to admit men who would root up our + independence to have any share in our legislation, either as electors or + representatives; because the support of our independence rests, in a great + measure, on the vigor and purity of our public bodies. Would Britain, even + in time of peace, much less in war, suffer an election to be carried by + men who professed themselves to be not her subjects, or allow such to sit + in Parliament? Certainly not. + </p> + <p> + But there are a certain species of Tories with whom conscience or + principle has nothing to do, and who are so from avarice only. Some of the + first fortunes on the continent, on the part of the Whigs, are staked on + the issue of our present measures. And shall disaffection only be rewarded + with security? Can any thing be a greater inducement to a miserly man, + than the hope of making his Mammon safe? And though the scheme be fraught + with every character of folly, yet, so long as he supposes, that by doing + nothing materially criminal against America on one part, and by expressing + his private disapprobation against independence, as palliative with the + enemy, on the other part, he stands in a safe line between both; while, I + say, this ground be suffered to remain, craft, and the spirit of avarice, + will point it out, and men will not be wanting to fill up this most + contemptible of all characters. + </p> + <p> + These men, ashamed to own the sordid cause from whence their disaffection + springs, add thereby meanness to meanness, by endeavoring to shelter + themselves under the mask of hypocrisy; that is, they had rather be + thought to be Tories from some kind of principle, than Tories by having no + principle at all. But till such time as they can show some real reason, + natural, political, or conscientious, on which their objections to + independence are founded, we are not obliged to give them credit for being + Tories of the first stamp, but must set them down as Tories of the last. + </p> + <p> + In the second number of the Crisis, I endeavored to show the impossibility + of the enemy's making any conquest of America, that nothing was wanting on + our part but patience and perseverance, and that, with these virtues, our + success, as far as human speculation could discern, seemed as certain as + fate. But as there are many among us, who, influenced by others, have + regularly gone back from the principles they once held, in proportion as + we have gone forward; and as it is the unfortunate lot of many a good man + to live within the neighborhood of disaffected ones; I shall, therefore, + for the sake of confirming the one and recovering the other, endeavor, in + the space of a page or two, to go over some of the leading principles in + support of independence. It is a much pleasanter task to prevent vice than + to punish it, and, however our tempers may be gratified by resentment, or + our national expenses eased by forfeited estates, harmony and friendship + is, nevertheless, the happiest condition a country can be blessed with. + </p> + <p> + The principal arguments in support of independence may be comprehended + under the four following heads. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1st, The natural right of the continent to independence. + 2d, Her interest in being independent. + 3d, The necessity,—and + 4th, The moral advantages arising therefrom. +</pre> + <p> + I. The natural right of the continent to independence, is a point which + never yet was called in question. It will not even admit of a debate. To + deny such a right, would be a kind of atheism against nature: and the best + answer to such an objection would be, "The fool hath said in his heart + there is no God." + </p> + <p> + II. The interest of the continent in being independent is a point as + clearly right as the former. America, by her own internal industry, and + unknown to all the powers of Europe, was, at the beginning of the dispute, + arrived at a pitch of greatness, trade and population, beyond which it was + the interest of Britain not to suffer her to pass, lest she should grow + too powerful to be kept subordinate. She began to view this country with + the same uneasy malicious eye, with which a covetous guardian would view + his ward, whose estate he had been enriching himself by for twenty years, + and saw him just arriving at manhood. And America owes no more to Britain + for her present maturity, than the ward would to the guardian for being + twenty-one years of age. That America hath flourished at the time she was + under the government of Britain, is true; but there is every natural + reason to believe, that had she been an independent country from the first + settlement thereof, uncontrolled by any foreign power, free to make her + own laws, regulate and encourage her own commerce, she had by this time + been of much greater worth than now. The case is simply this: the first + settlers in the different colonies were left to shift for themselves, + unnoticed and unsupported by any European government; but as the tyranny + and persecution of the old world daily drove numbers to the new, and as, + by the favor of heaven on their industry and perseverance, they grew into + importance, so, in a like degree, they became an object of profit to the + greedy eyes of Europe. It was impossible, in this state of infancy, + however thriving and promising, that they could resist the power of any + armed invader that should seek to bring them under his authority. In this + situation, Britain thought it worth her while to claim them, and the + continent received and acknowledged the claimer. It was, in reality, of no + very great importance who was her master, seeing, that from the force and + ambition of the different powers of Europe, she must, till she acquired + strength enough to assert her own right, acknowledge some one. As well, + perhaps, Britain as another; and it might have been as well to have been + under the states of Holland as any. The same hopes of engrossing and + profiting by her trade, by not oppressing it too much, would have operated + alike with any master, and produced to the colonies the same effects. The + clamor of protection, likewise, was all a farce; because, in order to make + that protection necessary, she must first, by her own quarrels, create us + enemies. Hard terms indeed! + </p> + <p> + To know whether it be the interest of the continent to be independent, we + need only ask this easy, simple question: Is it the interest of a man to + be a boy all his life? The answer to one will be the answer to both. + America hath been one continued scene of legislative contention from the + first king's representative to the last; and this was unavoidably founded + in the natural opposition of interest between the old country and the new. + A governor sent from England, or receiving his authority therefrom, ought + never to have been considered in any other light than that of a genteel + commissioned spy, whose private business was information, and his public + business a kind of civilized oppression. In the first of these characters + he was to watch the tempers, sentiments, and disposition of the people, + the growth of trade, and the increase of private fortunes; and, in the + latter, to suppress all such acts of the assemblies, however beneficial to + the people, which did not directly or indirectly throw some increase of + power or profit into the hands of those that sent him. + </p> + <p> + America, till now, could never be called a free country, because her + legislation depended on the will of a man three thousand miles distant, + whose interest was in opposition to ours, and who, by a single "no," could + forbid what law he pleased. + </p> + <p> + The freedom of trade, likewise, is, to a trading country, an article of + such importance, that the principal source of wealth depends upon it; and + it is impossible that any country can flourish, as it otherwise might do, + whose commerce is engrossed, cramped and fettered by the laws and mandates + of another—yet these evils, and more than I can here enumerate, the + continent has suffered by being under the government of England. By an + independence we clear the whole at once—put an end to the business + of unanswered petitions and fruitless remonstrances—exchange Britain + for Europe—shake hands with the world—live at peace with the + world—and trade to any market where we can buy and sell. + </p> + <p> + III. The necessity, likewise, of being independent, even before it was + declared, became so evident and important, that the continent ran the risk + of being ruined every day that she delayed it. There was reason to believe + that Britain would endeavor to make an European matter of it, and, rather + than lose the whole, would dismember it, like Poland, and dispose of her + several claims to the highest bidder. Genoa, failing in her attempts to + reduce Corsica, made a sale of it to the French, and such trafficks have + been common in the old world. We had at that time no ambassador in any + part of Europe, to counteract her negotiations, and by that means she had + the range of every foreign court uncontradicted on our part. We even knew + nothing of the treaty for the Hessians till it was concluded, and the + troops ready to embark. Had we been independent before, we had probably + prevented her obtaining them. We had no credit abroad, because of our + rebellious dependency. Our ships could claim no protection in foreign + ports, because we afforded them no justifiable reason for granting it to + us. The calling ourselves subjects, and at the same time fighting against + the power which we acknowledged, was a dangerous precedent to all Europe. + If the grievances justified the taking up arms, they justified our + separation; if they did not justify our separation, neither could they + justify our taking up arms. All Europe was interested in reducing us as + rebels, and all Europe (or the greatest part at least) is interested in + supporting us as independent States. At home our condition was still + worse: our currency had no foundation, and the fall of it would have + ruined Whig and Tory alike. We had no other law than a kind of moderated + passion; no other civil power than an honest mob; and no other protection + than the temporary attachment of one man to another. Had independence been + delayed a few months longer, this continent would have been plunged into + irrecoverable confusion: some violent for it, some against it, till, in + the general cabal, the rich would have been ruined, and the poor + destroyed. It is to independence that every Tory owes the present safety + which he lives in; for by that, and that only, we emerged from a state of + dangerous suspense, and became a regular people. + </p> + <p> + The necessity, likewise, of being independent, had there been no rupture + between Britain and America, would, in a little time, have brought one on. + The increasing importance of commerce, the weight and perplexity of + legislation, and the entangled state of European politics, would daily + have shown to the continent the impossibility of continuing subordinate; + for, after the coolest reflections on the matter, this must be allowed, + that Britain was too jealous of America to govern it justly; too ignorant + of it to govern it well; and too far distant from it to govern it at all. + </p> + <p> + IV. But what weigh most with all men of serious reflection are, the moral + advantages arising from independence: war and desolation have become the + trade of the old world; and America neither could nor can be under the + government of Britain without becoming a sharer of her guilt, and a + partner in all the dismal commerce of death. The spirit of duelling, + extended on a national scale, is a proper character for European wars. + They have seldom any other motive than pride, or any other object than + fame. The conquerors and the conquered are generally ruined alike, and the + chief difference at last is, that the one marches home with his honors, + and the other without them. 'Tis the natural temper of the English to + fight for a feather, if they suppose that feather to be an affront; and + America, without the right of asking why, must have abetted in every + quarrel, and abided by its fate. It is a shocking situation to live in, + that one country must be brought into all the wars of another, whether the + measure be right or wrong, or whether she will or not; yet this, in the + fullest extent, was, and ever would be, the unavoidable consequence of the + connection. Surely the Quakers forgot their own principles when, in their + late Testimony, they called this connection, with these military and + miserable appendages hanging to it—"the happy constitution." + </p> + <p> + Britain, for centuries past, has been nearly fifty years out of every + hundred at war with some power or other. It certainly ought to be a + conscientious as well political consideration with America, not to dip her + hands in the bloody work of Europe. Our situation affords us a retreat + from their cabals, and the present happy union of the states bids fair for + extirpating the future use of arms from one quarter of the world; yet such + have been the irreligious politics of the present leaders of the Quakers, + that, for the sake of they scarce know what, they would cut off every hope + of such a blessing by tying this continent to Britain, like Hector to the + chariot wheel of Achilles, to be dragged through all the miseries of + endless European wars. + </p> + <p> + The connection, viewed from this ground, is distressing to every man who + has the feelings of humanity. By having Britain for our master, we became + enemies to the greatest part of Europe, and they to us: and the + consequence was war inevitable. By being our own masters, independent of + any foreign one, we have Europe for our friends, and the prospect of an + endless peace among ourselves. Those who were advocates for the British + government over these colonies, were obliged to limit both their arguments + and their ideas to the period of an European peace only; the moment + Britain became plunged in war, every supposed convenience to us vanished, + and all we could hope for was not to be ruined. Could this be a desirable + condition for a young country to be in? + </p> + <p> + Had the French pursued their fortune immediately after the defeat of + Braddock last war, this city and province had then experienced the woful + calamities of being a British subject. A scene of the same kind might + happen again; for America, considered as a subject to the crown of + Britain, would ever have been the seat of war, and the bone of contention + between the two powers. + </p> + <p> + On the whole, if the future expulsion of arms from one quarter of the + world would be a desirable object to a peaceable man; if the freedom of + trade to every part of it can engage the attention of a man of business; + if the support or fall of millions of currency can affect our interests; + if the entire possession of estates, by cutting off the lordly claims of + Britain over the soil, deserves the regard of landed property; and if the + right of making our own laws, uncontrolled by royal or ministerial spies + or mandates, be worthy our care as freemen;—then are all men + interested in the support of independence; and may he that supports it + not, be driven from the blessing, and live unpitied beneath the servile + sufferings of scandalous subjection! + </p> + <p> + We have been amused with the tales of ancient wonders; we have read, and + wept over the histories of other nations: applauded, censured, or pitied, + as their cases affected us. The fortitude and patience of the sufferers—the + justness of their cause—the weight of their oppressions and + oppressors—the object to be saved or lost—with all the + consequences of a defeat or a conquest—have, in the hour of + sympathy, bewitched our hearts, and chained it to their fate: but where is + the power that ever made war upon petitioners? Or where is the war on + which a world was staked till now? + </p> + <p> + We may not, perhaps, be wise enough to make all the advantages we ought of + our independence; but they are, nevertheless, marked and presented to us + with every character of great and good, and worthy the hand of him who + sent them. I look through the present trouble to a time of tranquillity, + when we shall have it in our power to set an example of peace to all the + world. Were the Quakers really impressed and influenced by the quiet + principles they profess to hold, they would, however they might disapprove + the means, be the first of all men to approve of independence, because, by + separating ourselves from the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, it affords an + opportunity never given to man before of carrying their favourite + principle of peace into general practice, by establishing governments that + shall hereafter exist without wars. O! ye fallen, cringing, + priest-and-Pemberton-ridden people! What more can we say of ye than that a + religious Quaker is a valuable character, and a political Quaker a real + Jesuit. + </p> + <p> + Having thus gone over some of the principal points in support of + independence, I must now request the reader to return back with me to the + period when it first began to be a public doctrine, and to examine the + progress it has made among the various classes of men. The area I mean to + begin at, is the breaking out of hostilities, April 19th, 1775. Until this + event happened, the continent seemed to view the dispute as a kind of + law-suit for a matter of right, litigating between the old country and the + new; and she felt the same kind and degree of horror, as if she had seen + an oppressive plaintiff, at the head of a band of ruffians, enter the + court, while the cause was before it, and put the judge, the jury, the + defendant and his counsel, to the sword. Perhaps a more heart-felt + convulsion never reached a country with the same degree of power and + rapidity before, and never may again. Pity for the sufferers, mixed with + indignation at the violence, and heightened with apprehensions of + undergoing the same fate, made the affair of Lexington the affair of the + continent. Every part of it felt the shock, and all vibrated together. A + general promotion of sentiment took place: those who had drank deeply into + Whiggish principles, that is, the right and necessity not only of + opposing, but wholly setting aside the power of the crown as soon as it + became practically dangerous (for in theory it was always so), stepped + into the first stage of independence; while another class of Whigs, + equally sound in principle, but not so sanguine in enterprise, attached + themselves the stronger to the cause, and fell close in with the rear of + the former; their partition was a mere point. Numbers of the moderate men, + whose chief fault, at that time, arose from entertaining a better opinion + of Britain than she deserved, convinced now of their mistake, gave her up, + and publicly declared themselves good Whigs. While the Tories, seeing it + was no longer a laughing matter, either sank into silent obscurity, or + contented themselves with coming forth and abusing General Gage: not a + single advocate appeared to justify the action of that day; it seemed to + appear to every one with the same magnitude, struck every one with the + same force, and created in every one the same abhorrence. From this period + we may date the growth of independence. + </p> + <p> + If the many circumstances which happened at this memorable time, be taken + in one view, and compared with each other, they will justify a conclusion + which seems not to have been attended to, I mean a fixed design in the + king and ministry of driving America into arms, in order that they might + be furnished with a pretence for seizing the whole continent, as the + immediate property of the crown. A noble plunder for hungry courtiers! + </p> + <p> + It ought to be remembered, that the first petition from the Congress was + at this time unanswered on the part of the British king. That the motion, + called Lord North's motion, of the 20th of February, 1775, arrived in + America the latter end of March. This motion was to be laid, by the + several governors then in being, before, the assembly of each province; + and the first assembly before which it was laid, was the assembly of + Pennsylvania, in May following. This being a just state of the case, I + then ask, why were hostilities commenced between the time of passing the + resolve in the House of Commons, of the 20th of February, and the time of + the assemblies meeting to deliberate upon it? Degrading and famous as that + motion was, there is nevertheless reason to believe that the king and his + adherents were afraid the colonies would agree to it, and lest they + should, took effectual care they should not, by provoking them with + hostilities in the interim. They had not the least doubt at that time of + conquering America at one blow; and what they expected to get by a + conquest being infinitely greater than any thing they could hope to get + either by taxation or accommodation, they seemed determined to prevent + even the possibility of hearing each other, lest America should disappoint + their greedy hopes of the whole, by listening even to their own terms. On + the one hand they refused to hear the petition of the continent, and on + the other hand took effectual care the continent should not hear them. + </p> + <p> + That the motion of the 20th February and the orders for commencing + hostilities were both concerted by the same person or persons, and not the + latter by General Gage, as was falsely imagined at first, is evident from + an extract of a letter of his to the administration, read among other + papers in the House of Commons; in which he informs his masters, "That + though their idea of his disarming certain counties was a right one, yet + it required him to be master of the country, in order to enable him to + execute it." This was prior to the commencement of hostilities, and + consequently before the motion of the 20th February could be deliberated + on by the several assemblies. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps it may be asked, why was the motion passed, if there was at the + same time a plan to aggravate the Americans not to listen to it? Lord + North assigned one reason himself, which was a hope of dividing them. This + was publicly tempting them to reject it; that if, in case the injury of + arms should fail in provoking them sufficiently, the insult of such a + declaration might fill it up. But by passing the motion and getting it + afterwards rejected in America, it enabled them, in their wicked idea of + politics, among other things, to hold up the colonies to foreign powers, + with every possible mark of disobedience and rebellion. They had applied + to those powers not to supply the continent with arms, ammunition, etc., + and it was necessary they should incense them against us, by assigning on + their own part some seeming reputable reason why. By dividing, it had a + tendency to weaken the States, and likewise to perplex the adherents of + America in England. But the principal scheme, and that which has marked + their character in every part of their conduct, was a design of + precipitating the colonies into a state which they might afterwards deem + rebellion, and, under that pretence, put an end to all future complaints, + petitions and remonstrances, by seizing the whole at once. They had + ravaged one part of the globe, till it could glut them no longer; their + prodigality required new plunder, and through the East India article tea + they hoped to transfer their rapine from that quarter of the world to + this. Every designed quarrel had its pretence; and the same barbarian + avarice accompanied the plant to America, which ruined the country that + produced it. + </p> + <p> + That men never turn rogues without turning fools is a maxim, sooner or + later, universally true. The commencement of hostilities, being in the + beginning of April, was, of all times the worst chosen: the Congress were + to meet the tenth of May following, and the distress the continent felt at + this unparalleled outrage gave a stability to that body which no other + circumstance could have done. It suppressed too all inferior debates, and + bound them together by a necessitous affection, without giving them time + to differ upon trifles. The suffering likewise softened the whole body of + the people into a degree of pliability, which laid the principal + foundation-stone of union, order, and government; and which, at any other + time, might only have fretted and then faded away unnoticed and + unimproved. But Providence, who best knows how to time her misfortunes as + well as her immediate favors, chose this to be the time, and who dare + dispute it? + </p> + <p> + It did not seem the disposition of the people, at this crisis, to heap + petition upon petition, while the former remained unanswered. The measure + however was carried in Congress, and a second petition was sent; of which + I shall only remark that it was submissive even to a dangerous fault, + because the prayer of it appealed solely to what it called the prerogative + of the crown, while the matter in dispute was confessedly constitutional. + But even this petition, flattering as it was, was still not so harmonious + as the chink of cash, and consequently not sufficiently grateful to the + tyrant and his ministry. From every circumstance it is evident, that it + was the determination of the British court to have nothing to do with + America but to conquer her fully and absolutely. They were certain of + success, and the field of battle was the only place of treaty. I am + confident there are thousands and tens of thousands in America who wonder + now that they should ever have thought otherwise; but the sin of that day + was the sin of civility; yet it operated against our present good in the + same manner that a civil opinion of the devil would against our future + peace. + </p> + <p> + Independence was a doctrine scarce and rare, even towards the conclusion + of the year 1775; all our politics had been founded on the hope of + expectation of making the matter up—a hope, which, though general on + the side of America, had never entered the head or heart of the British + court. Their hope was conquest and confiscation. Good heavens! what + volumes of thanks does America owe to Britain? What infinite obligation to + the tool that fills, with paradoxical vacancy, the throne! Nothing but the + sharpest essence of villany, compounded with the strongest distillation of + folly, could have produced a menstruum that would have effected a + separation. The Congress in 1774 administered an abortive medicine to + independence, by prohibiting the importation of goods, and the succeeding + Congress rendered the dose still more dangerous by continuing it. Had + independence been a settled system with America, (as Britain has + advanced,) she ought to have doubled her importation, and prohibited in + some degree her exportation. And this single circumstance is sufficient to + acquit America before any jury of nations, of having a continental plan of + independence in view; a charge which, had it been true, would have been + honorable, but is so grossly false, that either the amazing ignorance or + the wilful dishonesty of the British court is effectually proved by it. + </p> + <p> + The second petition, like the first, produced no answer; it was scarcely + acknowledged to have been received; the British court were too determined + in their villainy even to act it artfully, and in their rage for conquest + neglected the necessary subtleties for obtaining it. They might have + divided, distracted and played a thousand tricks with us, had they been as + cunning as they were cruel. + </p> + <p> + This last indignity gave a new spring to independence. Those who knew the + savage obstinacy of the king, and the jobbing, gambling spirit of the + court, predicted the fate of the petition, as soon as it was sent from + America; for the men being known, their measures were easily foreseen. As + politicians we ought not so much to ground our hopes on the reasonableness + of the thing we ask, as on the reasonableness of the person of whom we ask + it: who would expect discretion from a fool, candor from a tyrant, or + justice from a villain? + </p> + <p> + As every prospect of accommodation seemed now to fail fast, men began to + think seriously on the matter; and their reason being thus stripped of the + false hope which had long encompassed it, became approachable by fair + debate: yet still the bulk of the people hesitated; they startled at the + novelty of independence, without once considering that our getting into + arms at first was a more extraordinary novelty, and that all other nations + had gone through the work of independence before us. They doubted likewise + the ability of the continent to support it, without reflecting that it + required the same force to obtain an accommodation by arms as an + independence. If the one was acquirable, the other was the same; because, + to accomplish either, it was necessary that our strength should be too + great for Britain to subdue; and it was too unreasonable to suppose, that + with the power of being masters, we should submit to be servants.* Their + caution at this time was exceedingly misplaced; for if they were able to + defend their property and maintain their rights by arms, they, + consequently, were able to defend and support their independence; and in + proportion as these men saw the necessity and correctness of the measure, + they honestly and openly declared and adopted it, and the part that they + had acted since has done them honor and fully established their + characters. Error in opinion has this peculiar advantage with it, that the + foremost point of the contrary ground may at any time be reached by the + sudden exertion of a thought; and it frequently happens in sentimental + differences, that some striking circumstance, or some forcible reason + quickly conceived, will effect in an instant what neither argument nor + example could produce in an age. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * In this state of political suspense the pamphlet Common Sense made +its appearance, and the success it met with does not become me to +mention. Dr. Franklin, Mr. Samuel and John Adams, were severally spoken +of as the supposed author. I had not, at that time, the pleasure either +of personally knowing or being known to the two last gentlemen. The +favor of Dr. Franklin's friendship I possessed in England, and my +introduction to this part of the world was through his patronage. I +happened, when a school-boy, to pick up a pleasing natural history of +Virginia, and my inclination from that day of seeing the western side +of the Atlantic never left me. In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin proposed +giving me such materials as were in his hands, towards completing a +history of the present transactions, and seemed desirous of having the +first volume out the next Spring. I had then formed the outlines of +Common Sense, and finished nearly the first part; and as I supposed the +doctor's design in getting out a history was to open the new year with +a new system, I expected to surprise him with a production on that +subject, much earlier than he thought of; and without informing him what +I was doing, got it ready for the press as fast as I conveniently could, +and sent him the first pamphlet that was printed off. +</pre> + <p> + I find it impossible in the small compass I am limited to, to trace out + the progress which independence has made on the minds of the different + classes of men, and the several reasons by which they were moved. With + some, it was a passionate abhorrence against the king of England and his + ministry, as a set of savages and brutes; and these men, governed by the + agony of a wounded mind, were for trusting every thing to hope and heaven, + and bidding defiance at once. With others, it was a growing conviction + that the scheme of the British court was to create, ferment and drive on a + quarrel, for the sake of confiscated plunder: and men of this class + ripened into independence in proportion as the evidence increased. While a + third class conceived it was the true interest of America, internally and + externally, to be her own master, and gave their support to independence, + step by step, as they saw her abilities to maintain it enlarge. With many, + it was a compound of all these reasons; while those who were too callous + to be reached by either, remained, and still remain Tories. + </p> + <p> + The legal necessity of being independent, with several collateral reasons, + is pointed out in an elegant masterly manner, in a charge to the grand + jury for the district of Charleston, by the Hon. William Henry Drayton, + chief justice of South Carolina, [April 23, 1776]. This performance, and + the address of the convention of New York, are pieces, in my humble + opinion, of the first rank in America. + </p> + <p> + The principal causes why independence has not been so universally + supported as it ought, are fear and indolence, and the causes why it has + been opposed, are, avarice, down-right villany, and lust of personal + power. There is not such a being in America as a Tory from conscience; + some secret defect or other is interwoven in the character of all those, + be they men or women, who can look with patience on the brutality, luxury + and debauchery of the British court, and the violations of their army + here. A woman's virtue must sit very lightly on her who can even hint a + favorable sentiment in their behalf. It is remarkable that the whole race + of prostitutes in New York were tories; and the schemes for supporting the + Tory cause in this city, for which several are now in jail, and one + hanged, were concerted and carried on in common bawdy-houses, assisted by + those who kept them. + </p> + <p> + The connection between vice and meanness is a fit subject for satire, but + when the satire is a fact, it cuts with the irresistible power of a + diamond. If a Quaker, in defence of his just rights, his property, and the + chastity of his house, takes up a musket, he is expelled the meeting; but + the present king of England, who seduced and took into keeping a sister of + their society, is reverenced and supported by repeated Testimonies, while, + the friendly noodle from whom she was taken (and who is now in this city) + continues a drudge in the service of his rival, as if proud of being + cuckolded by a creature called a king. + </p> + <p> + Our support and success depend on such a variety of men and circumstances, + that every one who does but wish well, is of some use: there are men who + have a strange aversion to arms, yet have hearts to risk every shilling in + the cause, or in support of those who have better talents for defending + it. Nature, in the arrangement of mankind, has fitted some for every + service in life: were all soldiers, all would starve and go naked, and + were none soldiers, all would be slaves. As disaffection to independence + is the badge of a Tory, so affection to it is the mark of a Whig; and the + different services of the Whigs, down from those who nobly contribute + every thing, to those who have nothing to render but their wishes, tend + all to the same center, though with different degrees of merit and + ability. The larger we make the circle, the more we shall harmonize, and + the stronger we shall be. All we want to shut out is disaffection, and, + that excluded, we must accept from each other such duties as we are best + fitted to bestow. A narrow system of politics, like a narrow system of + religion, is calculated only to sour the temper, and be at variance with + mankind. + </p> + <p> + All we want to know in America is simply this, who is for independence, + and who is not? Those who are for it, will support it, and the remainder + will undoubtedly see the reasonableness of paying the charges; while those + who oppose or seek to betray it, must expect the more rigid fate of the + jail and the gibbet. There is a bastard kind of generosity, which being + extended to all men, is as fatal to society, on one hand, as the want of + true generosity is on the other. A lax manner of administering justice, + falsely termed moderation, has a tendency both to dispirit public virtue, + and promote the growth of public evils. Had the late committee of safety + taken cognizance of the last Testimony of the Quakers and proceeded + against such delinquents as were concerned therein, they had, probably, + prevented the treasonable plans which have been concerted since. When one + villain is suffered to escape, it encourages another to proceed, either + from a hope of escaping likewise, or an apprehension that we dare not + punish. It has been a matter of general surprise, that no notice was taken + of the incendiary publication of the Quakers, of the 20th of November + last; a publication evidently intended to promote sedition and treason, + and encourage the enemy, who were then within a day's march of this city, + to proceed on and possess it. I here present the reader with a memorial + which was laid before the board of safety a few days after the Testimony + appeared. Not a member of that board, that I conversed with, but expressed + the highest detestation of the perverted principles and conduct of the + Quaker junto, and a wish that the board would take the matter up; + notwithstanding which, it was suffered to pass away unnoticed, to the + encouragement of new acts of treason, the general danger of the cause, and + the disgrace of the state. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + To the honorable the Council of Safety of the State of + Pennsylvania. +</pre> + <p> + At a meeting of a reputable number of the inhabitants of the city of + Philadelphia, impressed with a proper sense of the justice of the cause + which this continent is engaged in, and animated with a generous fervor + for supporting the same, it was resolved, that the following be laid + before the board of safety: + </p> + <p> + "We profess liberality of sentiment to all men; with this distinction + only, that those who do not deserve it would become wise and seek to + deserve it. We hold the pure doctrines of universal liberty of conscience, + and conceive it our duty to endeavor to secure that sacred right to + others, as well as to defend it for ourselves; for we undertake not to + judge of the religious rectitude of tenets, but leave the whole matter to + Him who made us. + </p> + <p> + "We persecute no man, neither will we abet in the persecution of any man + for religion's sake; our common relation to others being that of + fellow-citizens and fellow-subjects of one single community; and in this + line of connection we hold out the right hand of fellowship to all men. + But we should conceive ourselves to be unworthy members of the free and + independent States of America, were we unconcernedly to see or to suffer + any treasonable wound, public or private, directly or indirectly, to be + given against the peace and safety of the same. We inquire not into the + rank of the offenders, nor into their religious persuasion; we have no + business with either, our part being only to find them out and exhibit + them to justice. + </p> + <p> + "A printed paper, dated the 20th of November, and signed 'John Pemberton,' + whom we suppose to be an inhabitant of this city, has lately been + dispersed abroad, a copy of which accompanies this. Had the framers and + publishers of that paper conceived it their duty to exhort the youth and + others of their society, to a patient submission under the present trying + visitations, and humbly to wait the event of heaven towards them, they had + therein shown a Christian temper, and we had been silent; but the anger + and political virulence with which their instructions are given, and the + abuse with which they stigmatize all ranks of men not thinking like + themselves, leave no doubt on our minds from what spirit their publication + proceeded: and it is disgraceful to the pure cause of truth, that men can + dally with words of the most sacred import, and play them off as + mechanically as if religion consisted only in contrivance. We know of no + instance in which the Quakers have been compelled to bear arms, or to do + any thing which might strain their conscience; wherefore their advice, 'to + withstand and refuse to submit to the arbitrary instructions and + ordinances of men,' appear to us a false alarm, and could only be + treasonably calculated to gain favor with our enemies, when they are + seemingly on the brink of invading this State, or, what is still worse, to + weaken the hands of our defence, that their entrance into this city might + be made practicable and easy. + </p> + <p> + "We disclaim all tumult and disorder in the punishment of offenders; and + wish to be governed, not by temper but by reason, in the manner of + treating them. We are sensible that our cause has suffered by the two + following errors: first, by ill-judged lenity to traitorous persons in + some cases; and, secondly, by only a passionate treatment of them in + others. For the future we disown both, and wish to be steady in our + proceedings, and serious in our punishments. + </p> + <p> + "Every State in America has, by the repeated voice of its inhabitants, + directed and authorized the Continental Congress to publish a formal + Declaration of Independence of, and separation from, the oppressive king + and Parliament of Great Britain; and we look on every man as an enemy, who + does not in some line or other, give his assistance towards supporting the + same; at the same time we consider the offence to be heightened to a + degree of unpardonable guilt, when such persons, under the show of + religion, endeavor, either by writing, speaking, or otherwise, to subvert, + overturn, or bring reproach upon the independence of this continent as + declared by Congress. + </p> + <p> + "The publishers of the paper signed 'John Pemberton,' have called in a + loud manner to their friends and connections, 'to withstand or refuse' + obedience to whatever 'instructions or ordinances' may be published, not + warranted by (what they call) 'that happy Constitution under which they + and others long enjoyed tranquillity and peace.' If this be not treason, + we know not what may properly be called by that name. + </p> + <p> + "To us it is a matter of surprise and astonishment, that men with the word + 'peace, peace,' continually on their lips, should be so fond of living + under and supporting a government, and at the same time calling it + 'happy,' which is never better pleased than when a war—that has + filled India with carnage and famine, Africa with slavery, and tampered + with Indians and negroes to cut the throats of the freemen of America. We + conceive it a disgrace to this State, to harbor or wink at such palpable + hypocrisy. But as we seek not to hurt the hair of any man's head, when we + can make ourselves safe without, we wish such persons to restore peace to + themselves and us, by removing themselves to some part of the king of + Great Britain's dominions, as by that means they may live unmolested by us + and we by them; for our fixed opinion is, that those who do not deserve a + place among us, ought not to have one. + </p> + <p> + "We conclude with requesting the Council of Safety to take into + consideration the paper signed 'John Pemberton,' and if it shall appear to + them to be of a dangerous tendency, or of a treasonable nature, that they + would commit the signer, together with such other persons as they can + discover were concerned therein, into custody, until such time as some + mode of trial shall ascertain the full degree of their guilt and + punishment; in the doing of which, we wish their judges, whoever they may + be, to disregard the man, his connections, interest, riches, poverty, or + principles of religion, and to attend to the nature of his offence only." + </p> + <p> + The most cavilling sectarian cannot accuse the foregoing with containing + the least ingredient of persecution. The free spirit on which the American + cause is founded, disdains to mix with such an impurity, and leaves it as + rubbish fit only for narrow and suspicious minds to grovel in. Suspicion + and persecution are weeds of the same dunghill, and flourish together. Had + the Quakers minded their religion and their business, they might have + lived through this dispute in enviable ease, and none would have molested + them. The common phrase with these people is, 'Our principles are peace.' + To which may be replied, and your practices are the reverse; for never did + the conduct of men oppose their own doctrine more notoriously than the + present race of the Quakers. They have artfully changed themselves into a + different sort of people to what they used to be, and yet have the address + to persuade each other that they are not altered; like antiquated virgins, + they see not the havoc deformity has made upon them, but pleasantly + mistaking wrinkles for dimples, conceive themselves yet lovely and wonder + at the stupid world for not admiring them. + </p> + <p> + Did no injury arise to the public by this apostacy of the Quakers from + themselves, the public would have nothing to do with it; but as both the + design and consequences are pointed against a cause in which the whole + community are interested, it is therefore no longer a subject confined to + the cognizance of the meeting only, but comes, as a matter of criminality, + before the authority either of the particular State in which it is acted, + or of the continent against which it operates. Every attempt, now, to + support the authority of the king and Parliament of Great Britain over + America, is treason against every State; therefore it is impossible that + any one can pardon or screen from punishment an offender against all. + </p> + <p> + But to proceed: while the infatuated Tories of this and other States were + last spring talking of commissioners, accommodation, making the matter up, + and the Lord knows what stuff and nonsense, their good king and ministry + were glutting themselves with the revenge of reducing America to + unconditional submission, and solacing each other with the certainty of + conquering it in one campaign. The following quotations are from the + parliamentary register of the debate's of the House of Lords, March 5th, + 1776: + </p> + <p> + "The Americans," says Lord Talbot,* "have been obstinate, undutiful, and + ungovernable from the very beginning, from their first early and infant + settlements; and I am every day more and more convinced that this people + never will be brought back to their duty, and the subordinate relation + they stand in to this country, till reduced to unconditional, effectual + submission; no concession on our part, no lenity, no endurance, will have + any other effect but that of increasing their insolence." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Steward of the king's household. +</pre> + <p> + "The struggle," says Lord Townsend,* "is now a struggle for power; the die + is cast, and the only point which now remains to be determined is, in what + manner the war can be most effectually prosecuted and speedily finished, + in order to procure that unconditional submission, which has been so ably + stated by the noble Earl with the white staff" (meaning Lord Talbot;) "and + I have no reason to doubt that the measures now pursuing will put an end + to the war in the course of a single campaign. Should it linger longer, we + shall then have reason to expect that some foreign power will interfere, + and take advantage of our domestic troubles and civil distractions." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Formerly General Townsend, at Quebec, and late lord-lieutenant of +Ireland. +</pre> + <p> + Lord Littleton. "My sentiments are pretty well known. I shall only observe + now that lenient measures have had no other effect than to produce insult + after insult; that the more we conceded, the higher America rose in her + demands, and the more insolent she has grown. It is for this reason that I + am now for the most effective and decisive measures; and am of opinion + that no alternative is left us, but to relinquish America for ever, or + finally determine to compel her to acknowledge the legislative authority + of this country; and it is the principle of an unconditional submission I + would be for maintaining." + </p> + <p> + Can words be more expressive than these? Surely the Tories will believe + the Tory lords! The truth is, they do believe them and know as fully as + any Whig on the continent knows, that the king and ministry never had the + least design of an accommodation with America, but an absolute, + unconditional conquest. And the part which the Tories were to act, was, by + downright lying, to endeavor to put the continent off its guard, and to + divide and sow discontent in the minds of such Whigs as they might gain an + influence over. In short, to keep up a distraction here, that the force + sent from England might be able to conquer in "one campaign." They and the + ministry were, by a different game, playing into each other's hands. The + cry of the Tories in England was, "No reconciliation, no accommodation," + in order to obtain the greater military force; while those in America were + crying nothing but "reconciliation and accommodation," that the force sent + might conquer with the less resistance. + </p> + <p> + But this "single campaign" is over, and America not conquered. The whole + work is yet to do, and the force much less to do it with. Their condition + is both despicable and deplorable: out of cash—out of heart, and out + of hope. A country furnished with arms and ammunition as America now is, + with three millions of inhabitants, and three thousand miles distant from + the nearest enemy that can approach her, is able to look and laugh them in + the face. + </p> + <p> + Howe appears to have two objects in view, either to go up the North River, + or come to Philadelphia. + </p> + <p> + By going up the North River, he secures a retreat for his army through + Canada, but the ships must return if they return at all, the same way they + went; as our army would be in the rear, the safety of their passage down + is a doubtful matter. By such a motion he shuts himself from all supplies + from Europe, but through Canada, and exposes his army and navy to the + danger of perishing. The idea of his cutting off the communication between + the eastern and southern states, by means of the North River, is merely + visionary. He cannot do it by his shipping; because no ship can lay long + at anchor in any river within reach of the shore; a single gun would drive + a first rate from such a station. This was fully proved last October at + Forts Washington and Lee, where one gun only, on each side of the river, + obliged two frigates to cut and be towed off in an hour's time. Neither + can he cut it off by his army; because the several posts they must occupy + would divide them almost to nothing, and expose them to be picked up by + ours like pebbles on a river's bank; but admitting that he could, where is + the injury? Because, while his whole force is cantoned out, as sentries + over the water, they will be very innocently employed, and the moment they + march into the country the communication opens. + </p> + <p> + The most probable object is Philadelphia, and the reasons are many. Howe's + business is to conquer it, and in proportion as he finds himself unable to + the task, he will employ his strength to distress women and weak minds, in + order to accomplish through their fears what he cannot accomplish by his + own force. His coming or attempting to come to Philadelphia is a + circumstance that proves his weakness: for no general that felt himself + able to take the field and attack his antagonist would think of bringing + his army into a city in the summer time; and this mere shifting the scene + from place to place, without effecting any thing, has feebleness and + cowardice on the face of it, and holds him up in a contemptible light to + all who can reason justly and firmly. By several informations from New + York, it appears that their army in general, both officers and men, have + given up the expectation of conquering America; their eye now is fixed + upon the spoil. They suppose Philadelphia to be rich with stores, and as + they think to get more by robbing a town than by attacking an army, their + movement towards this city is probable. We are not now contending against + an army of soldiers, but against a band of thieves, who had rather plunder + than fight, and have no other hope of conquest than by cruelty. + </p> + <p> + They expect to get a mighty booty, and strike another general panic, by + making a sudden movement and getting possession of this city; but unless + they can march out as well as in, or get the entire command of the river, + to remove off their plunder, they may probably be stopped with the stolen + goods upon them. They have never yet succeeded wherever they have been + opposed, but at Fort Washington. At Charleston their defeat was effectual. + At Ticonderoga they ran away. In every skirmish at Kingsbridge and the + White Plains they were obliged to retreat, and the instant that our arms + were turned upon them in the Jerseys, they turned likewise, and those that + turned not were taken. + </p> + <p> + The necessity of always fitting our internal police to the circumstances + of the times we live in, is something so strikingly obvious, that no + sufficient objection can be made against it. The safety of all societies + depends upon it; and where this point is not attended to, the consequences + will either be a general languor or a tumult. The encouragement and + protection of the good subjects of any state, and the suppression and + punishment of bad ones, are the principal objects for which all authority + is instituted, and the line in which it ought to operate. We have in this + city a strange variety of men and characters, and the circumstances of the + times require that they should be publicly known; it is not the number of + Tories that hurt us, so much as the not finding out who they are; men must + now take one side or the other, and abide by the consequences: the + Quakers, trusting to their short-sighted sagacity, have, most unluckily + for them, made their declaration in their last Testimony, and we ought now + to take them at their word. They have involuntarily read themselves out of + the continental meeting, and cannot hope to be restored to it again but by + payment and penitence. Men whose political principles are founded on + avarice, are beyond the reach of reason, and the only cure of Toryism of + this cast is to tax it. A substantial good drawn from a real evil, is of + the same benefit to society, as if drawn from a virtue; and where men have + not public spirit to render themselves serviceable, it ought to be the + study of government to draw the best use possible from their vices. When + the governing passion of any man, or set of men, is once known, the method + of managing them is easy; for even misers, whom no public virtue can + impress, would become generous, could a heavy tax be laid upon + covetousness. + </p> + <p> + The Tories have endeavored to insure their property with the enemy, by + forfeiting their reputation with us; from which may be justly inferred, + that their governing passion is avarice. Make them as much afraid of + losing on one side as on the other, and you stagger their Toryism; make + them more so, and you reclaim them; for their principle is to worship the + power which they are most afraid of. + </p> + <p> + This method of considering men and things together, opens into a large + field for speculation, and affords me an opportunity of offering some + observations on the state of our currency, so as to make the support of it + go hand in hand with the suppression of disaffection and the encouragement + of public spirit. + </p> + <p> + The thing which first presents itself in inspecting the state of the + currency, is, that we have too much of it, and that there is a necessity + of reducing the quantity, in order to increase the value. Men are daily + growing poor by the very means that they take to get rich; for in the same + proportion that the prices of all goods on hand are raised, the value of + all money laid by is reduced. A simple case will make this clear; let a + man have 100 L. in cash, and as many goods on hand as will to-day sell for + 20 L.; but not content with the present market price, he raises them to 40 + L. and by so doing obliges others, in their own defence, to raise cent. + per cent. likewise; in this case it is evident that his hundred pounds + laid by, is reduced fifty pounds in value; whereas, had the market lowered + cent. per cent., his goods would have sold but for ten, but his hundred + pounds would have risen in value to two hundred; because it would then + purchase as many goods again, or support his family as long again as + before. And, strange as it may seem, he is one hundred and fifty pounds + the poorer for raising his goods, to what he would have been had he + lowered them; because the forty pounds which his goods sold for, is, by + the general raise of the market cent. per cent., rendered of no more value + than the ten pounds would be had the market fallen in the same proportion; + and, consequently, the whole difference of gain or loss is on the + difference in value of the hundred pounds laid by, viz. from fifty to two + hundred. This rage for raising goods is for several reasons much more the + fault of the Tories than the Whigs; and yet the Tories (to their shame and + confusion ought they to be told of it) are by far the most noisy and + discontented. The greatest part of the Whigs, by being now either in the + army or employed in some public service, are buyers only and not sellers, + and as this evil has its origin in trade, it cannot be charged on those + who are out of it. + </p> + <p> + But the grievance has now become too general to be remedied by partial + methods, and the only effectual cure is to reduce the quantity of money: + with half the quantity we should be richer than we are now, because the + value of it would be doubled, and consequently our attachment to it + increased; for it is not the number of dollars that a man has, but how far + they will go, that makes him either rich or poor. These two points being + admitted, viz. that the quantity of money is too great, and that the + prices of goods can only be effectually reduced by, reducing the quantity + of the money, the next point to be considered is, the method how to reduce + it. + </p> + <p> + The circumstances of the times, as before observed, require that the + public characters of all men should now be fully understood, and the only + general method of ascertaining it is by an oath or affirmation, renouncing + all allegiance to the king of Great Britain, and to support the + independence of the United States, as declared by Congress. Let, at the + same time, a tax of ten, fifteen, or twenty per cent. per annum, to be + collected quarterly, be levied on all property. These alternatives, by + being perfectly voluntary, will take in all sorts of people. Here is the + test; here is the tax. He who takes the former, conscientiously proves his + affection to the cause, and binds himself to pay his quota by the best + services in his power, and is thereby justly exempt from the latter; and + those who choose the latter, pay their quota in money, to be excused from + the former, or rather, it is the price paid to us for their supposed, + though mistaken, insurance with the enemy. + </p> + <p> + But this is only a part of the advantage which would arise by knowing the + different characters of men. The Whigs stake everything on the issue of + their arms, while the Tories, by their disaffection, are sapping and + undermining their strength; and, of consequence, the property of the Whigs + is the more exposed thereby; and whatever injury their estates may sustain + by the movements of the enemy, must either be borne by themselves, who + have done everything which has yet been done, or by the Tories, who have + not only done nothing, but have, by their disaffection, invited the enemy + on. + </p> + <p> + In the present crisis we ought to know, square by square and house by + house, who are in real allegiance with the United Independent States, and + who are not. Let but the line be made clear and distinct, and all men will + then know what they are to trust to. It would not only be good policy but + strict justice, to raise fifty or one hundred thousand pounds, or more, if + it is necessary, out of the estates and property of the king of England's + votaries, resident in Philadelphia, to be distributed, as a reward to + those inhabitants of the city and State, who should turn out and repulse + the enemy, should they attempt to march this way; and likewise, to bind + the property of all such persons to make good the damages which that of + the Whigs might sustain. In the undistinguishable mode of conducting a + war, we frequently make reprisals at sea, on the vessels of persons in + England, who are friends to our cause compared with the resident Tories + among us. + </p> + <p> + In every former publication of mine, from Common Sense down to the last + Crisis, I have generally gone on the charitable supposition, that the + Tories were rather a mistaken than a criminal people, and have applied + argument after argument, with all the candor and temper which I was + capable of, in order to set every part of the case clearly and fairly + before them, and if possible to reclaim them from ruin to reason. I have + done my duty by them and have now done with that doctrine, taking it for + granted, that those who yet hold their disaffection are either a set of + avaricious miscreants, who would sacrifice the continent to save + themselves, or a banditti of hungry traitors, who are hoping for a + division of the spoil. To which may be added, a list of crown or + proprietary dependants, who, rather than go without a portion of power, + would be content to share it with the devil. Of such men there is no hope; + and their obedience will only be according to the danger set before them, + and the power that is exercised over them. + </p> + <p> + A time will shortly arrive, in which, by ascertaining the characters of + persons now, we shall be guarded against their mischiefs then; for in + proportion as the enemy despair of conquest, they will be trying the arts + of seduction and the force of fear by all the mischiefs which they can + inflict. But in war we may be certain of these two things, viz. that + cruelty in an enemy, and motions made with more than usual parade, are + always signs of weakness. He that can conquer, finds his mind too free and + pleasant to be brutish; and he that intends to conquer, never makes too + much show of his strength. + </p> + <p> + We now know the enemy we have to do with. While drunk with the certainty + of victory, they disdained to be civil; and in proportion as + disappointment makes them sober, and their apprehensions of an European + war alarm them, they will become cringing and artful; honest they cannot + be. But our answer to them, in either condition they may be in, is short + and full—"As free and independent States we are willing to make + peace with you to-morrow, but we neither can hear nor reply in any other + character." + </p> + <p> + If Britain cannot conquer us, it proves that she is neither able to govern + nor protect us, and our particular situation now is such, that any + connection with her would be unwisely exchanging a half-defeated enemy for + two powerful ones. Europe, by every appearance, is now on the eve, nay, on + the morning twilight of a war, and any alliance with George the Third + brings France and Spain upon our backs; a separation from him attaches + them to our side; therefore, the only road to peace, honor and commerce is + Independence. + </p> + <p> + Written this fourth year of the UNION, which God preserve. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, April 19, 1777. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0008" id="Blink2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS IV. (THOSE WHO EXPECT TO REAP THE BLESSINGS OF FREEDOM) + </h2> + <p> + THOSE who expect to reap the blessings of freedom, must, like men, undergo + the fatigues of supporting it. The event of yesterday was one of those + kind of alarms which is just sufficient to rouse us to duty, without being + of consequence enough to depress our fortitude. It is not a field of a few + acres of ground, but a cause, that we are defending, and whether we defeat + the enemy in one battle, or by degrees, the consequences will be the same. + </p> + <p> + Look back at the events of last winter and the present year, there you + will find that the enemy's successes always contributed to reduce them. + What they have gained in ground, they paid so dearly for in numbers, that + their victories have in the end amounted to defeats. We have always been + masters at the last push, and always shall be while we do our duty. Howe + has been once on the banks of the Delaware, and from thence driven back + with loss and disgrace: and why not be again driven from the Schuylkill? + His condition and ours are very different. He has everybody to fight, we + have only his one army to cope with, and which wastes away at every + engagement: we can not only reinforce, but can redouble our numbers; he is + cut off from all supplies, and must sooner or later inevitably fall into + our hands. + </p> + <p> + Shall a band of ten or twelve thousand robbers, who are this day fifteen + hundred or two thousand men less in strength than they were yesterday, + conquer America, or subdue even a single state? The thing cannot be, + unless we sit down and suffer them to do it. Another such a brush, + notwithstanding we lost the ground, would, by still reducing the enemy, + put them in a condition to be afterwards totally defeated. Could our whole + army have come up to the attack at one time, the consequences had probably + been otherwise; but our having different parts of the Brandywine creek to + guard, and the uncertainty which road to Philadelphia the enemy would + attempt to take, naturally afforded them an opportunity of passing with + their main body at a place where only a part of ours could be posted; for + it must strike every thinking man with conviction, that it requires a much + greater force to oppose an enemy in several places, than is sufficient to + defeat him in any one place. + </p> + <p> + Men who are sincere in defending their freedom, will always feel concern + at every circumstance which seems to make against them; it is the natural + and honest consequence of all affectionate attachments, and the want of it + is a vice. But the dejection lasts only for a moment; they soon rise out + of it with additional vigor; the glow of hope, courage and fortitude, + will, in a little time, supply the place of every inferior passion, and + kindle the whole heart into heroism. + </p> + <p> + There is a mystery in the countenance of some causes, which we have not + always present judgment enough to explain. It is distressing to see an + enemy advancing into a country, but it is the only place in which we can + beat them, and in which we have always beaten them, whenever they made the + attempt. The nearer any disease approaches to a crisis, the nearer it is + to a cure. Danger and deliverance make their advances together, and it is + only the last push, in which one or the other takes the lead. + </p> + <p> + There are many men who will do their duty when it is not wanted; but a + genuine public spirit always appears most when there is most occasion for + it. Thank God! our army, though fatigued, is yet entire. The attack made + by us yesterday, was under many disadvantages, naturally arising from the + uncertainty of knowing which route the enemy would take; and, from that + circumstance, the whole of our force could not be brought up together time + enough to engage all at once. Our strength is yet reserved; and it is + evident that Howe does not think himself a gainer by the affair, otherwise + he would this morning have moved down and attacked General Washington. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen of the city and country, it is in your power, by a spirited + improvement of the present circumstance, to turn it to a real advantage. + Howe is now weaker than before, and every shot will contribute to reduce + him. You are more immediately interested than any other part of the + continent: your all is at stake; it is not so with the general cause; you + are devoted by the enemy to plunder and destruction: it is the + encouragement which Howe, the chief of plunderers, has promised his army. + Thus circumstanced, you may save yourselves by a manly resistance, but you + can have no hope in any other conduct. I never yet knew our brave general, + or any part of the army, officers or men, out of heart, and I have seen + them in circumstances a thousand times more trying than the present. It is + only those that are not in action, that feel languor and heaviness, and + the best way to rub it off is to turn out, and make sure work of it. + </p> + <p> + Our army must undoubtedly feel fatigue, and want a reinforcement of rest + though not of valor. Our own interest and happiness call upon us to give + them every support in our power, and make the burden of the day, on which + the safety of this city depends, as light as possible. Remember, + gentlemen, that we have forces both to the northward and southward of + Philadelphia, and if the enemy be but stopped till those can arrive, this + city will be saved, and the enemy finally routed. You have too much at + stake to hesitate. You ought not to think an hour upon the matter, but to + spring to action at once. Other states have been invaded, have likewise + driven off the invaders. Now our time and turn is come, and perhaps the + finishing stroke is reserved for us. When we look back on the dangers we + have been saved from, and reflect on the success we have been blessed + with, it would be sinful either to be idle or to despair. + </p> + <p> + I close this paper with a short address to General Howe. You, sir, are + only lingering out the period that shall bring with it your defeat. You + have yet scarce began upon the war, and the further you enter, the faster + will your troubles thicken. What you now enjoy is only a respite from + ruin; an invitation to destruction; something that will lead on to our + deliverance at your expense. We know the cause which we are engaged in, + and though a passionate fondness for it may make us grieve at every injury + which threatens it, yet, when the moment of concern is over, the + determination to duty returns. We are not moved by the gloomy smile of a + worthless king, but by the ardent glow of generous patriotism. We fight + not to enslave, but to set a country free, and to make room upon the earth + for honest men to live in. In such a case we are sure that we are right; + and we leave to you the despairing reflection of being the tool of a + miserable tyrant. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 12, 1777. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0009" id="Blink2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS. V. TO GEN. SIR WILLIAM HOWE. + </h2> + <p> + TO argue with a man who has renounced the use and authority of reason, and + whose philosophy consists in holding humanity in contempt, is like + administering medicine to the dead, or endeavoring to convert an atheist + by scripture. Enjoy, sir, your insensibility of feeling and reflecting. It + is the prerogative of animals. And no man will envy you these honors, in + which a savage only can be your rival and a bear your master. + </p> + <p> + As the generosity of this country rewarded your brother's services in the + last war, with an elegant monument in Westminster Abbey, it is consistent + that she should bestow some mark of distinction upon you. You certainly + deserve her notice, and a conspicuous place in the catalogue of + extraordinary persons. Yet it would be a pity to pass you from the world + in state, and consign you to magnificent oblivion among the tombs, without + telling the future beholder why. Judas is as much known as John, yet + history ascribes their fame to very different actions. + </p> + <p> + Sir William has undoubtedly merited a monument; but of what kind, or with + what inscription, where placed or how embellished, is a question that + would puzzle all the heralds of St. James's in the profoundest mood of + historical deliberation. We are at no loss, sir, to ascertain your real + character, but somewhat perplexed how to perpetuate its identity, and + preserve it uninjured from the transformations of time or mistake. A + statuary may give a false expression to your bust, or decorate it with + some equivocal emblems, by which you may happen to steal into reputation + and impose upon the hereafter traditionary world. Ill nature or ridicule + may conspire, or a variety of accidents combine to lessen, enlarge, or + change Sir William's fame; and no doubt but he who has taken so much pains + to be singular in his conduct, would choose to be just as singular in his + exit, his monument and his epitaph. + </p> + <p> + The usual honors of the dead, to be sure, are not sufficiently sublime to + escort a character like you to the republic of dust and ashes; for however + men may differ in their ideas of grandeur or of government here, the grave + is nevertheless a perfect republic. Death is not the monarch of the dead, + but of the dying. The moment he obtains a conquest he loses a subject, + and, like the foolish king you serve, will, in the end, war himself out of + all his dominions. + </p> + <p> + As a proper preliminary towards the arrangement of your funeral honors, we + readily admit of your new rank of knighthood. The title is perfectly in + character, and is your own, more by merit than creation. There are knights + of various orders, from the knight of the windmill to the knight of the + post. The former is your patron for exploits, and the latter will assist + you in settling your accounts. No honorary title could be more happily + applied! The ingenuity is sublime! And your royal master has discovered + more genius in fitting you therewith, than in generating the most finished + figure for a button, or descanting on the properties of a button mould. + </p> + <p> + But how, sir, shall we dispose of you? The invention of a statuary is + exhausted, and Sir William is yet unprovided with a monument. America is + anxious to bestow her funeral favors upon you, and wishes to do it in a + manner that shall distinguish you from all the deceased heroes of the last + war. The Egyptian method of embalming is not known to the present age, and + hieroglyphical pageantry hath outlived the science of deciphering it. Some + other method, therefore, must be thought of to immortalize the new knight + of the windmill and post. Sir William, thanks to his stars, is not + oppressed with very delicate ideas. He has no ambition of being wrapped up + and handed about in myrrh, aloes and cassia. Less expensive odors will + suffice; and it fortunately happens that the simple genius of America has + discovered the art of preserving bodies, and embellishing them too, with + much greater frugality than the ancients. In balmage, sir, of humble tar, + you will be as secure as Pharaoh, and in a hieroglyphic of feathers, rival + in finery all the mummies of Egypt. + </p> + <p> + As you have already made your exit from the moral world, and by numberless + acts both of passionate and deliberate injustice engraved an "here lieth" + on your deceased honor, it must be mere affectation in you to pretend + concern at the humors or opinions of mankind respecting you. What remains + of you may expire at any time. The sooner the better. For he who survives + his reputation, lives out of despite of himself, like a man listening to + his own reproach. + </p> + <p> + Thus entombed and ornamented, I leave you to the inspection of the + curious, and return to the history of your yet surviving actions. The + character of Sir William has undergone some extraordinary revolutions. + since his arrival in America. It is now fixed and known; and we have + nothing to hope from your candor or to fear from your capacity. Indolence + and inability have too large a share in your composition, ever to suffer + you to be anything more than the hero of little villainies and unfinished + adventures. That, which to some persons appeared moderation in you at + first, was not produced by any real virtue of your own, but by a contrast + of passions, dividing and holding you in perpetual irresolution. One vice + will frequently expel another, without the least merit in the man; as + powers in contrary directions reduce each other to rest. + </p> + <p> + It became you to have supported a dignified solemnity of character; to + have shown a superior liberality of soul; to have won respect by an + obstinate perseverance in maintaining order, and to have exhibited on all + occasions such an unchangeable graciousness of conduct, that while we + beheld in you the resolution of an enemy, we might admire in you the + sincerity of a man. You came to America under the high sounding titles of + commander and commissioner; not only to suppress what you call rebellion, + by arms, but to shame it out of countenance by the excellence of your + example. Instead of which, you have been the patron of low and vulgar + frauds, the encourager of Indian cruelties; and have imported a cargo of + vices blacker than those which you pretend to suppress. + </p> + <p> + Mankind are not universally agreed in their determination of right and + wrong; but there are certain actions which the consent of all nations and + individuals has branded with the unchangeable name of meanness. In the + list of human vices we find some of such a refined constitution, they + cannot be carried into practice without seducing some virtue to their + assistance; but meanness has neither alliance nor apology. It is generated + in the dust and sweepings of other vices, and is of such a hateful figure + that all the rest conspire to disown it. Sir William, the commissioner of + George the Third, has at last vouchsafed to give it rank and pedigree. He + has placed the fugitive at the council board, and dubbed it companion of + the order of knighthood. + </p> + <p> + The particular act of meanness which I allude to in this description, is + forgery. You, sir, have abetted and patronized the forging and uttering + counterfeit continental bills. In the same New York newspapers in which + your own proclamation under your master's authority was published, + offering, or pretending to offer, pardon and protection to these states, + there were repeated advertisements of counterfeit money for sale, and + persons who have come officially from you, and under the sanction of your + flag, have been taken up in attempting to put them off. + </p> + <p> + A conduct so basely mean in a public character is without precedent or + pretence. Every nation on earth, whether friends or enemies, will unite in + despising you. 'Tis an incendiary war upon society, which nothing can + excuse or palliate,—an improvement upon beggarly villany—and + shows an inbred wretchedness of heart made up between the venomous + malignity of a serpent and the spiteful imbecility of an inferior reptile. + </p> + <p> + The laws of any civilized country would condemn you to the gibbet without + regard to your rank or titles, because it is an action foreign to the + usage and custom of war; and should you fall into our hands, which pray + God you may, it will be a doubtful matter whether we are to consider you + as a military prisoner or a prisoner for felony. + </p> + <p> + Besides, it is exceedingly unwise and impolitic in you, or any other + persons in the English service, to promote or even encourage, or wink at + the crime of forgery, in any case whatever. Because, as the riches of + England, as a nation, are chiefly in paper, and the far greater part of + trade among individuals is carried on by the same medium, that is, by + notes and drafts on one another, they, therefore, of all people in the + world, ought to endeavor to keep forgery out of sight, and, if possible, + not to revive the idea of it. It is dangerous to make men familiar with a + crime which they may afterwards practise to much greater advantage against + those who first taught them. Several officers in the English army have + made their exit at the gallows for forgery on their agents; for we all + know, who know any thing of England, that there is not a more necessitous + body of men, taking them generally, than what the English officers are. + They contrive to make a show at the expense of the tailors, and appear + clean at the charge of the washer-women. + </p> + <p> + England, has at this time, nearly two hundred million pounds sterling of + public money in paper, for which she has no real property: besides a large + circulation of bank notes, bank post bills, and promissory notes and + drafts of private bankers, merchants and tradesmen. She has the greatest + quantity of paper currency and the least quantity of gold and silver of + any nation in Europe; the real specie, which is about sixteen millions + sterling, serves only as change in large sums, which are always made in + paper, or for payment in small ones. Thus circumstanced, the nation is put + to its wit's end, and obliged to be severe almost to criminality, to + prevent the practice and growth of forgery. Scarcely a session passes at + the Old Bailey, or an execution at Tyburn, but witnesses this truth, yet + you, sir, regardless of the policy which her necessity obliges her to + adopt, have made your whole army intimate with the crime. And as all + armies at the conclusion of a war, are too apt to carry into practice the + vices of the campaign, it will probably happen, that England will + hereafter abound in forgeries, to which art the practitioners were first + initiated under your authority in America. You, sir, have the honor of + adding a new vice to the military catalogue; and the reason, perhaps, why + the invention was reserved for you, is, because no general before was mean + enough even to think of it. + </p> + <p> + That a man whose soul is absorbed in the low traffic of vulgar vice, is + incapable of moving in any superior region, is clearly shown in you by the + event of every campaign. Your military exploits have been without plan, + object or decision. Can it be possible that you or your employers suppose + that the possession of Philadelphia will be any ways equal to the expense + or expectation of the nation which supports you? What advantages does + England derive from any achievements of yours? To her it is perfectly + indifferent what place you are in, so long as the business of conquest is + unperformed and the charge of maintaining you remains the same. + </p> + <p> + If the principal events of the three campaigns be attended to, the balance + will appear against you at the close of each; but the last, in point of + importance to us, has exceeded the former two. It is pleasant to look back + on dangers past, and equally as pleasant to meditate on present ones when + the way out begins to appear. That period is now arrived, and the long + doubtful winter of war is changing to the sweeter prospects of victory and + joy. At the close of the campaign, in 1775, you were obliged to retreat + from Boston. In the summer of 1776, you appeared with a numerous fleet and + army in the harbor of New York. By what miracle the continent was + preserved in that season of danger is a subject of admiration! If instead + of wasting your time against Long Island you had run up the North River, + and landed any where above New York, the consequence must have been, that + either you would have compelled General Washington to fight you with very + unequal numbers, or he must have suddenly evacuated the city with the loss + of nearly all the stores of his army, or have surrendered for want of + provisions; the situation of the place naturally producing one or the + other of these events. + </p> + <p> + The preparations made to defend New York were, nevertheless, wise and + military; because your forces were then at sea, their numbers uncertain; + storms, sickness, or a variety of accidents might have disabled their + coming, or so diminished them on their passage, that those which survived + would have been incapable of opening the campaign with any prospect of + success; in which case the defence would have been sufficient and the + place preserved; for cities that have been raised from nothing with an + infinitude of labor and expense, are not to be thrown away on the bare + probability of their being taken. On these grounds the preparations made + to maintain New York were as judicious as the retreat afterwards. While + you, in the interim, let slip the very opportunity which seemed to put + conquest in your power. + </p> + <p> + Through the whole of that campaign you had nearly double the forces which + General Washington immediately commanded. The principal plan at that time, + on our part, was to wear away the season with as little loss as possible, + and to raise the army for the next year. Long Island, New York, Forts + Washington and Lee were not defended after your superior force was known + under any expectation of their being finally maintained, but as a range of + outworks, in the attacking of which your time might be wasted, your + numbers reduced, and your vanity amused by possessing them on our retreat. + It was intended to have withdrawn the garrison from Fort Washington after + it had answered the former of those purposes, but the fate of that day put + a prize into your hands without much honor to yourselves. + </p> + <p> + Your progress through the Jerseys was accidental; you had it not even in + contemplation, or you would not have sent a principal part of your forces + to Rhode Island beforehand. The utmost hope of America in the year 1776, + reached no higher than that she might not then be conquered. She had no + expectation of defeating you in that campaign. Even the most cowardly Tory + allowed, that, could she withstand the shock of that summer, her + independence would be past a doubt. You had then greatly the advantage of + her. You were formidable. Your military knowledge was supposed to be + complete. Your fleets and forces arrived without an accident. You had + neither experience nor reinforcements to wait for. You had nothing to do + but to begin, and your chance lay in the first vigorous onset. + </p> + <p> + America was young and unskilled. She was obliged to trust her defence to + time and practice; and has, by mere dint of perseverance, maintained her + cause, and brought the enemy to a condition, in which she is now capable + of meeting him on any grounds. + </p> + <p> + It is remarkable that in the campaign of 1776 you gained no more, + notwithstanding your great force, than what was given you by consent of + evacuation, except Fort Washington; while every advantage obtained by us + was by fair and hard fighting. The defeat of Sir Peter Parker was + complete. The conquest of the Hessians at Trenton, by the remains of a + retreating army, which but a few days before you affected to despise, is + an instance of their heroic perseverance very seldom to be met with. And + the victory over the British troops at Princeton, by a harassed and + wearied party, who had been engaged the day before and marched all night + without refreshment, is attended with such a scene of circumstances and + superiority of generalship, as will ever give it a place in the first rank + in the history of great actions. + </p> + <p> + When I look back on the gloomy days of last winter, and see America + suspended by a thread, I feel a triumph of joy at the recollection of her + delivery, and a reverence for the characters which snatched her from + destruction. To doubt now would be a species of infidelity, and to forget + the instruments which saved us then would be ingratitude. + </p> + <p> + The close of that campaign left us with the spirit of conquerors. The + northern districts were relieved by the retreat of General Carleton over + the lakes. The army under your command were hunted back and had their + bounds prescribed. The continent began to feel its military importance, + and the winter passed pleasantly away in preparations for the next + campaign. + </p> + <p> + However confident you might be on your first arrival, the result of the + year 1776 gave you some idea of the difficulty, if not impossibility of + conquest. To this reason I ascribe your delay in opening the campaign of + 1777. The face of matters, on the close of the former year, gave you no + encouragement to pursue a discretionary war as soon as the spring admitted + the taking the field; for though conquest, in that case, would have given + you a double portion of fame, yet the experiment was too hazardous. The + ministry, had you failed, would have shifted the whole blame upon you, + charged you with having acted without orders, and condemned at once both + your plan and execution. + </p> + <p> + To avoid the misfortunes, which might have involved you and your money + accounts in perplexity and suspicion, you prudently waited the arrival of + a plan of operations from England, which was that you should proceed for + Philadelphia by way of the Chesapeake, and that Burgoyne, after reducing + Ticonderoga, should take his route by Albany, and, if necessary, join you. + </p> + <p> + The splendid laurels of the last campaign have flourished in the north. In + that quarter America has surprised the world, and laid the foundation of + this year's glory. The conquest of Ticonderoga, (if it may be called a + conquest) has, like all your other victories, led on to ruin. Even the + provisions taken in that fortress (which by General Burgoyne's return was + sufficient in bread and flour for nearly 5000 men for ten weeks, and in + beef and pork for the same number of men for one month) served only to + hasten his overthrow, by enabling him to proceed to Saratoga, the place of + his destruction. A short review of the operations of the last campaign + will show the condition of affairs on both sides. + </p> + <p> + You have taken Ticonderoga and marched into Philadelphia. These are all + the events which the year has produced on your part. A trifling campaign + indeed, compared with the expenses of England and the conquest of the + continent. On the other side, a considerable part of your northern force + has been routed by the New York militia under General Herkemer. Fort + Stanwix has bravely survived a compound attack of soldiers and savages, + and the besiegers have fled. The Battle of Bennington has put a thousand + prisoners into our hands, with all their arms, stores, artillery and + baggage. General Burgoyne, in two engagements, has been defeated; himself, + his army, and all that were his and theirs are now ours. Ticonderoga and + Independence [forts] are retaken, and not the shadow of an enemy remains + in all the northern districts. At this instant we have upwards of eleven + thousand prisoners, between sixty and seventy [captured] pieces of brass + ordnance, besides small arms, tents, stores, etc. + </p> + <p> + In order to know the real value of those advantages, we must reverse the + scene, and suppose General Gates and the force he commanded to be at your + mercy as prisoners, and General Burgoyne, with his army of soldiers and + savages, to be already joined to you in Pennsylvania. So dismal a picture + can scarcely be looked at. It has all the tracings and colorings of horror + and despair; and excites the most swelling emotions of gratitude by + exhibiting the miseries we are so graciously preserved from. + </p> + <p> + I admire the distribution of laurels around the continent. It is the + earnest of future union. South Carolina has had her day of sufferings and + of fame; and the other southern States have exerted themselves in + proportion to the force that invaded or insulted them. Towards the close + of the campaign, in 1776, these middle States were called upon and did + their duty nobly. They were witnesses to the almost expiring flame of + human freedom. It was the close struggle of life and death, the line of + invisible division; and on which the unabated fortitude of a Washington + prevailed, and saved the spark that has since blazed in the north with + unrivalled lustre. + </p> + <p> + Let me ask, sir, what great exploits have you performed? Through all the + variety of changes and opportunities which the war has produced, I know no + one action of yours that can be styled masterly. You have moved in and + out, backward and forward, round and round, as if valor consisted in a + military jig. The history and figure of your movements would be truly + ridiculous could they be justly delineated. They resemble the labors of a + puppy pursuing his tail; the end is still at the same distance, and all + the turnings round must be done over again. + </p> + <p> + The first appearance of affairs at Ticonderoga wore such an unpromising + aspect, that it was necessary, in July, to detach a part of the forces to + the support of that quarter, which were otherwise destined or intended to + act against you; and this, perhaps, has been the means of postponing your + downfall to another campaign. The destruction of one army at a time is + work enough. We know, sir, what we are about, what we have to do, and how + to do it. + </p> + <p> + Your progress from the Chesapeake, was marked by no capital stroke of + policy or heroism. Your principal aim was to get General Washington + between the Delaware and Schuylkill, and between Philadelphia and your + army. In that situation, with a river on each of his flanks, which united + about five miles below the city, and your army above him, you could have + intercepted his reinforcements and supplies, cut off all his communication + with the country, and, if necessary, have despatched assistance to open a + passage for General Burgoyne. This scheme was too visible to succeed: for + had General Washington suffered you to command the open country above him, + I think it a very reasonable conjecture that the conquest of Burgoyne + would not have taken place, because you could, in that case, have relieved + him. It was therefore necessary, while that important victory was in + suspense, to trepan you into a situation in which you could only be on the + defensive, without the power of affording him assistance. The manoeuvre + had its effect, and Burgoyne was conquered. + </p> + <p> + There has been something unmilitary and passive in you from the time of + your passing the Schuylkill and getting possession of Philadelphia, to the + close of the campaign. You mistook a trap for a conquest, the probability + of which had been made known to Europe, and the edge of your triumph taken + off by our own information long before. + </p> + <p> + Having got you into this situation, a scheme for a general attack upon you + at Germantown was carried into execution on the 4th of October, and though + the success was not equal to the excellence of the plan, yet the + attempting it proved the genius of America to be on the rise, and her + power approaching to superiority. The obscurity of the morning was your + best friend, for a fog is always favorable to a hunted enemy. Some weeks + after this you likewise planned an attack on General Washington while at + Whitemarsh. You marched out with infinite parade, but on finding him + preparing to attack you next morning, you prudently turned about, and + retreated to Philadelphia with all the precipitation of a man conquered in + imagination. + </p> + <p> + Immediately after the battle of Germantown, the probability of Burgoyne's + defeat gave a new policy to affairs in Pennsylvania, and it was judged + most consistent with the general safety of America, to wait the issue of + the northern campaign. Slow and sure is sound work. The news of that + victory arrived in our camp on the 18th of October, and no sooner did that + shout of joy, and the report of the thirteen cannon reach your ears, than + you resolved upon a retreat, and the next day, that is, on the 19th, you + withdrew your drooping army into Philadelphia. This movement was evidently + dictated by fear; and carried with it a positive confession that you + dreaded a second attack. It was hiding yourself among women and children, + and sleeping away the choicest part of the campaign in expensive + inactivity. An army in a city can never be a conquering army. The + situation admits only of defence. It is mere shelter: and every military + power in Europe will conclude you to be eventually defeated. + </p> + <p> + The time when you made this retreat was the very time you ought to have + fought a battle, in order to put yourself in condition of recovering in + Pennsylvania what you had lost in Saratoga. And the reason why you did + not, must be either prudence or cowardice; the former supposes your + inability, and the latter needs no explanation. I draw no conclusions, + sir, but such as are naturally deduced from known and visible facts, and + such as will always have a being while the facts which produced them + remain unaltered. + </p> + <p> + After this retreat a new difficulty arose which exhibited the power of + Britain in a very contemptible light; which was the attack and defence of + Mud Island. For several weeks did that little unfinished fortress stand + out against all the attempts of Admiral and General Howe. It was the fable + of Bender realized on the Delaware. Scheme after scheme, and force upon + force were tried and defeated. The garrison, with scarce anything to cover + them but their bravery, survived in the midst of mud, shot and shells, and + were at last obliged to give it up more to the powers of time and + gunpowder than to military superiority of the besiegers. + </p> + <p> + It is my sincere opinion that matters are in much worse condition with you + than what is generally known. Your master's speech at the opening of + Parliament, is like a soliloquy on ill luck. It shows him to be coming a + little to his reason, for sense of pain is the first symptom of recovery, + in profound stupefaction. His condition is deplorable. He is obliged to + submit to all the insults of France and Spain, without daring to know or + resent them; and thankful for the most trivial evasions to the most humble + remonstrances. The time was when he could not deign an answer to a + petition from America, and the time now is when he dare not give an answer + to an affront from France. The capture of Burgoyne's army will sink his + consequence as much in Europe as in America. In his speech he expresses + his suspicions at the warlike preparations of France and Spain, and as he + has only the one army which you command to support his character in the + world with, it remains very uncertain when, or in what quarter it will be + most wanted, or can be best employed; and this will partly account for the + great care you take to keep it from action and attacks, for should + Burgoyne's fate be yours, which it probably will, England may take her + endless farewell not only of all America but of all the West Indies. + </p> + <p> + Never did a nation invite destruction upon itself with the eagerness and + the ignorance with which Britain has done. Bent upon the ruin of a young + and unoffending country, she has drawn the sword that has wounded herself + to the heart, and in the agony of her resentment has applied a poison for + a cure. Her conduct towards America is a compound of rage and lunacy; she + aims at the government of it, yet preserves neither dignity nor character + in her methods to obtain it. Were government a mere manufacture or article + of commerce, immaterial by whom it should be made or sold, we might as + well employ her as another, but when we consider it as the fountain from + whence the general manners and morality of a country take their rise, that + the persons entrusted with the execution thereof are by their serious + example an authority to support these principles, how abominably absurd is + the idea of being hereafter governed by a set of men who have been guilty + of forgery, perjury, treachery, theft and every species of villany which + the lowest wretches on earth could practise or invent. What greater public + curse can befall any country than to be under such authority, and what + greater blessing than to be delivered therefrom. The soul of any man of + sentiment would rise in brave rebellion against them, and spurn them from + the earth. + </p> + <p> + The malignant and venomous tempered General Vaughan has amused his savage + fancy in burning the whole town of Kingston, in York government, and the + late governor of that state, Mr. Tryon, in his letter to General Parsons, + has endeavored to justify it and declared his wish to burn the houses of + every committeeman in the country. Such a confession from one who was once + intrusted with the powers of civil government, is a reproach to the + character. But it is the wish and the declaration of a man whom anguish + and disappointment have driven to despair, and who is daily decaying into + the grave with constitutional rottenness. + </p> + <p> + There is not in the compass of language a sufficiency of words to express + the baseness of your king, his ministry and his army. They have refined + upon villany till it wants a name. To the fiercer vices of former ages + they have added the dregs and scummings of the most finished rascality, + and are so completely sunk in serpentine deceit, that there is not left + among them one generous enemy. + </p> + <p> + From such men and such masters, may the gracious hand of Heaven preserve + America! And though the sufferings she now endures are heavy, and severe, + they are like straws in the wind compared to the weight of evils she would + feel under the government of your king, and his pensioned Parliament. + </p> + <p> + There is something in meanness which excites a species of resentment that + never subsides, and something in cruelty which stirs up the heart to the + highest agony of human hatred; Britain has filled up both these characters + till no addition can be made, and has not reputation left with us to + obtain credit for the slightest promise. The will of God has parted us, + and the deed is registered for eternity. When she shall be a spot scarcely + visible among the nations, America shall flourish the favorite of heaven, + and the friend of mankind. + </p> + <p> + For the domestic happiness of Britain and the peace of the world, I wish + she had not a foot of land but what is circumscribed within her own + island. Extent of dominion has been her ruin, and instead of civilizing + others has brutalized herself. Her late reduction of India, under Clive + and his successors, was not so properly a conquest as an extermination of + mankind. She is the only power who could practise the prodigal barbarity + of tying men to mouths of loaded cannon and blowing them away. It happens + that General Burgoyne, who made the report of that horrid transaction, in + the House of Commons, is now a prisoner with us, and though an enemy, I + can appeal to him for the truth of it, being confident that he neither can + nor will deny it. Yet Clive received the approbation of the last + Parliament. + </p> + <p> + When we take a survey of mankind, we cannot help cursing the wretch, who, + to the unavoidable misfortunes of nature, shall wilfully add the + calamities of war. One would think there were evils enough in the world + without studying to increase them, and that life is sufficiently short + without shaking the sand that measures it. The histories of Alexander, and + Charles of Sweden, are the histories of human devils; a good man cannot + think of their actions without abhorrence, nor of their deaths without + rejoicing. To see the bounties of heaven destroyed, the beautiful face of + nature laid waste, and the choicest works of creation and art tumbled into + ruin, would fetch a curse from the soul of piety itself. But in this + country the aggravation is heightened by a new combination of affecting + circumstances. America was young, and, compared with other countries, was + virtuous. None but a Herod of uncommon malice would have made war upon + infancy and innocence: and none but a people of the most finished + fortitude, dared under those circumstances, have resisted the tyranny. The + natives, or their ancestors, had fled from the former oppressions of + England, and with the industry of bees had changed a wilderness into a + habitable world. To Britain they were indebted for nothing. The country + was the gift of heaven, and God alone is their Lord and Sovereign. + </p> + <p> + The time, sir, will come when you, in a melancholy hour, shall reckon up + your miseries by your murders in America. Life, with you, begins to wear a + clouded aspect. The vision of pleasurable delusion is wearing away, and + changing to the barren wild of age and sorrow. The poor reflection of + having served your king will yield you no consolation in your parting + moments. He will crumble to the same undistinguished ashes with yourself, + and have sins enough of his own to answer for. It is not the farcical + benedictions of a bishop, nor the cringing hypocrisy of a court of + chaplains, nor the formality of an act of Parliament, that can change + guilt into innocence, or make the punishment one pang the less. You may, + perhaps, be unwilling to be serious, but this destruction of the goods of + Providence, this havoc of the human race, and this sowing the world with + mischief, must be accounted for to him who made and governs it. To us they + are only present sufferings, but to him they are deep rebellions. + </p> + <p> + If there is a sin superior to every other, it is that of wilful and + offensive war. Most other sins are circumscribed within narrow limits, + that is, the power of one man cannot give them a very general extension, + and many kinds of sins have only a mental existence from which no + infection arises; but he who is the author of a war, lets loose the whole + contagion of hell, and opens a vein that bleeds a nation to death. We + leave it to England and Indians to boast of these honors; we feel no + thirst for such savage glory; a nobler flame, a purer spirit animates + America. She has taken up the sword of virtuous defence; she has bravely + put herself between Tyranny and Freedom, between a curse and a blessing, + determined to expel the one and protect the other. + </p> + <p> + It is the object only of war that makes it honorable. And if there was + ever a just war since the world began, it is this in which America is now + engaged. She invaded no land of yours. She hired no mercenaries to burn + your towns, nor Indians to massacre their inhabitants. She wanted nothing + from you, and was indebted for nothing to you: and thus circumstanced, her + defence is honorable and her prosperity is certain. + </p> + <p> + Yet it is not on the justice only, but likewise on the importance of this + cause that I ground my seeming enthusiastical confidence of our success. + The vast extension of America makes her of too much value in the scale of + Providence, to be cast like a pearl before swine, at the feet of an + European island; and of much less consequence would it be that Britain + were sunk in the sea than that America should miscarry. There has been + such a chain of extraordinary events in the discovery of this country at + first, in the peopling and planting it afterwards, in the rearing and + nursing it to its present state, and in the protection of it through the + present war, that no man can doubt, but Providence has some nobler end to + accomplish than the gratification of the petty elector of Hanover, or the + ignorant and insignificant king of Britain. + </p> + <p> + As the blood of the martyrs has been the seed of the Christian church, so + the political persecutions of England will and have already enriched + America with industry, experience, union, and importance. Before the + present era she was a mere chaos of uncemented colonies, individually + exposed to the ravages of the Indians and the invasion of any power that + Britain should be at war with. She had nothing that she could call her + own. Her felicity depended upon accident. The convulsions of Europe might + have thrown her from one conqueror to another, till she had been the slave + of all, and ruined by every one; for until she had spirit enough to become + her own master, there was no knowing to which master she should belong. + That period, thank God, is past, and she is no longer the dependent, + disunited colonies of Britain, but the independent and United States of + America, knowing no master but heaven and herself. You, or your king, may + call this "delusion," "rebellion," or what name you please. To us it is + perfectly indifferent. The issue will determine the character, and time + will give it a name as lasting as his own. + </p> + <p> + You have now, sir, tried the fate of three campaigns, and can fully + declare to England, that nothing is to be got on your part, but blows and + broken bones, and nothing on hers but waste of trade and credit, and an + increase of poverty and taxes. You are now only where you might have been + two years ago, without the loss of a single ship, and yet not a step more + forward towards the conquest of the continent; because, as I have already + hinted, "an army in a city can never be a conquering army." The full + amount of your losses, since the beginning of the war, exceeds twenty + thousand men, besides millions of treasure, for which you have nothing in + exchange. Our expenses, though great, are circulated within ourselves. + Yours is a direct sinking of money, and that from both ends at once; + first, in hiring troops out of the nation, and in paying them afterwards, + because the money in neither case can return to Britain. We are already in + possession of the prize, you only in pursuit of it. To us it is a real + treasure, to you it would be only an empty triumph. Our expenses will + repay themselves with tenfold interest, while yours entail upon you + everlasting poverty. + </p> + <p> + Take a review, sir, of the ground which you have gone over, and let it + teach you policy, if it cannot honesty. You stand but on a very tottering + foundation. A change of the ministry in England may probably bring your + measures into question, and your head to the block. Clive, with all his + successes, had some difficulty in escaping, and yours being all a war of + losses, will afford you less pretensions, and your enemies more grounds + for impeachment. + </p> + <p> + Go home, sir, and endeavor to save the remains of your ruined country, by + a just representation of the madness of her measures. A few moments, well + applied, may yet preserve her from political destruction. I am not one of + those who wish to see Europe in a flame, because I am persuaded that such + an event will not shorten the war. The rupture, at present, is confined + between the two powers of America and England. England finds that she + cannot conquer America, and America has no wish to conquer England. You + are fighting for what you can never obtain, and we defending what we never + mean to part with. A few words, therefore, settle the bargain. Let England + mind her own business and we will mind ours. Govern yourselves, and we + will govern ourselves. You may then trade where you please unmolested by + us, and we will trade where we please unmolested by you; and such articles + as we can purchase of each other better than elsewhere may be mutually + done. If it were possible that you could carry on the war for twenty years + you must still come to this point at last, or worse, and the sooner you + think of it the better it will be for you. + </p> + <p> + My official situation enables me to know the repeated insults which + Britain is obliged to put up with from foreign powers, and the wretched + shifts that she is driven to, to gloss them over. Her reduced strength and + exhausted coffers in a three years' war with America, has given a powerful + superiority to France and Spain. She is not now a match for them. But if + neither councils can prevail on her to think, nor sufferings awaken her to + reason, she must e'en go on, till the honor of England becomes a proverb + of contempt, and Europe dub her the Land of Fools. + </p> + <p> + I am, Sir, with every wish for an honorable peace, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Your friend, enemy, and countryman, + + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TO THE INHABITANTS OF AMERICA. +</pre> + <p> + WITH all the pleasure with which a man exchanges bad company for good, I + take my leave of Sir William and return to you. It is now nearly three + years since the tyranny of Britain received its first repulse by the arms + of America. A period which has given birth to a new world, and erected a + monument to the folly of the old. + </p> + <p> + I cannot help being sometimes surprised at the complimentary references + which I have seen and heard made to ancient histories and transactions. + The wisdom, civil governments, and sense of honor of the states of Greece + and Rome, are frequently held up as objects of excellence and imitation. + Mankind have lived to very little purpose, if, at this period of the + world, they must go two or three thousand years back for lessons and + examples. We do great injustice to ourselves by placing them in such a + superior line. We have no just authority for it, neither can we tell why + it is that we should suppose ourselves inferior. + </p> + <p> + Could the mist of antiquity be cleared away, and men and things be viewed + as they really were, it is more than probable that they would admire us, + rather than we them. America has surmounted a greater variety and + combination of difficulties, than, I believe, ever fell to the share of + any one people, in the same space of time, and has replenished the world + with more useful knowledge and sounder maxims of civil government than + were ever produced in any age before. Had it not been for America, there + had been no such thing as freedom left throughout the whole universe. + England has lost hers in a long chain of right reasoning from wrong + principles, and it is from this country, now, that she must learn the + resolution to redress herself, and the wisdom how to accomplish it. + </p> + <p> + The Grecians and Romans were strongly possessed of the spirit of liberty + but not the principle, for at the time that they were determined not to be + slaves themselves, they employed their power to enslave the rest of + mankind. But this distinguished era is blotted by no one misanthropical + vice. In short, if the principle on which the cause is founded, the + universal blessings that are to arise from it, the difficulties that + accompanied it, the wisdom with which it has been debated, the fortitude + by which it has been supported, the strength of the power which we had to + oppose, and the condition in which we undertook it, be all taken in one + view, we may justly style it the most virtuous and illustrious revolution + that ever graced the history of mankind. + </p> + <p> + A good opinion of ourselves is exceedingly necessary in private life, but + absolutely necessary in public life, and of the utmost importance in + supporting national character. I have no notion of yielding the palm of + the United States to any Grecians or Romans that were ever born. We have + equalled the bravest in times of danger, and excelled the wisest in + construction of civil governments. + </p> + <p> + From this agreeable eminence let us take a review of present affairs. The + spirit of corruption is so inseparably interwoven with British politics, + that their ministry suppose all mankind are governed by the same motives. + They have no idea of a people submitting even to temporary inconvenience + from an attachment to rights and privileges. Their plans of business are + calculated by the hour and for the hour, and are uniform in nothing but + the corruption which gives them birth. They never had, neither have they + at this time, any regular plan for the conquest of America by arms. They + know not how to go about it, neither have they power to effect it if they + did know. The thing is not within the compass of human practicability, for + America is too extensive either to be fully conquered or passively + defended. But she may be actively defended by defeating or making + prisoners of the army that invades her. And this is the only system of + defence that can be effectual in a large country. + </p> + <p> + There is something in a war carried on by invasion which makes it differ + in circumstances from any other mode of war, because he who conducts it + cannot tell whether the ground he gains be for him, or against him, when + he first obtains it. In the winter of 1776, General Howe marched with an + air of victory through the Jerseys, the consequence of which was his + defeat; and General Burgoyne at Saratoga experienced the same fate from + the same cause. The Spaniards, about two years ago, were defeated by the + Algerines in the same manner, that is, their first triumphs became a trap + in which they were totally routed. And whoever will attend to the + circumstances and events of a war carried on by invasion, will find, that + any invader, in order to be finally conquered must first begin to conquer. + </p> + <p> + I confess myself one of those who believe the loss of Philadelphia to be + attended with more advantages than injuries. The case stood thus: The + enemy imagined Philadelphia to be of more importance to us than it really + was; for we all know that it had long ceased to be a port: not a cargo of + goods had been brought into it for near a twelvemonth, nor any fixed + manufactories, nor even ship-building, carried on in it; yet as the enemy + believed the conquest of it to be practicable, and to that belief added + the absurd idea that the soul of all America was centred there, and would + be conquered there, it naturally follows that their possession of it, by + not answering the end proposed, must break up the plans they had so + foolishly gone upon, and either oblige them to form a new one, for which + their present strength is not sufficient, or to give over the attempt. + </p> + <p> + We never had so small an army to fight against, nor so fair an opportunity + of final success as now. The death wound is already given. The day is ours + if we follow it up. The enemy, by his situation, is within our reach, and + by his reduced strength is within our power. The ministers of Britain may + rage as they please, but our part is to conquer their armies. Let them + wrangle and welcome, but let, it not draw our attention from the one thing + needful. Here, in this spot is our own business to be accomplished, our + felicity secured. What we have now to do is as clear as light, and the way + to do it is as straight as a line. It needs not to be commented upon, yet, + in order to be perfectly understood I will put a case that cannot admit of + a mistake. + </p> + <p> + Had the armies under Generals Howe and Burgoyne been united, and taken + post at Germantown, and had the northern army under General Gates been + joined to that under General Washington, at Whitemarsh, the consequence + would have been a general action; and if in that action we had killed and + taken the same number of officers and men, that is, between nine and ten + thousand, with the same quantity of artillery, arms, stores, etc., as have + been taken at the northward, and obliged General Howe with the remains of + his army, that is, with the same number he now commands, to take shelter + in Philadelphia, we should certainly have thought ourselves the greatest + heroes in the world; and should, as soon as the season permitted, have + collected together all the force of the continent and laid siege to the + city, for it requires a much greater force to besiege an enemy in a town + than to defeat him in the field. The case now is just the same as if it + had been produced by the means I have here supposed. Between nine and ten + thousand have been killed and taken, all their stores are in our + possession, and General Howe, in consequence of that victory, has thrown + himself for shelter into Philadelphia. He, or his trifling friend + Galloway, may form what pretences they please, yet no just reason can be + given for their going into winter quarters so early as the 19th of + October, but their apprehensions of a defeat if they continued out, or + their conscious inability of keeping the field with safety. I see no + advantage which can arise to America by hunting the enemy from state to + state. It is a triumph without a prize, and wholly unworthy the attention + of a people determined to conquer. Neither can any state promise itself + security while the enemy remains in a condition to transport themselves + from one part of the continent to another. Howe, likewise, cannot conquer + where we have no army to oppose, therefore any such removals in him are + mean and cowardly, and reduces Britain to a common pilferer. If he + retreats from Philadelphia, he will be despised; if he stays, he may be + shut up and starved out, and the country, if he advances into it, may + become his Saratoga. He has his choice of evils and we of opportunities. + If he moves early, it is not only a sign but a proof that he expects no + reinforcement, and his delay will prove that he either waits for the + arrival of a plan to go upon, or force to execute it, or both; in which + case our strength will increase more than his, therefore in any case we + cannot be wrong if we do but proceed. + </p> + <p> + The particular condition of Pennsylvania deserves the attention of all the + other States. Her military strength must not be estimated by the number of + inhabitants. Here are men of all nations, characters, professions and + interests. Here are the firmest Whigs, surviving, like sparks in the + ocean, unquenched and uncooled in the midst of discouragement and + disaffection. Here are men losing their all with cheerfulness, and + collecting fire and fortitude from the flames of their own estates. Here + are others skulking in secret, many making a market of the times, and + numbers who are changing to Whig or Tory with the circumstances of every + day. + </p> + <p> + It is by a mere dint of fortitude and perseverance that the Whigs of this + State have been able to maintain so good a countenance, and do even what + they have done. We want help, and the sooner it can arrive the more + effectual it will be. The invaded State, be it which it may, will always + feel an additional burden upon its back, and be hard set to support its + civil power with sufficient authority; and this difficulty will rise or + fall, in proportion as the other states throw in their assistance to the + common cause. + </p> + <p> + The enemy will most probably make many manoeuvres at the opening of this + campaign, to amuse and draw off the attention of the several States from + the one thing needful. We may expect to hear of alarms and pretended + expeditions to this place and that place, to the southward, the eastward, + and the northward, all intended to prevent our forming into one formidable + body. The less the enemy's strength is, the more subtleties of this kind + will they make use of. Their existence depends upon it, because the force + of America, when collected, is sufficient to swallow their present army + up. It is therefore our business to make short work of it, by bending our + whole attention to this one principal point, for the instant that the main + body under General Howe is defeated, all the inferior alarms throughout + the continent, like so many shadows, will follow his downfall. + </p> + <p> + The only way to finish a war with the least possible bloodshed, or perhaps + without any, is to collect an army, against the power of which the enemy + shall have no chance. By not doing this, we prolong the war, and double + both the calamities and expenses of it. What a rich and happy country + would America be, were she, by a vigorous exertion, to reduce Howe as she + has reduced Burgoyne. Her currency would rise to millions beyond its + present value. Every man would be rich, and every man would have it in his + power to be happy. And why not do these things? What is there to hinder? + America is her own mistress and can do what she pleases. + </p> + <p> + If we had not at this time a man in the field, we could, nevertheless, + raise an army in a few weeks sufficient to overwhelm all the force which + General Howe at present commands. Vigor and determination will do anything + and everything. We began the war with this kind of spirit, why not end it + with the same? Here, gentlemen, is the enemy. Here is the army. The + interest, the happiness of all America, is centred in this half ruined + spot. Come and help us. Here are laurels, come and share them. Here are + Tories, come and help us to expel them. Here are Whigs that will make you + welcome, and enemies that dread your coming. + </p> + <p> + The worst of all policies is that of doing things by halves. Penny-wise + and pound-foolish, has been the ruin of thousands. The present spring, if + rightly improved, will free us from our troubles, and save us the expense + of millions. We have now only one army to cope with. No opportunity can be + fairer; no prospect more promising. I shall conclude this paper with a few + outlines of a plan, either for filling up the battalions with expedition, + or for raising an additional force, for any limited time, on any sudden + emergency. + </p> + <p> + That in which every man is interested, is every man's duty to support. And + any burden which falls equally on all men, and from which every man is to + receive an equal benefit, is consistent with the most perfect ideas of + liberty. I would wish to revive something of that virtuous ambition which + first called America into the field. Then every man was eager to do his + part, and perhaps the principal reason why we have in any degree fallen + therefrom, is because we did not set a right value by it at first, but + left it to blaze out of itself, instead of regulating and preserving it by + just proportions of rest and service. + </p> + <p> + Suppose any State whose number of effective inhabitants was 80,000, should + be required to furnish 3,200 men towards the defence of the continent on + any sudden emergency. + </p> + <p> + 1st, Let the whole number of effective inhabitants be divided into + hundreds; then if each of those hundreds turn out four men, the whole + number of 3,200 will be had. + </p> + <p> + 2d, Let the name of each hundred men be entered in a book, and let four + dollars be collected from each man, with as much more as any of the + gentlemen, whose abilities can afford it, shall please to throw in, which + gifts likewise shall be entered against the names of the donors. + </p> + <p> + 3d, Let the sums so collected be offered as a present, over and above the + bounty of twenty dollars, to any four who may be inclined to propose + themselves as volunteers: if more than four offer, the majority of the + subscribers present shall determine which; if none offer, then four out of + the hundred shall be taken by lot, who shall be entitled to the said sums, + and shall either go, or provide others that will, in the space of six + days. + </p> + <p> + 4th, As it will always happen that in the space of ground on which a + hundred men shall live, there will be always a number of persons who, by + age and infirmity, are incapable of doing personal service, and as such + persons are generally possessed of the greatest part of property in any + country, their portion of service, therefore, will be to furnish each man + with a blanket, which will make a regimental coat, jacket, and breeches, + or clothes in lieu thereof, and another for a watch cloak, and two pair of + shoes; for however choice people may be of these things matters not in + cases of this kind; those who live always in houses can find many ways to + keep themselves warm, but it is a shame and a sin to suffer a soldier in + the field to want a blanket while there is one in the country. + </p> + <p> + Should the clothing not be wanted, the superannuated or infirm persons + possessing property, may, in lieu thereof, throw in their money + subscriptions towards increasing the bounty; for though age will naturally + exempt a person from personal service, it cannot exempt him from his share + of the charge, because the men are raised for the defence of property and + liberty jointly. + </p> + <p> + There never was a scheme against which objections might not be raised. But + this alone is not a sufficient reason for rejection. The only line to + judge truly upon is to draw out and admit all the objections which can + fairly be made, and place against them all the contrary qualities, + conveniences and advantages, then by striking a balance you come at the + true character of any scheme, principle or position. + </p> + <p> + The most material advantages of the plan here proposed are, ease, + expedition, and cheapness; yet the men so raised get a much larger bounty + than is any where at present given; because all the expenses, + extravagance, and consequent idleness of recruiting are saved or + prevented. The country incurs no new debt nor interest thereon; the whole + matter being all settled at once and entirely done with. It is a + subscription answering all the purposes of a tax, without either the + charge or trouble of collecting. The men are ready for the field with the + greatest possible expedition, because it becomes the duty of the + inhabitants themselves, in every part of the country, to find their + proportion of men instead of leaving it to a recruiting sergeant, who, be + he ever so industrious, cannot know always where to apply. + </p> + <p> + I do not propose this as a regular digested plan, neither will the limits + of this paper admit of any further remarks upon it. I believe it to be a + hint capable of much improvement, and as such submit it to the public. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + LANCASTER, March 21, 1778. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0010" id="Blink2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS VI. (TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE AND GENERAL CLINTON) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TO THE EARL OF CARLISLE, GENERAL CLINTON, AND + WILLIAM EDEN, ESQ., BRITISH COMMISSIONERS + AT NEW YORK. +</pre> + <p> + THERE is a dignity in the warm passions of a Whig, which is never to be + found in the cold malice of a Tory. In the one nature is only heated—in + the other she is poisoned. The instant the former has it in his power to + punish, he feels a disposition to forgive; but the canine venom of the + latter knows no relief but revenge. This general distinction will, I + believe, apply in all cases, and suits as well the meridian of England as + America. + </p> + <p> + As I presume your last proclamation will undergo the strictures of other + pens, I shall confine my remarks to only a few parts thereof. All that you + have said might have been comprised in half the compass. It is tedious and + unmeaning, and only a repetition of your former follies, with here and + there an offensive aggravation. Your cargo of pardons will have no market. + It is unfashionable to look at them—even speculation is at an end. + They have become a perfect drug, and no way calculated for the climate. + </p> + <p> + In the course of your proclamation you say, "The policy as well as the + benevolence of Great Britain have thus far checked the extremes of war, + when they tended to distress a people still considered as their fellow + subjects, and to desolate a country shortly to become again a source of + mutual advantage." What you mean by "the benevolence of Great Britain" is + to me inconceivable. To put a plain question; do you consider yourselves + men or devils? For until this point is settled, no determinate sense can + be put upon the expression. You have already equalled and in many cases + excelled, the savages of either Indies; and if you have yet a cruelty in + store you must have imported it, unmixed with every human material, from + the original warehouse of hell. + </p> + <p> + To the interposition of Providence, and her blessings on our endeavors, + and not to British benevolence are we indebted for the short chain that + limits your ravages. Remember you do not, at this time, command a foot of + land on the continent of America. Staten Island, York Island, a small part + of Long Island, and Rhode Island, circumscribe your power; and even those + you hold at the expense of the West Indies. To avoid a defeat, or prevent + a desertion of your troops, you have taken up your quarters in holes and + corners of inaccessible security; and in order to conceal what every one + can perceive, you now endeavor to impose your weakness upon us for an act + of mercy. If you think to succeed by such shadowy devices, you are but + infants in the political world; you have the A, B, C, of stratagem yet to + learn, and are wholly ignorant of the people you have to contend with. + Like men in a state of intoxication, you forget that the rest of the world + have eyes, and that the same stupidity which conceals you from yourselves + exposes you to their satire and contempt. + </p> + <p> + The paragraph which I have quoted, stands as an introduction to the + following: "But when that country [America] professes the unnatural + design, not only of estranging herself from us, but of mortgaging herself + and her resources to our enemies, the whole contest is changed: and the + question is how far Great Britain may, by every means in her power, + destroy or render useless, a connection contrived for her ruin, and the + aggrandizement of France. Under such circumstances, the laws of + self-preservation must direct the conduct of Britain, and, if the British + colonies are to become an accession to France, will direct her to render + that accession of as little avail as possible to her enemy." + </p> + <p> + I consider you in this declaration, like madmen biting in the hour of + death. It contains likewise a fraudulent meanness; for, in order to + justify a barbarous conclusion, you have advanced a false position. The + treaty we have formed with France is open, noble, and generous. It is true + policy, founded on sound philosophy, and neither a surrender or mortgage, + as you would scandalously insinuate. I have seen every article, and speak + from positive knowledge. In France, we have found an affectionate friend + and faithful ally; in Britain, we have found nothing but tyranny, cruelty, + and infidelity. + </p> + <p> + But the happiness is, that the mischief you threaten, is not in your power + to execute; and if it were, the punishment would return upon you in a + ten-fold degree. The humanity of America has hitherto restrained her from + acts of retaliation, and the affection she retains for many individuals in + England, who have fed, clothed and comforted her prisoners, has, to the + present day, warded off her resentment, and operated as a screen to the + whole. But even these considerations must cease, when national objects + interfere and oppose them. Repeated aggravations will provoke a retort, + and policy justify the measure. We mean now to take you seriously up upon + your own ground and principle, and as you do, so shall you be done by. + </p> + <p> + You ought to know, gentlemen, that England and Scotland, are far more + exposed to incendiary desolation than America, in her present state, can + possibly be. We occupy a country, with but few towns, and whose riches + consist in land and annual produce. The two last can suffer but little, + and that only within a very limited compass. In Britain it is otherwise. + Her wealth lies chiefly in cities and large towns, the depositories of + manufactures and fleets of merchantmen. There is not a nobleman's country + seat but may be laid in ashes by a single person. Your own may probably + contribute to the proof: in short, there is no evil which cannot be + returned when you come to incendiary mischief. The ships in the Thames, + may certainly be as easily set on fire, as the temporary bridge was a few + years ago; yet of that affair no discovery was ever made; and the loss you + would sustain by such an event, executed at a proper season, is infinitely + greater than any you can inflict. The East India House and the Bank, + neither are nor can be secure from this sort of destruction, and, as Dr. + Price justly observes, a fire at the latter would bankrupt the nation. It + has never been the custom of France and England when at war, to make those + havocs on each other, because the ease with which they could retaliate + rendered it as impolitic as if each had destroyed his own. + </p> + <p> + But think not, gentlemen, that our distance secures you, or our invention + fails us. We can much easier accomplish such a point than any nation in + Europe. We talk the same language, dress in the same habit, and appear + with the same manners as yourselves. We can pass from one part of England + to another unsuspected; many of us are as well acquainted with the country + as you are, and should you impolitically provoke us, you will most + assuredly lament the effects of it. Mischiefs of this kind require no army + to execute them. The means are obvious, and the opportunities unguardable. + I hold up a warning to our senses, if you have any left, and "to the + unhappy people likewise, whose affairs are committed to you."* I call not + with the rancor of an enemy, but the earnestness of a friend, on the + deluded people of England, lest, between your blunders and theirs, they + sink beneath the evils contrived for us. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * General [Sir H.] Clinton's letter to Congress. +</pre> + <p> + "He who lives in a glass house," says a Spanish proverb, "should never + begin throwing stones." This, gentlemen, is exactly your case, and you + must be the most ignorant of mankind, or suppose us so, not to see on + which side the balance of accounts will fall. There are many other modes + of retaliation, which, for several reasons, I choose not to mention. But + be assured of this, that the instant you put your threat into execution, a + counter-blow will follow it. If you openly profess yourselves savages, it + is high time we should treat you as such, and if nothing but distress can + recover you to reason, to punish will become an office of charity. + </p> + <p> + While your fleet lay last winter in the Delaware, I offered my service to + the Pennsylvania Navy Board then at Trenton, as one who would make a party + with them, or any four or five gentlemen, on an expedition down the river + to set fire to it, and though it was not then accepted, nor the thing + personally attempted, it is more than probable that your own folly will + provoke a much more ruinous act. Say not when mischief is done, that you + had not warning, and remember that we do not begin it, but mean to repay + it. Thus much for your savage and impolitic threat. + </p> + <p> + In another part of your proclamation you say, "But if the honors of a + military life are become the object of the Americans, let them seek those + honors under the banners of their rightful sovereign, and in fighting the + battles of the united British Empire, against our late mutual and natural + enemies." Surely! the union of absurdity with madness was never marked in + more distinguishable lines than these. Your rightful sovereign, as you + call him, may do well enough for you, who dare not inquire into the humble + capacities of the man; but we, who estimate persons and things by their + real worth, cannot suffer our judgments to be so imposed upon; and unless + it is your wish to see him exposed, it ought to be your endeavor to keep + him out of sight. The less you have to say about him the better. We have + done with him, and that ought to be answer enough. You have been often + told so. Strange! that the answer must be so often repeated. You go + a-begging with your king as with a brat, or with some unsaleable commodity + you were tired of; and though every body tells you no, no, still you keep + hawking him about. But there is one that will have him in a little time, + and as we have no inclination to disappoint you of a customer, we bid + nothing for him. + </p> + <p> + The impertinent folly of the paragraph that I have just quoted, deserves + no other notice than to be laughed at and thrown by, but the principle on + which it is founded is detestable. We are invited to submit to a man who + has attempted by every cruelty to destroy us, and to join him in making + war against France, who is already at war against him for our support. + </p> + <p> + Can Bedlam, in concert with Lucifer, form a more mad and devilish request? + Were it possible a people could sink into such apostacy they would deserve + to be swept from the earth like the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah. The + proposition is an universal affront to the rank which man holds in the + creation, and an indignity to him who placed him there. It supposes him + made up without a spark of honor, and under no obligation to God or man. + </p> + <p> + What sort of men or Christians must you suppose the Americans to be, who, + after seeing their most humble petitions insultingly rejected; the most + grievous laws passed to distress them in every quarter; an undeclared war + let loose upon them, and Indians and negroes invited to the slaughter; + who, after seeing their kinsmen murdered, their fellow citizens starved to + death in prisons, and their houses and property destroyed and burned; who, + after the most serious appeals to heaven, the most solemn abjuration by + oath of all government connected with you, and the most heart-felt pledges + and protestations of faith to each other; and who, after soliciting the + friendship, and entering into alliances with other nations, should at last + break through all these obligations, civil and divine, by complying with + your horrid and infernal proposal. Ought we ever after to be considered as + a part of the human race? Or ought we not rather to be blotted from the + society of mankind, and become a spectacle of misery to the world? But + there is something in corruption, which, like a jaundiced eye, transfers + the color of itself to the object it looks upon, and sees every thing + stained and impure; for unless you were capable of such conduct + yourselves, you would never have supposed such a character in us. The + offer fixes your infamy. It exhibits you as a nation without faith; with + whom oaths and treaties are considered as trifles, and the breaking them + as the breaking of a bubble. Regard to decency, or to rank, might have + taught you better; or pride inspired you, though virtue could not. There + is not left a step in the degradation of character to which you can now + descend; you have put your foot on the ground floor, and the key of the + dungeon is turned upon you. + </p> + <p> + That the invitation may want nothing of being a complete monster, you have + thought proper to finish it with an assertion which has no foundation, + either in fact or philosophy; and as Mr. Ferguson, your secretary, is a + man of letters, and has made civil society his study, and published a + treatise on that subject, I address this part to him. + </p> + <p> + In the close of the paragraph which I last quoted, France is styled the + "natural enemy" of England, and by way of lugging us into some strange + idea, she is styled "the late mutual and natural enemy" of both countries. + I deny that she ever was the natural enemy of either; and that there does + not exist in nature such a principle. The expression is an unmeaning + barbarism, and wholly unphilosophical, when applied to beings of the same + species, let their station in the creation be what it may. We have a + perfect idea of a natural enemy when we think of the devil, because the + enmity is perpetual, unalterable and unabateable. It admits, neither of + peace, truce, or treaty; consequently the warfare is eternal, and + therefore it is natural. But man with man cannot arrange in the same + opposition. Their quarrels are accidental and equivocally created. They + become friends or enemies as the change of temper, or the cast of interest + inclines them. The Creator of man did not constitute them the natural + enemy of each other. He has not made any one order of beings so. Even + wolves may quarrel, still they herd together. If any two nations are so, + then must all nations be so, otherwise it is not nature but custom, and + the offence frequently originates with the accuser. England is as truly + the natural enemy of France, as France is of England, and perhaps more so. + Separated from the rest of Europe, she has contracted an unsocial habit of + manners, and imagines in others the jealousy she creates in herself. Never + long satisfied with peace, she supposes the discontent universal, and + buoyed up with her own importance, conceives herself the only object + pointed at. The expression has been often used, and always with a + fraudulent design; for when the idea of a natural enemy is conceived, it + prevents all other inquiries, and the real cause of the quarrel is hidden + in the universality of the conceit. Men start at the notion of a natural + enemy, and ask no other question. The cry obtains credit like the alarm of + a mad dog, and is one of those kind of tricks, which, by operating on the + common passions, secures their interest through their folly. + </p> + <p> + But we, sir, are not to be thus imposed upon. We live in a large world, + and have extended our ideas beyond the limits and prejudices of an island. + We hold out the right hand of friendship to all the universe, and we + conceive that there is a sociality in the manners of France, which is much + better disposed to peace and negotiation than that of England, and until + the latter becomes more civilized, she cannot expect to live long at peace + with any power. Her common language is vulgar and offensive, and children + suck in with their milk the rudiments of insult—"The arm of Britain! + The mighty arm of Britain! Britain that shakes the earth to its center and + its poles! The scourge of France! The terror of the world! That governs + with a nod, and pours down vengeance like a God." This language neither + makes a nation great or little; but it shows a savageness of manners, and + has a tendency to keep national animosity alive. The entertainments of the + stage are calculated to the same end, and almost every public exhibition + is tinctured with insult. Yet England is always in dread of France,—terrified + at the apprehension of an invasion, suspicious of being outwitted in a + treaty, and privately cringing though she is publicly offending. Let her, + therefore, reform her manners and do justice, and she will find the idea + of a natural enemy to be only a phantom of her own imagination. + </p> + <p> + Little did I think, at this period of the war, to see a proclamation which + could promise you no one useful purpose whatever, and tend only to expose + you. One would think that you were just awakened from a four years' dream, + and knew nothing of what had passed in the interval. Is this a time to be + offering pardons, or renewing the long forgotten subjects of charters and + taxation? Is it worth your while, after every force has failed you, to + retreat under the shelter of argument and persuasion? Or can you think + that we, with nearly half your army prisoners, and in alliance with + France, are to be begged or threatened into submission by a piece of + paper? But as commissioners at a hundred pounds sterling a week each, you + conceive yourselves bound to do something, and the genius of ill-fortune + told you, that you must write. + </p> + <p> + For my own part, I have not put pen to paper these several months. + Convinced of our superiority by the issue of every campaign, I was + inclined to hope, that that which all the rest of the world now see, would + become visible to you, and therefore felt unwilling to ruffle your temper + by fretting you with repetitions and discoveries. There have been + intervals of hesitation in your conduct, from which it seemed a pity to + disturb you, and a charity to leave you to yourselves. You have often + stopped, as if you intended to think, but your thoughts have ever been too + early or too late. + </p> + <p> + There was a time when Britain disdained to answer, or even hear a petition + from America. That time is past and she in her turn is petitioning our + acceptance. We now stand on higher ground, and offer her peace; and the + time will come when she, perhaps in vain, will ask it from us. The latter + case is as probable as the former ever was. She cannot refuse to + acknowledge our independence with greater obstinacy than she before + refused to repeal her laws; and if America alone could bring her to the + one, united with France she will reduce her to the other. There is + something in obstinacy which differs from every other passion; whenever it + fails it never recovers, but either breaks like iron, or crumbles sulkily + away like a fractured arch. Most other passions have their periods of + fatigue and rest; their suffering and their cure; but obstinacy has no + resource, and the first wound is mortal. You have already begun to give it + up, and you will, from the natural construction of the vice, find + yourselves both obliged and inclined to do so. + </p> + <p> + If you look back you see nothing but loss and disgrace. If you look + forward the same scene continues, and the close is an impenetrable gloom. + You may plan and execute little mischiefs, but are they worth the expense + they cost you, or will such partial evils have any effect on the general + cause? Your expedition to Egg Harbor, will be felt at a distance like an + attack upon a hen-roost, and expose you in Europe, with a sort of childish + frenzy. Is it worth while to keep an army to protect you in writing + proclamations, or to get once a year into winter quarters? Possessing + yourselves of towns is not conquest, but convenience, and in which you + will one day or other be trepanned. Your retreat from Philadelphia, was + only a timely escape, and your next expedition may be less fortunate. + </p> + <p> + It would puzzle all the politicians in the universe to conceive what you + stay for, or why you should have stayed so long. You are prosecuting a war + in which you confess you have neither object nor hope, and that conquest, + could it be effected, would not repay the charges: in the mean while the + rest of your affairs are running to ruin, and a European war kindling + against you. In such a situation, there is neither doubt nor difficulty; + the first rudiments of reason will determine the choice, for if peace can + be procured with more advantages than even a conquest can be obtained, he + must be an idiot indeed that hesitates. + </p> + <p> + But you are probably buoyed up by a set of wretched mortals, who, having + deceived themselves, are cringing, with the duplicity of a spaniel, for a + little temporary bread. Those men will tell you just what you please. It + is their interest to amuse, in order to lengthen out their protection. + They study to keep you amongst them for that very purpose; and in + proportion as you disregard their advice, and grow callous to their + complaints, they will stretch into improbability, and season their + flattery the higher. Characters like these are to be found in every + country, and every country will despise them. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 20, 1778. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0011" id="Blink2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS VII. TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. + </h2> + <p> + THERE are stages in the business of serious life in which to amuse is + cruel, but to deceive is to destroy; and it is of little consequence, in + the conclusion, whether men deceive themselves, or submit, by a kind of + mutual consent, to the impositions of each other. That England has long + been under the influence of delusion or mistake, needs no other proof than + the unexpected and wretched situation that she is now involved in: and so + powerful has been the influence, that no provision was ever made or + thought of against the misfortune, because the possibility of its + happening was never conceived. + </p> + <p> + The general and successful resistance of America, the conquest of + Burgoyne, and a war in France, were treated in parliament as the dreams of + a discontented opposition, or a distempered imagination. They were beheld + as objects unworthy of a serious thought, and the bare intimation of them + afforded the ministry a triumph of laughter. Short triumph indeed! For + everything which has been predicted has happened, and all that was + promised has failed. A long series of politics so remarkably distinguished + by a succession of misfortunes, without one alleviating turn, must + certainly have something in it systematically wrong. It is sufficient to + awaken the most credulous into suspicion, and the most obstinate into + thought. Either the means in your power are insufficient, or the measures + ill planned; either the execution has been bad, or the thing attempted + impracticable; or, to speak more emphatically, either you are not able or + heaven is not willing. For, why is it that you have not conquered us? Who, + or what has prevented you? You have had every opportunity that you could + desire, and succeeded to your utmost wish in every preparatory means. Your + fleets and armies have arrived in America without an accident. No uncommon + fortune has intervened. No foreign nation has interfered until the time + which you had allotted for victory was passed. The opposition, either in + or out of parliament, neither disconcerted your measures, retarded or + diminished your force. They only foretold your fate. Every ministerial + scheme was carried with as high a hand as if the whole nation had been + unanimous. Every thing wanted was asked for, and every thing asked for was + granted. + </p> + <p> + A greater force was not within the compass of your abilities to send, and + the time you sent it was of all others the most favorable. You were then + at rest with the whole world beside. You had the range of every court in + Europe uncontradicted by us. You amused us with a tale of commissioners of + peace, and under that disguise collected a numerous army and came almost + unexpectedly upon us. The force was much greater than we looked for; and + that which we had to oppose it with, was unequal in numbers, badly armed, + and poorly disciplined; beside which, it was embodied only for a short + time, and expired within a few months after your arrival. We had + governments to form; measures to concert; an army to train, and every + necessary article to import or to create. Our non-importation scheme had + exhausted our stores, and your command by sea intercepted our supplies. We + were a people unknown, and unconnected with the political world, and + strangers to the disposition of foreign powers. Could you possibly wish + for a more favorable conjunction of circumstances? Yet all these have + happened and passed away, and, as it were, left you with a laugh. There + are likewise, events of such an original nativity as can never happen + again, unless a new world should arise from the ocean. + </p> + <p> + If any thing can be a lesson to presumption, surely the circumstances of + this war will have their effect. Had Britain been defeated by any European + power, her pride would have drawn consolation from the importance of her + conquerors; but in the present case, she is excelled by those that she + affected to despise, and her own opinions retorting upon herself, become + an aggravation of her disgrace. Misfortune and experience are lost upon + mankind, when they produce neither reflection nor reformation. Evils, like + poisons, have their uses, and there are diseases which no other remedy can + reach. It has been the crime and folly of England to suppose herself + invincible, and that, without acknowledging or perceiving that a full + third of her strength was drawn from the country she is now at war with. + The arm of Britain has been spoken of as the arm of the Almighty, and she + has lived of late as if she thought the whole world created for her + diversion. Her politics, instead of civilizing, has tended to brutalize + mankind, and under the vain, unmeaning title of "Defender of the Faith," + she has made war like an Indian against the religion of humanity. Her + cruelties in the East Indies will never be forgotten, and it is somewhat + remarkable that the produce of that ruined country, transported to + America, should there kindle up a war to punish the destroyer. The chain + is continued, though with a mysterious kind of uniformity both in the + crime and the punishment. The latter runs parallel with the former, and + time and fate will give it a perfect illustration. + </p> + <p> + When information is withheld, ignorance becomes a reasonable excuse; and + one would charitably hope that the people of England do not encourage + cruelty from choice but from mistake. Their recluse situation, surrounded + by the sea, preserves them from the calamities of war, and keeps them in + the dark as to the conduct of their own armies. They see not, therefore + they feel not. They tell the tale that is told them and believe it, and + accustomed to no other news than their own, they receive it, stripped of + its horrors and prepared for the palate of the nation, through the channel + of the London Gazette. They are made to believe that their generals and + armies differ from those of other nations, and have nothing of rudeness or + barbarity in them. They suppose them what they wish them to be. They feel + a disgrace in thinking otherwise, and naturally encourage the belief from + a partiality to themselves. There was a time when I felt the same + prejudices, and reasoned from the same errors; but experience, sad and + painful experience, has taught me better. What the conduct of former + armies was, I know not, but what the conduct of the present is, I well + know. It is low, cruel, indolent and profligate; and had the people of + America no other cause for separation than what the army has occasioned, + that alone is cause sufficient. + </p> + <p> + The field of politics in England is far more extensive than that of news. + Men have a right to reason for themselves, and though they cannot + contradict the intelligence in the London Gazette, they may frame upon it + what sentiments they please. But the misfortune is, that a general + ignorance has prevailed over the whole nation respecting America. The + ministry and the minority have both been wrong. The former was always so, + the latter only lately so. Politics, to be executively right, must have a + unity of means and time, and a defect in either overthrows the whole. The + ministry rejected the plans of the minority while they were practicable, + and joined in them when they became impracticable. From wrong measures + they got into wrong time, and have now completed the circle of absurdity + by closing it upon themselves. + </p> + <p> + I happened to come to America a few months before the breaking out of + hostilities. I found the disposition of the people such, that they might + have been led by a thread and governed by a reed. Their suspicion was + quick and penetrating, but their attachment to Britain was obstinate, and + it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against it. They disliked + the ministry, but they esteemed the nation. Their idea of grievance + operated without resentment, and their single object was reconciliation. + Bad as I believed the ministry to be, I never conceived them capable of a + measure so rash and wicked as the commencing of hostilities; much less did + I imagine the nation would encourage it. I viewed the dispute as a kind of + law-suit, in which I supposed the parties would find a way either to + decide or settle it. I had no thoughts of independence or of arms. The + world could not then have persuaded me that I should be either a soldier + or an author. If I had any talents for either, they were buried in me, and + might ever have continued so, had not the necessity of the times dragged + and driven them into action. I had formed my plan of life, and conceiving + myself happy, wished every body else so. But when the country, into which + I had just set my foot, was set on fire about my ears, it was time to + stir. It was time for every man to stir. Those who had been long settled + had something to defend; those who had just come had something to pursue; + and the call and the concern was equal and universal. For in a country + where all men were once adventurers, the difference of a few years in + their arrival could make none in their right. + </p> + <p> + The breaking out of hostilities opened a new suspicion in the politics of + America, which, though at that time very rare, has since been proved to be + very right. What I allude to is, "a secret and fixed determination in the + British Cabinet to annex America to the crown of England as a conquered + country." If this be taken as the object, then the whole line of conduct + pursued by the ministry, though rash in its origin and ruinous in its + consequences, is nevertheless uniform and consistent in its parts. It + applies to every case and resolves every difficulty. But if taxation, or + any thing else, be taken in its room, there is no proportion between the + object and the charge. Nothing but the whole soil and property of the + country can be placed as a possible equivalent against the millions which + the ministry expended. No taxes raised in America could possibly repay it. + A revenue of two millions sterling a year would not discharge the sum and + interest accumulated thereon, in twenty years. + </p> + <p> + Reconciliation never appears to have been the wish or the object of the + administration; they looked on conquest as certain and infallible, and, + under that persuasion, sought to drive the Americans into what they might + style a general rebellion, and then, crushing them with arms in their + hands, reap the rich harvest of a general confiscation, and silence them + for ever. The dependents at court were too numerous to be provided for in + England. The market for plunder in the East Indies was over; and the + profligacy of government required that a new mine should be opened, and + that mine could be no other than America, conquered and forfeited. They + had no where else to go. Every other channel was drained; and + extravagance, with the thirst of a drunkard, was gaping for supplies. + </p> + <p> + If the ministry deny this to have been their plan, it becomes them to + explain what was their plan. For either they have abused us in coveting + property they never labored for, or they have abused you in expending an + amazing sum upon an incompetent object. Taxation, as I mentioned before, + could never be worth the charge of obtaining it by arms; and any kind of + formal obedience which America could have made, would have weighed with + the lightness of a laugh against such a load of expense. It is therefore + most probable that the ministry will at last justify their policy by their + dishonesty, and openly declare, that their original design was conquest: + and, in this case, it well becomes the people of England to consider how + far the nation would have been benefited by the success. + </p> + <p> + In a general view, there are few conquests that repay the charge of making + them, and mankind are pretty well convinced that it can never be worth + their while to go to war for profit's sake. If they are made war upon, + their country invaded, or their existence at stake, it is their duty to + defend and preserve themselves, but in every other light, and from every + other cause, is war inglorious and detestable. But to return to the case + in question— + </p> + <p> + When conquests are made of foreign countries, it is supposed that the + commerce and dominion of the country which made them are extended. But + this could neither be the object nor the consequence of the present war. + You enjoyed the whole commerce before. It could receive no possible + addition by a conquest, but on the contrary, must diminish as the + inhabitants were reduced in numbers and wealth. You had the same dominion + over the country which you used to have, and had no complaint to make + against her for breach of any part of the contract between you or her, or + contending against any established custom, commercial, political or + territorial. The country and commerce were both your own when you began to + conquer, in the same manner and form as they had been your own a hundred + years before. Nations have sometimes been induced to make conquests for + the sake of reducing the power of their enemies, or bringing it to a + balance with their own. But this could be no part of your plan. No foreign + authority was claimed here, neither was any such authority suspected by + you, or acknowledged or imagined by us. What then, in the name of heaven, + could you go to war for? Or what chance could you possibly have in the + event, but either to hold the same country which you held before, and that + in a much worse condition, or to lose, with an amazing expense, what you + might have retained without a farthing of charges? + </p> + <p> + War never can be the interest of a trading nation, any more than + quarrelling can be profitable to a man in business. But to make war with + those who trade with us, is like setting a bull-dog upon a customer at the + shop-door. The least degree of common sense shows the madness of the + latter, and it will apply with the same force of conviction to the former. + Piratical nations, having neither commerce or commodities of their own to + lose, may make war upon all the world, and lucratively find their account + in it; but it is quite otherwise with Britain: for, besides the stoppage + of trade in time of war, she exposes more of her own property to be lost, + than she has the chance of taking from others. Some ministerial gentlemen + in parliament have mentioned the greatness of her trade as an apology for + the greatness of her loss. This is miserable politics indeed! Because it + ought to have been given as a reason for her not engaging in a war at + first. The coast of America commands the West India trade almost as + effectually as the coast of Africa does that of the Straits; and England + can no more carry on the former without the consent of America, than she + can the latter without a Mediterranean pass. + </p> + <p> + In whatever light the war with America is considered upon commercial + principles, it is evidently the interest of the people of England not to + support it; and why it has been supported so long, against the clearest + demonstrations of truth and national advantage, is, to me, and must be to + all the reasonable world, a matter of astonishment. Perhaps it may be said + that I live in America, and write this from interest. To this I reply, + that my principle is universal. My attachment is to all the world, and not + to any particular part, and if what I advance is right, no matter where or + who it comes from. We have given the proclamation of your commissioners a + currency in our newspapers, and I have no doubt you will give this a place + in yours. To oblige and be obliged is fair. + </p> + <p> + Before I dismiss this part of my address, I shall mention one more + circumstance in which I think the people of England have been equally + mistaken: and then proceed to other matters. + </p> + <p> + There is such an idea existing in the world, as that of national honor, + and this, falsely understood, is oftentimes the cause of war. In a + Christian and philosophical sense, mankind seem to have stood still at + individual civilization, and to retain as nations all the original + rudeness of nature. Peace by treaty is only a cessation of violence for a + reformation of sentiment. It is a substitute for a principle that is + wanting and ever will be wanting till the idea of national honor be + rightly understood. As individuals we profess ourselves Christians, but as + nations we are heathens, Romans, and what not. I remember the late Admiral + Saunders declaring in the House of Commons, and that in the time of peace, + "That the city of Madrid laid in ashes was not a sufficient atonement for + the Spaniards taking off the rudder of an English sloop of war." I do not + ask whether this is Christianity or morality, I ask whether it is decency? + whether it is proper language for a nation to use? In private life we call + it by the plain name of bullying, and the elevation of rank cannot alter + its character. It is, I think, exceedingly easy to define what ought to be + understood by national honor; for that which is the best character for an + individual is the best character for a nation; and wherever the latter + exceeds or falls beneath the former, there is a departure from the line of + true greatness. + </p> + <p> + I have thrown out this observation with a design of applying it to Great + Britain. Her ideas of national honor seem devoid of that benevolence of + heart, that universal expansion of philanthropy, and that triumph over the + rage of vulgar prejudice, without which man is inferior to himself, and a + companion of common animals. To know who she shall regard or dislike, she + asks what country they are of, what religion they profess, and what + property they enjoy. Her idea of national honor seems to consist in + national insult, and that to be a great people, is to be neither a + Christian, a philosopher, or a gentleman, but to threaten with the + rudeness of a bear, and to devour with the ferocity of a lion. This + perhaps may sound harsh and uncourtly, but it is too true, and the more is + the pity. + </p> + <p> + I mention this only as her general character. But towards America she has + observed no character at all; and destroyed by her conduct what she + assumed in her title. She set out with the title of parent, or mother + country. The association of ideas which naturally accompany this + expression, are filled with everything that is fond, tender and + forbearing. They have an energy peculiar to themselves, and, overlooking + the accidental attachment of common affections, apply with infinite + softness to the first feelings of the heart. It is a political term which + every mother can feel the force of, and every child can judge of. It needs + no painting of mine to set it off, for nature only can do it justice. + </p> + <p> + But has any part of your conduct to America corresponded with the title + you set up? If in your general national character you are unpolished and + severe, in this you are inconsistent and unnatural, and you must have + exceeding false notions of national honor to suppose that the world can + admire a want of humanity or that national honor depends on the violence + of resentment, the inflexibility of temper, or the vengeance of execution. + </p> + <p> + I would willingly convince you, and that with as much temper as the times + will suffer me to do, that as you opposed your own interest by quarrelling + with us, so likewise your national honor, rightly conceived and + understood, was no ways called upon to enter into a war with America; had + you studied true greatness of heart, the first and fairest ornament of + mankind, you would have acted directly contrary to all that you have done, + and the world would have ascribed it to a generous cause. Besides which, + you had (though with the assistance of this country) secured a powerful + name by the last war. You were known and dreaded abroad; and it would have + been wise in you to have suffered the world to have slept undisturbed + under that idea. It was to you a force existing without expense. It + produced to you all the advantages of real power; and you were stronger + through the universality of that charm, than any future fleets and armies + may probably make you. Your greatness was so secured and interwoven with + your silence that you ought never to have awakened mankind, and had + nothing to do but to be quiet. Had you been true politicians you would + have seen all this, and continued to draw from the magic of a name, the + force and authority of a nation. + </p> + <p> + Unwise as you were in breaking the charm, you were still more unwise in + the manner of doing it. Samson only told the secret, but you have + performed the operation; you have shaven your own head, and wantonly + thrown away the locks. America was the hair from which the charm was drawn + that infatuated the world. You ought to have quarrelled with no power; but + with her upon no account. You had nothing to fear from any condescension + you might make. You might have humored her, even if there had been no + justice in her claims, without any risk to your reputation; for Europe, + fascinated by your fame, would have ascribed it to your benevolence, and + America, intoxicated by the grant, would have slumbered in her fetters. + </p> + <p> + But this method of studying the progress of the passions, in order to + ascertain the probable conduct of mankind, is a philosophy in politics + which those who preside at St. James's have no conception of. They know no + other influence than corruption and reckon all their probabilities from + precedent. A new case is to them a new world, and while they are seeking + for a parallel they get lost. The talents of Lord Mansfield can be + estimated at best no higher than those of a sophist. He understands the + subtleties but not the elegance of nature; and by continually viewing + mankind through the cold medium of the law, never thinks of penetrating + into the warmer region of the mind. As for Lord North, it is his happiness + to have in him more philosophy than sentiment, for he bears flogging like + a top, and sleeps the better for it. His punishment becomes his support, + for while he suffers the lash for his sins, he keeps himself up by + twirling about. In politics, he is a good arithmetician, and in every + thing else nothing at all. + </p> + <p> + There is one circumstance which comes so much within Lord North's province + as a financier, that I am surprised it should escape him, which is, the + different abilities of the two countries in supporting the expense; for, + strange as it may seem, England is not a match for America in this + particular. By a curious kind of revolution in accounts, the people of + England seem to mistake their poverty for their riches; that is, they + reckon their national debt as a part of their national wealth. They make + the same kind of error which a man would do, who after mortgaging his + estate, should add the money borrowed, to the full value of the estate, in + order to count up his worth, and in this case he would conceive that he + got rich by running into debt. Just thus it is with England. The + government owed at the beginning of this war one hundred and thirty-five + millions sterling, and though the individuals to whom it was due had a + right to reckon their shares as so much private property, yet to the + nation collectively it was so much poverty. There are as effectual limits + to public debts as to private ones, for when once the money borrowed is so + great as to require the whole yearly revenue to discharge the interest + thereon, there is an end to further borrowing; in the same manner as when + the interest of a man's debts amounts to the yearly income of his estate, + there is an end to his credit. This is nearly the case with England, the + interest of her present debt being at least equal to one half of her + yearly revenue, so that out of ten millions annually collected by taxes, + she has but five that she can call her own. + </p> + <p> + The very reverse of this was the case with America; she began the war + without any debt upon her, and in order to carry it on, she neither raised + money by taxes, nor borrowed it upon interest, but created it; and her + situation at this time continues so much the reverse of yours that taxing + would make her rich, whereas it would make you poor. When we shall have + sunk the sum which we have created, we shall then be out of debt, be just + as rich as when we began, and all the while we are doing it shall feel no + difference, because the value will rise as the quantity decreases. + </p> + <p> + There was not a country in the world so capable of bearing the expense of + a war as America; not only because she was not in debt when she began, but + because the country is young and capable of infinite improvement, and has + an almost boundless tract of new lands in store; whereas England has got + to her extent of age and growth, and has not unoccupied land or property + in reserve. The one is like a young heir coming to a large improvable + estate; the other like an old man whose chances are over, and his estate + mortgaged for half its worth. + </p> + <p> + In the second number of the Crisis, which I find has been republished in + England, I endeavored to set forth the impracticability of conquering + America. I stated every case, that I conceived could possibly happen, and + ventured to predict its consequences. As my conclusions were drawn not + artfully, but naturally, they have all proved to be true. I was upon the + spot; knew the politics of America, her strength and resources, and by a + train of services, the best in my power to render, was honored with the + friendship of the congress, the army and the people. I considered the + cause a just one. I know and feel it a just one, and under that confidence + never made my own profit or loss an object. My endeavor was to have the + matter well understood on both sides, and I conceived myself tendering a + general service, by setting forth to the one the impossibility of being + conquered, and to the other the impossibility of conquering. Most of the + arguments made use of by the ministry for supporting the war, are the very + arguments that ought to have been used against supporting it; and the + plans, by which they thought to conquer, are the very plans in which they + were sure to be defeated. They have taken every thing up at the wrong end. + Their ignorance is astonishing, and were you in my situation you would see + it. They may, perhaps, have your confidence, but I am persuaded that they + would make very indifferent members of Congress. I know what England is, + and what America is, and from the compound of knowledge, am better enabled + to judge of the issue than what the king or any of his ministers can be. + </p> + <p> + In this number I have endeavored to show the ill policy and disadvantages + of the war. I believe many of my remarks are new. Those which are not so, + I have studied to improve and place in a manner that may be clear and + striking. Your failure is, I am persuaded, as certain as fate. America is + above your reach. She is at least your equal in the world, and her + independence neither rests upon your consent, nor can it be prevented by + your arms. In short, you spend your substance in vain, and impoverish + yourselves without a hope. + </p> + <p> + But suppose you had conquered America, what advantages, collectively or + individually, as merchants, manufacturers, or conquerors, could you have + looked for? This is an object you seemed never to have attended to. + Listening for the sound of victory, and led away by the frenzy of arms, + you neglected to reckon either the cost or the consequences. You must all + pay towards the expense; the poorest among you must bear his share, and it + is both your right and your duty to weigh seriously the matter. Had + America been conquered, she might have been parcelled out in grants to the + favorites at court, but no share of it would have fallen to you. Your + taxes would not have been lessened, because she would have been in no + condition to have paid any towards your relief. We are rich by contrivance + of our own, which would have ceased as soon as you became masters. Our + paper money will be of no use in England, and silver and gold we have + none. In the last war you made many conquests, but were any of your taxes + lessened thereby? On the contrary, were you not taxed to pay for the + charge of making them, and has not the same been the case in every war? + </p> + <p> + To the Parliament I wish to address myself in a more particular manner. + They appear to have supposed themselves partners in the chase, and to have + hunted with the lion from an expectation of a right in the booty; but in + this it is most probable they would, as legislators, have been + disappointed. The case is quite a new one, and many unforeseen + difficulties would have arisen thereon. The Parliament claimed a + legislative right over America, and the war originated from that pretence. + But the army is supposed to belong to the crown, and if America had been + conquered through their means, the claim of the legislature would have + been suffocated in the conquest. Ceded, or conquered, countries are + supposed to be out of the authority of Parliament. Taxation is exercised + over them by prerogative and not by law. It was attempted to be done in + the Grenadas a few years ago, and the only reason why it was not done was + because the crown had made a prior relinquishment of its claim. Therefore, + Parliament have been all this while supporting measures for the + establishment of their authority, in the issue of which, they would have + been triumphed over by the prerogative. This might have opened a new and + interesting opposition between the Parliament and the crown. The crown + would have said that it conquered for itself, and that to conquer for + Parliament was an unknown case. The Parliament might have replied, that + America not being a foreign country, but a country in rebellion, could not + be said to be conquered, but reduced; and thus continued their claim by + disowning the term. The crown might have rejoined, that however America + might be considered at first, she became foreign at last by a declaration + of independence, and a treaty with France; and that her case being, by + that treaty, put within the law of nations, was out of the law of + Parliament, who might have maintained, that as their claim over America + had never been surrendered, so neither could it be taken away. The crown + might have insisted, that though the claim of Parliament could not be + taken away, yet, being an inferior, it might be superseded; and that, + whether the claim was withdrawn from the object, or the object taken from + the claim, the same separation ensued; and that America being subdued + after a treaty with France, was to all intents and purposes a regal + conquest, and of course the sole property of the king. The Parliament, as + the legal delegates of the people, might have contended against the term + "inferior," and rested the case upon the antiquity of power, and this + would have brought on a set of very interesting and rational questions. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1st, What is the original fountain of power and honor in any country? + 2d, Whether the prerogative does not belong to the people? + 3d, Whether there is any such thing as the English constitution? + 4th, Of what use is the crown to the people? + 5th, Whether he who invented a crown was not an enemy to mankind? + 6th, Whether it is not a shame for a man to spend a million a year + and do no good for it, and whether the money might not be better + applied? 7th, Whether such a man is not better dead than alive? + 8th, Whether a Congress, constituted like that of America, is not the + most happy and consistent form of government in the world?—With a + number of others of the same import. +</pre> + <p> + In short, the contention about the dividend might have distracted the + nation; for nothing is more common than to agree in the conquest and + quarrel for the prize; therefore it is, perhaps, a happy circumstance, + that our successes have prevented the dispute. + </p> + <p> + If the Parliament had been thrown out in their claim, which it is most + probable they would, the nation likewise would have been thrown out in + their expectation; for as the taxes would have been laid on by the crown + without the Parliament, the revenue arising therefrom, if any could have + arisen, would not have gone into the exchequer, but into the privy purse, + and so far from lessening the taxes, would not even have been added to + them, but served only as pocket money to the crown. The more I reflect on + this matter, the more I am satisfied at the blindness and ill policy of my + countrymen, whose wisdom seems to operate without discernment, and their + strength without an object. + </p> + <p> + To the great bulwark of the nation, I mean the mercantile and + manufacturing part thereof, I likewise present my address. It is your + interest to see America an independent, and not a conquered country. If + conquered, she is ruined; and if ruined, poor; consequently the trade will + be a trifle, and her credit doubtful. If independent, she flourishes, and + from her flourishing must your profits arise. It matters nothing to you + who governs America, if your manufactures find a consumption there. Some + articles will consequently be obtained from other places, and it is right + that they should; but the demand for others will increase, by the great + influx of inhabitants which a state of independence and peace will + occasion, and in the final event you may be enriched. The commerce of + America is perfectly free, and ever will be so. She will consign away no + part of it to any nation. She has not to her friends, and certainly will + not to her enemies; though it is probable that your narrow-minded + politicians, thinking to please you thereby, may some time or other + unnecessarily make such a proposal. Trade flourishes best when it is free, + and it is weak policy to attempt to fetter it. Her treaty with France is + on the most liberal and generous principles, and the French, in their + conduct towards her, have proved themselves to be philosophers, + politicians, and gentlemen. + </p> + <p> + To the ministry I likewise address myself. You, gentlemen, have studied + the ruin of your country, from which it is not within your abilities to + rescue her. Your attempts to recover her are as ridiculous as your plans + which involved her are detestable. The commissioners, being about to + depart, will probably bring you this, and with it my sixth number, + addressed to them; and in so doing they carry back more Common Sense than + they brought, and you likewise will have more than when you sent them. + </p> + <p> + Having thus addressed you severally, I conclude by addressing you + collectively. It is a long lane that has no turning. A period of sixteen + years of misconduct and misfortune, is certainly long enough for any one + nation to suffer under; and upon a supposition that war is not declared + between France and you, I beg to place a line of conduct before you that + will easily lead you out of all your troubles. It has been hinted before, + and cannot be too much attended to. + </p> + <p> + Suppose America had remained unknown to Europe till the present year, and + that Mr. Banks and Dr. Solander, in another voyage round the world, had + made the first discovery of her, in the same condition that she is now in, + of arts, arms, numbers, and civilization. What, I ask, in that case, would + have been your conduct towards her? For that will point out what it ought + to be now. The problems and their solutions are equal, and the right line + of the one is the parallel of the other. The question takes in every + circumstance that can possibly arise. It reduces politics to a simple + thought, and is moreover a mode of investigation, in which, while you are + studying your interest the simplicity of the case will cheat you into good + temper. You have nothing to do but to suppose that you have found America, + and she appears found to your hand, and while in the joy of your heart you + stand still to admire her, the path of politics rises straight before you. + </p> + <p> + Were I disposed to paint a contrast, I could easily set off what you have + done in the present case, against what you would have done in that case, + and by justly opposing them, conclude a picture that would make you blush. + But, as, when any of the prouder passions are hurt, it is much better + philosophy to let a man slip into a good temper than to attack him in a + bad one, for that reason, therefore, I only state the case, and leave you + to reflect upon it. + </p> + <p> + To go a little back into politics, it will be found that the true interest + of Britain lay in proposing and promoting the independence of America + immediately after the last peace; for the expense which Britain had then + incurred by defending America as her own dominions, ought to have shown + her the policy and necessity of changing the style of the country, as the + best probable method of preventing future wars and expense, and the only + method by which she could hold the commerce without the charge of + sovereignty. Besides which, the title which she assumed, of parent + country, led to, and pointed out the propriety, wisdom and advantage of a + separation; for, as in private life, children grow into men, and by + setting up for themselves, extend and secure the interest of the whole + family, so in the settlement of colonies large enough to admit of + maturity, the same policy should be pursued, and the same consequences + would follow. Nothing hurts the affections both of parents and children so + much, as living too closely connected, and keeping up the distinction too + long. Domineering will not do over those, who, by a progress in life, have + become equal in rank to their parents, that is, when they have families of + their own; and though they may conceive themselves the subjects of their + advice, will not suppose them the objects of their government. I do not, + by drawing this parallel, mean to admit the title of parent country, + because, if it is due any where, it is due to Europe collectively, and the + first settlers from England were driven here by persecution. I mean only + to introduce the term for the sake of policy and to show from your title + the line of your interest. + </p> + <p> + When you saw the state of strength and opulence, and that by her own + industry, which America arrived at, you ought to have advised her to set + up for herself, and proposed an alliance of interest with her, and in so + doing you would have drawn, and that at her own expense, more real + advantage, and more military supplies and assistance, both of ships and + men, than from any weak and wrangling government that you could exercise + over her. In short, had you studied only the domestic politics of a + family, you would have learned how to govern the state; but, instead of + this easy and natural line, you flew out into every thing which was wild + and outrageous, till, by following the passion and stupidity of the pilot, + you wrecked the vessel within sight of the shore. + </p> + <p> + Having shown what you ought to have done, I now proceed to show why it was + not done. The caterpillar circle of the court had an interest to pursue, + distinct from, and opposed to yours; for though by the independence of + America and an alliance therewith, the trade would have continued, if not + increased, as in many articles neither country can go to a better market, + and though by defending and protecting herself, she would have been no + expense to you, and consequently your national charges would have + decreased, and your taxes might have been proportionably lessened thereby; + yet the striking off so many places from the court calendar was put in + opposition to the interest of the nation. The loss of thirteen government + ships, with their appendages, here and in England, is a shocking sound in + the ear of a hungry courtier. Your present king and ministry will be the + ruin of you; and you had better risk a revolution and call a Congress, + than be thus led on from madness to despair, and from despair to ruin. + America has set you the example, and you may follow it and be free. + </p> + <p> + I now come to the last part, a war with France. This is what no man in his + senses will advise you to, and all good men would wish to prevent. Whether + France will declare war against you, is not for me in this place to + mention, or to hint, even if I knew it; but it must be madness in you to + do it first. The matter is come now to a full crisis, and peace is easy if + willingly set about. Whatever you may think, France has behaved handsomely + to you. She would have been unjust to herself to have acted otherwise than + she did; and having accepted our offer of alliance she gave you genteel + notice of it. There was nothing in her conduct reserved or indelicate, and + while she announced her determination to support her treaty, she left you + to give the first offence. America, on her part, has exhibited a character + of firmness to the world. Unprepared and unarmed, without form or + government, she, singly opposed a nation that domineered over half the + globe. The greatness of the deed demands respect; and though you may feel + resentment, you are compelled both to wonder and admire. + </p> + <p> + Here I rest my arguments and finish my address. Such as it is, it is a + gift, and you are welcome. It was always my design to dedicate a Crisis to + you, when the time should come that would properly make it a Crisis; and + when, likewise, I should catch myself in a temper to write it, and suppose + you in a condition to read it. That time has now arrived, and with it the + opportunity for conveyance. For the commissioners—poor + commissioners! having proclaimed, that "yet forty days and Nineveh shall + be overthrown," have waited out the date, and, discontented with their + God, are returning to their gourd. And all the harm I wish them is, that + it may not wither about their ears, and that they may not make their exit + in the belly of a whale. + </p> + <p> + COMMON SENSE. + </p> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, Nov. 21, 1778. + </p> + <p> + P.S.—Though in the tranquillity of my mind I have concluded with a + laugh, yet I have something to mention to the commissioners, which, to + them, is serious and worthy their attention. Their authority is derived + from an Act of Parliament, which likewise describes and limits their + official powers. Their commission, therefore, is only a recital, and + personal investiture, of those powers, or a nomination and description of + the persons who are to execute them. Had it contained any thing contrary + to, or gone beyond the line of, the written law from which it is derived, + and by which it is bound, it would, by the English constitution, have been + treason in the crown, and the king been subject to an impeachment. He + dared not, therefore, put in his commission what you have put in your + proclamation, that is, he dared not have authorised you in that commission + to burn and destroy any thing in America. You are both in the act and in + the commission styled commissioners for restoring peace, and the methods + for doing it are there pointed out. Your last proclamation is signed by + you as commissioners under that act. You make Parliament the patron of its + contents. Yet, in the body of it, you insert matters contrary both to the + spirit and letter of the act, and what likewise your king dared not have + put in his commission to you. The state of things in England, gentlemen, + is too ticklish for you to run hazards. You are accountable to Parliament + for the execution of that act according to the letter of it. Your heads + may pay for breaking it, for you certainly have broke it by exceeding it. + And as a friend, who would wish you to escape the paw of the lion, as well + as the belly of the whale, I civilly hint to you, to keep within compass. + </p> + <p> + Sir Harry Clinton, strictly speaking, is as accountable as the rest; for + though a general, he is likewise a commissioner, acting under a superior + authority. His first obedience is due to the act; and his plea of being a + general, will not and cannot clear him as a commissioner, for that would + suppose the crown, in its single capacity, to have a power of dispensing + with an Act of Parliament. Your situation, gentlemen, is nice and + critical, and the more so because England is unsettled. Take heed! + Remember the times of Charles the First! For Laud and Stafford fell by + trusting to a hope like yours. + </p> + <p> + Having thus shown you the danger of your proclamation, I now show you the + folly of it. The means contradict your design: you threaten to lay waste, + in order to render America a useless acquisition of alliance to France. I + reply, that the more destruction you commit (if you could do it) the more + valuable to France you make that alliance. You can destroy only houses and + goods; and by so doing you increase our demand upon her for materials and + merchandise; for the wants of one nation, provided it has freedom and + credit, naturally produce riches to the other; and, as you can neither + ruin the land nor prevent the vegetation, you would increase the + exportation of our produce in payment, which would be to her a new fund of + wealth. In short, had you cast about for a plan on purpose to enrich your + enemies, you could not have hit upon a better. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + C. S. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0012" id="Blink2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS VIII. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND. + </h2> + <p> + "TRUSTING (says the king of England in his speech of November last,) in + the divine providence, and in the justice of my cause, I am firmly + resolved to prosecute the war with vigor, and to make every exertion in + order to compel our enemies to equitable terms of peace and + accommodation." To this declaration the United States of America, and the + confederated powers of Europe will reply, if Britain will have war, she + shall have enough of it. + </p> + <p> + Five years have nearly elapsed since the commencement of hostilities, and + every campaign, by a gradual decay, has lessened your ability to conquer, + without producing a serious thought on your condition or your fate. Like a + prodigal lingering in an habitual consumption, you feel the relics of + life, and mistake them for recovery. New schemes, like new medicines, have + administered fresh hopes, and prolonged the disease instead of curing it. + A change of generals, like a change of physicians, served only to keep the + flattery alive, and furnish new pretences for new extravagance. + </p> + <p> + "Can Britain fail?"* has been proudly asked at the undertaking of every + enterprise; and that "whatever she wills is fate,"*(2) has been given with + the solemnity of prophetic confidence; and though the question has been + constantly replied to by disappointment, and the prediction falsified by + misfortune, yet still the insult continued, and your catalogue of national + evils increased therewith. Eager to persuade the world of her power, she + considered destruction as the minister of greatness, and conceived that + the glory of a nation like that of an [American] Indian, lay in the number + of its scalps and the miseries which it inflicts. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Whitehead's New Year's ode for 1776. +*(2) Ode at the installation of Lord North, for Chancellor of the +University of Oxford. +</pre> + <p> + Fire, sword and want, as far as the arms of Britain could extend them, + have been spread with wanton cruelty along the coast of America; and while + you, remote from the scene of suffering, had nothing to lose and as little + to dread, the information reached you like a tale of antiquity, in which + the distance of time defaces the conception, and changes the severest + sorrows into conversable amusement. + </p> + <p> + This makes the second paper, addressed perhaps in vain, to the people of + England. That advice should be taken wherever example has failed, or + precept be regarded where warning is ridiculed, is like a picture of hope + resting on despair: but when time shall stamp with universal currency the + facts you have long encountered with a laugh, and the irresistible + evidence of accumulated losses, like the handwriting on the wall, shall + add terror to distress, you will then, in a conflict of suffering, learn + to sympathize with others by feeling for yourselves. + </p> + <p> + The triumphant appearance of the combined fleets in the channel and at + your harbor's mouth, and the expedition of Captain Paul Jones, on the + western and eastern coasts of England and Scotland, will, by placing you + in the condition of an endangered country, read to you a stronger lecture + on the calamities of invasion, and bring to your minds a truer picture of + promiscuous distress, than the most finished rhetoric can describe or the + keenest imagination conceive. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto you have experienced the expenses, but nothing of the miseries of + war. Your disappointments have been accompanied with no immediate + suffering, and your losses came to you only by intelligence. Like fire at + a distance you heard not even the cry; you felt not the danger, you saw + not the confusion. To you every thing has been foreign but the taxes to + support it. You knew not what it was to be alarmed at midnight with an + armed enemy in the streets. You were strangers to the distressing scene of + a family in flight, and to the thousand restless cares and tender sorrows + that incessantly arose. To see women and children wandering in the + severity of winter, with the broken remains of a well furnished house, and + seeking shelter in every crib and hut, were matters that you had no + conception of. You knew not what it was to stand by and see your goods + chopped for fuel, and your beds ripped to pieces to make packages for + plunder. The misery of others, like a tempestuous night, added to the + pleasures of your own security. You even enjoyed the storm, by + contemplating the difference of conditions, and that which carried sorrow + into the breasts of thousands served but to heighten in you a species of + tranquil pride. Yet these are but the fainter sufferings of war, when + compared with carnage and slaughter, the miseries of a military hospital, + or a town in flames. + </p> + <p> + The people of America, by anticipating distress, had fortified their minds + against every species you could inflict. They had resolved to abandon + their homes, to resign them to destruction, and to seek new settlements + rather than submit. Thus familiarized to misfortune, before it arrived, + they bore their portion with the less regret: the justness of their cause + was a continual source of consolation, and the hope of final victory, + which never left them, served to lighten the load and sweeten the cup + allotted them to drink. + </p> + <p> + But when their troubles shall become yours, and invasion be transferred + upon the invaders, you will have neither their extended wilderness to fly + to, their cause to comfort you, nor their hope to rest upon. Distress with + them was sharpened by no self-reflection. They had not brought it on + themselves. On the contrary, they had by every proceeding endeavored to + avoid it, and had descended even below the mark of congressional + character, to prevent a war. The national honor or the advantages of + independence were matters which, at the commencement of the dispute, they + had never studied, and it was only at the last moment that the measure was + resolved on. Thus circumstanced, they naturally and conscientiously felt a + dependence upon providence. They had a clear pretension to it, and had + they failed therein, infidelity had gained a triumph. + </p> + <p> + But your condition is the reverse of theirs. Every thing you suffer you + have sought: nay, had you created mischiefs on purpose to inherit them, + you could not have secured your title by a firmer deed. The world awakens + with no pity it your complaints. You felt none for others; you deserve + none for yourselves. Nature does not interest herself in cases like yours, + but, on the contrary, turns from them with dislike, and abandons them to + punishment. You may now present memorials to what court you please, but so + far as America is the object, none will listen. The policy of Europe, and + the propensity there in every mind to curb insulting ambition, and bring + cruelty to judgment, are unitedly against you; and where nature and + interest reinforce with each other, the compact is too intimate to be + dissolved. + </p> + <p> + Make but the case of others your own, and your own theirs, and you will + then have a clear idea of the whole. Had France acted towards her colonies + as you have done, you would have branded her with every epithet of + abhorrence; and had you, like her, stepped in to succor a struggling + people, all Europe must have echoed with your own applauses. But entangled + in the passion of dispute you see it not as you ought, and form opinions + thereon which suit with no interest but your own. You wonder that America + does not rise in union with you to impose on herself a portion of your + taxes and reduce herself to unconditional submission. You are amazed that + the southern powers of Europe do not assist you in conquering a country + which is afterwards to be turned against themselves; and that the northern + ones do not contribute to reinstate you in America who already enjoy the + market for naval stores by the separation. You seem surprised that Holland + does not pour in her succors to maintain you mistress of the seas, when + her own commerce is suffering by your act of navigation; or that any + country should study her own interest while yours is on the carpet. + </p> + <p> + Such excesses of passionate folly, and unjust as well as unwise + resentment, have driven you on, like Pharaoh, to unpitied miseries, and + while the importance of the quarrel shall perpetuate your disgrace, the + flag of America will carry it round the world. The natural feelings of + every rational being will be against you, and wherever the story shall be + told, you will have neither excuse nor consolation left. With an unsparing + hand, and an insatiable mind, you have desolated the world, to gain + dominion and to lose it; and while, in a frenzy of avarice and ambition, + the east and the west are doomed to tributary bondage, you rapidly earned + destruction as the wages of a nation. + </p> + <p> + At the thoughts of a war at home, every man amongst you ought to tremble. + The prospect is far more dreadful there than in America. Here the party + that was against the measures of the continent were in general composed of + a kind of neutrals, who added strength to neither army. There does not + exist a being so devoid of sense and sentiment as to covet "unconditional + submission," and therefore no man in America could be with you in + principle. Several might from a cowardice of mind, prefer it to the + hardships and dangers of opposing it; but the same disposition that gave + them such a choice, unfitted them to act either for or against us. But + England is rent into parties, with equal shares of resolution. The + principle which produced the war divides the nation. Their animosities are + in the highest state of fermentation, and both sides, by a call of the + militia, are in arms. No human foresight can discern, no conclusion can be + formed, what turn a war might take, if once set on foot by an invasion. + She is not now in a fit disposition to make a common cause of her own + affairs, and having no conquests to hope for abroad, and nothing but + expenses arising at home, her everything is staked upon a defensive + combat, and the further she goes the worse she is off. + </p> + <p> + There are situations that a nation may be in, in which peace or war, + abstracted from every other consideration, may be politically right or + wrong. When nothing can be lost by a war, but what must be lost without + it, war is then the policy of that country; and such was the situation of + America at the commencement of hostilities: but when no security can be + gained by a war, but what may be accomplished by a peace, the case becomes + reversed, and such now is the situation of England. + </p> + <p> + That America is beyond the reach of conquest, is a fact which experience + has shown and time confirmed, and this admitted, what, I ask, is now the + object of contention? If there be any honor in pursuing self-destruction + with inflexible passion—if national suicide be the perfection of + national glory, you may, with all the pride of criminal happiness, expire + unenvied and unrivalled. But when the tumult of war shall cease, and the + tempest of present passions be succeeded by calm reflection, or when + those, who, surviving its fury, shall inherit from you a legacy of debts + and misfortunes, when the yearly revenue scarcely be able to discharge the + interest of the one, and no possible remedy be left for the other, ideas + far different from the present will arise, and embitter the remembrance of + former follies. A mind disarmed of its rage feels no pleasure in + contemplating a frantic quarrel. Sickness of thought, the sure consequence + of conduct like yours, leaves no ability for enjoyment, no relish for + resentment; and though, like a man in a fit, you feel not the injury of + the struggle, nor distinguish between strength and disease, the weakness + will nevertheless be proportioned to the violence, and the sense of pain + increase with the recovery. + </p> + <p> + To what persons or to whose system of politics you owe your present state + of wretchedness, is a matter of total indifference to America. They have + contributed, however unwillingly, to set her above themselves, and she, in + the tranquillity of conquest, resigns the inquiry. The case now is not so + properly who began the war, as who continues it. That there are men in all + countries to whom a state of war is a mine of wealth, is a fact never to + be doubted. Characters like these naturally breed in the putrefaction of + distempered times, and after fattening on the disease, they perish with + it, or, impregnated with the stench, retreat into obscurity. + </p> + <p> + But there are several erroneous notions to which you likewise owe a share + of your misfortunes, and which, if continued, will only increase your + trouble and your losses. An opinion hangs about the gentlemen of the + minority, that America would relish measures under their administration, + which she would not from the present cabinet. On this rock Lord Chatham + would have split had he gained the helm, and several of his survivors are + steering the same course. Such distinctions in the infancy of the argument + had some degree of foundation, but they now serve no other purpose than to + lengthen out a war, in which the limits of a dispute, being fixed by the + fate of arms, and guaranteed by treaties, are not to be changed or altered + by trivial circumstances. + </p> + <p> + The ministry, and many of the minority, sacrifice their time in disputing + on a question with which they have nothing to do, namely, whether America + shall be independent or not. Whereas the only question that can come under + their determination is, whether they will accede to it or not. They + confound a military question with a political one, and undertake to supply + by a vote what they lost by a battle. Say she shall not be independent, + and it will signify as much as if they voted against a decree of fate, or + say that she shall, and she will be no more independent than before. + Questions which, when determined, cannot be executed, serve only to show + the folly of dispute and the weakness of disputants. + </p> + <p> + From a long habit of calling America your own, you suppose her governed by + the same prejudices and conceits which govern yourselves. Because you have + set up a particular denomination of religion to the exclusion of all + others, you imagine she must do the same, and because you, with an + unsociable narrowness of mind, have cherished enmity against France and + Spain, you suppose her alliance must be defective in friendship. Copying + her notions of the world from you, she formerly thought as you instructed, + but now feeling herself free, and the prejudice removed, she thinks and + acts upon a different system. It frequently happens that in proportion as + we are taught to dislike persons and countries, not knowing why, we feel + an ardor of esteem upon the removal of the mistake: it seems as if + something was to be made amends for, and we eagerly give in to every + office of friendship, to atone for the injury of the error. But, perhaps, + there is something in the extent of countries, which, among the generality + of people, insensibly communicates extension of the mind. The soul of an + islander, in its native state, seems bounded by the foggy confines of the + water's edge, and all beyond affords to him matters only for profit or + curiosity, not for friendship. His island is to him his world, and fixed + to that, his every thing centers in it; while those who are inhabitants of + a continent, by casting their eye over a larger field, take in likewise a + larger intellectual circuit, and thus approaching nearer to an + acquaintance with the universe, their atmosphere of thought is extended, + and their liberality fills a wider space. In short, our minds seem to be + measured by countries when we are men, as they are by places when we are + children, and until something happens to disentangle us from the + prejudice, we serve under it without perceiving it. + </p> + <p> + In addition to this, it may be remarked, that men who study any universal + science, the principles of which are universally known, or admitted, and + applied without distinction to the common benefit of all countries, obtain + thereby a larger share of philanthropy than those who only study national + arts and improvements. Natural philosophy, mathematics and astronomy, + carry the mind from the country to the creation, and give it a fitness + suited to the extent. It was not Newton's honor, neither could it be his + pride, that he was an Englishman, but that he was a philosopher, the + heavens had liberated him from the prejudices of an island, and science + had expanded his soul as boundless as his studies. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, March, 1780. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0013" id="Blink2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS IX. (HAD AMERICA PURSUED HER ADVANTAGES) + </h2> + <p> + HAD America pursued her advantages with half the spirit that she resisted + her misfortunes, she would, before now, have been a conquering and a + peaceful people; but lulled in the lap of soft tranquillity, she rested on + her hopes, and adversity only has convulsed her into action. Whether + subtlety or sincerity at the close of the last year induced the enemy to + an appearance for peace, is a point not material to know; it is sufficient + that we see the effects it has had on our politics, and that we sternly + rise to resent the delusion. + </p> + <p> + The war, on the part of America, has been a war of natural feelings. Brave + in distress; serene in conquest; drowsy while at rest; and in every + situation generously disposed to peace; a dangerous calm, and a most + heightened zeal have, as circumstances varied, succeeded each other. Every + passion but that of despair has been called to a tour of duty; and so + mistaken has been the enemy, of our abilities and disposition, that when + she supposed us conquered, we rose the conquerors. The extensiveness of + the United States, and the variety of their resources; the universality of + their cause, the quick operation of their feelings, and the similarity of + their sentiments, have, in every trying situation, produced a something, + which, favored by providence, and pursued with ardor, has accomplished in + an instant the business of a campaign. We have never deliberately sought + victory, but snatched it; and bravely undone in an hour the blotted + operations of a season. + </p> + <p> + The reported fate of Charleston, like the misfortunes of 1776, has at last + called forth a spirit, and kindled up a flame, which perhaps no other + event could have produced. If the enemy has circulated a falsehood, they + have unwisely aggravated us into life, and if they have told us the truth, + they have unintentionally done us a service. We were returning with folded + arms from the fatigues of war, and thinking and sitting leisurely down to + enjoy repose. The dependence that has been put upon Charleston threw a + drowsiness over America. We looked on the business done—the conflict + over—the matter settled—or that all which remained unfinished + would follow of itself. In this state of dangerous relaxation, exposed to + the poisonous infusions of the enemy, and having no common danger to + attract our attention, we were extinguishing, by stages, the ardor we + began with, and surrendering by piece-meal the virtue that defended us. + </p> + <p> + Afflicting as the loss of Charleston may be, yet if it universally rouse + us from the slumber of twelve months past, and renew in us the spirit of + former days, it will produce an advantage more important than its loss. + America ever is what she thinks herself to be. Governed by sentiment, and + acting her own mind, she becomes, as she pleases, the victor or the + victim. + </p> + <p> + It is not the conquest of towns, nor the accidental capture of garrisons, + that can reduce a country so extensive as this. The sufferings of one part + can never be relieved by the exertions of another, and there is no + situation the enemy can be placed in that does not afford to us the same + advantages which he seeks himself. By dividing his force, he leaves every + post attackable. It is a mode of war that carries with it a confession of + weakness, and goes on the principle of distress rather than conquest. + </p> + <p> + The decline of the enemy is visible, not only in their operations, but in + their plans; Charleston originally made but a secondary object in the + system of attack, and it is now become their principal one, because they + have not been able to succeed elsewhere. It would have carried a cowardly + appearance in Europe had they formed their grand expedition, in 1776, + against a part of the continent where there was no army, or not a + sufficient one to oppose them; but failing year after year in their + impressions here, and to the eastward and northward, they deserted their + capital design, and prudently contenting themselves with what they can + get, give a flourish of honor to conceal disgrace. + </p> + <p> + But this piece-meal work is not conquering the continent. It is a + discredit in them to attempt it, and in us to suffer it. It is now full + time to put an end to a war of aggravations, which, on one side, has no + possible object, and on the other has every inducement which honor, + interest, safety and happiness can inspire. If we suffer them much longer + to remain among us, we shall become as bad as themselves. An association + of vice will reduce us more than the sword. A nation hardened in the + practice of iniquity knows better how to profit by it, than a young + country newly corrupted. We are not a match for them in the line of + advantageous guilt, nor they for us on the principles which we bravely set + out with. Our first days were our days of honor. They have marked the + character of America wherever the story of her wars are told; and + convinced of this, we have nothing to do but wisely and unitedly to tread + the well known track. The progress of a war is often as ruinous to + individuals, as the issue of it is to a nation; and it is not only + necessary that our forces be such that we be conquerors in the end, but + that by timely exertions we be secure in the interim. The present campaign + will afford an opportunity which has never presented itself before, and + the preparations for it are equally necessary, whether Charleston stand or + fall. Suppose the first, it is in that case only a failure of the enemy, + not a defeat. All the conquest that a besieged town can hope for, is, not + to be conquered; and compelling an enemy to raise the siege, is to the + besieged a victory. But there must be a probability amounting almost to a + certainty, that would justify a garrison marching out to attack a retreat. + Therefore should Charleston not be taken, and the enemy abandon the siege, + every other part of the continent should prepare to meet them; and, on the + contrary, should it be taken, the same preparations are necessary to + balance the loss, and put ourselves in a position to co-operate with our + allies, immediately on their arrival. + </p> + <p> + We are not now fighting our battles alone, as we were in 1776; England, + from a malicious disposition to America, has not only not declared war + against France and Spain, but, the better to prosecute her passions here, + has afforded those powers no military object, and avoids them, to distress + us. She will suffer her West India islands to be overrun by France, and + her southern settlements to be taken by Spain, rather than quit the object + that gratifies her revenge. This conduct, on the part of Britain, has + pointed out the propriety of France sending a naval and land force to + co-operate with America on the spot. Their arrival cannot be very distant, + nor the ravages of the enemy long. The recruiting the army, and procuring + the supplies, are the two things most necessary to be accomplished, and a + capture of either of the enemy's divisions will restore to America peace + and plenty. + </p> + <p> + At a crisis, big, like the present, with expectation and events, the whole + country is called to unanimity and exertion. Not an ability ought now to + sleep, that can produce but a mite to the general good, nor even a whisper + to pass that militates against it. The necessity of the case, and the + importance of the consequences, admit no delay from a friend, no apology + from an enemy. To spare now, would be the height of extravagance, and to + consult present ease, would be to sacrifice it perhaps forever. + </p> + <p> + America, rich in patriotism and produce, can want neither men nor + supplies, when a serious necessity calls them forth. The slow operation of + taxes, owing to the extensiveness of collection, and their depreciated + value before they arrived in the treasury, have, in many instances, thrown + a burden upon government, which has been artfully interpreted by the enemy + into a general decline throughout the country. Yet this, inconvenient as + it may at first appear, is not only remediable, but may be turned to an + immediate advantage; for it makes no real difference, whether a certain + number of men, or company of militia (and in this country every man is a + militia-man), are directed by law to send a recruit at their own expense, + or whether a tax is laid on them for that purpose, and the man hired by + government afterwards. The first, if there is any difference, is both + cheapest and best, because it saves the expense which would attend + collecting it as a tax, and brings the man sooner into the field than the + modes of recruiting formerly used; and, on this principle, a law has been + passed in this state, for recruiting two men from each company of militia, + which will add upwards of a thousand to the force of the country. + </p> + <p> + But the flame which has broken forth in this city since the report from + New York, of the loss of Charleston, not only does honor to the place, + but, like the blaze of 1776, will kindle into action the scattered sparks + throughout America. The valor of a country may be learned by the bravery + of its soldiery, and the general cast of its inhabitants, but confidence + of success is best discovered by the active measures pursued by men of + property; and when the spirit of enterprise becomes so universal as to act + at once on all ranks of men, a war may then, and not till then, be styled + truly popular. + </p> + <p> + In 1776, the ardor of the enterprising part was considerably checked by + the real revolt of some, and the coolness of others. But in the present + case, there is a firmness in the substance and property of the country to + the public cause. An association has been entered into by the merchants, + tradesmen, and principal inhabitants of the city [Philadelphia], to + receive and support the new state money at the value of gold and silver; a + measure which, while it does them honor, will likewise contribute to their + interest, by rendering the operations of the campaign convenient and + effectual. + </p> + <p> + Nor has the spirit of exertion stopped here. A voluntary subscription is + likewise begun, to raise a fund of hard money, to be given as bounties, to + fill up the full quota of the Pennsylvania line. It has been the remark of + the enemy, that every thing in America has been done by the force of + government; but when she sees individuals throwing in their voluntary aid, + and facilitating the public measures in concert with the established + powers of the country, it will convince her that the cause of America + stands not on the will of a few but on the broad foundation of property + and popularity. + </p> + <p> + Thus aided and thus supported, disaffection will decline, and the withered + head of tyranny expire in America. The ravages of the enemy will be short + and limited, and like all their former ones, will produce a victory over + themselves. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, June 9, 1780. + </p> + <p> + P. S. At the time of writing this number of the Crisis, the loss of + Charleston, though believed by some, was more confidently disbelieved by + others. But there ought to be no longer a doubt upon the matter. + Charleston is gone, and I believe for the want of a sufficient supply of + provisions. The man that does not now feel for the honor of the best and + noblest cause that ever a country engaged in, and exert himself + accordingly, is no longer worthy of a peaceable residence among a people + determined to be free. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + C. S. + + THE CRISIS EXTRAORDINARY + + ON THE SUBJECT OF TAXATION. +</pre> + <p> + IT IS impossible to sit down and think seriously on the affairs of + America, but the original principles upon which she resisted, and the glow + and ardor which they inspired, will occur like the undefaced remembrance + of a lovely scene. To trace over in imagination the purity of the cause, + the voluntary sacrifices that were made to support it, and all the various + turnings of the war in its defence, is at once both paying and receiving + respect. The principles deserve to be remembered, and to remember them + rightly is repossessing them. In this indulgence of generous recollection, + we become gainers by what we seem to give, and the more we bestow the + richer we become. + </p> + <p> + So extensively right was the ground on which America proceeded, that it + not only took in every just and liberal sentiment which could impress the + heart, but made it the direct interest of every class and order of men to + defend the country. The war, on the part of Britain, was originally a war + of covetousness. The sordid and not the splendid passions gave it being. + The fertile fields and prosperous infancy of America appeared to her as + mines for tributary wealth. She viewed the hive, and disregarding the + industry that had enriched it, thirsted for the honey. But in the present + stage of her affairs, the violence of temper is added to the rage of + avarice; and therefore, that which at the first setting out proceeded from + purity of principle and public interest, is now heightened by all the + obligations of necessity; for it requires but little knowledge of human + nature to discern what would be the consequence, were America again + reduced to the subjection of Britain. Uncontrolled power, in the hands of + an incensed, imperious, and rapacious conqueror, is an engine of dreadful + execution, and woe be to that country over which it can be exercised. The + names of Whig and Tory would then be sunk in the general term of rebel, + and the oppression, whatever it might be, would, with very few instances + of exception, light equally on all. + </p> + <p> + Britain did not go to war with America for the sake of dominion, because + she was then in possession; neither was it for the extension of trade and + commerce, because she had monopolized the whole, and the country had + yielded to it; neither was it to extinguish what she might call rebellion, + because before she began no resistance existed. It could then be from no + other motive than avarice, or a design of establishing, in the first + instance, the same taxes in America as are paid in England (which, as I + shall presently show, are above eleven times heavier than the taxes we now + pay for the present year, 1780) or, in the second instance, to confiscate + the whole property of America, in case of resistance and conquest of the + latter, of which she had then no doubt. + </p> + <p> + I shall now proceed to show what the taxes in England are, and what the + yearly expense of the present war is to her—what the taxes of this + country amount to, and what the annual expense of defending it effectually + will be to us; and shall endeavor concisely to point out the cause of our + difficulties, and the advantages on one side, and the consequences on the + other, in case we do, or do not, put ourselves in an effectual state of + defence. I mean to be open, candid, and sincere. I see a universal wish to + expel the enemy from the country, a murmuring because the war is not + carried on with more vigor, and my intention is to show, as shortly as + possible, both the reason and the remedy. + </p> + <p> + The number of souls in England (exclusive of Scotland and Ireland) is + seven millions,* and the number of souls in America is three millions. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * This is taking the highest number that the people of England have +been, or can be rated at. +</pre> + <p> + The amount of taxes in England (exclusive of Scotland and Ireland) was, + before the present war commenced, eleven millions six hundred and + forty-two thousand six hundred and fifty-three pounds sterling; which, on + an average, is no less a sum than one pound thirteen shillings and + three-pence sterling per head per annum, men, women, and children; besides + county taxes, taxes for the support of the poor, and a tenth of all the + produce of the earth for the support of the bishops and clergy.* Nearly + five millions of this sum went annually to pay the interest of the + national debt, contracted by former wars, and the remaining sum of six + millions six hundred and forty-two thousand six hundred pounds was applied + to defray the yearly expense of government, the peace establishment of the + army and navy, placemen, pensioners, etc.; consequently the whole of the + enormous taxes being thus appropriated, she had nothing to spare out of + them towards defraying the expenses of the present war or any other. Yet + had she not been in debt at the beginning of the war, as we were not, and, + like us, had only a land and not a naval war to carry on, her then revenue + of eleven millions and a half pounds sterling would have defrayed all her + annual expenses of war and government within each year. * The following is + taken from Dr. Price's state of the taxes of England. + </p> + <p> + An account of the money drawn from the public by taxes, annually, being + the medium of three years before the year 1776. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Amount of customs in England 2,528,275 L. + Amount of the excise in England 4,649,892 + Land tax at 3s. 1,300,000 + Land tax at 1s. in the pound 450,000 + Salt duties 218,739 + Duties on stamps, cards, dice, advertisements, + bonds, leases, indentures, newspapers, + almanacks, etc. 280,788 + Duties on houses and windows 385,369 + Post office, seizures, wine licences, hackney + coaches, etc. 250,000 + Annual profits from lotteries 150,000 + Expense of collecting the excise in England 297,887 + Expense of collecting the customs in England 468,703 + Interest of loans on the land tax at 4s. expenses + of collection, militia, etc. 250,000 + Perquisites, etc. to custom-house officers, &c. + supposed 250,000 + Expense of collecting the salt duties in England + 10 1/2 per cent. 27,000 + Bounties on fish exported 18,000 + Expense of collecting the duties on stamps, cards, + advertisements, etc. at 5 and 1/4 per cent. 18,000 + + Total 11,642,653 L. +</pre> + <p> + But this not being the case with her, she is obliged to borrow about ten + millions pounds sterling, yearly, to prosecute the war that she is now + engaged in, (this year she borrowed twelve) and lay on new taxes to + discharge the interest; allowing that the present war has cost her only + fifty millions sterling, the interest thereon, at five per cent., will be + two millions and an half; therefore the amount of her taxes now must be + fourteen millions, which on an average is no less than forty shillings + sterling, per head, men, women and children, throughout the nation. Now as + this expense of fifty millions was borrowed on the hopes of conquering + America, and as it was avarice which first induced her to commence the + war, how truly wretched and deplorable would the condition of this country + be, were she, by her own remissness, to suffer an enemy of such a + disposition, and so circumstanced, to reduce her to subjection. + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to the revenues of America. + </p> + <p> + I have already stated the number of souls in America to be three millions, + and by a calculation that I have made, which I have every reason to + believe is sufficiently correct, the whole expense of the war, and the + support of the several governments, may be defrayed for two million pounds + sterling annually; which, on an average, is thirteen shillings and four + pence per head, men, women, and children, and the peace establishment at + the end of the war will be but three quarters of a million, or five + shillings sterling per head. Now, throwing out of the question everything + of honor, principle, happiness, freedom, and reputation in the world, and + taking it up on the simple ground of interest, I put the following case: + </p> + <p> + Suppose Britain was to conquer America, and, as a conqueror, was to lay + her under no other conditions than to pay the same proportion towards her + annual revenue which the people of England pay: our share, in that case, + would be six million pounds sterling yearly. Can it then be a question, + whether it is best to raise two millions to defend the country, and govern + it ourselves, and only three quarters of a million afterwards, or pay six + millions to have it conquered, and let the enemy govern it? + </p> + <p> + Can it be supposed that conquerors would choose to put themselves in a + worse condition than what they granted to the conquered? In England, the + tax on rum is five shillings and one penny sterling per gallon, which is + one silver dollar and fourteen coppers. Now would it not be laughable to + imagine, that after the expense they have been at, they would let either + Whig or Tory drink it cheaper than themselves? Coffee, which is so + inconsiderable an article of consumption and support here, is there loaded + with a duty which makes the price between five and six shillings per + pound, and a penalty of fifty pounds sterling on any person detected in + roasting it in his own house. There is scarcely a necessary of life that + you can eat, drink, wear, or enjoy, that is not there loaded with a tax; + even the light from heaven is only permitted to shine into their dwellings + by paying eighteen pence sterling per window annually; and the humblest + drink of life, small beer, cannot there be purchased without a tax of + nearly two coppers per gallon, besides a heavy tax upon the malt, and + another on the hops before it is brewed, exclusive of a land-tax on the + earth which produces them. In short, the condition of that country, in + point of taxation, is so oppressive, the number of her poor so great, and + the extravagance and rapaciousness of the court so enormous, that, were + they to effect a conquest of America, it is then only that the distresses + of America would begin. Neither would it signify anything to a man whether + he be Whig or Tory. The people of England, and the ministry of that + country, know us by no such distinctions. What they want is clear, solid + revenue, and the modes which they would take to procure it, would operate + alike on all. Their manner of reasoning would be short, because they would + naturally infer, that if we were able to carry on a war of five or six + years against them, we were able to pay the same taxes which they do. + </p> + <p> + I have already stated that the expense of conducting the present war, and + the government of the several states, may be done for two millions + sterling, and the establishment in the time of peace, for three quarters + of a million.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * I have made the calculations in sterling, because it is a rate +generally known in all the states, and because, likewise, it admits of +an easy comparison between our expenses to support the war, and those +of the enemy. Four silver dollars and a half is one pound sterling, and +three pence over. +</pre> + <p> + As to navy matters, they flourish so well, and are so well attended to by + individuals, that I think it consistent on every principle of real use and + economy, to turn the navy into hard money (keeping only three or four + packets) and apply it to the service of the army. We shall not have a ship + the less; the use of them, and the benefit from them, will be greatly + increased, and their expense saved. We are now allied with a formidable + naval power, from whom we derive the assistance of a navy. And the line in + which we can prosecute the war, so as to reduce the common enemy and + benefit the alliance most effectually, will be by attending closely to the + land service. + </p> + <p> + I estimate the charge of keeping up and maintaining an army, officering + them, and all expenses included, sufficient for the defence of the + country, to be equal to the expense of forty thousand men at thirty pounds + sterling per head, which is one million two hundred thousand pounds. + </p> + <p> + I likewise allow four hundred thousand pounds for continental expenses at + home and abroad. + </p> + <p> + And four hundred thousand pounds for the support of the several state + governments—the amount will then be: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + For the army 1,200,000 L. + Continental expenses at home and abroad 400,000 + Government of the several states 400,000 + + Total 2,000,000 L. +</pre> + <p> + I take the proportion of this state, Pennsylvania, to be an eighth part of + the thirteen United States; the quota then for us to raise will be two + hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling; two hundred thousand of which + will be our share for the support and pay of the army, and continental + expenses at home and abroad, and fifty thousand pounds for the support of + the state government. + </p> + <p> + In order to gain an idea of the proportion in which the raising such a sum + will fall, I make the following calculation: + </p> + <p> + Pennsylvania contains three hundred and seventy-five thousand inhabitants, + men, women and children; which is likewise an eighth of the number of + inhabitants of the whole United States: therefore, two hundred and fifty + thousand pounds sterling to be raised among three hundred and seventy-five + thousand persons, is, on an average, thirteen shillings and four pence per + head, per annum, or something more than one shilling sterling per month. + And our proportion of three quarters of a million for the government of + the country, in time of peace, will be ninety-three thousand seven hundred + and fifty pounds sterling; fifty thousand of which will be for the + government expenses of the state, and forty-three thousand seven hundred + and fifty pounds for continental expenses at home and abroad. + </p> + <p> + The peace establishment then will, on an average, be five shillings + sterling per head. Whereas, was England now to stop, and the war cease, + her peace establishment would continue the same as it is now, viz. forty + shillings per head; therefore was our taxes necessary for carrying on the + war, as much per head as hers now is, and the difference to be only + whether we should, at the end of the war, pay at the rate of five + shillings per head, or forty shillings per head, the case needs no + thinking of. But as we can securely defend and keep the country for one + third less than what our burden would be if it was conquered, and support + the governments afterwards for one eighth of what Britain would levy on + us, and could I find a miser whose heart never felt the emotion of a spark + of principle, even that man, uninfluenced by every love but the love of + money, and capable of no attachment but to his interest, would and must, + from the frugality which governs him, contribute to the defence of the + country, or he ceases to be a miser and becomes an idiot. But when we take + in with it every thing that can ornament mankind; when the line of our + interest becomes the line of our happiness; when all that can cheer and + animate the heart, when a sense of honor, fame, character, at home and + abroad, are interwoven not only with the security but the increase of + property, there exists not a man in America, unless he be an hired + emissary, who does not see that his good is connected with keeping up a + sufficient defence. + </p> + <p> + I do not imagine that an instance can be produced in the world, of a + country putting herself to such an amazing charge to conquer and enslave + another, as Britain has done. The sum is too great for her to think of + with any tolerable degree of temper; and when we consider the burden she + sustains, as well as the disposition she has shown, it would be the height + of folly in us to suppose that she would not reimburse herself by the most + rapid means, had she America once more within her power. With such an + oppression of expense, what would an empty conquest be to her! What relief + under such circumstances could she derive from a victory without a prize? + It was money, it was revenue she first went to war for, and nothing but + that would satisfy her. It is not the nature of avarice to be satisfied + with any thing else. Every passion that acts upon mankind has a peculiar + mode of operation. Many of them are temporary and fluctuating; they admit + of cessation and variety. But avarice is a fixed, uniform passion. It + neither abates of its vigor nor changes its object; and the reason why it + does not, is founded in the nature of things, for wealth has not a rival + where avarice is a ruling passion. One beauty may excel another, and + extinguish from the mind of man the pictured remembrance of a former one: + but wealth is the phoenix of avarice, and therefore it cannot seek a new + object, because there is not another in the world. + </p> + <p> + I now pass on to show the value of the present taxes, and compare them + with the annual expense; but this I shall preface with a few explanatory + remarks. + </p> + <p> + There are two distinct things which make the payment of taxes difficult; + the one is the large and real value of the sum to be paid, and the other + is the scarcity of the thing in which the payment is to be made; and + although these appear to be one and the same, they are in several + instances riot only different, but the difficulty springs from different + causes. + </p> + <p> + Suppose a tax to be laid equal to one half of what a man's yearly income + is, such a tax could not be paid, because the property could not be + spared; and on the other hand, suppose a very trifling tax was laid, to be + collected in pearls, such a tax likewise could not be paid, because they + could not be had. Now any person may see that these are distinct cases, + and the latter of them is a representation of our own. + </p> + <p> + That the difficulty cannot proceed from the former, that is, from the real + value or weight of the tax, is evident at the first view to any person who + will consider it. + </p> + <p> + The amount of the quota of taxes for this State for the year, 1780, (and + so in proportion for every other State,) is twenty millions of dollars, + which at seventy for one, is but sixty-four thousand two hundred and + eighty pounds three shillings sterling, and on an average, is no more than + three shillings and five pence sterling per head, per annum, per man, + woman and child, or threepence two-fifths per head per month. Now here is + a clear, positive fact, that cannot be contradicted, and which proves that + the difficulty cannot be in the weight of the tax, for in itself it is a + trifle, and far from being adequate to our quota of the expense of the + war. The quit-rents of one penny sterling per acre on only one half of the + state, come to upwards of fifty thousand pounds, which is almost as much + as all the taxes of the present year, and as those quit-rents made no part + of the taxes then paid, and are now discontinued, the quantity of money + drawn for public-service this year, exclusive of the militia fines, which + I shall take notice of in the process of this work, is less than what was + paid and payable in any year preceding the revolution, and since the last + war; what I mean is, that the quit-rents and taxes taken together came to + a larger sum then, than the present taxes without the quit-rents do now. + </p> + <p> + My intention by these arguments and calculations is to place the + difficulty to the right cause, and show that it does not proceed from the + weight or worth of the tax, but from the scarcity of the medium in which + it is paid; and to illustrate this point still further, I shall now show, + that if the tax of twenty millions of dollars was of four times the real + value it now is, or nearly so, which would be about two hundred and fifty + thousand pounds sterling, and would be our full quota, this sum would have + been raised with more ease, and have been less felt, than the present sum + of only sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty pounds. + </p> + <p> + The convenience or inconvenience of paying a tax in money arises from the + quantity of money that can be spared out of trade. + </p> + <p> + When the emissions stopped, the continent was left in possession of two + hundred millions of dollars, perhaps as equally dispersed as it was + possible for trade to do it. And as no more was to be issued, the rise or + fall of prices could neither increase nor diminish the quantity. It + therefore remained the same through all the fluctuations of trade and + exchange. + </p> + <p> + Now had the exchange stood at twenty for one, which was the rate Congress + calculated upon when they arranged the quota of the several states, the + latter end of last year, trade would have been carried on for nearly four + times less money than it is now, and consequently the twenty millions + would have been spared with much greater ease, and when collected would + have been of almost four times the value that they now are. And on the + other hand, was the depreciation to be ninety or one hundred for one, the + quantity required for trade would be more than at sixty or seventy for + one, and though the value of them would be less, the difficulty of sparing + the money out of trade would be greater. And on these facts and arguments + I rest the matter, to prove that it is not the want of property, but the + scarcity of the medium by which the proportion of property for taxation is + to be measured out, that makes the embarrassment which we lie under. There + is not money enough, and, what is equally as true, the people will not let + there be money enough. + </p> + <p> + While I am on the subject of the currency, I shall offer one remark which + will appear true to everybody, and can be accounted for by nobody, which + is, that the better the times were, the worse the money grew; and the + worse the times were, the better the money stood. It never depreciated by + any advantage obtained by the enemy. The troubles of 1776, and the loss of + Philadelphia in 1777, made no sensible impression on it, and every one + knows that the surrender of Charleston did not produce the least + alteration in the rate of exchange, which, for long before, and for more + than three months after, stood at sixty for one. It seems as if the + certainty of its being our own, made us careless of its value, and that + the most distant thoughts of losing it made us hug it the closer, like + something we were loth to part with; or that we depreciate it for our + pastime, which, when called to seriousness by the enemy, we leave off to + renew again at our leisure. In short, our good luck seems to break us, and + our bad makes us whole. + </p> + <p> + Passing on from this digression, I shall now endeavor to bring into one + view the several parts which I have already stated, and form thereon some + propositions, and conclude. + </p> + <p> + I have placed before the reader, the average tax per head, paid by the + people of England; which is forty shillings sterling. + </p> + <p> + And I have shown the rate on an average per head, which will defray all + the expenses of the war to us, and support the several governments without + running the country into debt, which is thirteen shillings and four pence. + </p> + <p> + I have shown what the peace establishment may be conducted for, viz., an + eighth part of what it would be, if under the government of Britain. + </p> + <p> + And I have likewise shown what the average per head of the present taxes + is, namely, three shillings and fivepence sterling, or threepence + two-fifths per month; and that their whole yearly value, in sterling, is + only sixty-four thousand two hundred and eighty pounds. Whereas our quota, + to keep the payments equal with the expenses, is two hundred and fifty + thousand pounds. Consequently, there is a deficiency of one hundred and + eighty-five thousand seven hundred and twenty pounds, and the same + proportion of defect, according to the several quotas, happens in every + other state. And this defect is the cause why the army has been so + indifferently fed, clothed and paid. It is the cause, likewise, of the + nerveless state of the campaign, and the insecurity of the country. Now, + if a tax equal to thirteen and fourpence per head, will remove all these + difficulties, and make people secure in their homes, leave them to follow + the business of their stores and farms unmolested, and not only drive out + but keep out the enemy from the country; and if the neglect of raising + this sum will let them in, and produce the evils which might be prevented—on + which side, I ask, does the wisdom, interest and policy lie? Or, rather, + would it not be an insult to reason, to put the question? The sum, when + proportioned out according to the several abilities of the people, can + hurt no one, but an inroad from the enemy ruins hundreds of families. + </p> + <p> + Look at the destruction done in this city [Philadelphia]. The many houses + totally destroyed, and others damaged; the waste of fences in the country + round it, besides the plunder of furniture, forage, and provisions. I do + not suppose that half a million sterling would reinstate the sufferers; + and, does this, I ask, bear any proportion to the expense that would make + us secure? The damage, on an average, is at least ten pounds sterling per + head, which is as much as thirteen shillings and fourpence per head comes + to for fifteen years. The same has happened on the frontiers, and in the + Jerseys, New York, and other places where the enemy has been—Carolina + and Georgia are likewise suffering the same fate. + </p> + <p> + That the people generally do not understand the insufficiency of the taxes + to carry on the war, is evident, not only from common observation, but + from the construction of several petitions which were presented to the + Assembly of this state, against the recommendation of Congress of the 18th + of March last, for taking up and funding the present currency at forty to + one, and issuing new money in its stead. The prayer of the petition was, + that the currency might be appreciated by taxes (meaning the present + taxes) and that part of the taxes be applied to the support of the army, + if the army could not be otherwise supported. Now it could not have been + possible for such a petition to have been presented, had the petitioners + known, that so far from part of the taxes being sufficient for the support + of the whole of them falls three-fourths short of the year's expenses. + </p> + <p> + Before I proceed to propose methods by which a sufficiency of money may be + raised, I shall take a short view of the general state of the country. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the weight of the war, the ravages of the enemy, and the + obstructions she has thrown in the way of trade and commerce, so soon does + a young country outgrow misfortune, that America has already surmounted + many that heavily oppressed her. For the first year or two of the war, we + were shut up within our ports, scarce venturing to look towards the ocean. + Now our rivers are beautified with large and valuable vessels, our stores + filled with merchandise, and the produce of the country has a ready + market, and an advantageous price. Gold and silver, that for a while + seemed to have retreated again within the bowels of the earth, have once + more risen into circulation, and every day adds new strength to trade, + commerce and agriculture. In a pamphlet, written by Sir John Dalrymple, + and dispersed in America in the year 1775, he asserted that two twenty-gun + ships, nay, says he, tenders of those ships, stationed between Albermarle + sound and Chesapeake bay, would shut up the trade of America for 600 + miles. How little did Sir John Dalrymple know of the abilities of America! + </p> + <p> + While under the government of Britain, the trade of this country was + loaded with restrictions. It was only a few foreign ports which we were + allowed to sail to. Now it is otherwise; and allowing that the quantity of + trade is but half what it was before the war, the case must show the vast + advantage of an open trade, because the present quantity under her + restrictions could not support itself; from which I infer, that if half + the quantity without the restrictions can bear itself up nearly, if not + quite, as well as the whole when subject to them, how prosperous must the + condition of America be when the whole shall return open with all the + world. By the trade I do not mean the employment of a merchant only, but + the whole interest and business of the country taken collectively. + </p> + <p> + It is not so much my intention, by this publication, to propose particular + plans for raising money, as it is to show the necessity and the advantages + to be derived from it. My principal design is to form the disposition of + the people to the measures which I am fully persuaded it is their interest + and duty to adopt, and which need no other force to accomplish them than + the force of being felt. But as every hint may be useful, I shall throw + out a sketch, and leave others to make such improvements upon it as to + them may appear reasonable. + </p> + <p> + The annual sum wanted is two millions, and the average rate in which it + falls, is thirteen shillings and fourpence per head. + </p> + <p> + Suppose, then, that we raise half the sum and sixty thousand pounds over. + The average rate thereof will be seven shillings per head. + </p> + <p> + In this case we shall have half the supply that we want, and an annual + fund of sixty thousand pounds whereon to borrow the other million; because + sixty thousand pounds is the interest of a million at six per cent.; and + if at the end of another year we should be obliged, by the continuance of + the war, to borrow another million, the taxes will be increased to seven + shillings and sixpence; and thus for every million borrowed, an additional + tax, equal to sixpence per head, must be levied. + </p> + <p> + The sum to be raised next year will be one million and sixty thousand + pounds: one half of which I would propose should be raised by duties on + imported goods, and prize goods, and the other half by a tax on landed + property and houses, or such other means as each state may devise. + </p> + <p> + But as the duties on imports and prize goods must be the same in all the + states, therefore the rate per cent., or what other form the duty shall be + laid, must be ascertained and regulated by Congress, and ingrafted in that + form into the law of each state; and the monies arising therefrom carried + into the treasury of each state. The duties to be paid in gold or silver. + </p> + <p> + There are many reasons why a duty on imports is the most convenient duty + or tax that can be collected; one of which is, because the whole is + payable in a few places in a country, and it likewise operates with the + greatest ease and equality, because as every one pays in proportion to + what he consumes, so people in general consume in proportion to what they + can afford; and therefore the tax is regulated by the abilities which + every man supposes himself to have, or in other words, every man becomes + his own assessor, and pays by a little at a time, when it suits him to + buy. Besides, it is a tax which people may pay or let alone by not + consuming the articles; and though the alternative may have no influence + on their conduct, the power of choosing is an agreeable thing to the mind. + For my own part, it would be a satisfaction to me was there a duty on all + sorts of liquors during the war, as in my idea of things it would be an + addition to the pleasures of society to know, that when the health of the + army goes round, a few drops, from every glass becomes theirs. How often + have I heard an emphatical wish, almost accompanied by a tear, "Oh, that + our poor fellows in the field had some of this!" Why then need we suffer + under a fruitless sympathy, when there is a way to enjoy both the wish and + the entertainment at once. + </p> + <p> + But the great national policy of putting a duty upon imports is, that it + either keeps the foreign trade in our own hands, or draws something for + the defence of the country from every foreigner who participates in it + with us. + </p> + <p> + Thus much for the first half of the taxes, and as each state will best + devise means to raise the other half, I shall confine my remarks to the + resources of this state. + </p> + <p> + The quota, then, of this state, of one million and sixty thousand pounds, + will be one hundred and thirty-three thousand two hundred and fifty + pounds, the half of which is sixty-six thousand six hundred and + twenty-five pounds; and supposing one fourth part of Pennsylvania + inhabited, then a tax of one bushel of wheat on every twenty acres of + land, one with another, would produce the sum, and all the present taxes + to cease. Whereas, the tithes of the bishops and clergy in England, + exclusive of the taxes, are upwards of half a bushel of wheat on every + single acre of land, good and bad, throughout the nation. + </p> + <p> + In the former part of this paper, I mentioned the militia fines, but + reserved speaking of the matter, which I shall now do. The ground I shall + put it upon is, that two millions sterling a year will support a + sufficient army, and all the expenses of war and government, without + having recourse to the inconvenient method of continually calling men from + their employments, which, of all others, is the most expensive and the + least substantial. I consider the revenues created by taxes as the first + and principal thing, and fines only as secondary and accidental things. It + was not the intention of the militia law to apply the fines to anything + else but the support of the militia, neither do they produce any revenue + to the state, yet these fines amount to more than all the taxes: for + taking the muster-roll to be sixty thousand men, the fine on forty + thousand who may not attend, will be sixty thousand pounds sterling, and + those who muster, will give up a portion of time equal to half that sum, + and if the eight classes should be called within the year, and one third + turn out, the fine on the remaining forty thousand would amount to + seventy-two millions of dollars, besides the fifteen shillings on every + hundred pounds of property, and the charge of seven and a half per cent. + for collecting, in certain instances which, on the whole, would be upwards + of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling. + </p> + <p> + Now if those very fines disable the country from raising a sufficient + revenue without producing an equivalent advantage, would it not be for the + ease and interest of all parties to increase the revenue, in the manner I + have proposed, or any better, if a better can be devised, and cease the + operation of the fines? I would still keep the militia as an organized + body of men, and should there be a real necessity to call them forth, pay + them out of the proper revenues of the state, and increase the taxes a + third or fourth per cent. on those who do not attend. My limits will not + allow me to go further into this matter, which I shall therefore close + with this remark; that fines are, of all modes of revenue, the most + unsuited to the minds of a free country. When a man pays a tax, he knows + that the public necessity requires it, and therefore feels a pride in + discharging his duty; but a fine seems an atonement for neglect of duty, + and of consequence is paid with discredit, and frequently levied with + severity. + </p> + <p> + I have now only one subject more to speak of, with which I shall conclude, + which is, the resolve of Congress of the 18th of March last, for taking up + and funding the present currency at forty for one, and issuing new money + in its stead. + </p> + <p> + Every one knows that I am not the flatterer of Congress, but in this + instance they are right; and if that measure is supported, the currency + will acquire a value, which, without it, it will not. But this is not all: + it will give relief to the finances until such time as they can be + properly arranged, and save the country from being immediately doubled + taxed under the present mode. In short, support that measure, and it will + support you. + </p> + <p> + I have now waded through a tedious course of difficult business, and over + an untrodden path. The subject, on every point in which it could be + viewed, was entangled with perplexities, and enveloped in obscurity, yet + such are the resources of America, that she wants nothing but system to + secure success. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 4, 1780. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0014" id="Blink2H_4_0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS X. ON THE KING OF ENGLAND'S SPEECH. + </h2> + <p> + OF all the innocent passions which actuate the human mind there is none + more universally prevalent than curiosity. It reaches all mankind, and in + matters which concern us, or concern us not, it alike provokes in us a + desire to know them. + </p> + <p> + Although the situation of America, superior to every effort to enslave + her, and daily rising to importance and opulence, has placed her above the + region of anxiety, it has still left her within the circle of curiosity; + and her fancy to see the speech of a man who had proudly threatened to + bring her to his feet, was visibly marked with that tranquil confidence + which cared nothing about its contents. It was inquired after with a + smile, read with a laugh, and dismissed with disdain. + </p> + <p> + But, as justice is due, even to an enemy, it is right to say, that the + speech is as well managed as the embarrassed condition of their affairs + could well admit of; and though hardly a line of it is true, except the + mournful story of Cornwallis, it may serve to amuse the deluded commons + and people of England, for whom it was calculated. + </p> + <p> + "The war," says the speech, "is still unhappily prolonged by that restless + ambition which first excited our enemies to commence it, and which still + continues to disappoint my earnest wishes and diligent exertions to + restore the public tranquillity." + </p> + <p> + How easy it is to abuse truth and language, when men, by habitual + wickedness, have learned to set justice at defiance. That the very man who + began the war, who with the most sullen insolence refused to answer, and + even to hear the humblest of all petitions, who has encouraged his + officers and his army in the most savage cruelties, and the most + scandalous plunderings, who has stirred up the Indians on one side, and + the negroes on the other, and invoked every aid of hell in his behalf, + should now, with an affected air of pity, turn the tables from himself, + and charge to another the wickedness that is his own, can only be equalled + by the baseness of the heart that spoke it. + </p> + <p> + To be nobly wrong is more manly than to be meanly right, is an expression + I once used on a former occasion, and it is equally applicable now. We + feel something like respect for consistency even in error. We lament the + virtue that is debauched into a vice, but the vice that affects a virtue + becomes the more detestable: and amongst the various assumptions of + character, which hypocrisy has taught, and men have practised, there is + none that raises a higher relish of disgust, than to see disappointed + inveteracy twisting itself, by the most visible falsehoods, into an + appearance of piety which it has no pretensions to. + </p> + <p> + "But I should not," continues the speech, "answer the trust committed to + the sovereign of a free people, nor make a suitable return to my subjects + for their constant, zealous, and affectionate attachment to my person, + family and government, if I consented to sacrifice, either to my own + desire of peace, or to their temporary ease and relief, those essential + rights and permanent interests, upon the maintenance and preservation of + which, the future strength and security of this country must principally + depend." + </p> + <p> + That the man whose ignorance and obstinacy first involved and still + continues the nation in the most hopeless and expensive of all wars, + should now meanly flatter them with the name of a free people, and make a + merit of his crime, under the disguise of their essential rights and + permanent interests, is something which disgraces even the character of + perverseness. Is he afraid they will send him to Hanover, or what does he + fear? Why is the sycophant thus added to the hypocrite, and the man who + pretends to govern, sunk into the humble and submissive memorialist? + </p> + <p> + What those essential rights and permanent interests are, on which the + future strength and security of England must principally depend, are not + so much as alluded to. They are words which impress nothing but the ear, + and are calculated only for the sound. + </p> + <p> + But if they have any reference to America, then do they amount to the + disgraceful confession, that England, who once assumed to be her + protectress, has now become her dependant. The British king and ministry + are constantly holding up the vast importance which America is of to + England, in order to allure the nation to carry on the war: now, whatever + ground there is for this idea, it ought to have operated as a reason for + not beginning it; and, therefore, they support their present measures to + their own disgrace, because the arguments which they now use, are a direct + reflection on their former policy. + </p> + <p> + "The favorable appearance of affairs," continues the speech, "in the East + Indies, and the safe arrival of the numerous commercial fleets of my + kingdom, must have given you satisfaction." + </p> + <p> + That things are not quite so bad every where as in America may be some + cause of consolation, but can be none for triumph. One broken leg is + better than two, but still it is not a source of joy: and let the + appearance of affairs in the East Indies be ever so favorable, they are + nevertheless worse than at first, without a prospect of their ever being + better. But the mournful story of Cornwallis was yet to be told, and it + was necessary to give it the softest introduction possible. + </p> + <p> + "But in the course of this year," continues the speech, "my assiduous + endeavors to guard the extensive dominions of my crown have not been + attended with success equal to the justice and uprightness of my views."—What + justice and uprightness there was in beginning a war with America, the + world will judge of, and the unequalled barbarity with which it has been + conducted, is not to be worn from the memory by the cant of snivelling + hypocrisy. + </p> + <p> + "And it is with great concern that I inform you that the events of war + have been very unfortunate to my arms in Virginia, having ended in the + loss of my forces in that province."—And our great concern is that + they are not all served in the same manner. + </p> + <p> + "No endeavors have been wanted on my part," says the speech, "to + extinguish that spirit of rebellion which our enemies have found means to + foment and maintain in the colonies; and to restore to my deluded subjects + in America that happy and prosperous condition which they formerly derived + from a due obedience to the laws." + </p> + <p> + The expression of deluded subjects is become so hacknied and contemptible, + and the more so when we see them making prisoners of whole armies at a + time, that the pride of not being laughed at would induce a man of common + sense to leave it off. But the most offensive falsehood in the paragraph + is the attributing the prosperity of America to a wrong cause. It was the + unremitted industry of the settlers and their descendants, the hard labor + and toil of persevering fortitude, that were the true causes of the + prosperity of America. The former tyranny of England served to people it, + and the virtue of the adventurers to improve it. Ask the man, who, with + his axe, has cleared a way in the wilderness, and now possesses an estate, + what made him rich, and he will tell you the labor of his hands, the sweat + of his brow, and the blessing of heaven. Let Britain but leave America to + herself and she asks no more. She has risen into greatness without the + knowledge and against the will of England, and has a right to the + unmolested enjoyment of her own created wealth. + </p> + <p> + "I will order," says the speech, "the estimates of the ensuing year to be + laid before you. I rely on your wisdom and public spirit for such supplies + as the circumstances of our affairs shall be found to require. Among the + many ill consequences which attend the continuation of the present war, I + most sincerely regret the additional burdens which it must unavoidably + bring upon my faithful subjects." + </p> + <p> + It is strange that a nation must run through such a labyrinth of trouble, + and expend such a mass of wealth to gain the wisdom which an hour's + reflection might have taught. The final superiority of America over every + attempt that an island might make to conquer her, was as naturally marked + in the constitution of things, as the future ability of a giant over a + dwarf is delineated in his features while an infant. How far providence, + to accomplish purposes which no human wisdom could foresee, permitted such + extraordinary errors, is still a secret in the womb of time, and must + remain so till futurity shall give it birth. + </p> + <p> + "In the prosecution of this great and important contest," says the speech, + "in which we are engaged, I retain a firm confidence in the protection of + divine providence, and a perfect conviction in the justice of my cause, + and I have no doubt, but, that by the concurrence and support of my + Parliament, by the valour of my fleets and armies, and by a vigorous, + animated, and united exertion of the faculties and resources of my people, + I shall be enabled to restore the blessings of a safe and honorable peace + to all my dominions." + </p> + <p> + The King of England is one of the readiest believers in the world. In the + beginning of the contest he passed an act to put America out of the + protection of the crown of England, and though providence, for seven years + together, has put him out of her protection, still the man has no doubt. + Like Pharaoh on the edge of the Red Sea, he sees not the plunge he is + making, and precipitately drives across the flood that is closing over his + head. + </p> + <p> + I think it is a reasonable supposition, that this part of the speech was + composed before the arrival of the news of the capture of Cornwallis: for + it certainly has no relation to their condition at the time it was spoken. + But, be this as it may, it is nothing to us. Our line is fixed. Our lot is + cast; and America, the child of fate, is arriving at maturity. We have + nothing to do but by a spirited and quick exertion, to stand prepared for + war or peace. Too great to yield, and too noble to insult; superior to + misfortune, and generous in success, let us untaintedly preserve the + character which we have gained, and show to future ages an example of + unequalled magnanimity. There is something in the cause and consequence of + America that has drawn on her the attention of all mankind. The world has + seen her brave. Her love of liberty; her ardour in supporting it; the + justice of her claims, and the constancy of her fortitude have won her the + esteem of Europe, and attached to her interest the first power in that + country. + </p> + <p> + Her situation now is such, that to whatever point, past, present or to + come, she casts her eyes, new matter rises to convince her that she is + right. In her conduct towards her enemy, no reproachful sentiment lurks in + secret. No sense of injustice is left upon the mind. Untainted with + ambition, and a stranger to revenge, her progress has been marked by + providence, and she, in every stage of the conflict, has blest her with + success. + </p> + <p> + But let not America wrap herself up in delusive hope and suppose the + business done. The least remissness in preparation, the least relaxation + in execution, will only serve to prolong the war, and increase expenses. + If our enemies can draw consolation from misfortune, and exert themselves + upon despair, how much more ought we, who are to win a continent by the + conquest, and have already an earnest of success? + </p> + <p> + Having, in the preceding part, made my remarks on the several matters + which the speech contains, I shall now make my remarks on what it does not + contain. + </p> + <p> + There is not a syllable in its respecting alliances. Either the injustice + of Britain is too glaring, or her condition too desperate, or both, for + any neighboring power to come to her support. In the beginning of the + contest, when she had only America to contend with, she hired assistance + from Hesse, and other smaller states of Germany, and for nearly three + years did America, young, raw, undisciplined and unprovided, stand against + the power of Britain, aided by twenty thousand foreign troops, and made a + complete conquest of one entire army. The remembrance of those things + ought to inspire us with confidence and greatness of mind, and carry us + through every remaining difficulty with content and cheerfulness. What are + the little sufferings of the present day, compared with the hardships that + are past? There was a time, when we had neither house nor home in safety; + when every hour was the hour of alarm and danger; when the mind, tortured + with anxiety, knew no repose, and every thing, but hope and fortitude, was + bidding us farewell. + </p> + <p> + It is of use to look back upon these things; to call to mind the times of + trouble and the scenes of complicated anguish that are past and gone. Then + every expense was cheap, compared with the dread of conquest and the + misery of submission. We did not stand debating upon trifles, or + contending about the necessary and unavoidable charges of defence. Every + one bore his lot of suffering, and looked forward to happier days, and + scenes of rest. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps one of the greatest dangers which any country can be exposed to, + arises from a kind of trifling which sometimes steals upon the mind, when + it supposes the danger past; and this unsafe situation marks at this time + the peculiar crisis of America. What would she once have given to have + known that her condition at this day should be what it now is? And yet we + do not seem to place a proper value upon it, nor vigorously pursue the + necessary measures to secure it. We know that we cannot be defended, nor + yet defend ourselves, without trouble and expense. We have no right to + expect it; neither ought we to look for it. We are a people, who, in our + situation, differ from all the world. We form one common floor of public + good, and, whatever is our charge, it is paid for our own interest and + upon our own account. + </p> + <p> + Misfortune and experience have now taught us system and method; and the + arrangements for carrying on the war are reduced to rule and order. The + quotas of the several states are ascertained, and I intend in a future + publication to show what they are, and the necessity as well as the + advantages of vigorously providing for them. + </p> + <p> + In the mean time, I shall conclude this paper with an instance of British + clemency, from Smollett's History of England, vol. xi., printed in London. + It will serve to show how dismal the situation of a conquered people is, + and that the only security is an effectual defence. + </p> + <p> + We all know that the Stuart family and the house of Hanover opposed each + other for the crown of England. The Stuart family stood first in the line + of succession, but the other was the most successful. + </p> + <p> + In July, 1745, Charles, the son of the exiled king, landed in Scotland, + collected a small force, at no time exceeding five or six thousand men, + and made some attempts to re-establish his claim. The late Duke of + Cumberland, uncle to the present King of England, was sent against him, + and on the 16th of April following, Charles was totally defeated at + Culloden, in Scotland. Success and power are the only situations in which + clemency can be shown, and those who are cruel, because they are + victorious, can with the same facility act any other degenerate character. + </p> + <p> + "Immediately after the decisive action at Culloden, the Duke of Cumberland + took possession of Inverness; where six and thirty deserters, convicted by + a court martial, were ordered to be executed: then he detached several + parties to ravage the country. One of these apprehended The Lady + Mackintosh, who was sent prisoner to Inverness, plundered her house, and + drove away her cattle, though her husband was actually in the service of + the government. The castle of Lord Lovat was destroyed. The French prisoners + were sent to Carlisle and Penrith: Kilmarnock, Balmerino, Cromartie, and + his son, The Lord Macleod, were conveyed by sea to London; and those of an + inferior rank were confined in different prisons. The Marquis of + Tullibardine, together with a brother of the Earl of Dunmore, and Murray, + the pretender's secretary, were seized and transported to the Tower of + London, to which the Earl of Traquaire had been committed on suspicion; + and the eldest son of Lord Lovat was imprisoned in the castle of + Edinburgh. In a word, all the jails in Great Britain, from the capital, + northwards, were filled with those unfortunate captives; and great numbers + of them were crowded together in the holds of ships, where they perished + in the most deplorable manner, for want of air and exercise. Some rebel + chiefs escaped in two French frigates that arrived on the coast of + Lochaber about the end of April, and engaged three vessels belonging to + his Britannic majesty, which they obliged to retire. Others embarked on + board a ship on the coast of Buchan, and were conveyed to Norway, from + whence they travelled to Sweden. In the month of May, the Duke of + Cumberland advanced with the army into the Highlands, as far as Fort + Augustus, where he encamped; and sent off detachments on all hands, to + hunt down the fugitives, and lay waste the country with fire and sword. + The castles of Glengary and Lochiel were plundered and burned; every + house, hut, or habitation, met with the same fate, without distinction; + and all the cattle and provision were carried off; the men were either + shot upon the mountains, like wild beasts, or put to death in cold blood, + without form of trial; the women, after having seen their husbands and + fathers murdered, were subjected to brutal violation, and then turned out + naked, with their children, to starve on the barren heaths. One whole + family was enclosed in a barn, and consumed to ashes. Those ministers of + vengeance were so alert in the execution of their office, that in a few + days there was neither house, cottage, man, nor beast, to be seen within + the compass of fifty miles; all was ruin, silence, and desolation." + </p> + <p> + I have here presented the reader with one of the most shocking instances + of cruelty ever practised, and I leave it, to rest on his mind, that he + may be fully impressed with a sense of the destruction he has escaped, in + case Britain had conquered America; and likewise, that he may see and feel + the necessity, as well for his own personal safety, as for the honor, the + interest, and happiness of the whole community, to omit or delay no one + preparation necessary to secure the ground which we so happily stand upon. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA + + On the expenses, arrangements and disbursements for + carrying on the war, and finishing it with honor + and advantage +</pre> + <p> + WHEN any necessity or occasion has pointed out the convenience of + addressing the public, I have never made it a consideration whether the + subject was popular or unpopular, but whether it was right or wrong; for + that which is right will become popular, and that which is wrong, though + by mistake it may obtain the cry or fashion of the day, will soon lose the + power of delusion, and sink into disesteem. + </p> + <p> + A remarkable instance of this happened in the case of Silas Deane; and I + mention this circumstance with the greater ease, because the poison of his + hypocrisy spread over the whole country, and every man, almost without + exception, thought me wrong in opposing him. The best friends I then had, + except Mr. [Henry] Laurens, stood at a distance, and this tribute, which + is due to his constancy, I pay to him with respect, and that the readier, + because he is not here to hear it. If it reaches him in his imprisonment, + it will afford him an agreeable reflection. + </p> + <p> + "As he rose like a rocket, he would fall like a stick," is a metaphor + which I applied to Mr. Deane, in the first piece which I published + respecting him, and he has exactly fulfilled the description. The credit + he so unjustly obtained from the public, he lost in almost as short a + time. The delusion perished as it fell, and he soon saw himself stripped + of popular support. His more intimate acquaintances began to doubt, and to + desert him long before he left America, and at his departure, he saw + himself the object of general suspicion. When he arrived in France, he + endeavored to effect by treason what he had failed to accomplish by fraud. + His plans, schemes and projects, together with his expectation of being + sent to Holland to negotiate a loan of money, had all miscarried. He then + began traducing and accusing America of every crime, which could injure + her reputation. "That she was a ruined country; that she only meant to + make a tool of France, to get what money she could out of her, and then to + leave her and accommodate with Britain." Of all which and much more, + Colonel Laurens and myself, when in France, informed Dr. Franklin, who had + not before heard of it. And to complete the character of traitor, he has, + by letters to his country since, some of which, in his own handwriting, + are now in the possession of Congress, used every expression and argument + in his power, to injure the reputation of France, and to advise America to + renounce her alliance, and surrender up her independence.* Thus in France + he abuses America, and in his letters to America he abuses France; and is + endeavoring to create disunion between two countries, by the same arts of + double-dealing by which he caused dissensions among the commissioners in + Paris, and distractions in America. But his life has been fraud, and his + character has been that of a plodding, plotting, cringing mercenary, + capable of any disguise that suited his purpose. His final detection has + very happily cleared up those mistakes, and removed that uneasiness, which + his unprincipled conduct occasioned. Every one now sees him in the same + light; for towards friends or enemies he acted with the same deception and + injustice, and his name, like that of Arnold, ought now to be forgotten + among us. As this is the first time that I have mentioned him since my + return from France, it is my intention that it shall be the last. From + this digression, which for several reasons I thought necessary to give, I + now proceed to the purport of my address. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Mr. William Marshall, of this city [Philadelphia], formerly a +pilot, who had been taken at sea and carried to England, and got from +thence to France, brought over letters from Mr. Deane to America, one of +which was directed to "Robert Morris, Esq." Mr. Morris sent it unopened +to Congress, and advised Mr. Marshall to deliver the others there, which +he did. The letters were of the same purport with those which have been +already published under the signature of S. Deane, to which they had +frequent reference. +</pre> + <p> + I consider the war of America against Britain as the country's war, the + public's war, or the war of the people in their own behalf, for the + security of their natural rights, and the protection of their own + property. It is not the war of Congress, the war of the assemblies, or the + war of government in any line whatever. The country first, by mutual + compact, resolved to defend their rights and maintain their independence, + at the hazard of their lives and fortunes; they elected their + representatives, by whom they appointed their members of Congress, and + said, act you for us, and we will support you. This is the true ground and + principle of the war on the part of America, and, consequently, there + remains nothing to do, but for every one to fulfil his obligation. + </p> + <p> + It was next to impossible that a new country, engaged in a new + undertaking, could set off systematically right at first. She saw not the + extent of the struggle that she was involved in, neither could she avoid + the beginning. She supposed every step that she took, and every resolution + which she formed, would bring her enemy to reason and close the contest. + Those failing, she was forced into new measures; and these, like the + former, being fitted to her expectations, and failing in their turn, left + her continually unprovided, and without system. The enemy, likewise, was + induced to prosecute the war, from the temporary expedients we adopted for + carrying it on. We were continually expecting to see their credit + exhausted, and they were looking to see our currency fail; and thus, + between their watching us, and we them, the hopes of both have been + deceived, and the childishness of the expectation has served to increase + the expense. + </p> + <p> + Yet who, through this wilderness of error, has been to blame? Where is the + man who can say the fault, in part, has not been his? They were the + natural, unavoidable errors of the day. They were the errors of a whole + country, which nothing but experience could detect and time remove. + Neither could the circumstances of America admit of system, till either + the paper currency was fixed or laid aside. No calculation of a finance + could be made on a medium failing without reason, and fluctuating without + rule. + </p> + <p> + But there is one error which might have been prevented and was not; and as + it is not my custom to flatter, but to serve mankind, I will speak it + freely. It certainly was the duty of every assembly on the continent to + have known, at all times, what was the condition of its treasury, and to + have ascertained at every period of depreciation, how much the real worth + of the taxes fell short of their nominal value. This knowledge, which + might have been easily gained, in the time of it, would have enabled them + to have kept their constituents well informed, and this is one of the + greatest duties of representation. They ought to have studied and + calculated the expenses of the war, the quota of each state, and the + consequent proportion that would fall on each man's property for his + defence; and this must have easily shown to them, that a tax of one + hundred pounds could not be paid by a bushel of apples or an hundred of + flour, which was often the case two or three years ago. But instead of + this, which would have been plain and upright dealing, the little line of + temporary popularity, the feather of an hour's duration, was too much + pursued; and in this involved condition of things, every state, for the + want of a little thinking, or a little information, supposed that it + supported the whole expenses of the war, when in fact it fell, by the time + the tax was levied and collected, above three-fourths short of its own + quota. + </p> + <p> + Impressed with a sense of the danger to which the country was exposed by + this lax method of doing business, and the prevailing errors of the day, I + published, last October was a twelvemonth, the Crisis Extraordinary, on + the revenues of America, and the yearly expense of carrying on the war. My + estimation of the latter, together with the civil list of Congress, and + the civil list of the several states, was two million pounds sterling, + which is very nearly nine millions of dollars. + </p> + <p> + Since that time, Congress have gone into a calculation, and have estimated + the expenses of the War Department and the civil list of Congress + (exclusive of the civil list of the several governments) at eight millions + of dollars; and as the remaining million will be fully sufficient for the + civil list of the several states, the two calculations are exceedingly + near each other. + </p> + <p> + The sum of eight millions of dollars have called upon the states to + furnish, and their quotas are as follows, which I shall preface with the + resolution itself. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "By the United States in Congress assembled. + + "October 30, 1781. +</pre> + <p> + "Resolved, That the respective states be called upon to furnish the + treasury of the United States with their quotas of eight millions of + dollars, for the War Department and civil list for the ensuing year, to be + paid quarterly, in equal proportions, the first payment to be made on the + first day of April next. + </p> + <p> + "Resolved, That a committee, consisting of a member from each state, be + appointed to apportion to the several states the quota of the above sum. + </p> + <p> + "November 2d. The committee appointed to ascertain the proportions of the + several states of the monies to be raised for the expenses of the ensuing + year, report the following resolutions: + </p> + <p> + "That the sum of eight millions of dollars, as required to be raised by + the resolutions of the 30th of October last, be paid by the states in the + following proportion: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + New Hampshire....... $ 373,598 + Massachusetts....... 1,307,596 + Rhode Island........ 216,684 + Connecticut......... 747,196 + New York............ 373,598 + New Jersey.......... 485,679 + Pennsylvania........ 1,120,794 + Delaware............ 112,085 + Maryland............ 933,996 + Virginia............ 1,307,594 + North Carolina...... 622,677 + South Carolina...... 373,598 + Georgia............. 24,905 + + $8,000,000 +</pre> + <p> + "Resolved, That it be recommended to the several states, to lay taxes for + raising their quotas of money for the United States, separate from those + laid for their own particular use." + </p> + <p> + On these resolutions I shall offer several remarks. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1st, On the sum itself, and the ability of the country. + 2d, On the several quotas, and the nature of a union. And, + 3d, On the manner of collection and expenditure. +</pre> + <p> + 1st, On the sum itself, and the ability of the country. As I know my own + calculation is as low as possible, and as the sum called for by congress, + according to their calculation, agrees very nearly therewith, I am + sensible it cannot possibly be lower. Neither can it be done for that, + unless there is ready money to go to market with; and even in that case, + it is only by the utmost management and economy that it can be made to do. + </p> + <p> + By the accounts which were laid before the British Parliament last spring, + it appeared that the charge of only subsisting, that is, feeding their + army in America, cost annually four million pounds sterling, which is very + nearly eighteen millions of dollars. Now if, for eight millions, we can + feed, clothe, arm, provide for, and pay an army sufficient for our + defence, the very comparison shows that the money must be well laid out. + </p> + <p> + It may be of some use, either in debate or conversation, to attend to the + progress of the expenses of an army, because it will enable us to see on + what part any deficiency will fall. + </p> + <p> + The first thing is, to feed them and prepare for the sick. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + <i>Second</i>, to clothe them. + <i>Third</i>, to arm and furnish them. + <i>Fourth</i>, to provide means for removing them from place to place. And, + <i>Fifth</i>, to pay them. +</pre> + <p> + The first and second are absolutely necessary to them as men. The third + and fourth are equally as necessary to them as an army. And the fifth is + their just due. Now if the sum which shall be raised should fall short, + either by the several acts of the states for raising it, or by the manner + of collecting it, the deficiency will fall on the fifth head, the + soldiers' pay, which would be defrauding them, and eternally disgracing + ourselves. It would be a blot on the councils, the country, and the + revolution of America, and a man would hereafter be ashamed to own that he + had any hand in it. + </p> + <p> + But if the deficiency should be still shorter, it would next fall on the + fourth head, the means of removing the army from place to place; and, in + this case, the army must either stand still where it can be of no use, or + seize on horses, carts, wagons, or any means of transportation which it + can lay hold of; and in this instance the country suffers. In short, every + attempt to do a thing for less than it can he done for, is sure to become + at last both a loss and a dishonor. + </p> + <p> + But the country cannot bear it, say some. This has been the most expensive + doctrine that ever was held out, and cost America millions of money for + nothing. Can the country bear to be overrun, ravaged, and ruined by an + enemy? This will immediately follow where defence is wanting, and defence + will ever be wanting, where sufficient revenues are not provided. But this + is only one part of the folly. The second is, that when the danger comes, + invited in part by our not preparing against it, we have been obliged, in + a number of instances, to expend double the sums to do that which at first + might have been done for half the money. But this is not all. A third + mischief has been, that grain of all sorts, flour, beef fodder, horses, + carts, wagons, or whatever was absolutely or immediately wanted, have been + taken without pay. Now, I ask, why was all this done, but from that + extremely weak and expensive doctrine, that the country could not bear it? + That is, that she could not bear, in the first instance, that which would + have saved her twice as much at last; or, in proverbial language, that she + could not bear to pay a penny to save a pound; the consequence of which + has been, that she has paid a pound for a penny. Why are there so many + unpaid certificates in almost every man's hands, but from the parsimony of + not providing sufficient revenues? Besides, the doctrine contradicts + itself; because, if the whole country cannot bear it, how is it possible + that a part should? And yet this has been the case: for those things have + been had; and they must be had; but the misfortune is, that they have been + obtained in a very unequal manner, and upon expensive credit, whereas, + with ready money, they might have been purchased for half the price, and + nobody distressed. + </p> + <p> + But there is another thought which ought to strike us, which is, how is + the army to bear the want of food, clothing and other necessaries? The man + who is at home, can turn himself a thousand ways, and find as many means + of ease, convenience or relief: but a soldier's life admits of none of + those: their wants cannot be supplied from themselves: for an army, though + it is the defence of a state, is at the same time the child of a country, + or must be provided for in every thing. + </p> + <p> + And lastly, the doctrine is false. There are not three millions of people + in any part of the universe, who live so well, or have such a fund of + ability, as in America. The income of a common laborer, who is + industrious, is equal to that of the generality of tradesmen in England. + In the mercantile line, I have not heard of one who could be said to be a + bankrupt since the war began, and in England they have been without + number. In America almost every farmer lives on his own lands, and in + England not one in a hundred does. In short, it seems as if the poverty of + that country had made them furious, and they were determined to risk all + to recover all. + </p> + <p> + Yet, notwithstanding those advantages on the part of America, true it is, + that had it not been for the operation of taxes for our necessary defence, + we had sunk into a state of sloth and poverty: for there was more wealth + lost by neglecting to till the earth in the years 1776, '77, and '78, than + the quota of taxes amounts to. That which is lost by neglect of this kind, + is lost for ever: whereas that which is paid, and continues in the + country, returns to us again; and at the same time that it provides us + with defence, it operates not only as a spur, but as a premium to our + industry. + </p> + <p> + I shall now proceed to the second head, viz., on the several quotas, and + the nature of a union. + </p> + <p> + There was a time when America had no other bond of union, than that of + common interest and affection. The whole country flew to the relief of + Boston, and, making her cause, their own, participated in her cares and + administered to her wants. The fate of war, since that day, has carried + the calamity in a ten-fold proportion to the southward; but in the mean + time the union has been strengthened by a legal compact of the states, + jointly and severally ratified, and that which before was choice, or the + duty of affection, is now likewise the duty of legal obligation. + </p> + <p> + The union of America is the foundation-stone of her independence; the rock + on which it is built; and is something so sacred in her constitution, that + we ought to watch every word we speak, and every thought we think, that we + injure it not, even by mistake. When a multitude, extended, or rather + scattered, over a continent in the manner we were, mutually agree to form + one common centre whereon the whole shall move to accomplish a particular + purpose, all parts must act together and alike, or act not at all, and a + stoppage in any one is a stoppage of the whole, at least for a time. + </p> + <p> + Thus the several states have sent representatives to assemble together in + Congress, and they have empowered that body, which thus becomes their + centre, and are no other than themselves in representation, to conduct and + manage the war, while their constituents at home attend to the domestic + cares of the country, their internal legislation, their farms, professions + or employments, for it is only by reducing complicated things to method + and orderly connection that they can be understood with advantage, or + pursued with success. Congress, by virtue of this delegation, estimates + the expense, and apportions it out to the several parts of the empire + according to their several abilities; and here the debate must end, + because each state has already had its voice, and the matter has undergone + its whole portion of argument, and can no more be altered by any + particular state, than a law of any state, after it has passed, can be + altered by any individual. For with respect to those things which + immediately concern the union, and for which the union was purposely + established, and is intended to secure, each state is to the United States + what each individual is to the state he lives in. And it is on this grand + point, this movement upon one centre, that our existence as a nation, our + happiness as a people, and our safety as individuals, depend. + </p> + <p> + It may happen that some state or other may be somewhat over or under + rated, but this cannot be much. The experience which has been had upon the + matter, has nearly ascertained their several abilities. But even in this + case, it can only admit of an appeal to the United States, but cannot + authorise any state to make the alteration itself, any more than our + internal government can admit an individual to do so in the case of an act + of assembly; for if one state can do it, then may another do the same, and + the instant this is done the whole is undone. + </p> + <p> + Neither is it supposable that any single state can be a judge of all the + comparative reasons which may influence the collective body in arranging + the quotas of the continent. The circumstances of the several states are + frequently varying, occasioned by the accidents of war and commerce, and + it will often fall upon some to help others, rather beyond what their + exact proportion at another time might be; but even this assistance is as + naturally and politically included in the idea of a union as that of any + particular assigned proportion; because we know not whose turn it may be + next to want assistance, for which reason that state is the wisest which + sets the best example. + </p> + <p> + Though in matters of bounden duty and reciprocal affection, it is rather a + degeneracy from the honesty and ardor of the heart to admit any thing + selfish to partake in the government of our conduct, yet in cases where + our duty, our affections, and our interest all coincide, it may be of some + use to observe their union. The United States will become heir to an + extensive quantity of vacant land, and their several titles to shares and + quotas thereof, will naturally be adjusted according to their relative + quotas, during the war, exclusive of that inability which may + unfortunately arise to any state by the enemy's holding possession of a + part; but as this is a cold matter of interest, I pass it by, and proceed + to my third head, viz., on the manner of collection and expenditure. + </p> + <p> + It has been our error, as well as our misfortune, to blend the affairs of + each state, especially in money matters, with those of the United States; + whereas it is our case, convenience and interest, to keep them separate. + The expenses of the United States for carrying on the war, and the + expenses of each state for its own domestic government, are distinct + things, and to involve them is a source of perplexity and a cloak for + fraud. I love method, because I see and am convinced of its beauty and + advantage. It is that which makes all business easy and understood, and + without which, everything becomes embarrassed and difficult. + </p> + <p> + There are certain powers which the people of each state have delegated to + their legislative and executive bodies, and there are other powers which + the people of every state have delegated to Congress, among which is that + of conducting the war, and, consequently, of managing the expenses + attending it; for how else can that be managed, which concerns every + state, but by a delegation from each? When a state has furnished its + quota, it has an undoubted right to know how it has been applied, and it + is as much the duty of Congress to inform the state of the one, as it is + the duty of the state to provide the other. + </p> + <p> + In the resolution of Congress already recited, it is recommended to the + several states to lay taxes for raising their quotas of money for the + United States, separate from those laid for their own particular use. + </p> + <p> + This is a most necessary point to be observed, and the distinction should + follow all the way through. They should be levied, paid and collected, + separately, and kept separate in every instance. Neither have the civil + officers of any state, nor the government of that state, the least right + to touch that money which the people pay for the support of their army and + the war, any more than Congress has to touch that which each state raises + for its own use. + </p> + <p> + This distinction will naturally be followed by another. It will occasion + every state to examine nicely into the expenses of its civil list, and to + regulate, reduce, and bring it into better order than it has hitherto + been; because the money for that purpose must be raised apart, and + accounted for to the public separately. But while the, monies of both were + blended, the necessary nicety was not observed, and the poor soldier, who + ought to have been the first, was the last who was thought of. + </p> + <p> + Another convenience will be, that the people, by paying the taxes + separately, will know what they are for; and will likewise know that those + which are for the defence of the country will cease with the war, or soon + after. For although, as I have before observed, the war is their own, and + for the support of their own rights and the protection of their own + property, yet they have the same right to know, that they have to pay, and + it is the want of not knowing that is often the cause of dissatisfaction. + </p> + <p> + This regulation of keeping the taxes separate has given rise to a + regulation in the office of finance, by which it is directed: + </p> + <p> + "That the receivers shall, at the end of every month, make out an exact + account of the monies received by them respectively, during such month, + specifying therein the names of the persons from whom the same shall have + been received, the dates and the sums; which account they shall + respectively cause to be published in one of the newspapers of the state; + to the end that every citizen may know how much of the monies collected + from him, in taxes, is transmitted to the treasury of the United States + for the support of the war; and also, that it may be known what monies + have been at the order of the superintendent of finance. It being proper + and necessary, that, in a free country, the people should be as fully + informed of the administration of their affairs as the nature of things + will admit." + </p> + <p> + It is an agreeable thing to see a spirit of order and economy taking + place, after such a series of errors and difficulties. A government or an + administration, who means and acts honestly, has nothing to fear, and + consequently has nothing to conceal; and it would be of use if a monthly + or quarterly account was to be published, as well of the expenditures as + of the receipts. Eight millions of dollars must be husbanded with an + exceeding deal of care to make it do, and, therefore, as the management + must be reputable, the publication would be serviceable. + </p> + <p> + I have heard of petitions which have been presented to the assembly of + this state (and probably the same may have happened in other states) + praying to have the taxes lowered. Now the only way to keep taxes low is, + for the United States to have ready money to go to market with: and though + the taxes to be raised for the present year will fall heavy, and there + will naturally be some difficulty in paying them, yet the difficulty, in + proportion as money spreads about the country, will every day grow less, + and in the end we shall save some millions of dollars by it. We see what a + bitter, revengeful enemy we have to deal with, and any expense is cheap + compared to their merciless paw. We have seen the unfortunate Carolineans + hunted like partridges on the mountains, and it is only by providing means + for our defence, that we shall be kept from the same condition. When we + think or talk about taxes, we ought to recollect that we lie down in peace + and sleep in safety; that we can follow our farms or stores or other + occupations, in prosperous tranquillity; and that these inestimable + blessings are procured to us by the taxes that we pay. In this view, our + taxes are properly our insurance money; they are what we pay to be made + safe, and, in strict policy, are the best money we can lay out. + </p> + <p> + It was my intention to offer some remarks on the impost law of five per + cent. recommended by Congress, and to be established as a fund for the + payment of the loan-office certificates, and other debts of the United + States; but I have already extended my piece beyond my intention. And as + this fund will make our system of finance complete, and is strictly just, + and consequently requires nothing but honesty to do it, there needs but + little to be said upon it. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, March 5, 1782. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0015" id="Blink2H_4_0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS. XI. ON THE PRESENT STATE OF NEWS. + </h2> + <p> + SINCE the arrival of two, if not three packets in quick succession, at New + York, from England, a variety of unconnected news has circulated through + the country, and afforded as great a variety of speculation. + </p> + <p> + That something is the matter in the cabinet and councils of our enemies, + on the other side of the water, is certain—that they have run their + length of madness, and are under the necessity of changing their measures + may easily be seen into; but to what this change of measures may amount, + or how far it may correspond with our interest, happiness and duty, is yet + uncertain; and from what we have hitherto experienced, we have too much + reason to suspect them in every thing. I do not address this publication + so much to the people of America as to the British ministry, whoever they + may be, for if it is their intention to promote any kind of negotiation, + it is proper they should know beforehand, that the United States have as + much honor as bravery; and that they are no more to be seduced from their + alliance than their allegiance; that their line of politics is formed and + not dependent, like that of their enemy, on chance and accident. On our + part, in order to know, at any time, what the British government will do, + we have only to find out what they ought not to do, and this last will be + their conduct. Forever changing and forever wrong; too distant from + America to improve in circumstances, and too unwise to foresee them; + scheming without principle, and executing without probability, their whole + line of management has hitherto been blunder and baseness. Every campaign + has added to their loss, and every year to their disgrace; till unable to + go on, and ashamed to go back, their politics have come to a halt, and all + their fine prospects to a halter. + </p> + <p> + Could our affections forgive, or humanity forget the wounds of an injured + country—we might, under the influence of a momentary oblivion, stand + still and laugh. But they are engraven where no amusement can conceal + them, and of a kind for which there is no recompense. Can ye restore to us + the beloved dead? Can ye say to the grave, give up the murdered? Can ye + obliterate from our memories those who are no more? Think not then to + tamper with our feelings by an insidious contrivance, nor suffocate our + humanity by seducing us to dishonor. + </p> + <p> + In March 1780, I published part of the Crisis, No. VIII., in the + newspapers, but did not conclude it in the following papers, and the + remainder has lain by me till the present day. There appeared about that + time some disposition in the British cabinet to cease the further + prosecution of the war, and as I had formed my opinion that whenever such + a design should take place, it would be accompanied by a dishonorable + proposition to America, respecting France, I had suppressed the remainder + of that number, not to expose the baseness of any such proposition. But + the arrival of the next news from England, declared her determination to + go on with the war, and consequently as the political object I had then in + view was not become a subject, it was unnecessary in me to bring it + forward, which is the reason it was never published. The matter which I + allude to in the unpublished part, I shall now make a quotation of, and + apply it as the more enlarged state of things, at this day, shall make + convenient or necessary. It was as follows: + </p> + <p> + "By the speeches which have appeared from the British Parliament, it is + easy to perceive to what impolitic and imprudent excesses their passions + and prejudices have, in every instance, carried them during the present + war. Provoked at the upright and honorable treaty between America and + France, they imagined that nothing more was necessary to be done to + prevent its final ratification, than to promise, through the agency of + their commissioners (Carlisle, Eden, and Johnstone) a repeal of their once + offensive acts of Parliament. The vanity of the conceit, was as + unpardonable as the experiment was impolitic. And so convinced am I of + their wrong ideas of America, that I shall not wonder, if, in their last + stage of political frenzy, they propose to her to break her alliance with + France, and enter into one with them. Such a proposition, should it ever + be made, and it has been already more than once hinted at in Parliament, + would discover such a disposition to perfidiousness, and such disregard of + honor and morals, as would add the finishing vice to national corruption.—I + do not mention this to put America on the watch, but to put England on her + guard, that she do not, in the looseness of her heart, envelop in disgrace + every fragment of reputation."—Thus far the quotation. + </p> + <p> + By the complection of some part of the news which has transpired through + the New York papers, it seems probable that this insidious era in the + British politics is beginning to make its appearance. I wish it may not; + for that which is a disgrace to human nature, throws something of a shade + over all the human character, and each individual feels his share of the + wound that is given to the whole. The policy of Britain has ever been to + divide America in some way or other. In the beginning of the dispute, she + practised every art to prevent or destroy the union of the states, well + knowing that could she once get them to stand singly, she could conquer + them unconditionally. Failing in this project in America, she renewed it + in Europe; and, after the alliance had taken place, she made secret offers + to France to induce her to give up America; and what is still more + extraordinary, she at the same time made propositions to Dr. Franklin, + then in Paris, the very court to which she was secretly applying, to draw + off America from France. But this is not all. On the 14th of September, + 1778, the British court, through their secretary, Lord Weymouth, made + application to the Marquis d'Almadovar, the Spanish ambassador at London, + to "ask the mediation," for these were the words, of the court of Spain, + for the purpose of negotiating a peace with France, leaving America (as I + shall hereafter show) out of the question. Spain readily offered her + mediation, and likewise the city of Madrid as the place of conference, but + withal, proposed, that the United States of America should be invited to + the treaty, and considered as independent during the time the business was + negotiating. But this was not the view of England. She wanted to draw + France from the war, that she might uninterruptedly pour out all her force + and fury upon America; and being disappointed in this plan, as well + through the open and generous conduct of Spain, as the determination of + France, she refused the mediation which she had solicited. I shall now + give some extracts from the justifying memorial of the Spanish court, in + which she has set the conduct and character of Britain, with respect to + America, in a clear and striking point of light. + </p> + <p> + The memorial, speaking of the refusal of the British court to meet in + conference with commissioners from the United States, who were to be + considered as independent during the time of the conference, says, + </p> + <p> + "It is a thing very extraordinary and even ridiculous, that the court of + London, who treats the colonies as independent, not only in acting, but of + right, during the war, should have a repugnance to treat them as such only + in acting during a truce, or suspension of hostilities. The convention of + Saratoga; the reputing General Burgoyne as a lawful prisoner, in order to + suspend his trial; the exchange and liberation of other prisoners made + from the colonies; the having named commissioners to go and supplicate the + Americans, at their own doors, request peace of them, and treat with them + and the Congress: and, finally, by a thousand other acts of this sort, + authorized by the court of London, which have been, and are true signs of + the acknowledgment of their independence. + </p> + <p> + "In aggravation of all the foregoing, at the same time the British cabinet + answered the King of Spain in the terms already mentioned, they were + insinuating themselves at the court of France by means of secret + emissaries, and making very great offers to her, to abandon the colonies + and make peace with England. But there is yet more; for at this same time + the English ministry were treating, by means of another certain emissary, + with Dr. Franklin, minister plenipotentiary from the colonies, residing at + Paris, to whom they made various proposals to disunite them from France, + and accommodate matters with England. + </p> + <p> + "From what has been observed, it evidently follows, that the whole of the + British politics was, to disunite the two courts of Paris and Madrid, by + means of the suggestions and offers which she separately made to them; and + also to separate the colonies from their treaties and engagements entered + into with France, and induce them to arm against the house of Bourbon, or + more probably to oppress them when they found, from breaking their + engagements, that they stood alone and without protection. + </p> + <p> + "This, therefore, is the net they laid for the American states; that is to + say, to tempt them with flattering and very magnificent promises to come + to an accommodation with them, exclusive of any intervention of Spain or + France, that the British ministry might always remain the arbiters of the + fate of the colonies. But the Catholic king (the King of Spain) faithful + on the one part of the engagements which bind him to the Most Christian + king (the King of France) his nephew; just and upright on the other, to + his own subjects, whom he ought to protect and guard against so many + insults; and finally, full of humanity and compassion for the Americans + and other individuals who suffer in the present war; he is determined to + pursue and prosecute it, and to make all the efforts in his power, until + he can obtain a solid and permanent peace, with full and satisfactory + securities that it shall be observed." + </p> + <p> + Thus far the memorial; a translation of which into English, may be seen in + full, under the head of State Papers, in the Annual Register, for 1779. + </p> + <p> + The extracts I have here given, serve to show the various endeavors and + contrivances of the enemy, to draw France from her connection with + America, and to prevail on her to make a separate peace with England, + leaving America totally out of the question, and at the mercy of a + merciless, unprincipled enemy. The opinion, likewise, which Spain has + formed of the British cabinet's character for meanness and perfidiousness, + is so exactly the opinion of America respecting it, that the memorial, in + this instance, contains our own statements and language; for people, + however remote, who think alike, will unavoidably speak alike. + </p> + <p> + Thus we see the insidious use which Britain endeavored to make of the + propositions of peace under the mediation of Spain. I shall now proceed to + the second proposition under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and + the Empress of Russia; the general outline of which was, that a congress + of the several powers at war should meet at Vienna, in 1781, to settle + preliminaries of peace. I could wish myself at liberty to make use of all + the information which I am possessed of on this subject, but as there is a + delicacy in the matter, I do not conceive it prudent, at least at present, + to make references and quotations in the same manner as I have done with + respect to the mediation of Spain, who published the whole proceedings + herself; and therefore, what comes from me, on this part of the business, + must rest on my own credit with the public, assuring them, that when the + whole proceedings, relative to the proposed Congress of Vienna shall + appear, they will find my account not only true, but studiously moderate. + </p> + <p> + We know at the time this mediation was on the carpet, the expectation of + the British king and ministry ran high with respect to the conquest of + America. The English packet which was taken with the mail on board, and + carried into l'Orient, in France, contained letters from Lord G. Germaine + to Sir Henry Clinton, which expressed in the fullest terms the ministerial + idea of a total conquest. Copies of those letters were sent to congress + and published in the newspapers of last year. Colonel [John] Laurens + brought over the originals, some of which, signed in the handwriting of + the then secretary, Germaine, are now in my possession. + </p> + <p> + Filled with these high ideas, nothing could be more insolent towards + America than the language of the British court on the proposed mediation. + A peace with France and Spain she anxiously solicited; but America, as + before, was to be left to her mercy, neither would she hear any + proposition for admitting an agent from the United States into the + congress of Vienna. + </p> + <p> + On the other hand, France, with an open, noble and manly determination, + and a fidelity of a good ally, would hear no proposition for a separate + peace, nor even meet in congress at Vienna, without an agent from America: + and likewise that the independent character of the United States, + represented by the agent, should be fully and unequivocally defined and + settled before any conference should be entered on. The reasoning of the + court of France on the several propositions of the two imperial courts, + which relate to us, is rather in the style of an American than an ally, + and she advocated the cause of America as if she had been America herself.—Thus + the second mediation, like the first, proved ineffectual. But since that + time, a reverse of fortune has overtaken the British arms, and all their + high expectations are dashed to the ground. The noble exertions to the + southward under General [Nathaniel] Greene; the successful operations of + the allied arms in the Chesapeake; the loss of most of their islands in + the West Indies, and Minorca in the Mediterranean; the persevering spirit + of Spain against Gibraltar; the expected capture of Jamaica; the failure + of making a separate peace with Holland, and the expense of an hundred + millions sterling, by which all these fine losses were obtained, have read + them a loud lesson of disgraceful misfortune and necessity has called on + them to change their ground. + </p> + <p> + In this situation of confusion and despair, their present councils have no + fixed character. It is now the hurricane months of British politics. Every + day seems to have a storm of its own, and they are scudding under the bare + poles of hope. Beaten, but not humble; condemned, but not penitent; they + act like men trembling at fate and catching at a straw. From this + convulsion, in the entrails of their politics, it is more than probable, + that the mountain groaning in labor, will bring forth a mouse, as to its + size, and a monster in its make. They will try on America the same + insidious arts they tried on France and Spain. + </p> + <p> + We sometimes experience sensations to which language is not equal. The + conception is too bulky to be born alive, and in the torture of thinking, + we stand dumb. Our feelings, imprisoned by their magnitude, find no way + out—and, in the struggle of expression, every finger tries to be a + tongue. The machinery of the body seems too little for the mind, and we + look about for helps to show our thoughts by. Such must be the sensation + of America, whenever Britain, teeming with corruption, shall propose to + her to sacrifice her faith. + </p> + <p> + But, exclusive of the wickedness, there is a personal offence contained in + every such attempt. It is calling us villains: for no man asks the other + to act the villain unless he believes him inclined to be one. No man + attempts to seduce the truly honest woman. It is the supposed looseness of + her mind that starts the thoughts of seduction, and he who offers it calls + her a prostitute. Our pride is always hurt by the same propositions which + offend our principles; for when we are shocked at the crime, we are + wounded by the suspicion of our compliance. + </p> + <p> + Could I convey a thought that might serve to regulate the public mind, I + would not make the interest of the alliance the basis of defending it. All + the world are moved by interest, and it affords them nothing to boast of. + But I would go a step higher, and defend it on the ground of honor and + principle. That our public affairs have flourished under the alliance—that + it was wisely made, and has been nobly executed—that by its + assistance we are enabled to preserve our country from conquest, and expel + those who sought our destruction—that it is our true interest to + maintain it unimpaired, and that while we do so no enemy can conquer us, + are matters which experience has taught us, and the common good of + ourselves, abstracted from principles of faith and honor, would lead us to + maintain the connection. + </p> + <p> + But over and above the mere letter of the alliance, we have been nobly and + generously treated, and have had the same respect and attention paid to + us, as if we had been an old established country. To oblige and be obliged + is fair work among mankind, and we want an opportunity of showing to the + world that we are a people sensible of kindness and worthy of confidence. + Character is to us, in our present circumstances, of more importance than + interest. We are a young nation, just stepping upon the stage of public + life, and the eye of the world is upon us to see how we act. We have an + enemy who is watching to destroy our reputation, and who will go any + length to gain some evidence against us, that may serve to render our + conduct suspected, and our character odious; because, could she accomplish + this, wicked as it is, the world would withdraw from us, as from a people + not to be trusted, and our task would then become difficult. There is + nothing which sets the character of a nation in a higher or lower light + with others, than the faithfully fulfilling, or perfidiously breaking, of + treaties. They are things not to be tampered with: and should Britain, + which seems very probable, propose to seduce America into such an act of + baseness, it would merit from her some mark of unusual detestation. It is + one of those extraordinary instances in which we ought not to be contented + with the bare negative of Congress, because it is an affront on the + multitude as well as on the government. It goes on the supposition that + the public are not honest men, and that they may be managed by + contrivance, though they cannot be conquered by arms. But, let the world + and Britain know, that we are neither to be bought nor sold; that our mind + is great and fixed; our prospect clear; and that we will support our + character as firmly as our independence. + </p> + <p> + But I will go still further; General Conway, who made the motion, in the + British Parliament, for discontinuing offensive war in America, is a + gentleman of an amiable character. We have no personal quarrel with him. + But he feels not as we feel; he is not in our situation, and that alone, + without any other explanation, is enough. The British Parliament suppose + they have many friends in America, and that, when all chance of conquest + is over, they will be able to draw her from her alliance with France. Now, + if I have any conception of the human heart, they will fail in this more + than in any thing that they have yet tried. + </p> + <p> + This part of the business is not a question of policy only, but of honor + and honesty; and the proposition will have in it something so visibly low + and base, that their partisans, if they have any, will be ashamed of it. + Men are often hurt by a mean action who are not startled at a wicked one, + and this will be such a confession of inability, such a declaration of + servile thinking, that the scandal of it will ruin all their hopes. + </p> + <p> + In short, we have nothing to do but to go on with vigor and determination. + The enemy is yet in our country. They hold New York, Charleston, and + Savannah, and the very being in those places is an offence, and a part of + offensive war, and until they can be driven from them, or captured in + them, it would be folly in us to listen to an idle tale. I take it for + granted that the British ministry are sinking under the impossibility of + carrying on the war. Let them then come to a fair and open peace with + France, Spain, Holland and America, in the manner they ought to do; but + until then, we can have nothing to say to them. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. + + PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1782. +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + A SUPERNUMERARY CRISIS + + TO SIR GUY CARLETON. +</pre> + <p> + IT is the nature of compassion to associate with misfortune; and I address + this to you in behalf even of an enemy, a captain in the British service, + now on his way to the headquarters of the American army, and unfortunately + doomed to death for a crime not his own. A sentence so extraordinary, an + execution so repugnant to every human sensation, ought never to be told + without the circumstances which produced it: and as the destined victim is + yet in existence, and in your hands rests his life or death, I shall + briefly state the case, and the melancholy consequence. + </p> + <p> + Captain Huddy, of the Jersey militia, was attacked in a small fort on + Tom's River, by a party of refugees in the British pay and service, was + made prisoner, together with his company, carried to New York and lodged + in the provost of that city: about three weeks after which, he was taken + out of the provost down to the water-side, put into a boat, and brought + again upon the Jersey shore, and there, contrary to the practice of all + nations but savages, was hung up on a tree, and left hanging till found by + our people who took him down and buried him. The inhabitants of that part + of the country where the murder was committed, sent a deputation to + General Washington with a full and certified statement of the fact. + Struck, as every human breast must be, with such brutish outrage, and + determined both to punish and prevent it for the future, the General + represented the case to General Clinton, who then commanded, and demanded + that the refugee officer who ordered and attended the execution, and whose + name is Lippencott, should be delivered up as a murderer; and in case of + refusal, that the person of some British officer should suffer in his + stead. The demand, though not refused, has not been complied with; and the + melancholy lot (not by selection, but by casting lots) has fallen upon + Captain Asgill, of the Guards, who, as I have already mentioned, is on his + way from Lancaster to camp, a martyr to the general wickedness of the + cause he engaged in, and the ingratitude of those whom he served. + </p> + <p> + The first reflection which arises on this black business is, what sort of + men must Englishmen be, and what sort of order and discipline do they + preserve in their army, when in the immediate place of their headquarters, + and under the eye and nose of their commander-in-chief, a prisoner can be + taken at pleasure from his confinement, and his death made a matter of + sport. + </p> + <p> + The history of the most savage Indians does not produce instances exactly + of this kind. They, at least, have a formality in their punishments. With + them it is the horridness of revenge, but with your army it is a still + greater crime, the horridness of diversion. The British generals who have + succeeded each other, from the time of General Gage to yourself, have all + affected to speak in language that they have no right to. In their + proclamations, their addresses, their letters to General Washington, and + their supplications to Congress (for they deserve no other name) they talk + of British honor, British generosity, and British clemency, as if those + things were matters of fact; whereas, we whose eyes are open, who speak + the same language with yourselves, many of whom were born on the same spot + with you, and who can no more be mistaken in your words than in your + actions, can declare to all the world, that so far as our knowledge goes, + there is not a more detestable character, nor a meaner or more barbarous + enemy, than the present British one. With us, you have forfeited all + pretensions to reputation, and it is only by holding you like a wild + beast, afraid of your keepers, that you can be made manageable. But to + return to the point in question. + </p> + <p> + Though I can think no man innocent who has lent his hand to destroy the + country which he did not plant, and to ruin those that he could not + enslave, yet, abstracted from all ideas of right and wrong on the original + question, Captain Asgill, in the present case, is not the guilty man. The + villain and the victim are here separated characters. You hold the one and + we the other. You disown, or affect to disown and reprobate the conduct of + Lippincut, yet you give him a sanctuary; and by so doing you as + effectually become the executioner of Asgill, as if you had put the rope + on his neck, and dismissed him from the world. Whatever your feelings on + this interesting occasion may be are best known to yourself. Within the + grave of your own mind lies buried the fate of Asgill. He becomes the + corpse of your will, or the survivor of your justice. Deliver up the one, + and you save the other; withhold the one, and the other dies by your + choice. + </p> + <p> + On our part the case is exceeding plain; an officer has been taken from + his confinement and murdered, and the murderer is within your lines. Your + army has been guilty of a thousand instances of equal cruelty, but they + have been rendered equivocal, and sheltered from personal detection. Here + the crime is fixed; and is one of those extraordinary cases which can + neither be denied nor palliated, and to which the custom of war does not + apply; for it never could be supposed that such a brutal outrage would + ever be committed. It is an original in the history of civilized + barbarians, and is truly British. On your part you are accountable to us + for the personal safety of the prisoners within your walls. Here can be no + mistake; they can neither be spies nor suspected as such; your security is + not endangered, nor your operations subjected to miscarriage, by men + immured within a dungeon. They differ in every circumstance from men in + the field, and leave no pretence for severity of punishment. But if to the + dismal condition of captivity with you must be added the constant + apprehensions of death; if to be imprisoned is so nearly to be entombed; + and if, after all, the murderers are to be protected, and thereby the + crime encouraged, wherein do you differ from [American] Indians either in + conduct or character? + </p> + <p> + We can have no idea of your honor, or your justice, in any future + transaction, of what nature it may be, while you shelter within your lines + an outrageous murderer, and sacrifice in his stead an officer of your own. + If you have no regard to us, at least spare the blood which it is your + duty to save. Whether the punishment will be greater on him, who, in this + case, innocently dies, or on him whom sad necessity forces to retaliate, + is, in the nicety of sensation, an undecided question? It rests with you + to prevent the sufferings of both. You have nothing to do but to give up + the murderer, and the matter ends. + </p> + <p> + But to protect him, be he who he may, is to patronize his crime, and to + trifle it off by frivolous and unmeaning inquiries, is to promote it. + There is no declaration you can make, nor promise you can give that will + obtain credit. It is the man and not the apology that is demanded. + </p> + <p> + You see yourself pressed on all sides to spare the life of your own + officer, for die he will if you withhold justice. The murder of Captain + Huddy is an offence not to be borne with, and there is no security which + we can have, that such actions or similar ones shall not be repeated, but + by making the punishment fall upon yourselves. To destroy the last + security of captivity, and to take the unarmed, the unresisting prisoner + to private and sportive execution, is carrying barbarity too high for + silence. The evil must be put an end to; and the choice of persons rests + with you. But if your attachment to the guilty is stronger than to the + innocent, you invent a crime that must destroy your character, and if the + cause of your king needs to be so supported, for ever cease, sir, to + torture our remembrance with the wretched phrases of British honor, + British generosity and British clemency. + </p> + <p> + From this melancholy circumstance, learn, sir, a lesson of morality. The + refugees are men whom your predecessors have instructed in wickedness, the + better to fit them to their master's purpose. To make them useful, they + have made them vile, and the consequence of their tutored villany is now + descending on the heads of their encouragers. They have been trained like + hounds to the scent of blood, and cherished in every species of dissolute + barbarity. Their ideas of right and wrong are worn away in the constant + habitude of repeated infamy, till, like men practised in execution, they + feel not the value of another's life. + </p> + <p> + The task before you, though painful, is not difficult; give up the + murderer, and save your officer, as the first outset of a necessary + reformation. COMMON SENSE. + </p> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA May 31, 1782. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0016" id="Blink2H_4_0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS. XII. TO THE EARL OF SHELBURNE. + </h2> + <p> + MY LORD,—A speech, which has been printed in several of the British + and New York newspapers, as coming from your lordship, in answer to one + from the Duke of Richmond, of the 10th of July last, contains expressions + and opinions so new and singular, and so enveloped in mysterious + reasoning, that I address this publication to you, for the purpose of + giving them a free and candid examination. The speech I allude to is in + these words: + </p> + <p> + "His lordship said, it had been mentioned in another place, that he had + been guilty of inconsistency. To clear himself of this, he asserted that + he still held the same principles in respect to American independence + which he at first imbibed. He had been, and yet was of opinion, whenever + the Parliament of Great Britain acknowledges that point, the sun of + England's glory is set forever. Such were the sentiments he possessed on a + former day, and such the sentiments he continued to hold at this hour. It + was the opinion of Lord Chatham, as well as many other able statesmen. + Other noble lords, however, think differently, and as the majority of the + cabinet support them, he acquiesced in the measure, dissenting from the + idea; and the point is settled for bringing the matter into the full + discussion of Parliament, where it will be candidly, fairly, and + impartially debated. The independence of America would end in the ruin of + England; and that a peace patched up with France, would give that proud + enemy the means of yet trampling on this country. The sun of England's + glory he wished not to see set forever; he looked for a spark at least to + be left, which might in time light us up to a new day. But if independence + was to be granted, if Parliament deemed that measure prudent, he foresaw, + in his own mind, that England was undone. He wished to God that he had + been deputed to Congress, that be might plead the cause of that country as + well as of this, and that he might exercise whatever powers he possessed + as an orator, to save both from ruin, in a conviction to Congress, that, + if their independence was signed, their liberties were gone forever. + </p> + <p> + "Peace, his lordship added, was a desirable object, but it must be an + honorable peace, and not an humiliating one, dictated by France, or + insisted on by America. It was very true, that this kingdom was not in a + flourishing state, it was impoverished by war. But if we were not rich, it + was evident that France was poor. If we were straitened in our finances, + the enemy were exhausted in their resources. This was a great empire; it + abounded with brave men, who were able and willing to fight in a common + cause; the language of humiliation should not, therefore, be the language + of Great Britain. His lordship said, that he was not afraid nor ashamed of + those expressions going to America. There were numbers, great numbers + there, who were of the same way of thinking, in respect to that country + being dependent on this, and who, with his lordship, perceived ruin and + independence Blinked together." + </p> + <p> + Thus far the speech; on which I remark—That his lordship is a total + stranger to the mind and sentiments of America; that he has wrapped + himself up in fond delusion, that something less than independence, may, + under his administration, be accepted; and he wishes himself sent to + Congress, to prove the most extraordinary of all doctrines, which is, that + independence, the sublimest of all human conditions, is loss of liberty. + </p> + <p> + In answer to which we may say, that in order to know what the contrary + word dependence means, we have only to look back to those years of severe + humiliation, when the mildest of all petitions could obtain no other + notice than the haughtiest of all insults; and when the base terms of + unconditional submission were demanded, or undistinguishable destruction + threatened. It is nothing to us that the ministry have been changed, for + they may be changed again. The guilt of a government is the crime of a + whole country; and the nation that can, though but for a moment, think and + act as England has done, can never afterwards be believed or trusted. + There are cases in which it is as impossible to restore character to life, + as it is to recover the dead. It is a phoenix that can expire but once, + and from whose ashes there is no resurrection. Some offences are of such a + slight composition, that they reach no further than the temper, and are + created or cured by a thought. But the sin of England has struck the heart + of America, and nature has not left in our power to say we can forgive. + </p> + <p> + Your lordship wishes for an opportunity to plead before Congress the cause + of England and America, and to save, as you say, both from ruin. + </p> + <p> + That the country, which, for more than seven years has sought our + destruction, should now cringe to solicit our protection, is adding the + wretchedness of disgrace to the misery of disappointment; and if England + has the least spark of supposed honor left, that spark must be darkened by + asking, and extinguished by receiving, the smallest favor from America; + for the criminal who owes his life to the grace and mercy of the injured, + is more executed by living, than he who dies. + </p> + <p> + But a thousand pleadings, even from your lordship, can have no effect. + Honor, interest, and every sensation of the heart, would plead against + you. We are a people who think not as you think; and what is equally true, + you cannot feel as we feel. The situations of the two countries are + exceedingly different. Ours has been the seat of war; yours has seen + nothing of it. The most wanton destruction has been committed in our + sight; the most insolent barbarity has been acted on our feelings. We can + look round and see the remains of burnt and destroyed houses, once the + fair fruit of hard industry, and now the striking monuments of British + brutality. We walk over the dead whom we loved, in every part of America, + and remember by whom they fell. There is scarcely a village but brings to + life some melancholy thought, and reminds us of what we have suffered, and + of those we have lost by the inhumanity of Britain. A thousand images + arise to us, which, from situation, you cannot see, and are accompanied by + as many ideas which you cannot know; and therefore your supposed system of + reasoning would apply to nothing, and all your expectations die of + themselves. + </p> + <p> + The question whether England shall accede to the independence of America, + and which your lordship says is to undergo a parliamentary discussion, is + so very simple, and composed of so few cases, that it scarcely needs a + debate. + </p> + <p> + It is the only way out of an expensive and ruinous war, which has no + object, and without which acknowledgment there can be no peace. + </p> + <p> + But your lordship says, the sun of Great Britain will set whenever she + acknowledges the independence of America.—Whereas the metaphor would + have been strictly just, to have left the sun wholly out of the figure, + and have ascribed her not acknowledging it to the influence of the moon. + </p> + <p> + But the expression, if true, is the greatest confession of disgrace that + could be made, and furnishes America with the highest notions of sovereign + independent importance. Mr. Wedderburne, about the year 1776, made use of + an idea of much the same kind,—Relinquish America! says he—What + is it but to desire a giant to shrink spontaneously into a dwarf. + </p> + <p> + Alas! are those people who call themselves Englishmen, of so little + internal consequence, that when America is gone, or shuts her eyes upon + them, their sun is set, they can shine no more, but grope about in + obscurity, and contract into insignificant animals? Was America, then, the + giant of the empire, and England only her dwarf in waiting! Is the case so + strangely altered, that those who once thought we could not live without + them, are now brought to declare that they cannot exist without us? Will + they tell to the world, and that from their first minister of state, that + America is their all in all; that it is by her importance only that they + can live, and breathe, and have a being? Will they, who long since + threatened to bring us to their feet, bow themselves to ours, and own that + without us they are not a nation? Are they become so unqualified to debate + on independence, that they have lost all idea of it themselves, and are + calling to the rocks and mountains of America to cover their + insignificance? Or, if America is lost, is it manly to sob over it like a + child for its rattle, and invite the laughter of the world by declarations + of disgrace? Surely, a more consistent line of conduct would be to bear it + without complaint; and to show that England, without America, can preserve + her independence, and a suitable rank with other European powers. You were + not contented while you had her, and to weep for her now is childish. + </p> + <p> + But Lord Shelburne thinks something may yet be done. What that something + is, or how it is to be accomplished, is a matter in obscurity. By arms + there is no hope. The experience of nearly eight years, with the expense + of an hundred million pounds sterling, and the loss of two armies, must + positively decide that point. Besides, the British have lost their + interest in America with the disaffected. Every part of it has been tried. + There is no new scene left for delusion: and the thousands who have been + ruined by adhering to them, and have now to quit the settlements which + they had acquired, and be conveyed like transports to cultivate the + deserts of Augustine and Nova Scotia, has put an end to all further + expectations of aid. + </p> + <p> + If you cast your eyes on the people of England, what have they to console + themselves with for the millions expended? Or, what encouragement is there + left to continue throwing good money after bad? America can carry on the + war for ten years longer, and all the charges of government included, for + less than you can defray the charges of war and government for one year. + And I, who know both countries, know well, that the people of America can + afford to pay their share of the expense much better than the people of + England can. Besides, it is their own estates and property, their own + rights, liberties and government, that they are defending; and were they + not to do it, they would deserve to lose all, and none would pity them. + The fault would be their own, and their punishment just. + </p> + <p> + The British army in America care not how long the war lasts. They enjoy an + easy and indolent life. They fatten on the folly of one country and the + spoils of another; and, between their plunder and their prey, may go home + rich. But the case is very different with the laboring farmer, the working + tradesman, and the necessitous poor in England, the sweat of whose brow + goes day after day to feed, in prodigality and sloth, the army that is + robbing both them and us. Removed from the eye of that country that + supports them, and distant from the government that employs them, they cut + and carve for themselves, and there is none to call them to account. + </p> + <p> + But England will be ruined, says Lord Shelburne, if America is + independent. + </p> + <p> + Then I say, is England already ruined, for America is already independent: + and if Lord Shelburne will not allow this, he immediately denies the fact + which he infers. Besides, to make England the mere creature of America, is + paying too great a compliment to us, and too little to himself. + </p> + <p> + But the declaration is a rhapsody of inconsistency. For to say, as Lord + Shelburne has numberless times said, that the war against America is + ruinous, and yet to continue the prosecution of that ruinous war for the + purpose of avoiding ruin, is a language which cannot be understood. + Neither is it possible to see how the independence of America is to + accomplish the ruin of England after the war is over, and yet not affect + it before. America cannot be more independent of her, nor a greater enemy + to her, hereafter than she now is; nor can England derive less advantages + from her than at present: why then is ruin to follow in the best state of + the case, and not in the worst? And if not in the worst, why is it to + follow at all? + </p> + <p> + That a nation is to be ruined by peace and commerce, and fourteen or + fifteen millions a-year less expenses than before, is a new doctrine in + politics. We have heard much clamor of national savings and economy; but + surely the true economy would be, to save the whole charge of a silly, + foolish, and headstrong war; because, compared with this, all other + retrenchments are baubles and trifles. + </p> + <p> + But is it possible that Lord Shelburne can be serious in supposing that + the least advantage can be obtained by arms, or that any advantage can be + equal to the expense or the danger of attempting it? Will not the capture + of one army after another satisfy him, must all become prisoners? Must + England ever be the sport of hope, and the victim of delusion? Sometimes + our currency was to fail; another time our army was to disband; then whole + provinces were to revolt. Such a general said this and that; another wrote + so and so; Lord Chatham was of this opinion; and lord somebody else of + another. To-day 20,000 Russians and 20 Russian ships of the line were to + come; to-morrow the empress was abused without mercy or decency. Then the + Emperor of Germany was to be bribed with a million of money, and the King + of Prussia was to do wonderful things. At one time it was, Lo here! and + then it was, Lo there! Sometimes this power, and sometimes that power, was + to engage in the war, just as if the whole world was mad and foolish like + Britain. And thus, from year to year, has every straw been catched at, and + every Will-with-a-wisp led them a new dance. + </p> + <p> + This year a still newer folly is to take place. Lord Shelburne wishes to + be sent to Congress, and he thinks that something may be done. + </p> + <p> + Are not the repeated declarations of Congress, and which all America + supports, that they will not even hear any proposals whatever, until the + unconditional and unequivocal independence of America is recognised; are + not, I say, these declarations answer enough? + </p> + <p> + But for England to receive any thing from America now, after so many + insults, injuries and outrages, acted towards us, would show such a spirit + of meanness in her, that we could not but despise her for accepting it. + And so far from Lord Shelburne's coming here to solicit it, it would be + the greatest disgrace we could do them to offer it. England would appear a + wretch indeed, at this time of day, to ask or owe any thing to the bounty + of America. Has not the name of Englishman blots enough upon it, without + inventing more? Even Lucifer would scorn to reign in heaven by permission, + and yet an Englishman can creep for only an entrance into America. Or, has + a land of liberty so many charms, that to be a doorkeeper in it is better + than to be an English minister of state? + </p> + <p> + But what can this expected something be? Or, if obtained, what can it + amount to, but new disgraces, contentions and quarrels? The people of + America have for years accustomed themselves to think and speak so freely + and contemptuously of English authority, and the inveteracy is so deeply + rooted, that a person invested with any authority from that country, and + attempting to exercise it here, would have the life of a toad under a + harrow. They would look on him as an interloper, to whom their compassion + permitted a residence. He would be no more than the Mungo of a farce; and + if he disliked that, he must set off. It would be a station of + degradation, debased by our pity, and despised by our pride, and would + place England in a more contemptible situation than any she has yet been + in during the war. We have too high an opinion of ourselves, even to think + of yielding again the least obedience to outlandish authority; and for a + thousand reasons, England would be the last country in the world to yield + it to. She has been treacherous, and we know it. Her character is gone, + and we have seen the funeral. + </p> + <p> + Surely she loves to fish in troubled waters, and drink the cup of + contention, or she would not now think of mingling her affairs with those + of America. It would be like a foolish dotard taking to his arms the bride + that despises him, or who has placed on his head the ensigns of her + disgust. It is kissing the hand that boxes his ears, and proposing to + renew the exchange. The thought is as servile as the war is wicked, and + shows the last scene of the drama to be as inconsistent as the first. + </p> + <p> + As America is gone, the only act of manhood is to let her go. Your + lordship had no hand in the separation, and you will gain no honor by + temporising politics. Besides, there is something so exceedingly + whimsical, unsteady, and even insincere in the present conduct of England, + that she exhibits herself in the most dishonorable colors. On the second + of August last, General Carleton and Admiral Digby wrote to General + Washington in these words: + </p> + <p> + "The resolution of the House of Commons, of the 27th of February last, has + been placed in Your Excellency's hands, and intimations given at the same + time that further pacific measures were likely to follow. Since which, + until the present time, we have had no direct communications with England; + but a mail is now arrived, which brings us very important information. We + are acquainted, sir, by authority, that negotiations for a general peace + have already commenced at Paris, and that Mr. Grenville is invested with + full powers to treat with all the parties at war, and is now at Paris in + execution of his commission. And we are further, sir, made acquainted, + that His Majesty, in order to remove any obstacles to this peace which he + so ardently wishes to restore, has commanded his ministers to direct Mr. + Grenville, that the independence of the Thirteen United Provinces, should + be proposed by him in the first instance, instead of making it a condition + of a general treaty." + </p> + <p> + Now, taking your present measures into view, and comparing them with the + declaration in this letter, pray what is the word of your king, or his + ministers, or the Parliament, good for? Must we not look upon you as a + confederated body of faithless, treacherous men, whose assurances are + fraud, and their language deceit? What opinion can we possibly form of + you, but that you are a lost, abandoned, profligate nation, who sport even + with your own character, and are to be held by nothing but the bayonet or + the halter? + </p> + <p> + To say, after this, that the sun of Great Britain will be set whenever she + acknowledges the independence of America, when the not doing it is the + unqualified lie of government, can be no other than the language of + ridicule, the jargon of inconsistency. There were thousands in America who + predicted the delusion, and looked upon it as a trick of treachery, to + take us from our guard, and draw off our attention from the only system of + finance, by which we can be called, or deserve to be called, a sovereign, + independent people. The fraud, on your part, might be worth attempting, + but the sacrifice to obtain it is too high. + </p> + <p> + There are others who credited the assurance, because they thought it + impossible that men who had their characters to establish, would begin + with a lie. The prosecution of the war by the former ministry was savage + and horrid; since which it has been mean, trickish, and delusive. The one + went greedily into the passion of revenge, the other into the subtleties + of low contrivance; till, between the crimes of both, there is scarcely + left a man in America, be he Whig or Tory, who does not despise or detest + the conduct of Britain. + </p> + <p> + The management of Lord Shelburne, whatever may be his views, is a caution + to us, and must be to the world, never to regard British assurances. A + perfidy so notorious cannot be hid. It stands even in the public papers of + New York, with the names of Carleton and Digby affixed to it. It is a + proclamation that the king of England is not to be believed; that the + spirit of lying is the governing principle of the ministry. It is holding + up the character of the House of Commons to public infamy, and warning all + men not to credit them. Such are the consequences which Lord Shelburne's + management has brought upon his country. + </p> + <p> + After the authorized declarations contained in Carleton and Digby's + letter, you ought, from every motive of honor, policy and prudence, to + have fulfilled them, whatever might have been the event. It was the least + atonement that you could possibly make to America, and the greatest + kindness you could do to yourselves; for you will save millions by a + general peace, and you will lose as many by continuing the war. + </p> + <p> + COMMON SENSE. + </p> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 29, 1782. + </p> + <p> + P. S. The manuscript copy of this letter is sent your lordship, by the way + of our head-quarters, to New York, inclosing a late pamphlet of mine, + addressed to the Abbe Raynal, which will serve to give your lordship some + idea of the principles and sentiments of America. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + C. S. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0017" id="Blink2H_4_0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE CRISIS. XIII. THOUGHTS ON THE PEACE, AND PROBABLE ADVANTAGES + </h2> + <p> + THEREOF. + </p> + <p> + "THE times that tried men's souls,"* are over—and the greatest and + completest revolution the world ever knew, gloriously and happily + accomplished. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * "These are the times that try men's souls," The Crisis No. I. +published December, 1776. +</pre> + <p> + But to pass from the extremes of danger to safety—from the tumult of + war to the tranquillity of peace, though sweet in contemplation, requires + a gradual composure of the senses to receive it. Even calmness has the + power of stunning, when it opens too instantly upon us. The long and + raging hurricane that should cease in a moment, would leave us in a state + rather of wonder than enjoyment; and some moments of recollection must + pass, before we could be capable of tasting the felicity of repose. There + are but few instances, in which the mind is fitted for sudden transitions: + it takes in its pleasures by reflection and comparison and those must have + time to act, before the relish for new scenes is complete. + </p> + <p> + In the present case—the mighty magnitude of the object—the + various uncertainties of fate it has undergone—the numerous and + complicated dangers we have suffered or escaped—the eminence we now + stand on, and the vast prospect before us, must all conspire to impress us + with contemplation. + </p> + <p> + To see it in our power to make a world happy—to teach mankind the + art of being so—to exhibit, on the theatre of the universe a + character hitherto unknown—and to have, as it were, a new creation + intrusted to our hands, are honors that command reflection, and can + neither be too highly estimated, nor too gratefully received. + </p> + <p> + In this pause then of recollection—while the storm is ceasing, and + the long agitated mind vibrating to a rest, let us look back on the scenes + we have passed, and learn from experience what is yet to be done. + </p> + <p> + Never, I say, had a country so many openings to happiness as this. Her + setting out in life, like the rising of a fair morning, was unclouded and + promising. Her cause was good. Her principles just and liberal. Her temper + serene and firm. Her conduct regulated by the nicest steps, and everything + about her wore the mark of honor. It is not every country (perhaps there + is not another in the world) that can boast so fair an origin. Even the + first settlement of America corresponds with the character of the + revolution. Rome, once the proud mistress of the universe, was originally + a band of ruffians. Plunder and rapine made her rich, and her oppression + of millions made her great. But America need never be ashamed to tell her + birth, nor relate the stages by which she rose to empire. + </p> + <p> + The remembrance, then, of what is past, if it operates rightly, must + inspire her with the most laudable of all ambition, that of adding to the + fair fame she began with. The world has seen her great in adversity; + struggling, without a thought of yielding, beneath accumulated + difficulties, bravely, nay proudly, encountering distress, and rising in + resolution as the storm increased. All this is justly due to her, for her + fortitude has merited the character. Let, then, the world see that she can + bear prosperity: and that her honest virtue in time of peace, is equal to + the bravest virtue in time of war. + </p> + <p> + She is now descending to the scenes of quiet and domestic life. Not + beneath the cypress shade of disappointment, but to enjoy in her own land, + and under her own vine, the sweet of her labors, and the reward of her + toil.—In this situation, may she never forget that a fair national + reputation is of as much importance as independence. That it possesses a + charm that wins upon the world, and makes even enemies civil. That it + gives a dignity which is often superior to power, and commands reverence + where pomp and splendor fail. + </p> + <p> + It would be a circumstance ever to be lamented and never to be forgotten, + were a single blot, from any cause whatever, suffered to fall on a + revolution, which to the end of time must be an honor to the age that + accomplished it: and which has contributed more to enlighten the world, + and diffuse a spirit of freedom and liberality among mankind, than any + human event (if this may be called one) that ever preceded it. + </p> + <p> + It is not among the least of the calamities of a long continued war, that + it unhinges the mind from those nice sensations which at other times + appear so amiable. The continual spectacle of woe blunts the finer + feelings, and the necessity of bearing with the sight, renders it + familiar. In like manner, are many of the moral obligations of society + weakened, till the custom of acting by necessity becomes an apology, where + it is truly a crime. Yet let but a nation conceive rightly of its + character, and it will be chastely just in protecting it. None ever began + with a fairer than America and none can be under a greater obligation to + preserve it. + </p> + <p> + The debt which America has contracted, compared with the cause she has + gained, and the advantages to flow from it, ought scarcely to be + mentioned. She has it in her choice to do, and to live as happily as she + pleases. The world is in her hands. She has no foreign power to monopolize + her commerce, perplex her legislation, or control her prosperity. The + struggle is over, which must one day have happened, and, perhaps, never + could have happened at a better time.* And instead of a domineering + master, she has gained an ally whose exemplary greatness, and universal + liberality, have extorted a confession even from her enemies. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * That the revolution began at the exact period of time best fitted +to the purpose, is sufficiently proved by the event.—But the great +hinge on which the whole machine turned, is the Union of the States: and +this union was naturally produced by the inability of any one state to +support itself against any foreign enemy without the assistance of the +rest. Had the states severally been less able than they were when +the war began, their united strength would not have been equal to the +undertaking, and they must in all human probability have failed.—And, +on the other hand, had they severally been more able, they might not +have seen, or, what is more, might not have felt, the necessity +of uniting: and, either by attempting to stand alone or in small +confederacies, would have been separately conquered. Now, as we cannot +see a time (and many years must pass away before it can arrive) when the +strength of any one state, or several united, can be equal to the whole +of the present United States, and as we have seen the extreme difficulty +of collectively prosecuting the war to a successful issue, and +preserving our national importance in the world, therefore, from the +experience we have had, and the knowledge we have gained, we must, +unless we make a waste of wisdom, be strongly impressed with the +advantage, as well as the necessity of strengthening that happy union +which had been our salvation, and without which we should have been +a ruined people. While I was writing this note, I cast my eye on the +pamphlet, Common Sense, from which I shall make an extract, as it +exactly applies to the case. It is as follows: "I have never met with +a man, either in England or America, who has not confessed it as his +opinion that a separation between the countries would take place one +time or other; and there is no instance in which we have shown less +judgment, than in endeavoring to describe what we call the ripeness +or fitness of the continent for independence. As all men allow the +measure, and differ only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order +to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavor, if +possible, to find out the very time. But we need not to go far, +the inquiry ceases at once, for, the time has found us. The general +concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the fact. It is not +in numbers, but in a union, that our great strength lies. The continent +is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in which no single colony is +able to support itself, and the whole, when united, can accomplish +the matter; and either more or less than this, might be fatal in its +effects." +</pre> + <p> + With the blessings of peace, independence, and an universal commerce, the + states, individually and collectively, will have leisure and opportunity + to regulate and establish their domestic concerns, and to put it beyond + the power of calumny to throw the least reflection on their honor. + Character is much easier kept than recovered, and that man, if any such + there be, who, from sinister views, or littleness of soul, lends unseen + his hand to injure it, contrives a wound it will never be in his power to + heal. + </p> + <p> + As we have established an inheritance for posterity, let that inheritance + descend, with every mark of an honorable conveyance. The little it will + cost, compared with the worth of the states, the greatness of the object, + and the value of the national character, will be a profitable exchange. + </p> + <p> + But that which must more forcibly strike a thoughtful, penetrating mind, + and which includes and renders easy all inferior concerns, is the UNION OF + THE STATES. On this our great national character depends. It is this which + must give us importance abroad and security at home. It is through this + only that we are, or can be, nationally known in the world; it is the flag + of the United States which renders our ships and commerce safe on the + seas, or in a foreign port. Our Mediterranean passes must be obtained + under the same style. All our treaties, whether of alliance, peace, or + commerce, are formed under the sovereignty of the United States, and + Europe knows us by no other name or title. + </p> + <p> + The division of the empire into states is for our own convenience, but + abroad this distinction ceases. The affairs of each state are local. They + can go no further than to itself. And were the whole worth of even the + richest of them expended in revenue, it would not be sufficient to support + sovereignty against a foreign attack. In short, we have no other national + sovereignty than as United States. It would even be fatal for us if we had—too + expensive to be maintained, and impossible to be supported. Individuals, + or individual states, may call themselves what they please; but the world, + and especially the world of enemies, is not to be held in awe by the + whistling of a name. Sovereignty must have power to protect all the parts + that compose and constitute it: and as UNITED STATES we are equal to the + importance of the title, but otherwise we are not. Our union, well and + wisely regulated and cemented, is the cheapest way of being great—the + easiest way of being powerful, and the happiest invention in government + which the circumstances of America can admit of.—Because it collects + from each state, that which, by being inadequate, can be of no use to it, + and forms an aggregate that serves for all. + </p> + <p> + The states of Holland are an unfortunate instance of the effects of + individual sovereignty. Their disjointed condition exposes them to + numerous intrigues, losses, calamities, and enemies; and the almost + impossibility of bringing their measures to a decision, and that decision + into execution, is to them, and would be to us, a source of endless + misfortune. + </p> + <p> + It is with confederated states as with individuals in society; something + must be yielded up to make the whole secure. In this view of things we + gain by what we give, and draw an annual interest greater than the + capital.—I ever feel myself hurt when I hear the union, that great + palladium of our liberty and safety, the least irreverently spoken of. It + is the most sacred thing in the constitution of America, and that which + every man should be most proud and tender of. Our citizenship in the + United States is our national character. Our citizenship in any particular + state is only our local distinction. By the latter we are known at home, + by the former to the world. Our great title is AMERICANS—our + inferior one varies with the place. + </p> + <p> + So far as my endeavors could go, they have all been directed to conciliate + the affections, unite the interests, and draw and keep the mind of the + country together; and the better to assist in this foundation work of the + revolution, I have avoided all places of profit or office, either in the + state I live in, or in the United States; kept myself at a distance from + all parties and party connections, and even disregarded all private and + inferior concerns: and when we take into view the great work which we have + gone through, and feel, as we ought to feel, the just importance of it, we + shall then see, that the little wranglings and indecent contentions of + personal parley, are as dishonorable to our characters, as they are + injurious to our repose. + </p> + <p> + It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which + it struck my mind and the dangerous condition the country appeared to me + in, by courting an impossible and an unnatural reconciliation with those + who were determined to reduce her, instead of striking out into the only + line that could cement and save her, A DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, made + it impossible for me, feeling as I did, to be silent: and if, in the + course of more than seven years, I have rendered her any service, I have + likewise added something to the reputation of literature, by freely and + disinterestedly employing it in the great cause of mankind, and showing + that there may be genius without prostitution. + </p> + <p> + Independence always appeared to me practicable and probable, provided the + sentiment of the country could be formed and held to the object: and there + is no instance in the world, where a people so extended, and wedded to + former habits of thinking, and under such a variety of circumstances, were + so instantly and effectually pervaded, by a turn in politics, as in the + case of independence; and who supported their opinion, undiminished, + through such a succession of good and ill fortune, till they crowned it + with success. + </p> + <p> + But as the scenes of war are closed, and every man preparing for home and + happier times, I therefore take my leave of the subject. I have most + sincerely followed it from beginning to end, and through all its turns and + windings: and whatever country I may hereafter be in, I shall always feel + an honest pride at the part I have taken and acted, and a gratitude to + nature and providence for putting it in my power to be of some use to + mankind. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + PHILADELPHIA, April 19, 1783. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Blink2H_4_0018" id="Blink2H_4_0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + A SUPERNUMERARY CRISIS: TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. + </h2> + <p> + IN "<i>Rivington's New York Gazette</i>," of December 6th, is a + publication, under the appearance of a letter from London, dated September + 30th; and is on a subject which demands the attention of the United + States. + </p> + <p> + The public will remember that a treaty of commerce between the United + States and England was set on foot last spring, and that until the said + treaty could be completed, a bill was brought into the British Parliament + by the then chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. Pitt, to admit and legalize + (as the case then required) the commerce of the United States into the + British ports and dominions. But neither the one nor the other has been + completed. The commercial treaty is either broken off, or remains as it + began; and the bill in Parliament has been thrown aside. And in lieu + thereof, a selfish system of English politics has started up, calculated + to fetter the commerce of America, by engrossing to England the carrying + trade of the American produce to the West India islands. + </p> + <p> + Among the advocates for this last measure is Lord Sheffield, a member of + the British Parliament, who has published a pamphlet entitled + "Observations on the Commerce of the American States." The pamphlet has + two objects; the one is to allure the Americans to purchase British + manufactures; and the other to spirit up the British Parliament to + prohibit the citizens of the United States from trading to the West India + islands. + </p> + <p> + Viewed in this light, the pamphlet, though in some parts dexterously + written, is an absurdity. It offends, in the very act of endeavoring to + ingratiate; and his lordship, as a politician, ought not to have suffered + the two objects to have appeared together. The latter alluded to, contains + extracts from the pamphlet, with high encomiums on Lord Sheffield, for + laboriously endeavoring (as the letter styles it) "to show the mighty + advantages of retaining the carrying trade." + </p> + <p> + Since the publication of this pamphlet in England, the commerce of the + United States to the West Indies, in American vessels, has been + prohibited; and all intercourse, except in British bottoms, the property + of and navigated by British subjects, cut off. + </p> + <p> + That a country has a right to be as foolish as it pleases, has been proved + by the practice of England for many years past: in her island situation, + sequestered from the world, she forgets that her whispers are heard by + other nations; and in her plans of politics and commerce she seems not to + know, that other votes are necessary besides her own. America would be + equally as foolish as Britain, were she to suffer so great a degradation + on her flag, and such a stroke on the freedom of her commerce, to pass + without a balance. + </p> + <p> + We admit the right of any nation to prohibit the commerce of another into + its own dominions, where there are no treaties to the contrary; but as + this right belongs to one side as well as the other, there is always a way + left to bring avarice and insolence to reason. + </p> + <p> + But the ground of security which Lord Sheffield has chosen to erect his + policy upon, is of a nature which ought, and I think must, awaken in every + American a just and strong sense of national dignity. Lord Sheffield + appears to be sensible, that in advising the British nation and Parliament + to engross to themselves so great a part of the carrying trade of America, + he is attempting a measure which cannot succeed, if the politics of the + United States be properly directed to counteract the assumption. + </p> + <p> + But, says he, in his pamphlet, "It will be a long time before the American + states can be brought to act as a nation, neither are they to be feared as + such by us." + </p> + <p> + What is this more or less than to tell us, that while we have no national + system of commerce, the British will govern our trade by their own laws + and proclamations as they please. The quotation discloses a truth too + serious to be overlooked, and too mischievous not to be remedied. + </p> + <p> + Among other circumstances which led them to this discovery none could + operate so effectually as the injudicious, uncandid and indecent + opposition made by sundry persons in a certain state, to the + recommendations of Congress last winter, for an import duty of five per + cent. It could not but explain to the British a weakness in the national + power of America, and encourage them to attempt restrictions on her trade, + which otherwise they would not have dared to hazard. Neither is there any + state in the union, whose policy was more misdirected to its interest than + the state I allude to, because her principal support is the carrying + trade, which Britain, induced by the want of a well-centred power in the + United States to protect and secure, is now attempting to take away. It + fortunately happened (and to no state in the union more than the state in + question) that the terms of peace were agreed on before the opposition + appeared, otherwise, there cannot be a doubt, that if the same idea of the + diminished authority of America had occurred to them at that time as has + occurred to them since, but they would have made the same grasp at the + fisheries, as they have done at the carrying trade. + </p> + <p> + It is surprising that an authority which can be supported with so much + ease, and so little expense, and capable of such extensive advantages to + the country, should be cavilled at by those whose duty it is to watch over + it, and whose existence as a people depends upon it. But this, perhaps, + will ever be the case, till some misfortune awakens us into reason, and + the instance now before us is but a gentle beginning of what America must + expect, unless she guards her union with nicer care and stricter honor. + United, she is formidable, and that with the least possible charge a + nation can be so; separated, she is a medley of individual nothings, + subject to the sport of foreign nations. + </p> + <p> + It is very probable that the ingenuity of commerce may have found out a + method to evade and supersede the intentions of the British, in + interdicting the trade with the West India islands. The language of both + being the same, and their customs well understood, the vessels of one + country may, by deception, pass for those of another. But this would be a + practice too debasing for a sovereign people to stoop to, and too + profligate not to be discountenanced. An illicit trade, under any shape it + can be placed, cannot be carried on without a violation of truth. America + is now sovereign and independent, and ought to conduct her affairs in a + regular style of character. She has the same right to say that no British + vessel shall enter ports, or that no British manufactures shall be + imported, but in American bottoms, the property of, and navigated by + American subjects, as Britain has to say the same thing respecting the + West Indies. Or she may lay a duty of ten, fifteen, or twenty shillings + per ton (exclusive of other duties) on every British vessel coming from + any port of the West Indies, where she is not admitted to trade, the said + tonnage to continue as long on her side as the prohibition continues on + the other. + </p> + <p> + But it is only by acting in union, that the usurpations of foreign nations + on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security extended to the + commerce of America. And when we view a flag, which to the eye is + beautiful, and to contemplate its rise and origin inspires a sensation of + sublime delight, our national honor must unite with our interest to + prevent injury to the one, or insult to the other. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + COMMON SENSE. +</pre> + <p> + NEW YORK, December 9, 1783. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + <i>THE WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE</i> + </h3> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#common"> <b>Common Sense</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol1"> <b>Volume One</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol2"> <b>Volume Two</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol3"> <b>Volume Three</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol4"> <b> Volume Four</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <a name="vol2" id="vol2"> </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h1> + THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE<br /><br />VOLUME II. + </h1> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + By Thomas Paine + </h2> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h3> + Collected And Edited By Moncure Daniel Conway + </h3> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h2> + 1779 - 1792 + </h2> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <div class="mynote"> + <p> + [Redactor's Note: Reprinted from the "The Writings of Thomas Paine + Volume I" (1894 - 1896). The author's notes are preceded by a "*". A + Table of Contents has been added for each part for the convenience of + the reader which is not included in the printed edition. Notes are at + the end of Part II. ] + </p> + <br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Clink2H_4_0001"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN.</b> </a><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0002"> EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0003"> RIGHTS OF MAN </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0004"> PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0005"> PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0006"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN. PART THE FIRST BEING AN + ANSWER TO MR. BURKE</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0007"> OBSERVATIONS ON THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS + </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0008"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN. PART SECOND, COMBINING + PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE.</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0009"> FRENCH TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_PREF"> PREFACE </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0011"> <b>RIGHTS OF MAN PART II.</b> </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_INTR"> INTRODUCTION. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I. OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II. OF THE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT OLD + GOVERNMENTS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III. OF THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF + GOVERNMENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV. OF CONSTITUTIONS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V. WAYS AND MEANS OF IMPROVING THE + CONDITION OF EUROPE </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_APPE"> APPENDIX </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Clink2H_4_0019"> THE AUTHOR'S NOTES FOR PART ONE AND PART TWO + </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Clink2H_4_0001" id="Clink2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h1> + XIII. RIGHTS OF MAN. + </h1> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0002" id="Clink2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION. + </h2> + <p> + WHEN Thomas Paine sailed from America for France, in April, 1787, he was + perhaps as happy a man as any in the world. His most intimate friend, + Jefferson, was Minister at Paris, and his friend Lafayette was the idol of + France. His fame had preceded him, and he at once became, in Paris, the + centre of the same circle of savants and philosophers that had surrounded + Franklin. His main reason for proceeding at once to Paris was that he + might submit to the Academy of Sciences his invention of an iron bridge, + and with its favorable verdict he came to England, in September. He at + once went to his aged mother at Thetford, leaving with a publisher + (Ridgway), his "Prospects on the Rubicon." He next made arrangements to + patent his bridge, and to construct at Rotherham the large model of it + exhibited on Paddington Green, London. He was welcomed in England by + leading statesmen, such as Lansdowne and Fox, and above all by Edmund + Burke, who for some time had him as a guest at Beaconsfield, and drove him + about in various parts of the country. He had not the slightest + revolutionary purpose, either as regarded England or France. Towards Louis + XVI. he felt only gratitude for the services he had rendered America, and + towards George III. he felt no animosity whatever. His four months' + sojourn in Paris had convinced him that there was approaching a reform of + that country after the American model, except that the Crown would be + preserved, a compromise he approved, provided the throne should not be + hereditary. Events in France travelled more swiftly than he had + anticipated, and Paine was summoned by Lafayette, Condorcet, and others, + as an adviser in the formation of a new constitution. + </p> + <p> + Such was the situation immediately preceding the political and literary + duel between Paine and Burke, which in the event turned out a tremendous + war between Royalism and Republicanism in Europe. Paine was, both in + France and in England, the inspirer of moderate counsels. Samuel Rogers + relates that in early life he dined at a friend's house in London with + Thomas Paine, when one of the toasts given was the "memory of Joshua,"—in + allusion to the Hebrew leader's conquest of the kings of Canaan, and + execution of them. Paine observed that he would not treat kings like + Joshua. "I 'm of the Scotch parson's opinion," he said, "when he prayed + against Louis XIV.—`Lord, shake him over the mouth of hell, but + don't let him drop!'" Paine then gave as his toast, "The Republic of the + World,"—which Samuel Rogers, aged twenty-nine, noted as a sublime + idea. This was Paine's faith and hope, and with it he confronted the + revolutionary storms which presently burst over France and England. + </p> + <p> + Until Burke's arraignment of France in his parliamentary speech (February + 9, 1790), Paine had no doubt whatever that he would sympathize with the + movement in France, and wrote to him from that country as if conveying + glad tidings. Burke's "Reflections on the Revolution in France" appeared + November 1, 1790, and Paine at once set himself to answer it. He was then + staying at the Angel Inn, Islington. The inn has been twice rebuilt since + that time, and from its contents there is preserved only a small image, + which perhaps was meant to represent "Liberty,"—possibly brought + from Paris by Paine as an ornament for his study. From the Angel he + removed to a house in Harding Street, Fetter Lane. Rickman says Part First + of "Rights of Man" was finished at Versailles, but probably this has + reference to the preface only, as I cannot find Paine in France that year + until April 8. The book had been printed by Johnson, in time for the + opening of Parliament, in February; but this publisher became frightened + after a few copies were out (there is one in the British Museum), and the + work was transferred to J. S. Jordan, 166 Fleet Street, with a preface + sent from Paris (not contained in Johnson's edition, nor in the American + editions). The pamphlet, though sold at the same price as Burke's, three + shillings, had a vast circulation, and Paine gave the proceeds to the + Constitutional Societies which sprang up under his teachings in various + parts of the country. + </p> + <p> + Soon after appeared Burke's "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs." In + this Burke quoted a good deal from "Rights of Man," but replied to it only + with exclamation points, saying that the only answer such ideas merited + was "criminal justice." Paine's Part Second followed, published February + 17, 1792. In Part First Paine had mentioned a rumor that Burke was a + masked pensioner (a charge that will be noticed in connection with its + detailed statement in a further publication); and as Burke had been + formerly arraigned in Parliament, while Paymaster, for a very questionable + proceeding, this charge no doubt hurt a good deal. Although the government + did not follow Burke's suggestion of a prosecution at that time, there is + little doubt that it was he who induced the prosecution of Part Second. + Before the trial came on, December 18, 1792, Paine was occupying his seat + in the French Convention, and could only be outlawed. + </p> + <p> + Burke humorously remarked to a friend of Paine and himself, "We hunt in + pairs." The severally representative character and influence of these two + men in the revolutionary era, in France and England, deserve more adequate + study than they have received. While Paine maintained freedom of + discussion, Burke first proposed criminal prosecution for sentiments by no + means libellous (such as Paine's Part First). While Paine was endeavoring + to make the movement in France peaceful, Burke fomented the league of + monarchs against France which maddened its people, and brought on the + Reign of Terror. While Paine was endeavoring to preserve the French throne + ("phantom" though he believed it), to prevent bloodshed, Burke was + secretly writing to the Queen of France, entreating her not to compromise, + and to "trust to the support of foreign armies" ("Histoire de France + depuis 1789." Henri Martin, i., 151). While Burke thus helped to bring the + King and Queen to the guillotine, Paine pleaded for their lives to the + last moment. While Paine maintained the right of mankind to improve their + condition, Burke held that "the awful Author of our being is the author of + our place in the order of existence; and that, having disposed and + marshalled us by a divine tactick, not according to our will, but + according to his, he has, in and by that disposition, virtually subjected + us to act the part which belongs to the place assigned us." Paine was a + religious believer in eternal principles; Burke held that "political + problems do not primarily concern truth or falsehood. They relate to good + or evil. What in the result is likely to produce evil is politically + false, that which is productive of good politically is true." Assuming + thus the visionary's right to decide before the result what was "likely to + produce evil," Burke vigorously sought to kindle war against the French + Republic which might have developed itself peacefully, while Paine was + striving for an international Congress in Europe in the interest of peace. + Paine had faith in the people, and believed that, if allowed to choose + representatives, they would select their best and wisest men; and that + while reforming government the people would remain orderly, as they had + generally remained in America during the transition from British rule to + selfgovernment. Burke maintained that if the existing political order were + broken up there would be no longer a people, but "a number of vague, loose + individuals, and nothing more." "Alas!" he exclaims, "they little know how + many a weary step is to be taken before they can form themselves into a + mass, which has a true personality." For the sake of peace Paine wished + the revolution to be peaceful as the advance of summer; he used every + endeavor to reconcile English radicals to some modus vivendi with the + existing order, as he was willing to retain Louis XVI. as head of the + executive in France: Burke resisted every tendency of English + statesmanship to reform at home, or to negotiate with the French Republic, + and was mainly responsible for the King's death and the war that followed + between England and France in February, 1793. Burke became a royal + favorite, Paine was outlawed by a prosecution originally proposed by + Burke. While Paine was demanding religious liberty, Burke was opposing the + removal of penal statutes from Unitarians, on the ground that but for + those statutes Paine might some day set up a church in England. When Burke + was retiring on a large royal pension, Paine was in prison, through the + devices of Burke's confederate, the American Minister in Paris. So the two + men, as Burke said, "hunted in pairs." + </p> + <p> + So far as Burke attempts to affirm any principle he is fairly quoted in + Paine's work, and nowhere misrepresented. As for Paine's own ideas, the + reader should remember that "Rights of Man" was the earliest complete + statement of republican principles. They were pronounced to be the + fundamental principles of the American Republic by Jefferson, Madison, and + Jackson,-the three Presidents who above all others represented the + republican idea which Paine first allied with American Independence. Those + who suppose that Paine did but reproduce the principles of Rousseau and + Locke will find by careful study of his well-weighed language that such is + not the case. Paine's political principles were evolved out of his early + Quakerism. He was potential in George Fox. The belief that every human + soul was the child of God, and capable of direct inspiration from the + Father of all, without mediator or priestly intervention, or sacramental + instrumentality, was fatal to all privilege and rank. The universal + Fatherhood implied universal Brotherhood, or human equality. But the fate + of the Quakers proved the necessity of protecting the individual spirit + from oppression by the majority as well as by privileged classes. For this + purpose Paine insisted on surrounding the individual right with the + security of the Declaration of Rights, not to be invaded by any + government; and would reduce government to an association limited in its + operations to the defence of those rights which the individual is unable, + alone, to maintain. + </p> + <p> + From the preceding chapter it will be seen that Part Second of "Rights of + Man" was begun by Paine in the spring of 1791. At the close of that year, + or early in 1792, he took up his abode with his friend Thomas "Clio" + Rickman, at No. 7 Upper Marylebone Street. Rickman was a radical + publisher; the house remains still a book-binding establishment, and seems + little changed since Paine therein revised the proofs of Part Second on a + table which Rickman marked with a plate, and which is now in possession of + Mr. Edward Truelove. As the plate states, Paine wrote on the same table + other works which appeared in England in 1792. + </p> + <p> + In 1795 D. I. Eaton published an edition of "Rights of Man," with a + preface purporting to have been written by Paine while in Luxembourg + prison. It is manifestly spurious. The genuine English and French prefaces + are given. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Clink2H_4_0003" id="Clink2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h2> + RIGHTS OF MAN + </h2> + <h3> + Being An Answer To Mr. Burke's Attack On The French Revoloution + </h3> + <p> + By Thomas Paine + </p> + <p> + Secretary For Foreign Affairs To Congress In The American War, And Author + Of The Works Entitled "Common Sense" And "A Letter To Abbi Raynal" + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + DEDICATION + + George Washington + + President Of The United States Of America + + Sir, + + I present you a small treatise in defence of those principles of + freedom which your exemplary virtue hath so eminently contributed to + establish. That the Rights of Man may become as universal as your + benevolence can wish, and that you may enjoy the happiness of seeing + the New World regenerate the Old, is the prayer of + + Sir, + + Your much obliged, and + + Obedient humble Servant, + + Thomas Paine +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0004" id="Clink2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION + </h2> + <p> + From the part Mr. Burke took in the American Revolution, it was natural + that I should consider him a friend to mankind; and as our acquaintance + commenced on that ground, it would have been more agreeable to me to have + had cause to continue in that opinion than to change it. + </p> + <p> + At the time Mr. Burke made his violent speech last winter in the English + Parliament against the French Revolution and the National Assembly, I was + in Paris, and had written to him but a short time before to inform him how + prosperously matters were going on. Soon after this I saw his + advertisement of the Pamphlet he intended to publish: As the attack was to + be made in a language but little studied, and less understood in France, + and as everything suffers by translation, I promised some of the friends + of the Revolution in that country that whenever Mr. Burke's Pamphlet came + forth, I would answer it. This appeared to me the more necessary to be + done, when I saw the flagrant misrepresentations which Mr. Burke's + Pamphlet contains; and that while it is an outrageous abuse on the French + Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an imposition on the rest + of the world. + </p> + <p> + I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke, as + (from the circumstances I am going to mention) I had formed other + expectations. + </p> + <p> + I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more have + existence in the world, and that some other mode might be found out to + settle the differences that should occasionally arise in the neighbourhood + of nations. This certainly might be done if Courts were disposed to set + honesty about it, or if countries were enlightened enough not to be made + the dupes of Courts. The people of America had been bred up in the same + prejudices against France, which at that time characterised the people of + England; but experience and an acquaintance with the French Nation have + most effectually shown to the Americans the falsehood of those prejudices; + and I do not believe that a more cordial and confidential intercourse + exists between any two countries than between America and France. + </p> + <p> + When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of Thoulouse + was then Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I became much + acquainted with the private Secretary of that Minister, a man of an + enlarged benevolent heart; and found that his sentiments and my own + perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war, and the wretched + impolicy of two nations, like England and France, continually worrying + each other, to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and + taxes. That I might be assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he me, I + put the substance of our opinions into writing and sent it to him; + subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of England, + any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two + nations than had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be authorised to say + that the same disposition prevailed on the part of France? He answered me + by letter in the most unreserved manner, and that not for himself only, + but for the Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was declared to be + written. + </p> + <p> + I put this letter into the hands of Mr. Burke almost three years ago, and + left it with him, where it still remains; hoping, and at the same time + naturally expecting, from the opinion I had conceived of him, that he + would find some opportunity of making good use of it, for the purpose of + removing those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations, from + the want of knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of both. + </p> + <p> + When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to Mr. Burke + an opportunity of doing some good, had he been disposed to it; instead of + which, no sooner did he see the old prejudices wearing away, than he + immediately began sowing the seeds of a new inveteracy, as if he were + afraid that England and France would cease to be enemies. That there are + men in all countries who get their living by war, and by keeping up the + quarrels of Nations, is as shocking as it is true; but when those who are + concerned in the government of a country, make it their study to sow + discord and cultivate prejudices between Nations, it becomes the more + unpardonable. + </p> + <p> + With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's having a + pension, the report has been some time in circulation, at least two + months; and as a person is often the last to hear what concerns him the + most to know, I have mentioned it, that Mr. Burke may have an opportunity + of contradicting the rumour, if he thinks proper. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0005" id="Clink2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION + </h2> + <p> + The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused throughout Europe + should be considered from two different points of view: first as it + affects foreign peoples, secondly as it affects their governments. + </p> + <p> + The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather of the + whole world; but the governments of all those countries are by no means + favorable to it. It is important that we should never lose sight of this + distinction. We must not confuse the peoples with their governments; + especially not the English people with its government. + </p> + <p> + The government of England is no friend of the revolution of France. Of + this we have sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and + witless person, the Elector of Hanover, sometimes called the King of + England, to Mr. Burke for the insults heaped on it in his book, and in the + malevolent comments of the English Minister, Pitt, in his speeches in + Parliament. + </p> + <p> + In spite of the professions of sincerest friendship found in the official + correspondence of the English government with that of France, its conduct + gives the lie to all its declarations, and shows us clearly that it is not + a court to be trusted, but an insane court, plunging in all the quarrels + and intrigues of Europe, in quest of a war to satisfy its folly and + countenance its extravagance. + </p> + <p> + The English nation, on the contrary, is very favorably disposed towards + the French Revolution, and to the progress of liberty in the whole world; + and this feeling will become more general in England as the intrigues and + artifices of its government are better known, and the principles of the + revolution better understood. The French should know that most English + newspapers are directly in the pay of government, or, if indirectly + connected with it, always under its orders; and that those papers + constantly distort and attack the revolution in France in order to deceive + the nation. But, as it is impossible long to prevent the prevalence of + truth, the daily falsehoods of those papers no longer have the desired + effect. + </p> + <p> + To be convinced that the voice of truth has been stifled in England, the + world needs only to be told that the government regards and prosecutes as + a libel that which it should protect.*<a href="#Clinknote-1" + name="Clinknoteref-1" id="Clinknoteref-1">1</a> This outrage on morality + is called law, and judges are found wicked enough to inflict penalties on + truth. + </p> + <p> + The English government presents, just now, a curious phenomenon. Seeing + that the French and English nations are getting rid of the prejudices and + false notions formerly entertained against each other, and which have cost + them so much money, that government seems to be placarding its need of a + foe; for unless it finds one somewhere, no pretext exists for the enormous + revenue and taxation now deemed necessary. + </p> + <p> + Therefore it seeks in Russia the enemy it has lost in France, and appears + to say to the universe, or to say to itself. "If nobody will be so kind as + to become my foe, I shall need no more fleets nor armies, and shall be + forced to reduce my taxes. The American war enabled me to double the + taxes; the Dutch business to add more; the Nootka humbug gave me a pretext + for raising three millions sterling more; but unless I can make an enemy + of Russia the harvest from wars will end. I was the first to incite Turk + against Russian, and now I hope to reap a fresh crop of taxes." + </p> + <p> + If the miseries of war, and the flood of evils it spreads over a country, + did not check all inclination to mirth, and turn laughter into grief, the + frantic conduct of the government of England would only excite ridicule. + But it is impossible to banish from one's mind the images of suffering + which the contemplation of such vicious policy presents. To reason with + governments, as they have existed for ages, is to argue with brutes. It is + only from the nations themselves that reforms can be expected. There ought + not now to exist any doubt that the peoples of France, England, and + America, enlightened and enlightening each other, shall henceforth be + able, not merely to give the world an example of good government, but by + their united influence enforce its practice. + </p> + <p> + (Translated from the French) + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0006" id="Clink2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RIGHTS OF MAN. PART THE FIRST BEING AN ANSWER TO MR. BURKE'S ATTACK ON THE + FRENCH REVOLUTION + </h2> + <p> + Among the incivilities by which nations or individuals provoke and + irritate each other, Mr. Burke's pamphlet on the French Revolution is an + extraordinary instance. Neither the People of France, nor the National + Assembly, were troubling themselves about the affairs of England, or the + English Parliament; and that Mr. Burke should commence an unprovoked + attack upon them, both in Parliament and in public, is a conduct that + cannot be pardoned on the score of manners, nor justified on that of + policy. + </p> + <p> + There is scarcely an epithet of abuse to be found in the English language, + with which Mr. Burke has not loaded the French Nation and the National + Assembly. Everything which rancour, prejudice, ignorance or knowledge + could suggest, is poured forth in the copious fury of near four hundred + pages. In the strain and on the plan Mr. Burke was writing, he might have + written on to as many thousands. When the tongue or the pen is let loose + in a frenzy of passion, it is the man, and not the subject, that becomes + exhausted. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto Mr. Burke has been mistaken and disappointed in the opinions he + had formed of the affairs of France; but such is the ingenuity of his + hope, or the malignancy of his despair, that it furnishes him with new + pretences to go on. There was a time when it was impossible to make Mr. + Burke believe there would be any Revolution in France. His opinion then + was, that the French had neither spirit to undertake it nor fortitude to + support it; and now that there is one, he seeks an escape by condemning + it. + </p> + <p> + Not sufficiently content with abusing the National Assembly, a great part + of his work is taken up with abusing Dr. Price (one of the best-hearted + men that lives) and the two societies in England known by the name of the + Revolution Society and the Society for Constitutional Information. + </p> + <p> + Dr. Price had preached a sermon on the 4th of November, 1789, being the + anniversary of what is called in England the Revolution, which took place + 1688. Mr. Burke, speaking of this sermon, says: "The political Divine + proceeds dogmatically to assert, that by the principles of the Revolution, + the people of England have acquired three fundamental rights: + </p> + <p> + 1. To choose our own governors. + </p> + <p> + 2. To cashier them for misconduct. + </p> + <p> + 3. To frame a government for ourselves." + </p> + <p> + Dr. Price does not say that the right to do these things exists in this or + in that person, or in this or in that description of persons, but that it + exists in the whole; that it is a right resident in the nation. Mr. Burke, + on the contrary, denies that such a right exists in the nation, either in + whole or in part, or that it exists anywhere; and, what is still more + strange and marvellous, he says: "that the people of England utterly + disclaim such a right, and that they will resist the practical assertion + of it with their lives and fortunes." That men should take up arms and + spend their lives and fortunes, not to maintain their rights, but to + maintain they have not rights, is an entirely new species of discovery, + and suited to the paradoxical genius of Mr. Burke. + </p> + <p> + The method which Mr. Burke takes to prove that the people of England have + no such rights, and that such rights do not now exist in the nation, + either in whole or in part, or anywhere at all, is of the same marvellous + and monstrous kind with what he has already said; for his arguments are + that the persons, or the generation of persons, in whom they did exist, + are dead, and with them the right is dead also. To prove this, he quotes a + declaration made by Parliament about a hundred years ago, to William and + Mary, in these words: "The Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do, + in the name of the people aforesaid" (meaning the people of England then + living) "most humbly and faithfully submit themselves, their heirs and + posterities, for Ever." He quotes a clause of another Act of Parliament + made in the same reign, the terms of which he says, "bind us" (meaning the + people of their day), "our heirs and our posterity, to them, their heirs + and posterity, to the end of time." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke conceives his point sufficiently established by producing those + clauses, which he enforces by saying that they exclude the right of the + nation for ever. And not yet content with making such declarations, + repeated over and over again, he farther says, "that if the people of + England possessed such a right before the Revolution" (which he + acknowledges to have been the case, not only in England, but throughout + Europe, at an early period), "yet that the English Nation did, at the time + of the Revolution, most solemnly renounce and abdicate it, for themselves, + and for all their posterity, for ever." + </p> + <p> + As Mr. Burke occasionally applies the poison drawn from his horrid + principles, not only to the English nation, but to the French Revolution + and the National Assembly, and charges that august, illuminated and + illuminating body of men with the epithet of usurpers, I shall, sans + ceremonie, place another system of principles in opposition to his. + </p> + <p> + The English Parliament of 1688 did a certain thing, which, for themselves + and their constituents, they had a right to do, and which it appeared + right should be done. But, in addition to this right, which they possessed + by delegation, they set up another right by assumption, that of binding + and controlling posterity to the end of time. The case, therefore, divides + itself into two parts; the right which they possessed by delegation, and + the right which they set up by assumption. The first is admitted; but with + respect to the second, I reply: There never did, there never will, and + there never can, exist a Parliament, or any description of men, or any + generation of men, in any country, possessed of the right or the power of + binding and controlling posterity to the "end of time," or of commanding + for ever how the world shall be governed, or who shall govern it; and + therefore all such clauses, acts or declarations by which the makers of + them attempt to do what they have neither the right nor the power to do, + nor the power to execute, are in themselves null and void. Every age and + generation must be as free to act for itself in all cases as the age and + generations which preceded it. The vanity and presumption of governing + beyond the grave is the most ridiculous and insolent of all tyrannies. Man + has no property in man; neither has any generation a property in the + generations which are to follow. The Parliament or the people of 1688, or + of any other period, had no more right to dispose of the people of the + present day, or to bind or to control them in any shape whatever, than the + parliament or the people of the present day have to dispose of, bind or + control those who are to live a hundred or a thousand years hence. Every + generation is, and must be, competent to all the purposes which its + occasions require. It is the living, and not the dead, that are to be + accommodated. When man ceases to be, his power and his wants cease with + him; and having no longer any participation in the concerns of this world, + he has no longer any authority in directing who shall be its governors, or + how its government shall be organised, or how administered. + </p> + <p> + I am not contending for nor against any form of government, nor for nor + against any party, here or elsewhere. That which a whole nation chooses to + do it has a right to do. Mr. Burke says, No. Where, then, does the right + exist? I am contending for the rights of the living, and against their + being willed away and controlled and contracted for by the manuscript + assumed authority of the dead, and Mr. Burke is contending for the + authority of the dead over the rights and freedom of the living. There was + a time when kings disposed of their crowns by will upon their death-beds, + and consigned the people, like beasts of the field, to whatever successor + they appointed. This is now so exploded as scarcely to be remembered, and + so monstrous as hardly to be believed. But the Parliamentary clauses upon + which Mr. Burke builds his political church are of the same nature. + </p> + <p> + The laws of every country must be analogous to some common principle. In + England no parent or master, nor all the authority of Parliament, + omnipotent as it has called itself, can bind or control the personal + freedom even of an individual beyond the age of twenty-one years. On what + ground of right, then, could the Parliament of 1688, or any other + Parliament, bind all posterity for ever? + </p> + <p> + Those who have quitted the world, and those who have not yet arrived at + it, are as remote from each other as the utmost stretch of mortal + imagination can conceive. What possible obligation, then, can exist + between them—what rule or principle can be laid down that of two + nonentities, the one out of existence and the other not in, and who never + can meet in this world, the one should control the other to the end of + time? + </p> + <p> + In England it is said that money cannot be taken out of the pockets of the + people without their consent. But who authorised, or who could authorise, + the Parliament of 1688 to control and take away the freedom of posterity + (who were not in existence to give or to withhold their consent) and limit + and confine their right of acting in certain cases for ever? + </p> + <p> + A greater absurdity cannot present itself to the understanding of man than + what Mr. Burke offers to his readers. He tells them, and he tells the + world to come, that a certain body of men who existed a hundred years ago + made a law, and that there does not exist in the nation, nor ever will, + nor ever can, a power to alter it. Under how many subtilties or + absurdities has the divine right to govern been imposed on the credulity + of mankind? Mr. Burke has discovered a new one, and he has shortened his + journey to Rome by appealing to the power of this infallible Parliament of + former days, and he produces what it has done as of divine authority, for + that power must certainly be more than human which no human power to the + end of time can alter. + </p> + <p> + But Mr. Burke has done some service—not to his cause, but to his + country—by bringing those clauses into public view. They serve to + demonstrate how necessary it is at all times to watch against the + attempted encroachment of power, and to prevent its running to excess. It + is somewhat extraordinary that the offence for which James II. was + expelled, that of setting up power by assumption, should be re-acted, + under another shape and form, by the Parliament that expelled him. It + shows that the Rights of Man were but imperfectly understood at the + Revolution, for certain it is that the right which that Parliament set up + by assumption (for by the delegation it had not, and could not have it, + because none could give it) over the persons and freedom of posterity for + ever was of the same tyrannical unfounded kind which James attempted to + set up over the Parliament and the nation, and for which he was expelled. + The only difference is (for in principle they differ not) that the one was + an usurper over living, and the other over the unborn; and as the one has + no better authority to stand upon than the other, both of them must be + equally null and void, and of no effect. + </p> + <p> + From what, or from whence, does Mr. Burke prove the right of any human + power to bind posterity for ever? He has produced his clauses, but he must + produce also his proofs that such a right existed, and show how it + existed. If it ever existed it must now exist, for whatever appertains to + the nature of man cannot be annihilated by man. It is the nature of man to + die, and he will continue to die as long as he continues to be born. But + Mr. Burke has set up a sort of political Adam, in whom all posterity are + bound for ever. He must, therefore, prove that his Adam possessed such a + power, or such a right. + </p> + <p> + The weaker any cord is, the less will it bear to be stretched, and the + worse is the policy to stretch it, unless it is intended to break it. Had + anyone proposed the overthrow of Mr. Burke's positions, he would have + proceeded as Mr. Burke has done. He would have magnified the authorities, + on purpose to have called the right of them into question; and the instant + the question of right was started, the authorities must have been given + up. + </p> + <p> + It requires but a very small glance of thought to perceive that although + laws made in one generation often continue in force through succeeding + generations, yet they continue to derive their force from the consent of + the living. A law not repealed continues in force, not because it cannot + be repealed, but because it is not repealed; and the non-repealing passes + for consent. + </p> + <p> + But Mr. Burke's clauses have not even this qualification in their favour. + They become null, by attempting to become immortal. The nature of them + precludes consent. They destroy the right which they might have, by + grounding it on a right which they cannot have. Immortal power is not a + human right, and therefore cannot be a right of Parliament. The Parliament + of 1688 might as well have passed an act to have authorised themselves to + live for ever, as to make their authority live for ever. All, therefore, + that can be said of those clauses is that they are a formality of words, + of as much import as if those who used them had addressed a congratulation + to themselves, and in the oriental style of antiquity had said: O + Parliament, live for ever! + </p> + <p> + The circumstances of the world are continually changing, and the opinions + of men change also; and as government is for the living, and not for the + dead, it is the living only that has any right in it. That which may be + thought right and found convenient in one age may be thought wrong and + found inconvenient in another. In such cases, who is to decide, the living + or the dead? + </p> + <p> + As almost one hundred pages of Mr. Burke's book are employed upon these + clauses, it will consequently follow that if the clauses themselves, so + far as they set up an assumed usurped dominion over posterity for ever, + are unauthoritative, and in their nature null and void; that all his + voluminous inferences, and declamation drawn therefrom, or founded + thereon, are null and void also; and on this ground I rest the matter. + </p> + <p> + We now come more particularly to the affairs of France. Mr. Burke's book + has the appearance of being written as instruction to the French nation; + but if I may permit myself the use of an extravagant metaphor, suited to + the extravagance of the case, it is darkness attempting to illuminate + light. + </p> + <p> + While I am writing this there are accidentally before me some proposals + for a declaration of rights by the Marquis de la Fayette (I ask his pardon + for using his former address, and do it only for distinction's sake) to + the National Assembly, on the 11th of July, 1789, three days before the + taking of the Bastille, and I cannot but remark with astonishment how + opposite the sources are from which that gentleman and Mr. Burke draw + their principles. Instead of referring to musty records and mouldy + parchments to prove that the rights of the living are lost, "renounced and + abdicated for ever," by those who are now no more, as Mr. Burke has done, + M. de la Fayette applies to the living world, and emphatically says: "Call + to mind the sentiments which nature has engraved on the heart of every + citizen, and which take a new force when they are solemnly recognised by + all:—For a nation to love liberty, it is sufficient that she knows + it; and to be free, it is sufficient that she wills it." How dry, barren, + and obscure is the source from which Mr. Burke labors! and how + ineffectual, though gay with flowers, are all his declamation and his + arguments compared with these clear, concise, and soul-animating + sentiments! Few and short as they are, they lead on to a vast field of + generous and manly thinking, and do not finish, like Mr. Burke's periods, + with music in the ear, and nothing in the heart. + </p> + <p> + As I have introduced M. de la Fayette, I will take the liberty of adding + an anecdote respecting his farewell address to the Congress of America in + 1783, and which occurred fresh to my mind, when I saw Mr. Burke's + thundering attack on the French Revolution. M. de la Fayette went to + America at the early period of the war, and continued a volunteer in her + service to the end. His conduct through the whole of that enterprise is + one of the most extraordinary that is to be found in the history of a + young man, scarcely twenty years of age. Situated in a country that was + like the lap of sensual pleasure, and with the means of enjoying it, how + few are there to be found who would exchange such a scene for the woods + and wildernesses of America, and pass the flowery years of youth in + unprofitable danger and hardship! but such is the fact. When the war + ended, and he was on the point of taking his final departure, he presented + himself to Congress, and contemplating in his affectionate farewell the + Revolution he had seen, expressed himself in these words: "May this great + monument raised to liberty serve as a lesson to the oppressor, and an + example to the oppressed!" When this address came to the hands of Dr. + Franklin, who was then in France, he applied to Count Vergennes to have it + inserted in the French Gazette, but never could obtain his consent. The + fact was that Count Vergennes was an aristocratical despot at home, and + dreaded the example of the American Revolution in France, as certain other + persons now dread the example of the French Revolution in England, and Mr. + Burke's tribute of fear (for in this light his book must be considered) + runs parallel with Count Vergennes' refusal. But to return more + particularly to his work. + </p> + <p> + "We have seen," says Mr. Burke, "the French rebel against a mild and + lawful monarch, with more fury, outrage, and insult, than any people has + been known to rise against the most illegal usurper, or the most + sanguinary tyrant." This is one among a thousand other instances, in which + Mr. Burke shows that he is ignorant of the springs and principles of the + French Revolution. + </p> + <p> + It was not against Louis XVI. but against the despotic principles of the + Government, that the nation revolted. These principles had not their + origin in him, but in the original establishment, many centuries back: and + they were become too deeply rooted to be removed, and the Augean stables + of parasites and plunderers too abominably filthy to be cleansed by + anything short of a complete and universal Revolution. When it becomes + necessary to do anything, the whole heart and soul should go into the + measure, or not attempt it. That crisis was then arrived, and there + remained no choice but to act with determined vigor, or not to act at all. + The king was known to be the friend of the nation, and this circumstance + was favorable to the enterprise. Perhaps no man bred up in the style of an + absolute king, ever possessed a heart so little disposed to the exercise + of that species of power as the present King of France. But the principles + of the Government itself still remained the same. The Monarch and the + Monarchy were distinct and separate things; and it was against the + established despotism of the latter, and not against the person or + principles of the former, that the revolt commenced, and the Revolution + has been carried. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke does not attend to the distinction between men and principles, + and, therefore, he does not see that a revolt may take place against the + despotism of the latter, while there lies no charge of despotism against + the former. + </p> + <p> + The natural moderation of Louis XVI. contributed nothing to alter the + hereditary despotism of the monarchy. All the tyrannies of former reigns, + acted under that hereditary despotism, were still liable to be revived in + the hands of a successor. It was not the respite of a reign that would + satisfy France, enlightened as she was then become. A casual + discontinuance of the practice of despotism, is not a discontinuance of + its principles: the former depends on the virtue of the individual who is + in immediate possession of the power; the latter, on the virtue and + fortitude of the nation. In the case of Charles I. and James II. of + England, the revolt was against the personal despotism of the men; whereas + in France, it was against the hereditary despotism of the established + Government. But men who can consign over the rights of posterity for ever + on the authority of a mouldy parchment, like Mr. Burke, are not qualified + to judge of this Revolution. It takes in a field too vast for their views + to explore, and proceeds with a mightiness of reason they cannot keep pace + with. + </p> + <p> + But there are many points of view in which this Revolution may be + considered. When despotism has established itself for ages in a country, + as in France, it is not in the person of the king only that it resides. It + has the appearance of being so in show, and in nominal authority; but it + is not so in practice and in fact. It has its standard everywhere. Every + office and department has its despotism, founded upon custom and usage. + Every place has its Bastille, and every Bastille its despot. The original + hereditary despotism resident in the person of the king, divides and + sub-divides itself into a thousand shapes and forms, till at last the + whole of it is acted by deputation. This was the case in France; and + against this species of despotism, proceeding on through an endless + labyrinth of office till the source of it is scarcely perceptible, there + is no mode of redress. It strengthens itself by assuming the appearance of + duty, and tyrannizes under the pretence of obeying. + </p> + <p> + When a man reflects on the condition which France was in from the nature + of her government, he will see other causes for revolt than those which + immediately connect themselves with the person or character of Louis XVI. + There were, if I may so express it, a thousand despotisms to be reformed + in France, which had grown up under the hereditary despotism of the + monarchy, and became so rooted as to be in a great measure independent of + it. Between the Monarchy, the Parliament, and the Church there was a + rivalship of despotism; besides the feudal despotism operating locally, + and the ministerial despotism operating everywhere. But Mr. Burke, by + considering the king as the only possible object of a revolt, speaks as if + France was a village, in which everything that passed must be known to its + commanding officer, and no oppression could be acted but what he could + immediately control. Mr. Burke might have been in the Bastille his whole + life, as well under Louis XVI. as Louis XIV., and neither the one nor the + other have known that such a man as Burke existed. The despotic principles + of the government were the same in both reigns, though the dispositions of + the men were as remote as tyranny and benevolence. + </p> + <p> + What Mr. Burke considers as a reproach to the French Revolution (that of + bringing it forward under a reign more mild than the preceding ones) is + one of its highest honors. The Revolutions that have taken place in other + European countries, have been excited by personal hatred. The rage was + against the man, and he became the victim. But, in the instance of France + we see a Revolution generated in the rational contemplation of the Rights + of Man, and distinguishing from the beginning between persons and + principles. + </p> + <p> + But Mr. Burke appears to have no idea of principles when he is + contemplating Governments. "Ten years ago," says he, "I could have + felicitated France on her having a Government, without inquiring what the + nature of that Government was, or how it was administered." Is this the + language of a rational man? Is it the language of a heart feeling as it + ought to feel for the rights and happiness of the human race? On this + ground, Mr. Burke must compliment all the Governments in the world, while + the victims who suffer under them, whether sold into slavery, or tortured + out of existence, are wholly forgotten. It is power, and not principles, + that Mr. Burke venerates; and under this abominable depravity he is + disqualified to judge between them. Thus much for his opinion as to the + occasions of the French Revolution. I now proceed to other considerations. + </p> + <p> + I know a place in America called Point-no-Point, because as you proceed + along the shore, gay and flowery as Mr. Burke's language, it continually + recedes and presents itself at a distance before you; but when you have + got as far as you can go, there is no point at all. Just thus it is with + Mr. Burke's three hundred and sixty-six pages. It is therefore difficult + to reply to him. But as the points he wishes to establish may be inferred + from what he abuses, it is in his paradoxes that we must look for his + arguments. + </p> + <p> + As to the tragic paintings by which Mr. Burke has outraged his own + imagination, and seeks to work upon that of his readers, they are very + well calculated for theatrical representation, where facts are + manufactured for the sake of show, and accommodated to produce, through + the weakness of sympathy, a weeping effect. But Mr. Burke should recollect + that he is writing history, and not plays, and that his readers will + expect truth, and not the spouting rant of high-toned exclamation. + </p> + <p> + When we see a man dramatically lamenting in a publication intended to be + believed that "The age of chivalry is gone! that The glory of Europe is + extinguished for ever! that The unbought grace of life (if anyone knows + what it is), the cheap defence of nations, the nurse of manly sentiment + and heroic enterprise is gone!" and all this because the Quixot age of + chivalry nonsense is gone, what opinion can we form of his judgment, or + what regard can we pay to his facts? In the rhapsody of his imagination he + has discovered a world of wind mills, and his sorrows are that there are + no Quixots to attack them. But if the age of aristocracy, like that of + chivalry, should fall (and they had originally some connection) Mr. Burke, + the trumpeter of the Order, may continue his parody to the end, and finish + with exclaiming: "Othello's occupation's gone!" + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding Mr. Burke's horrid paintings, when the French Revolution + is compared with the Revolutions of other countries, the astonishment will + be that it is marked with so few sacrifices; but this astonishment will + cease when we reflect that principles, and not persons, were the meditated + objects of destruction. The mind of the nation was acted upon by a higher + stimulus than what the consideration of persons could inspire, and sought + a higher conquest than could be produced by the downfall of an enemy. + Among the few who fell there do not appear to be any that were + intentionally singled out. They all of them had their fate in the + circumstances of the moment, and were not pursued with that long, + cold-blooded unabated revenge which pursued the unfortunate Scotch in the + affair of 1745. + </p> + <p> + Through the whole of Mr. Burke's book I do not observe that the Bastille + is mentioned more than once, and that with a kind of implication as if he + were sorry it was pulled down, and wished it were built up again. "We have + rebuilt Newgate," says he, "and tenanted the mansion; and we have prisons + almost as strong as the Bastille for those who dare to libel the queens of + France."*<a href="#Clinknote-2" name="Clinknoteref-2" id="Clinknoteref-2">2</a> + As to what a madman like the person called Lord George Gordon might say, + and to whom Newgate is rather a bedlam than a prison, it is unworthy a + rational consideration. It was a madman that libelled, and that is + sufficient apology; and it afforded an opportunity for confining him, + which was the thing that was wished for. But certain it is that Mr. Burke, + who does not call himself a madman (whatever other people may do), has + libelled in the most unprovoked manner, and in the grossest style of the + most vulgar abuse, the whole representative authority of France, and yet + Mr. Burke takes his seat in the British House of Commons! From his + violence and his grief, his silence on some points and his excess on + others, it is difficult not to believe that Mr. Burke is sorry, extremely + sorry, that arbitrary power, the power of the Pope and the Bastille, are + pulled down. + </p> + <p> + Not one glance of compassion, not one commiserating reflection that I can + find throughout his book, has he bestowed on those who lingered out the + most wretched of lives, a life without hope in the most miserable of + prisons. It is painful to behold a man employing his talents to corrupt + himself. Nature has been kinder to Mr. Burke than he is to her. He is not + affected by the reality of distress touching his heart, but by the showy + resemblance of it striking his imagination. He pities the plumage, but + forgets the dying bird. Accustomed to kiss the aristocratical hand that + hath purloined him from himself, he degenerates into a composition of art, + and the genuine soul of nature forsakes him. His hero or his heroine must + be a tragedy-victim expiring in show, and not the real prisoner of misery, + sliding into death in the silence of a dungeon. + </p> + <p> + As Mr. Burke has passed over the whole transaction of the Bastille (and + his silence is nothing in his favour), and has entertained his readers + with refections on supposed facts distorted into real falsehoods, I will + give, since he has not, some account of the circumstances which preceded + that transaction. They will serve to show that less mischief could + scarcely have accompanied such an event when considered with the + treacherous and hostile aggravations of the enemies of the Revolution. + </p> + <p> + The mind can hardly picture to itself a more tremendous scene than what + the city of Paris exhibited at the time of taking the Bastille, and for + two days before and after, nor perceive the possibility of its quieting so + soon. At a distance this transaction has appeared only as an act of + heroism standing on itself, and the close political connection it had with + the Revolution is lost in the brilliancy of the achievement. But we are to + consider it as the strength of the parties brought man to man, and + contending for the issue. The Bastille was to be either the prize or the + prison of the assailants. The downfall of it included the idea of the + downfall of despotism, and this compounded image was become as + figuratively united as Bunyan's Doubting Castle and Giant Despair. + </p> + <p> + The National Assembly, before and at the time of taking the Bastille, was + sitting at Versailles, twelve miles distant from Paris. About a week + before the rising of the Partisans, and their taking the Bastille, it was + discovered that a plot was forming, at the head of which was the Count + D'Artois, the king's youngest brother, for demolishing the National + Assembly, seizing its members, and thereby crushing, by a coup de main, + all hopes and prospects of forming a free government. For the sake of + humanity, as well as freedom, it is well this plan did not succeed. + Examples are not wanting to show how dreadfully vindictive and cruel are + all old governments, when they are successful against what they call a + revolt. + </p> + <p> + This plan must have been some time in contemplation; because, in order to + carry it into execution, it was necessary to collect a large military + force round Paris, and cut off the communication between that city and the + National Assembly at Versailles. The troops destined for this service were + chiefly the foreign troops in the pay of France, and who, for this + particular purpose, were drawn from the distant provinces where they were + then stationed. When they were collected to the amount of between + twenty-five and thirty thousand, it was judged time to put the plan into + execution. The ministry who were then in office, and who were friendly to + the Revolution, were instantly dismissed and a new ministry formed of + those who had concerted the project, among whom was Count de Broglio, and + to his share was given the command of those troops. The character of this + man as described to me in a letter which I communicated to Mr. Burke + before he began to write his book, and from an authority which Mr. Burke + well knows was good, was that of "a high-flying aristocrat, cool, and + capable of every mischief." + </p> + <p> + While these matters were agitating, the National Assembly stood in the + most perilous and critical situation that a body of men can be supposed to + act in. They were the devoted victims, and they knew it. They had the + hearts and wishes of their country on their side, but military authority + they had none. The guards of Broglio surrounded the hall where the + Assembly sat, ready, at the word of command, to seize their persons, as + had been done the year before to the Parliament of Paris. Had the National + Assembly deserted their trust, or had they exhibited signs of weakness or + fear, their enemies had been encouraged and their country depressed. When + the situation they stood in, the cause they were engaged in, and the + crisis then ready to burst, which should determine their personal and + political fate and that of their country, and probably of Europe, are + taken into one view, none but a heart callous with prejudice or corrupted + by dependence can avoid interesting itself in their success. + </p> + <p> + The Archbishop of Vienne was at this time President of the National + Assembly—a person too old to undergo the scene that a few days or a + few hours might bring forth. A man of more activity and bolder fortitude + was necessary, and the National Assembly chose (under the form of a + Vice-President, for the Presidency still resided in the Archbishop) M. de + la Fayette; and this is the only instance of a Vice-President being + chosen. It was at the moment that this storm was pending (July 11th) that + a declaration of rights was brought forward by M. de la Fayette, and is + the same which is alluded to earlier. It was hastily drawn up, and makes + only a part of the more extensive declaration of rights agreed upon and + adopted afterwards by the National Assembly. The particular reason for + bringing it forward at this moment (M. de la Fayette has since informed + me) was that, if the National Assembly should fall in the threatened + destruction that then surrounded it, some trace of its principles might + have the chance of surviving the wreck. + </p> + <p> + Everything now was drawing to a crisis. The event was freedom or slavery. + On one side, an army of nearly thirty thousand men; on the other, an + unarmed body of citizens—for the citizens of Paris, on whom the + National Assembly must then immediately depend, were as unarmed and as + undisciplined as the citizens of London are now. The French guards had + given strong symptoms of their being attached to the national cause; but + their numbers were small, not a tenth part of the force that Broglio + commanded, and their officers were in the interest of Broglio. + </p> + <p> + Matters being now ripe for execution, the new ministry made their + appearance in office. The reader will carry in his mind that the Bastille + was taken the 14th July; the point of time I am now speaking of is the + 12th. Immediately on the news of the change of ministry reaching Paris, in + the afternoon, all the playhouses and places of entertainment, shops and + houses, were shut up. The change of ministry was considered as the prelude + of hostilities, and the opinion was rightly founded. + </p> + <p> + The foreign troops began to advance towards the city. The Prince de + Lambesc, who commanded a body of German cavalry, approached by the Place + of Louis Xv., which connects itself with some of the streets. In his + march, he insulted and struck an old man with a sword. The French are + remarkable for their respect to old age; and the insolence with which it + appeared to be done, uniting with the general fermentation they were in, + produced a powerful effect, and a cry of "To arms! to arms!" spread itself + in a moment over the city. + </p> + <p> + Arms they had none, nor scarcely anyone who knew the use of them; but + desperate resolution, when every hope is at stake, supplies, for a while, + the want of arms. Near where the Prince de Lambesc was drawn up, were + large piles of stones collected for building the new bridge, and with + these the people attacked the cavalry. A party of French guards upon + hearing the firing, rushed from their quarters and joined the people; and + night coming on, the cavalry retreated. + </p> + <p> + The streets of Paris, being narrow, are favourable for defence, and the + loftiness of the houses, consisting of many stories, from which great + annoyance might be given, secured them against nocturnal enterprises; and + the night was spent in providing themselves with every sort of weapon they + could make or procure: guns, swords, blacksmiths' hammers, carpenters' + axes, iron crows, pikes, halberts, pitchforks, spits, clubs, etc., etc. + The incredible numbers in which they assembled the next morning, and the + still more incredible resolution they exhibited, embarrassed and + astonished their enemies. Little did the new ministry expect such a + salute. Accustomed to slavery themselves, they had no idea that liberty + was capable of such inspiration, or that a body of unarmed citizens would + dare to face the military force of thirty thousand men. Every moment of + this day was employed in collecting arms, concerting plans, and arranging + themselves into the best order which such an instantaneous movement could + afford. Broglio continued lying round the city, but made no further + advances this day, and the succeeding night passed with as much + tranquility as such a scene could possibly produce. + </p> + <p> + But defence only was not the object of the citizens. They had a cause at + stake, on which depended their freedom or their slavery. They every moment + expected an attack, or to hear of one made on the National Assembly; and + in such a situation, the most prompt measures are sometimes the best. The + object that now presented itself was the Bastille; and the eclat of + carrying such a fortress in the face of such an army, could not fail to + strike terror into the new ministry, who had scarcely yet had time to + meet. By some intercepted correspondence this morning, it was discovered + that the Mayor of Paris, M. Defflesselles, who appeared to be in the + interest of the citizens, was betraying them; and from this discovery, + there remained no doubt that Broglio would reinforce the Bastille the + ensuing evening. It was therefore necessary to attack it that day; but + before this could be done, it was first necessary to procure a better + supply of arms than they were then possessed of. + </p> + <p> + There was, adjoining to the city a large magazine of arms deposited at the + Hospital of the Invalids, which the citizens summoned to surrender; and as + the place was neither defensible, nor attempted much defence, they soon + succeeded. Thus supplied, they marched to attack the Bastille; a vast + mixed multitude of all ages, and of all degrees, armed with all sorts of + weapons. Imagination would fail in describing to itself the appearance of + such a procession, and of the anxiety of the events which a few hours or a + few minutes might produce. What plans the ministry were forming, were as + unknown to the people within the city, as what the citizens were doing was + unknown to the ministry; and what movements Broglio might make for the + support or relief of the place, were to the citizens equally as unknown. + All was mystery and hazard. + </p> + <p> + That the Bastille was attacked with an enthusiasm of heroism, such only as + the highest animation of liberty could inspire, and carried in the space + of a few hours, is an event which the world is fully possessed of. I am + not undertaking the detail of the attack, but bringing into view the + conspiracy against the nation which provoked it, and which fell with the + Bastille. The prison to which the new ministry were dooming the National + Assembly, in addition to its being the high altar and castle of despotism, + became the proper object to begin with. This enterprise broke up the new + ministry, who began now to fly from the ruin they had prepared for others. + The troops of Broglio dispersed, and himself fled also. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke has spoken a great deal about plots, but he has never once + spoken of this plot against the National Assembly, and the liberties of + the nation; and that he might not, he has passed over all the + circumstances that might throw it in his way. The exiles who have fled + from France, whose case he so much interests himself in, and from whom he + has had his lesson, fled in consequence of the miscarriage of this plot. + No plot was formed against them; they were plotting against others; and + those who fell, met, not unjustly, the punishment they were preparing to + execute. But will Mr. Burke say that if this plot, contrived with the + subtilty of an ambuscade, had succeeded, the successful party would have + restrained their wrath so soon? Let the history of all governments answer + the question. + </p> + <p> + Whom has the National Assembly brought to the scaffold? None. They were + themselves the devoted victims of this plot, and they have not retaliated; + why, then, are they charged with revenge they have not acted? In the + tremendous breaking forth of a whole people, in which all degrees, tempers + and characters are confounded, delivering themselves, by a miracle of + exertion, from the destruction meditated against them, is it to be + expected that nothing will happen? When men are sore with the sense of + oppressions, and menaced with the prospects of new ones, is the calmness + of philosophy or the palsy of insensibility to be looked for? Mr. Burke + exclaims against outrage; yet the greatest is that which himself has + committed. His book is a volume of outrage, not apologised for by the + impulse of a moment, but cherished through a space of ten months; yet Mr. + Burke had no provocation—no life, no interest, at stake. + </p> + <p> + More of the citizens fell in this struggle than of their opponents: but + four or five persons were seized by the populace, and instantly put to + death; the Governor of the Bastille, and the Mayor of Paris, who was + detected in the act of betraying them; and afterwards Foulon, one of the + new ministry, and Berthier, his son-in-law, who had accepted the office of + intendant of Paris. Their heads were stuck upon spikes, and carried about + the city; and it is upon this mode of punishment that Mr. Burke builds a + great part of his tragic scene. Let us therefore examine how men came by + the idea of punishing in this manner. + </p> + <p> + They learn it from the governments they live under; and retaliate the + punishments they have been accustomed to behold. The heads stuck upon + spikes, which remained for years upon Temple Bar, differed nothing in the + horror of the scene from those carried about upon spikes at Paris; yet + this was done by the English Government. It may perhaps be said that it + signifies nothing to a man what is done to him after he is dead; but it + signifies much to the living; it either tortures their feelings or hardens + their hearts, and in either case it instructs them how to punish when + power falls into their hands. + </p> + <p> + Lay then the axe to the root, and teach governments humanity. It is their + sanguinary punishments which corrupt mankind. In England the punishment in + certain cases is by hanging, drawing and quartering; the heart of the + sufferer is cut out and held up to the view of the populace. In France, + under the former Government, the punishments were not less barbarous. Who + does not remember the execution of Damien, torn to pieces by horses? The + effect of those cruel spectacles exhibited to the populace is to destroy + tenderness or excite revenge; and by the base and false idea of governing + men by terror, instead of reason, they become precedents. It is over the + lowest class of mankind that government by terror is intended to operate, + and it is on them that it operates to the worst effect. They have sense + enough to feel they are the objects aimed at; and they inflict in their + turn the examples of terror they have been instructed to practise. + </p> + <p> + There is in all European countries a large class of people of that + description, which in England is called the "mob." Of this class were + those who committed the burnings and devastations in London in 1780, and + of this class were those who carried the heads on iron spikes in Paris. + Foulon and Berthier were taken up in the country, and sent to Paris, to + undergo their examination at the Hotel de Ville; for the National + Assembly, immediately on the new ministry coming into office, passed a + decree, which they communicated to the King and Cabinet, that they (the + National Assembly) would hold the ministry, of which Foulon was one, + responsible for the measures they were advising and pursuing; but the mob, + incensed at the appearance of Foulon and Berthier, tore them from their + conductors before they were carried to the Hotel de Ville, and executed + them on the spot. Why then does Mr. Burke charge outrages of this kind on + a whole people? As well may he charge the riots and outrages of 1780 on + all the people of London, or those in Ireland on all his countrymen. + </p> + <p> + But everything we see or hear offensive to our feelings and derogatory to + the human character should lead to other reflections than those of + reproach. Even the beings who commit them have some claim to our + consideration. How then is it that such vast classes of mankind as are + distinguished by the appellation of the vulgar, or the ignorant mob, are + so numerous in all old countries? The instant we ask ourselves this + question, reflection feels an answer. They rise, as an unavoidable + consequence, out of the ill construction of all old governments in Europe, + England included with the rest. It is by distortedly exalting some men, + that others are distortedly debased, till the whole is out of nature. A + vast mass of mankind are degradedly thrown into the back-ground of the + human picture, to bring forward, with greater glare, the puppet-show of + state and aristocracy. In the commencement of a revolution, those men are + rather the followers of the camp than of the standard of liberty, and have + yet to be instructed how to reverence it. + </p> + <p> + I give to Mr. Burke all his theatrical exaggerations for facts, and I then + ask him if they do not establish the certainty of what I here lay down? + Admitting them to be true, they show the necessity of the French + Revolution, as much as any one thing he could have asserted. These + outrages were not the effect of the principles of the Revolution, but of + the degraded mind that existed before the Revolution, and which the + Revolution is calculated to reform. Place them then to their proper cause, + and take the reproach of them to your own side. + </p> + <p> + It is the honour of the National Assembly and the city of Paris that, + during such a tremendous scene of arms and confusion, beyond the control + of all authority, they have been able, by the influence of example and + exhortation, to restrain so much. Never were more pains taken to instruct + and enlighten mankind, and to make them see that their interest consisted + in their virtue, and not in their revenge, than have been displayed in the + Revolution of France. I now proceed to make some remarks on Mr. Burke's + account of the expedition to Versailles, October the 5th and 6th. + </p> + <p> + I can consider Mr. Burke's book in scarcely any other light than a + dramatic performance; and he must, I think, have considered it in the same + light himself, by the poetical liberties he has taken of omitting some + facts, distorting others, and making the whole machinery bend to produce a + stage effect. Of this kind is his account of the expedition to Versailles. + He begins this account by omitting the only facts which as causes are + known to be true; everything beyond these is conjecture, even in Paris; + and he then works up a tale accommodated to his own passions and + prejudices. + </p> + <p> + It is to be observed throughout Mr. Burke's book that he never speaks of + plots against the Revolution; and it is from those plots that all the + mischiefs have arisen. It suits his purpose to exhibit the consequences + without their causes. It is one of the arts of the drama to do so. If the + crimes of men were exhibited with their sufferings, stage effect would + sometimes be lost, and the audience would be inclined to approve where it + was intended they should commiserate. + </p> + <p> + After all the investigations that have been made into this intricate + affair (the expedition to Versailles), it still remains enveloped in all + that kind of mystery which ever accompanies events produced more from a + concurrence of awkward circumstances than from fixed design. While the + characters of men are forming, as is always the case in revolutions, there + is a reciprocal suspicion, and a disposition to misinterpret each other; + and even parties directly opposite in principle will sometimes concur in + pushing forward the same movement with very different views, and with the + hopes of its producing very different consequences. A great deal of this + may be discovered in this embarrassed affair, and yet the issue of the + whole was what nobody had in view. + </p> + <p> + The only things certainly known are that considerable uneasiness was at + this time excited at Paris by the delay of the King in not sanctioning and + forwarding the decrees of the National Assembly, particularly that of the + Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the decrees of the fourth of August, + which contained the foundation principles on which the constitution was to + be erected. The kindest, and perhaps the fairest conjecture upon this + matter is, that some of the ministers intended to make remarks and + observations upon certain parts of them before they were finally + sanctioned and sent to the provinces; but be this as it may, the enemies + of the Revolution derived hope from the delay, and the friends of the + Revolution uneasiness. + </p> + <p> + During this state of suspense, the Garde du Corps, which was composed as + such regiments generally are, of persons much connected with the Court, + gave an entertainment at Versailles (October 1) to some foreign regiments + then arrived; and when the entertainment was at the height, on a signal + given, the Garde du Corps tore the national cockade from their hats, + trampled it under foot, and replaced it with a counter-cockade prepared + for the purpose. An indignity of this kind amounted to defiance. It was + like declaring war; and if men will give challenges they must expect + consequences. But all this Mr. Burke has carefully kept out of sight. He + begins his account by saying: "History will record that on the morning of + the 6th October, 1789, the King and Queen of France, after a day of + confusion, alarm, dismay, and slaughter, lay down under the pledged + security of public faith to indulge nature in a few hours of respite, and + troubled melancholy repose." This is neither the sober style of history, + nor the intention of it. It leaves everything to be guessed at and + mistaken. One would at least think there had been a battle; and a battle + there probably would have been had it not been for the moderating prudence + of those whom Mr. Burke involves in his censures. By his keeping the Garde + du Corps out of sight Mr. Burke has afforded himself the dramatic licence + of putting the King and Queen in their places, as if the object of the + expedition was against them. But to return to my account this conduct of + the Garde du Corps, as might well be expected, alarmed and enraged the + Partisans. The colors of the cause, and the cause itself, were become too + united to mistake the intention of the insult, and the Partisans were + determined to call the Garde du Corps to an account. There was certainly + nothing of the cowardice of assassination in marching in the face of the + day to demand satisfaction, if such a phrase may be used, of a body of + armed men who had voluntarily given defiance. But the circumstance which + serves to throw this affair into embarrassment is, that the enemies of the + Revolution appear to have encouraged it as well as its friends. The one + hoped to prevent a civil war by checking it in time, and the other to make + one. The hopes of those opposed to the Revolution rested in making the + King of their party, and getting him from Versailles to Metz, where they + expected to collect a force and set up a standard. We have, therefore, two + different objects presenting themselves at the same time, and to be + accomplished by the same means: the one to chastise the Garde du Corps, + which was the object of the Partisans; the other to render the confusion + of such a scene an inducement to the King to set off for Metz. + </p> + <p> + On the 5th of October a very numerous body of women, and men in the + disguise of women, collected around the Hotel de Ville or town-hall at + Paris, and set off for Versailles. Their professed object was the Garde du + Corps; but prudent men readily recollect that mischief is more easily + begun than ended; and this impressed itself with the more force from the + suspicions already stated, and the irregularity of such a cavalcade. As + soon, therefore, as a sufficient force could be collected, M. de la + Fayette, by orders from the civil authority of Paris, set off after them + at the head of twenty thousand of the Paris militia. The Revolution could + derive no benefit from confusion, and its opposers might. By an amiable + and spirited manner of address he had hitherto been fortunate in calming + disquietudes, and in this he was extraordinarily successful; to frustrate, + therefore, the hopes of those who might seek to improve this scene into a + sort of justifiable necessity for the King's quitting Versailles and + withdrawing to Metz, and to prevent at the same time the consequences that + might ensue between the Garde du Corps and this phalanx of men and women, + he forwarded expresses to the King, that he was on his march to + Versailles, by the orders of the civil authority of Paris, for the purpose + of peace and protection, expressing at the same time the necessity of + restraining the Garde du Corps from firing upon the people.*<a + href="#Clinknote-3" name="Clinknoteref-3" id="Clinknoteref-3">3</a> + </p> + <p> + He arrived at Versailles between ten and eleven at night. The Garde du + Corps was drawn up, and the people had arrived some time before, but + everything had remained suspended. Wisdom and policy now consisted in + changing a scene of danger into a happy event. M. de la Fayette became the + mediator between the enraged parties; and the King, to remove the + uneasiness which had arisen from the delay already stated, sent for the + President of the National Assembly, and signed the Declaration of the + Rights of Man, and such other parts of the constitution as were in + readiness. + </p> + <p> + It was now about one in the morning. Everything appeared to be composed, + and a general congratulation took place. By the beat of a drum a + proclamation was made that the citizens of Versailles would give the + hospitality of their houses to their fellow-citizens of Paris. Those who + could not be accommodated in this manner remained in the streets, or took + up their quarters in the churches; and at two o'clock the King and Queen + retired. + </p> + <p> + In this state matters passed till the break of day, when a fresh + disturbance arose from the censurable conduct of some of both parties, for + such characters there will be in all such scenes. One of the Garde du + Corps appeared at one of the windows of the palace, and the people who had + remained during the night in the streets accosted him with reviling and + provocative language. Instead of retiring, as in such a case prudence + would have dictated, he presented his musket, fired, and killed one of the + Paris militia. The peace being thus broken, the people rushed into the + palace in quest of the offender. They attacked the quarters of the Garde + du Corps within the palace, and pursued them throughout the avenues of it, + and to the apartments of the King. On this tumult, not the Queen only, as + Mr. Burke has represented it, but every person in the palace, was awakened + and alarmed; and M. de la Fayette had a second time to interpose between + the parties, the event of which was that the Garde du Corps put on the + national cockade, and the matter ended as by oblivion, after the loss of + two or three lives. + </p> + <p> + During the latter part of the time in which this confusion was acting, the + King and Queen were in public at the balcony, and neither of them + concealed for safety's sake, as Mr. Burke insinuates. Matters being thus + appeased, and tranquility restored, a general acclamation broke forth of + Le Roi a Paris—Le Roi a Paris—The King to Paris. It was the + shout of peace, and immediately accepted on the part of the King. By this + measure all future projects of trapanning the King to Metz, and setting up + the standard of opposition to the constitution, were prevented, and the + suspicions extinguished. The King and his family reached Paris in the + evening, and were congratulated on their arrival by M. Bailly, the Mayor + of Paris, in the name of the citizens. Mr. Burke, who throughout his book + confounds things, persons, and principles, as in his remarks on M. + Bailly's address, confounded time also. He censures M. Bailly for calling + it "un bon jour," a good day. Mr. Burke should have informed himself that + this scene took up the space of two days, the day on which it began with + every appearance of danger and mischief, and the day on which it + terminated without the mischiefs that threatened; and that it is to this + peaceful termination that M. Bailly alludes, and to the arrival of the + King at Paris. Not less than three hundred thousand persons arranged + themselves in the procession from Versailles to Paris, and not an act of + molestation was committed during the whole march. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke on the authority of M. Lally Tollendal, a deserter from the + National Assembly, says that on entering Paris, the people shouted "Tous + les eveques a la lanterne." All Bishops to be hanged at the lanthorn or + lamp-posts. It is surprising that nobody could hear this but Lally + Tollendal, and that nobody should believe it but Mr. Burke. It has not the + least connection with any part of the transaction, and is totally foreign + to every circumstance of it. The Bishops had never been introduced before + into any scene of Mr. Burke's drama: why then are they, all at once, and + altogether, tout a coup, et tous ensemble, introduced now? Mr. Burke + brings forward his Bishops and his lanthorn-like figures in a magic + lanthorn, and raises his scenes by contrast instead of connection. But it + serves to show, with the rest of his book what little credit ought to be + given where even probability is set at defiance, for the purpose of + defaming; and with this reflection, instead of a soliloquy in praise of + chivalry, as Mr. Burke has done, I close the account of the expedition to + Versailles.*<a href="#Clinknote-4" name="Clinknoteref-4" + id="Clinknoteref-4">4</a> + </p> + <p> + I have now to follow Mr. Burke through a pathless wilderness of + rhapsodies, and a sort of descant upon governments, in which he asserts + whatever he pleases, on the presumption of its being believed, without + offering either evidence or reasons for so doing. + </p> + <p> + Before anything can be reasoned upon to a conclusion, certain facts, + principles, or data, to reason from, must be established, admitted, or + denied. Mr. Burke with his usual outrage, abused the Declaration of the + Rights of Man, published by the National Assembly of France, as the basis + on which the constitution of France is built. This he calls "paltry and + blurred sheets of paper about the rights of man." Does Mr. Burke mean to + deny that man has any rights? If he does, then he must mean that there are + no such things as rights anywhere, and that he has none himself; for who + is there in the world but man? But if Mr. Burke means to admit that man + has rights, the question then will be: What are those rights, and how man + came by them originally? + </p> + <p> + The error of those who reason by precedents drawn from antiquity, + respecting the rights of man, is that they do not go far enough into + antiquity. They do not go the whole way. They stop in some of the + intermediate stages of an hundred or a thousand years, and produce what + was then done, as a rule for the present day. This is no authority at all. + If we travel still farther into antiquity, we shall find a direct contrary + opinion and practice prevailing; and if antiquity is to be authority, a + thousand such authorities may be produced, successively contradicting each + other; but if we proceed on, we shall at last come out right; we shall + come to the time when man came from the hand of his Maker. What was he + then? Man. Man was his high and only title, and a higher cannot be given + him. But of titles I shall speak hereafter. + </p> + <p> + We are now got at the origin of man, and at the origin of his rights. As + to the manner in which the world has been governed from that day to this, + it is no farther any concern of ours than to make a proper use of the + errors or the improvements which the history of it presents. Those who + lived an hundred or a thousand years ago, were then moderns, as we are + now. They had their ancients, and those ancients had others, and we also + shall be ancients in our turn. If the mere name of antiquity is to govern + in the affairs of life, the people who are to live an hundred or a + thousand years hence, may as well take us for a precedent, as we make a + precedent of those who lived an hundred or a thousand years ago. The fact + is, that portions of antiquity, by proving everything, establish nothing. + It is authority against authority all the way, till we come to the divine + origin of the rights of man at the creation. Here our enquiries find a + resting-place, and our reason finds a home. If a dispute about the rights + of man had arisen at the distance of an hundred years from the creation, + it is to this source of authority they must have referred, and it is to + this same source of authority that we must now refer. + </p> + <p> + Though I mean not to touch upon any sectarian principle of religion, yet + it may be worth observing, that the genealogy of Christ is traced to Adam. + Why then not trace the rights of man to the creation of man? I will answer + the question. Because there have been upstart governments, thrusting + themselves between, and presumptuously working to un-make man. + </p> + <p> + If any generation of men ever possessed the right of dictating the mode by + which the world should be governed for ever, it was the first generation + that existed; and if that generation did it not, no succeeding generation + can show any authority for doing it, nor can set any up. The illuminating + and divine principle of the equal rights of man (for it has its origin + from the Maker of man) relates, not only to the living individuals, but to + generations of men succeeding each other. Every generation is equal in + rights to generations which preceded it, by the same rule that every + individual is born equal in rights with his contemporary. + </p> + <p> + Every history of the creation, and every traditionary account, whether + from the lettered or unlettered world, however they may vary in their + opinion or belief of certain particulars, all agree in establishing one + point, the unity of man; by which I mean that men are all of one degree, + and consequently that all men are born equal, and with equal natural + right, in the same manner as if posterity had been continued by creation + instead of generation, the latter being the only mode by which the former + is carried forward; and consequently every child born into the world must + be considered as deriving its existence from God. The world is as new to + him as it was to the first man that existed, and his natural right in it + is of the same kind. + </p> + <p> + The Mosaic account of the creation, whether taken as divine authority or + merely historical, is full to this point, the unity or equality of man. + The expression admits of no controversy. "And God said, Let us make man in + our own image. In the image of God created he him; male and female created + he them." The distinction of sexes is pointed out, but no other + distinction is even implied. If this be not divine authority, it is at + least historical authority, and shows that the equality of man, so far + from being a modern doctrine, is the oldest upon record. + </p> + <p> + It is also to be observed that all the religions known in the world are + founded, so far as they relate to man, on the unity of man, as being all + of one degree. Whether in heaven or in hell, or in whatever state man may + be supposed to exist hereafter, the good and the bad are the only + distinctions. Nay, even the laws of governments are obliged to slide into + this principle, by making degrees to consist in crimes and not in persons. + </p> + <p> + It is one of the greatest of all truths, and of the highest advantage to + cultivate. By considering man in this light, and by instructing him to + consider himself in this light, it places him in a close connection with + all his duties, whether to his Creator or to the creation, of which he is + a part; and it is only when he forgets his origin, or, to use a more + fashionable phrase, his birth and family, that he becomes dissolute. It is + not among the least of the evils of the present existing governments in + all parts of Europe that man, considered as man, is thrown back to a vast + distance from his Maker, and the artificial chasm filled up with a + succession of barriers, or sort of turnpike gates, through which he has to + pass. I will quote Mr. Burke's catalogue of barriers that he has set up + between man and his Maker. Putting himself in the character of a herald, + he says: "We fear God—we look with awe to kings—with affection + to Parliaments with duty to magistrates—with reverence to priests, + and with respect to nobility." Mr. Burke has forgotten to put in + "'chivalry." He has also forgotten to put in Peter. + </p> + <p> + The duty of man is not a wilderness of turnpike gates, through which he is + to pass by tickets from one to the other. It is plain and simple, and + consists but of two points. His duty to God, which every man must feel; + and with respect to his neighbor, to do as he would be done by. If those + to whom power is delegated do well, they will be respected: if not, they + will be despised; and with regard to those to whom no power is delegated, + but who assume it, the rational world can know nothing of them. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto we have spoken only (and that but in part) of the natural rights + of man. We have now to consider the civil rights of man, and to show how + the one originates from the other. Man did not enter into society to + become worse than he was before, nor to have fewer rights than he had + before, but to have those rights better secured. His natural rights are + the foundation of all his civil rights. But in order to pursue this + distinction with more precision, it will be necessary to mark the + different qualities of natural and civil rights. + </p> + <p> + A few words will explain this. Natural rights are those which appertain to + man in right of his existence. Of this kind are all the intellectual + rights, or rights of the mind, and also all those rights of acting as an + individual for his own comfort and happiness, which are not injurious to + the natural rights of others. Civil rights are those which appertain to + man in right of his being a member of society. Every civil right has for + its foundation some natural right pre-existing in the individual, but to + the enjoyment of which his individual power is not, in all cases, + sufficiently competent. Of this kind are all those which relate to + security and protection. + </p> + <p> + From this short review it will be easy to distinguish between that class + of natural rights which man retains after entering into society and those + which he throws into the common stock as a member of society. + </p> + <p> + The natural rights which he retains are all those in which the Power to + execute is as perfect in the individual as the right itself. Among this + class, as is before mentioned, are all the intellectual rights, or rights + of the mind; consequently religion is one of those rights. The natural + rights which are not retained, are all those in which, though the right is + perfect in the individual, the power to execute them is defective. They + answer not his purpose. A man, by natural right, has a right to judge in + his own cause; and so far as the right of the mind is concerned, he never + surrenders it. But what availeth it him to judge, if he has not power to + redress? He therefore deposits this right in the common stock of society, + and takes the ann of society, of which he is a part, in preference and in + addition to his own. Society grants him nothing. Every man is a proprietor + in society, and draws on the capital as a matter of right. + </p> + <p> + From these premisses two or three certain conclusions will follow: + </p> + <p> + First, That every civil right grows out of a natural right; or, in other + words, is a natural right exchanged. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, That civil power properly considered as such is made up of the + aggregate of that class of the natural rights of man, which becomes + defective in the individual in point of power, and answers not his + purpose, but when collected to a focus becomes competent to the Purpose of + every one. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, That the power produced from the aggregate of natural rights, + imperfect in power in the individual, cannot be applied to invade the + natural rights which are retained in the individual, and in which the + power to execute is as perfect as the right itself. + </p> + <p> + We have now, in a few words, traced man from a natural individual to a + member of society, and shown, or endeavoured to show, the quality of the + natural rights retained, and of those which are exchanged for civil + rights. Let us now apply these principles to governments. + </p> + <p> + In casting our eyes over the world, it is extremely easy to distinguish + the governments which have arisen out of society, or out of the social + compact, from those which have not; but to place this in a clearer light + than what a single glance may afford, it will be proper to take a review + of the several sources from which governments have arisen and on which + they have been founded. + </p> + <p> + They may be all comprehended under three heads. + </p> + <p> + First, Superstition. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Power. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, The common interest of society and the common rights of man. + </p> + <p> + The first was a government of priestcraft, the second of conquerors, and + the third of reason. + </p> + <p> + When a set of artful men pretended, through the medium of oracles, to hold + intercourse with the Deity, as familiarly as they now march up the + back-stairs in European courts, the world was completely under the + government of superstition. The oracles were consulted, and whatever they + were made to say became the law; and this sort of government lasted as + long as this sort of superstition lasted. + </p> + <p> + After these a race of conquerors arose, whose government, like that of + William the Conqueror, was founded in power, and the sword assumed the + name of a sceptre. Governments thus established last as long as the power + to support them lasts; but that they might avail themselves of every + engine in their favor, they united fraud to force, and set up an idol + which they called Divine Right, and which, in imitation of the Pope, who + affects to be spiritual and temporal, and in contradiction to the Founder + of the Christian religion, twisted itself afterwards into an idol of + another shape, called Church and State. The key of St. Peter and the key + of the Treasury became quartered on one another, and the wondering cheated + multitude worshipped the invention. + </p> + <p> + When I contemplate the natural dignity of man, when I feel (for Nature has + not been kind enough to me to blunt my feelings) for the honour and + happiness of its character, I become irritated at the attempt to govern + mankind by force and fraud, as if they were all knaves and fools, and can + scarcely avoid disgust at those who are thus imposed upon. + </p> + <p> + We have now to review the governments which arise out of society, in + contradistinction to those which arose out of superstition and conquest. + </p> + <p> + It has been thought a considerable advance towards establishing the + principles of Freedom to say that Government is a compact between those + who govern and those who are governed; but this cannot be true, because it + is putting the effect before the cause; for as man must have existed + before governments existed, there necessarily was a time when governments + did not exist, and consequently there could originally exist no governors + to form such a compact with. + </p> + <p> + The fact therefore must be that the individuals themselves, each in his + own personal and sovereign right, entered into a compact with each other + to produce a government: and this is the only mode in which governments + have a right to arise, and the only principle on which they have a right + to exist. + </p> + <p> + To possess ourselves of a clear idea of what government is, or ought to + be, we must trace it to its origin. In doing this we shall easily discover + that governments must have arisen either out of the people or over the + people. Mr. Burke has made no distinction. He investigates nothing to its + source, and therefore he confounds everything; but he has signified his + intention of undertaking, at some future opportunity, a comparison between + the constitution of England and France. As he thus renders it a subject of + controversy by throwing the gauntlet, I take him upon his own ground. It + is in high challenges that high truths have the right of appearing; and I + accept it with the more readiness because it affords me, at the same time, + an opportunity of pursuing the subject with respect to governments arising + out of society. + </p> + <p> + But it will be first necessary to define what is meant by a Constitution. + It is not sufficient that we adopt the word; we must fix also a standard + signification to it. + </p> + <p> + A constitution is not a thing in name only, but in fact. It has not an + ideal, but a real existence; and wherever it cannot be produced in a + visible form, there is none. A constitution is a thing antecedent to a + government, and a government is only the creature of a constitution. The + constitution of a country is not the act of its government, but of the + people constituting its government. It is the body of elements, to which + you can refer, and quote article by article; and which contains the + principles on which the government shall be established, the manner in + which it shall be organised, the powers it shall have, the mode of + elections, the duration of Parliaments, or by what other name such bodies + may be called; the powers which the executive part of the government shall + have; and in fine, everything that relates to the complete organisation of + a civil government, and the principles on which it shall act, and by which + it shall be bound. A constitution, therefore, is to a government what the + laws made afterwards by that government are to a court of judicature. The + court of judicature does not make the laws, neither can it alter them; it + only acts in conformity to the laws made: and the government is in like + manner governed by the constitution. + </p> + <p> + Can, then, Mr. Burke produce the English Constitution? If he cannot, we + may fairly conclude that though it has been so much talked about, no such + thing as a constitution exists, or ever did exist, and consequently that + the people have yet a constitution to form. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke will not, I presume, deny the position I have already advanced—namely, + that governments arise either out of the people or over the people. The + English Government is one of those which arose out of a conquest, and not + out of society, and consequently it arose over the people; and though it + has been much modified from the opportunity of circumstances since the + time of William the Conqueror, the country has never yet regenerated + itself, and is therefore without a constitution. + </p> + <p> + I readily perceive the reason why Mr. Burke declined going into the + comparison between the English and French constitutions, because he could + not but perceive, when he sat down to the task, that no such a thing as a + constitution existed on his side the question. His book is certainly bulky + enough to have contained all he could say on this subject, and it would + have been the best manner in which people could have judged of their + separate merits. Why then has he declined the only thing that was worth + while to write upon? It was the strongest ground he could take, if the + advantages were on his side, but the weakest if they were not; and his + declining to take it is either a sign that he could not possess it or + could not maintain it. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke said, in a speech last winter in Parliament, "that when the + National Assembly first met in three Orders (the Tiers Etat, the Clergy, + and the Noblesse), France had then a good constitution." This shows, among + numerous other instances, that Mr. Burke does not understand what a + constitution is. The persons so met were not a constitution, but a + convention, to make a constitution. + </p> + <p> + The present National Assembly of France is, strictly speaking, the + personal social compact. The members of it are the delegates of the nation + in its original character; future assemblies will be the delegates of the + nation in its organised character. The authority of the present Assembly + is different from what the authority of future Assemblies will be. The + authority of the present one is to form a constitution; the authority of + future assemblies will be to legislate according to the principles and + forms prescribed in that constitution; and if experience should hereafter + show that alterations, amendments, or additions are necessary, the + constitution will point out the mode by which such things shall be done, + and not leave it to the discretionary power of the future government. + </p> + <p> + A government on the principles on which constitutional governments arising + out of society are established, cannot have the right of altering itself. + If it had, it would be arbitrary. It might make itself what it pleased; + and wherever such a right is set up, it shows there is no constitution. + The act by which the English Parliament empowered itself to sit seven + years, shows there is no constitution in England. It might, by the same + self-authority, have sat any great number of years, or for life. The bill + which the present Mr. Pitt brought into Parliament some years ago, to + reform Parliament, was on the same erroneous principle. The right of + reform is in the nation in its original character, and the constitutional + method would be by a general convention elected for the purpose. There is, + moreover, a paradox in the idea of vitiated bodies reforming themselves. + </p> + <p> + From these preliminaries I proceed to draw some comparisons. I have + already spoken of the declaration of rights; and as I mean to be as + concise as possible, I shall proceed to other parts of the French + Constitution. + </p> + <p> + The constitution of France says that every man who pays a tax of sixty + sous per annum (2s. 6d. English) is an elector. What article will Mr. + Burke place against this? Can anything be more limited, and at the same + time more capricious, than the qualification of electors is in England? + Limited—because not one man in an hundred (I speak much within + compass) is admitted to vote. Capricious—because the lowest + character that can be supposed to exist, and who has not so much as the + visible means of an honest livelihood, is an elector in some places: while + in other places, the man who pays very large taxes, and has a known fair + character, and the farmer who rents to the amount of three or four hundred + pounds a year, with a property on that farm to three or four times that + amount, is not admitted to be an elector. Everything is out of nature, as + Mr. Burke says on another occasion, in this strange chaos, and all sorts + of follies are blended with all sorts of crimes. William the Conqueror and + his descendants parcelled out the country in this manner, and bribed some + parts of it by what they call charters to hold the other parts of it the + better subjected to their will. This is the reason why so many of those + charters abound in Cornwall; the people were averse to the Government + established at the Conquest, and the towns were garrisoned and bribed to + enslave the country. All the old charters are the badges of this conquest, + and it is from this source that the capriciousness of election arises. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution says that the number of representatives for any + place shall be in a ratio to the number of taxable inhabitants or + electors. What article will Mr. Burke place against this? The county of + York, which contains nearly a million of souls, sends two county members; + and so does the county of Rutland, which contains not an hundredth part of + that number. The old town of Sarum, which contains not three houses, sends + two members; and the town of Manchester, which contains upward of sixty + thousand souls, is not admitted to send any. Is there any principle in + these things? It is admitted that all this is altered, but there is much + to be done yet, before we have a fair representation of the people. Is + there anything by which you can trace the marks of freedom, or discover + those of wisdom? No wonder then Mr. Burke has declined the comparison, and + endeavored to lead his readers from the point by a wild, unsystematical + display of paradoxical rhapsodies. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution says that the National Assembly shall be elected + every two years. What article will Mr. Burke place against this? Why, that + the nation has no right at all in the case; that the government is + perfectly arbitrary with respect to this point; and he can quote for his + authority the precedent of a former Parliament. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution says there shall be no game laws, that the farmer + on whose lands wild game shall be found (for it is by the produce of his + lands they are fed) shall have a right to what he can take; that there + shall be no monopolies of any kind—that all trades shall be free and + every man free to follow any occupation by which he can procure an honest + livelihood, and in any place, town, or city throughout the nation. What + will Mr. Burke say to this? In England, game is made the property of those + at whose expense it is not fed; and with respect to monopolies, the + country is cut up into monopolies. Every chartered town is an + aristocratical monopoly in itself, and the qualification of electors + proceeds out of those chartered monopolies. Is this freedom? Is this what + Mr. Burke means by a constitution? + </p> + <p> + In these chartered monopolies, a man coming from another part of the + country is hunted from them as if he were a foreign enemy. An Englishman + is not free of his own country; every one of those places presents a + barrier in his way, and tells him he is not a freeman—that he has no + rights. Within these monopolies are other monopolies. In a city, such for + instance as Bath, which contains between twenty and thirty thousand + inhabitants, the right of electing representatives to Parliament is + monopolised by about thirty-one persons. And within these monopolies are + still others. A man even of the same town, whose parents were not in + circumstances to give him an occupation, is debarred, in many cases, from + the natural right of acquiring one, be his genius or industry what it may. + </p> + <p> + Are these things examples to hold out to a country regenerating itself + from slavery, like France? Certainly they are not, and certain am I, that + when the people of England come to reflect upon them they will, like + France, annihilate those badges of ancient oppression, those traces of a + conquered nation. Had Mr. Burke possessed talents similar to the author of + "On the Wealth of Nations." he would have comprehended all the parts which + enter into, and, by assemblage, form a constitution. He would have + reasoned from minutiae to magnitude. It is not from his prejudices only, + but from the disorderly cast of his genius, that he is unfitted for the + subject he writes upon. Even his genius is without a constitution. It is a + genius at random, and not a genius constituted. But he must say something. + He has therefore mounted in the air like a balloon, to draw the eyes of + the multitude from the ground they stand upon. + </p> + <p> + Much is to be learned from the French Constitution. Conquest and tyranny + transplanted themselves with William the Conqueror from Normandy into + England, and the country is yet disfigured with the marks. May, then, the + example of all France contribute to regenerate the freedom which a + province of it destroyed! + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution says that to preserve the national representation + from being corrupt, no member of the National Assembly shall be an officer + of the government, a placeman or a pensioner. What will Mr. Burke place + against this? I will whisper his answer: Loaves and Fishes. Ah! this + government of loaves and fishes has more mischief in it than people have + yet reflected on. The National Assembly has made the discovery, and it + holds out the example to the world. Had governments agreed to quarrel on + purpose to fleece their countries by taxes, they could not have succeeded + better than they have done. + </p> + <p> + Everything in the English government appears to me the reverse of what it + ought to be, and of what it is said to be. The Parliament, imperfectly and + capriciously elected as it is, is nevertheless supposed to hold the + national purse in trust for the nation; but in the manner in which an + English Parliament is constructed it is like a man being both mortgagor + and mortgagee, and in the case of misapplication of trust it is the + criminal sitting in judgment upon himself. If those who vote the supplies + are the same persons who receive the supplies when voted, and are to + account for the expenditure of those supplies to those who voted them, it + is themselves accountable to themselves, and the Comedy of Errors + concludes with the pantomime of Hush. Neither the Ministerial party nor + the Opposition will touch upon this case. The national purse is the common + hack which each mounts upon. It is like what the country people call "Ride + and tie—you ride a little way, and then I."*<a href="#Clinknote-5" + name="Clinknoteref-5" id="Clinknoteref-5">5</a> They order these things + better in France. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution says that the right of war and peace is in the + nation. Where else should it reside but in those who are to pay the + expense? + </p> + <p> + In England this right is said to reside in a metaphor shown at the Tower + for sixpence or a shilling a piece: so are the lions; and it would be a + step nearer to reason to say it resided in them, for any inanimate + metaphor is no more than a hat or a cap. We can all see the absurdity of + worshipping Aaron's molten calf, or Nebuchadnezzar's golden image; but why + do men continue to practise themselves the absurdities they despise in + others? + </p> + <p> + It may with reason be said that in the manner the English nation is + represented it signifies not where the right resides, whether in the Crown + or in the Parliament. War is the common harvest of all those who + participate in the division and expenditure of public money, in all + countries. It is the art of conquering at home; the object of it is an + increase of revenue; and as revenue cannot be increased without taxes, a + pretence must be made for expenditure. In reviewing the history of the + English Government, its wars and its taxes, a bystander, not blinded by + prejudice nor warped by interest, would declare that taxes were not raised + to carry on wars, but that wars were raised to carry on taxes. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke, as a member of the House of Commons, is a part of the English + Government; and though he professes himself an enemy to war, he abuses the + French Constitution, which seeks to explode it. He holds up the English + Government as a model, in all its parts, to France; but he should first + know the remarks which the French make upon it. They contend in favor of + their own, that the portion of liberty enjoyed in England is just enough + to enslave a country more productively than by despotism, and that as the + real object of all despotism is revenue, a government so formed obtains + more than it could do either by direct despotism, or in a full state of + freedom, and is, therefore on the ground of interest, opposed to both. + They account also for the readiness which always appears in such + governments for engaging in wars by remarking on the different motives + which produced them. In despotic governments wars are the effect of pride; + but in those governments in which they become the means of taxation, they + acquire thereby a more permanent promptitude. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution, therefore, to provide against both these evils, + has taken away the power of declaring war from kings and ministers, and + placed the right where the expense must fall. + </p> + <p> + When the question of the right of war and peace was agitating in the + National Assembly, the people of England appeared to be much interested in + the event, and highly to applaud the decision. As a principle it applies + as much to one country as another. William the Conqueror, as a conqueror, + held this power of war and peace in himself, and his descendants have ever + since claimed it under him as a right. + </p> + <p> + Although Mr. Burke has asserted the right of the Parliament at the + Revolution to bind and control the nation and posterity for ever, he + denies at the same time that the Parliament or the nation had any right to + alter what he calls the succession of the crown in anything but in part, + or by a sort of modification. By his taking this ground he throws the case + back to the Norman Conquest, and by thus running a line of succession + springing from William the Conqueror to the present day, he makes it + necessary to enquire who and what William the Conqueror was, and where he + came from, and into the origin, history and nature of what are called + prerogatives. Everything must have had a beginning, and the fog of time + and antiquity should be penetrated to discover it. Let, then, Mr. Burke + bring forward his William of Normandy, for it is to this origin that his + argument goes. It also unfortunately happens, in running this line of + succession, that another line parallel thereto presents itself, which is + that if the succession runs in the line of the conquest, the nation runs + in the line of being conquered, and it ought to rescue itself from this + reproach. + </p> + <p> + But it will perhaps be said that though the power of declaring war + descends in the heritage of the conquest, it is held in check by the right + of Parliament to withhold the supplies. It will always happen when a thing + is originally wrong that amendments do not make it right, and it often + happens that they do as much mischief one way as good the other, and such + is the case here, for if the one rashly declares war as a matter of right, + and the other peremptorily withholds the supplies as a matter of right, + the remedy becomes as bad, or worse, than the disease. The one forces the + nation to a combat, and the other ties its hands; but the more probable + issue is that the contest will end in a collusion between the parties, and + be made a screen to both. + </p> + <p> + On this question of war, three things are to be considered. First, the + right of declaring it: secondly, the expense of supporting it: thirdly, + the mode of conducting it after it is declared. The French Constitution + places the right where the expense must fall, and this union can only be + in the nation. The mode of conducting it after it is declared, it consigns + to the executive department. Were this the case in all countries, we + should hear but little more of wars. + </p> + <p> + Before I proceed to consider other parts of the French Constitution, and + by way of relieving the fatigue of argument, I will introduce an anecdote + which I had from Dr. Franklin. + </p> + <p> + While the Doctor resided in France as Minister from America, during the + war, he had numerous proposals made to him by projectors of every country + and of every kind, who wished to go to the land that floweth with milk and + honey, America; and among the rest, there was one who offered himself to + be king. He introduced his proposal to the Doctor by letter, which is now + in the hands of M. Beaumarchais, of Paris—stating, first, that as + the Americans had dismissed or sent away*<a href="#Clinknote-6" + name="Clinknoteref-6" id="Clinknoteref-6">6</a> their King, that they + would want another. Secondly, that himself was a Norman. Thirdly, that he + was of a more ancient family than the Dukes of Normandy, and of a more + honorable descent, his line having never been bastardised. Fourthly, that + there was already a precedent in England of kings coming out of Normandy, + and on these grounds he rested his offer, enjoining that the Doctor would + forward it to America. But as the Doctor neither did this, nor yet sent + him an answer, the projector wrote a second letter, in which he did not, + it is true, threaten to go over and conquer America, but only with great + dignity proposed that if his offer was not accepted, an acknowledgment of + about L30,000 might be made to him for his generosity! Now, as all + arguments respecting succession must necessarily connect that succession + with some beginning, Mr. Burke's arguments on this subject go to show that + there is no English origin of kings, and that they are descendants of the + Norman line in right of the Conquest. It may, therefore, be of service to + his doctrine to make this story known, and to inform him, that in case of + that natural extinction to which all mortality is subject, Kings may again + be had from Normandy, on more reasonable terms than William the Conqueror; + and consequently, that the good people of England, at the revolution of + 1688, might have done much better, had such a generous Norman as this + known their wants, and they had known his. The chivalric character which + Mr. Burke so much admires, is certainly much easier to make a bargain with + than a hard dealing Dutchman. But to return to the matters of the + constitution: The French Constitution says, There shall be no titles; and, + of consequence, all that class of equivocal generation which in some + countries is called "aristocracy" and in others "nobility," is done away, + and the peer is exalted into the Man. + </p> + <p> + Titles are but nicknames, and every nickname is a title. The thing is + perfectly harmless in itself, but it marks a sort of foppery in the human + character, which degrades it. It reduces man into the diminutive of man in + things which are great, and the counterfeit of women in things which are + little. It talks about its fine blue ribbon like a girl, and shows its new + garter like a child. A certain writer, of some antiquity, says: "When I + was a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away + childish things." + </p> + <p> + It is, properly, from the elevated mind of France that the folly of titles + has fallen. It has outgrown the baby clothes of Count and Duke, and + breeched itself in manhood. France has not levelled, it has exalted. It + has put down the dwarf, to set up the man. The punyism of a senseless word + like Duke, Count or Earl has ceased to please. Even those who possessed + them have disowned the gibberish, and as they outgrew the rickets, have + despised the rattle. The genuine mind of man, thirsting for its native + home, society, contemns the gewgaws that separate him from it. Titles are + like circles drawn by the magician's wand, to contract the sphere of man's + felicity. He lives immured within the Bastille of a word, and surveys at a + distance the envied life of man. + </p> + <p> + Is it, then, any wonder that titles should fall in France? Is it not a + greater wonder that they should be kept up anywhere? What are they? What + is their worth, and "what is their amount?" When we think or speak of a + Judge or a General, we associate with it the ideas of office and + character; we think of gravity in one and bravery in the other; but when + we use the word merely as a title, no ideas associate with it. Through all + the vocabulary of Adam there is not such an animal as a Duke or a Count; + neither can we connect any certain ideas with the words. Whether they mean + strength or weakness, wisdom or folly, a child or a man, or the rider or + the horse, is all equivocal. What respect then can be paid to that which + describes nothing, and which means nothing? Imagination has given figure + and character to centaurs, satyrs, and down to all the fairy tribe; but + titles baffle even the powers of fancy, and are a chimerical nondescript. + </p> + <p> + But this is not all. If a whole country is disposed to hold them in + contempt, all their value is gone, and none will own them. It is common + opinion only that makes them anything, or nothing, or worse than nothing. + There is no occasion to take titles away, for they take themselves away + when society concurs to ridicule them. This species of imaginary + consequence has visibly declined in every part of Europe, and it hastens + to its exit as the world of reason continues to rise. There was a time + when the lowest class of what are called nobility was more thought of than + the highest is now, and when a man in armour riding throughout Christendom + in quest of adventures was more stared at than a modern Duke. The world + has seen this folly fall, and it has fallen by being laughed at, and the + farce of titles will follow its fate. The patriots of France have + discovered in good time that rank and dignity in society must take a new + ground. The old one has fallen through. It must now take the substantial + ground of character, instead of the chimerical ground of titles; and they + have brought their titles to the altar, and made of them a burnt-offering + to Reason. + </p> + <p> + If no mischief had annexed itself to the folly of titles they would not + have been worth a serious and formal destruction, such as the National + Assembly have decreed them; and this makes it necessary to enquire farther + into the nature and character of aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + That, then, which is called aristocracy in some countries and nobility in + others arose out of the governments founded upon conquest. It was + originally a military order for the purpose of supporting military + government (for such were all governments founded in conquest); and to + keep up a succession of this order for the purpose for which it was + established, all the younger branches of those families were disinherited + and the law of primogenitureship set up. + </p> + <p> + The nature and character of aristocracy shows itself to us in this law. It + is the law against every other law of nature, and Nature herself calls for + its destruction. Establish family justice, and aristocracy falls. By the + aristocratical law of primogenitureship, in a family of six children five + are exposed. Aristocracy has never more than one child. The rest are + begotten to be devoured. They are thrown to the cannibal for prey, and the + natural parent prepares the unnatural repast. + </p> + <p> + As everything which is out of nature in man affects, more or less, the + interest of society, so does this. All the children which the aristocracy + disowns (which are all except the eldest) are, in general, cast like + orphans on a parish, to be provided for by the public, but at a greater + charge. Unnecessary offices and places in governments and courts are + created at the expense of the public to maintain them. + </p> + <p> + With what kind of parental reflections can the father or mother + contemplate their younger offspring? By nature they are children, and by + marriage they are heirs; but by aristocracy they are bastards and orphans. + They are the flesh and blood of their parents in the one line, and nothing + akin to them in the other. To restore, therefore, parents to their + children, and children to their parents relations to each other, and man + to society—and to exterminate the monster aristocracy, root and + branch—the French Constitution has destroyed the law of + Primogenitureship. Here then lies the monster; and Mr. Burke, if he + pleases, may write its epitaph. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto we have considered aristocracy chiefly in one point of view. We + have now to consider it in another. But whether we view it before or + behind, or sideways, or any way else, domestically or publicly, it is + still a monster. + </p> + <p> + In France aristocracy had one feature less in its countenance than what it + has in some other countries. It did not compose a body of hereditary + legislators. It was not "a corporation of aristocracy," for such I have + heard M. de la Fayette describe an English House of Peers. Let us then + examine the grounds upon which the French Constitution has resolved + against having such a House in France. + </p> + <p> + Because, in the first place, as is already mentioned, aristocracy is kept + up by family tyranny and injustice. + </p> + <p> + Secondly. Because there is an unnatural unfitness in an aristocracy to be + legislators for a nation. Their ideas of distributive justice are + corrupted at the very source. They begin life by trampling on all their + younger brothers and sisters, and relations of every kind, and are taught + and educated so to do. With what ideas of justice or honour can that man + enter a house of legislation, who absorbs in his own person the + inheritance of a whole family of children or doles out to them some + pitiful portion with the insolence of a gift? + </p> + <p> + Thirdly. Because the idea of hereditary legislators is as inconsistent as + that of hereditary judges, or hereditary juries; and as absurd as an + hereditary mathematician, or an hereditary wise man; and as ridiculous as + an hereditary poet laureate. + </p> + <p> + Fourthly. Because a body of men, holding themselves accountable to nobody, + ought not to be trusted by anybody. + </p> + <p> + Fifthly. Because it is continuing the uncivilised principle of governments + founded in conquest, and the base idea of man having property in man, and + governing him by personal right. + </p> + <p> + Sixthly. Because aristocracy has a tendency to deteriorate the human + species. By the universal economy of nature it is known, and by the + instance of the Jews it is proved, that the human species has a tendency + to degenerate, in any small number of persons, when separated from the + general stock of society, and inter-marrying constantly with each other. + It defeats even its pretended end, and becomes in time the opposite of + what is noble in man. Mr. Burke talks of nobility; let him show what it + is. The greatest characters the world have known have arisen on the + democratic floor. Aristocracy has not been able to keep a proportionate + pace with democracy. The artificial Noble shrinks into a dwarf before the + Noble of Nature; and in the few instances of those (for there are some in + all countries) in whom nature, as by a miracle, has survived in + aristocracy, Those Men Despise It.—But it is time to proceed to a + new subject. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution has reformed the condition of the clergy. It has + raised the income of the lower and middle classes, and taken from the + higher. None are now less than twelve hundred livres (fifty pounds + sterling), nor any higher than two or three thousand pounds. What will Mr. + Burke place against this? Hear what he says. + </p> + <p> + He says: "That the people of England can see without pain or grudging, an + archbishop precede a duke; they can see a Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop of + Winchester in possession of L10,000 a-year; and cannot see why it is in + worse hands than estates to a like amount, in the hands of this earl or + that squire." And Mr. Burke offers this as an example to France. + </p> + <p> + As to the first part, whether the archbishop precedes the duke, or the + duke the bishop, it is, I believe, to the people in general, somewhat like + Sternhold and Hopkins, or Hopkins and Sternhold; you may put which you + please first; and as I confess that I do not understand the merits of this + case, I will not contest it with Mr. Burke. + </p> + <p> + But with respect to the latter, I have something to say. Mr. Burke has not + put the case right. The comparison is out of order, by being put between + the bishop and the earl or the squire. It ought to be put between the + bishop and the curate, and then it will stand thus:—"The people of + England can see without pain or grudging, a Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop + of Winchester, in possession of ten thousand pounds a-year, and a curate + on thirty or forty pounds a-year, or less." No, sir, they certainly do not + see those things without great pain or grudging. It is a case that applies + itself to every man's sense of justice, and is one among many that calls + aloud for a constitution. + </p> + <p> + In France the cry of "the church! the church!" was repeated as often as in + Mr. Burke's book, and as loudly as when the Dissenters' Bill was before + the English Parliament; but the generality of the French clergy were not + to be deceived by this cry any longer. They knew that whatever the + pretence might be, it was they who were one of the principal objects of + it. It was the cry of the high beneficed clergy, to prevent any regulation + of income taking place between those of ten thousand pounds a-year and the + parish priest. They therefore joined their case to those of every other + oppressed class of men, and by this union obtained redress. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution has abolished tythes, that source of perpetual + discontent between the tythe-holder and the parishioner. When land is held + on tythe, it is in the condition of an estate held between two parties; + the one receiving one-tenth, and the other nine-tenths of the produce: and + consequently, on principles of equity, if the estate can be improved, and + made to produce by that improvement double or treble what it did before, + or in any other ratio, the expense of such improvement ought to be borne + in like proportion between the parties who are to share the produce. But + this is not the case in tythes: the farmer bears the whole expense, and + the tythe-holder takes a tenth of the improvement, in addition to the + original tenth, and by this means gets the value of two-tenths instead of + one. This is another case that calls for a constitution. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution hath abolished or renounced Toleration and + Intolerance also, and hath established Universal Right Of Conscience. + </p> + <p> + Toleration is not the opposite of Intolerance, but is the counterfeit of + it. Both are despotisms. The one assumes to itself the right of + withholding Liberty of Conscience, and the other of granting it. The one + is the Pope armed with fire and faggot, and the other is the Pope selling + or granting indulgences. The former is church and state, and the latter is + church and traffic. + </p> + <p> + But Toleration may be viewed in a much stronger light. Man worships not + himself, but his Maker; and the liberty of conscience which he claims is + not for the service of himself, but of his God. In this case, therefore, + we must necessarily have the associated idea of two things; the mortal who + renders the worship, and the Immortal Being who is worshipped. Toleration, + therefore, places itself, not between man and man, nor between church and + church, nor between one denomination of religion and another, but between + God and man; between the being who worships, and the Being who is + worshipped; and by the same act of assumed authority which it tolerates + man to pay his worship, it presumptuously and blasphemously sets itself up + to tolerate the Almighty to receive it. + </p> + <p> + Were a bill brought into any Parliament, entitled, "An Act to tolerate or + grant liberty to the Almighty to receive the worship of a Jew or Turk," or + "to prohibit the Almighty from receiving it," all men would startle and + call it blasphemy. There would be an uproar. The presumption of toleration + in religious matters would then present itself unmasked; but the + presumption is not the less because the name of "Man" only appears to + those laws, for the associated idea of the worshipper and the worshipped + cannot be separated. Who then art thou, vain dust and ashes! by whatever + name thou art called, whether a King, a Bishop, a Church, or a State, a + Parliament, or anything else, that obtrudest thine insignificance between + the soul of man and its Maker? Mind thine own concerns. If he believes not + as thou believest, it is a proof that thou believest not as he believes, + and there is no earthly power can determine between you. + </p> + <p> + With respect to what are called denominations of religion, if every one is + left to judge of its own religion, there is no such thing as a religion + that is wrong; but if they are to judge of each other's religion, there is + no such thing as a religion that is right; and therefore all the world is + right, or all the world is wrong. But with respect to religion itself, + without regard to names, and as directing itself from the universal family + of mankind to the Divine object of all adoration, it is man bringing to + his Maker the fruits of his heart; and though those fruits may differ from + each other like the fruits of the earth, the grateful tribute of every one + is accepted. + </p> + <p> + A Bishop of Durham, or a Bishop of Winchester, or the archbishop who heads + the dukes, will not refuse a tythe-sheaf of wheat because it is not a cock + of hay, nor a cock of hay because it is not a sheaf of wheat; nor a pig, + because it is neither one nor the other; but these same persons, under the + figure of an established church, will not permit their Maker to receive + the varied tythes of man's devotion. + </p> + <p> + One of the continual choruses of Mr. Burke's book is "Church and State." + He does not mean some one particular church, or some one particular state, + but any church and state; and he uses the term as a general figure to hold + forth the political doctrine of always uniting the church with the state + in every country, and he censures the National Assembly for not having + done this in France. Let us bestow a few thoughts on this subject. + </p> + <p> + All religions are in their nature kind and benign, and united with + principles of morality. They could not have made proselytes at first by + professing anything that was vicious, cruel, persecuting, or immoral. Like + everything else, they had their beginning; and they proceeded by + persuasion, exhortation, and example. How then is it that they lose their + native mildness, and become morose and intolerant? + </p> + <p> + It proceeds from the connection which Mr. Burke recommends. By engendering + the church with the state, a sort of mule-animal, capable only of + destroying, and not of breeding up, is produced, called the Church + established by Law. It is a stranger, even from its birth, to any parent + mother, on whom it is begotten, and whom in time it kicks out and + destroys. + </p> + <p> + The inquisition in Spain does not proceed from the religion originally + professed, but from this mule-animal, engendered between the church and + the state. The burnings in Smithfield proceeded from the same + heterogeneous production; and it was the regeneration of this strange + animal in England afterwards, that renewed rancour and irreligion among + the inhabitants, and that drove the people called Quakers and Dissenters + to America. Persecution is not an original feature in any religion; but it + is alway the strongly-marked feature of all law-religions, or religions + established by law. Take away the law-establishment, and every religion + re-assumes its original benignity. In America, a catholic priest is a good + citizen, a good character, and a good neighbour; an episcopalian minister + is of the same description: and this proceeds independently of the men, + from there being no law-establishment in America. + </p> + <p> + If also we view this matter in a temporal sense, we shall see the ill + effects it has had on the prosperity of nations. The union of church and + state has impoverished Spain. The revoking the edict of Nantes drove the + silk manufacture from that country into England; and church and state are + now driving the cotton manufacture from England to America and France. Let + then Mr. Burke continue to preach his antipolitical doctrine of Church and + State. It will do some good. The National Assembly will not follow his + advice, but will benefit by his folly. It was by observing the ill effects + of it in England, that America has been warned against it; and it is by + experiencing them in France, that the National Assembly have abolished it, + and, like America, have established Universal Right Of Conscience, And + Universal Right Of Citizenship.*<a href="#Clinknote-7" + name="Clinknoteref-7" id="Clinknoteref-7">7</a> + </p> + <p> + I will here cease the comparison with respect to the principles of the + French Constitution, and conclude this part of the subject with a few + observations on the organisation of the formal parts of the French and + English governments. + </p> + <p> + The executive power in each country is in the hands of a person styled the + King; but the French Constitution distinguishes between the King and the + Sovereign: It considers the station of King as official, and places + Sovereignty in the nation. + </p> + <p> + The representatives of the nation, who compose the National Assembly, and + who are the legislative power, originate in and from the people by + election, as an inherent right in the people.—In England it is + otherwise; and this arises from the original establishment of what is + called its monarchy; for, as by the conquest all the rights of the people + or the nation were absorbed into the hands of the Conqueror, and who added + the title of King to that of Conqueror, those same matters which in France + are now held as rights in the people, or in the nation, are held in + England as grants from what is called the crown. The Parliament in + England, in both its branches, was erected by patents from the descendants + of the Conqueror. The House of Commons did not originate as a matter of + right in the people to delegate or elect, but as a grant or boon. + </p> + <p> + By the French Constitution the nation is always named before the king. The + third article of the declaration of rights says: "The nation is + essentially the source (or fountain) of all sovereignty." Mr. Burke argues + that in England a king is the fountain—that he is the fountain of + all honour. But as this idea is evidently descended from the conquest I + shall make no other remark upon it, than that it is the nature of conquest + to turn everything upside down; and as Mr. Burke will not be refused the + privilege of speaking twice, and as there are but two parts in the figure, + the fountain and the spout, he will be right the second time. + </p> + <p> + The French Constitution puts the legislative before the executive, the law + before the king; la loi, le roi. This also is in the natural order of + things, because laws must have existence before they can have execution. + </p> + <p> + A king in France does not, in addressing himself to the National Assembly, + say, "My Assembly," similar to the phrase used in England of my + "Parliament"; neither can he use it consistently with the constitution, + nor could it be admitted. There may be propriety in the use of it in + England, because as is before mentioned, both Houses of Parliament + originated from what is called the crown by patent or boon—and not + from the inherent rights of the people, as the National Assembly does in + France, and whose name designates its origin. + </p> + <p> + The President of the National Assembly does not ask the King to grant to + the Assembly liberty of speech, as is the case with the English House of + Commons. The constitutional dignity of the National Assembly cannot debase + itself. Speech is, in the first place, one of the natural rights of man + always retained; and with respect to the National Assembly the use of it + is their duty, and the nation is their authority. They were elected by the + greatest body of men exercising the right of election the European world + ever saw. They sprung not from the filth of rotten boroughs, nor are they + the vassal representatives of aristocratical ones. Feeling the proper + dignity of their character they support it. Their Parliamentary language, + whether for or against a question, is free, bold and manly, and extends to + all the parts and circumstances of the case. If any matter or subject + respecting the executive department or the person who presides in it (the + king) comes before them it is debated on with the spirit of men, and in + the language of gentlemen; and their answer or their address is returned + in the same style. They stand not aloof with the gaping vacuity of vulgar + ignorance, nor bend with the cringe of sycophantic insignificance. The + graceful pride of truth knows no extremes, and preserves, in every + latitude of life, the right-angled character of man. + </p> + <p> + Let us now look to the other side of the question. In the addresses of the + English Parliaments to their kings we see neither the intrepid spirit of + the old Parliaments of France, nor the serene dignity of the present + National Assembly; neither do we see in them anything of the style of + English manners, which border somewhat on bluntness. Since then they are + neither of foreign extraction, nor naturally of English production, their + origin must be sought for elsewhere, and that origin is the Norman + Conquest. They are evidently of the vassalage class of manners, and + emphatically mark the prostrate distance that exists in no other condition + of men than between the conqueror and the conquered. That this vassalage + idea and style of speaking was not got rid of even at the Revolution of + 1688, is evident from the declaration of Parliament to William and Mary in + these words: "We do most humbly and faithfully submit ourselves, our heirs + and posterities, for ever." Submission is wholly a vassalage term, + repugnant to the dignity of freedom, and an echo of the language used at + the Conquest. + </p> + <p> + As the estimation of all things is given by comparison, the Revolution of + 1688, however from circumstances it may have been exalted beyond its + value, will find its level. It is already on the wane, eclipsed by the + enlarging orb of reason, and the luminous revolutions of America and + France. In less than another century it will go, as well as Mr. Burke's + labours, "to the family vault of all the Capulets." Mankind will then + scarcely believe that a country calling itself free would send to Holland + for a man, and clothe him with power on purpose to put themselves in fear + of him, and give him almost a million sterling a year for leave to submit + themselves and their posterity, like bondmen and bondwomen, for ever. + </p> + <p> + But there is a truth that ought to be made known; I have had the + opportunity of seeing it; which is, that notwithstanding appearances, + there is not any description of men that despise monarchy so much as + courtiers. But they well know, that if it were seen by others, as it is + seen by them, the juggle could not be kept up; they are in the condition + of men who get their living by a show, and to whom the folly of that show + is so familiar that they ridicule it; but were the audience to be made as + wise in this respect as themselves, there would be an end to the show and + the profits with it. The difference between a republican and a courtier + with respect to monarchy, is that the one opposes monarchy, believing it + to be something; and the other laughs at it, knowing it to be nothing. + </p> + <p> + As I used sometimes to correspond with Mr. Burke believing him then to be + a man of sounder principles than his book shows him to be, I wrote to him + last winter from Paris, and gave him an account how prosperously matters + were going on. Among other subjects in that letter, I referred to the + happy situation the National Assembly were placed in; that they had taken + ground on which their moral duty and their political interest were united. + They have not to hold out a language which they do not themselves believe, + for the fraudulent purpose of making others believe it. Their station + requires no artifice to support it, and can only be maintained by + enlightening mankind. It is not their interest to cherish ignorance, but + to dispel it. They are not in the case of a ministerial or an opposition + party in England, who, though they are opposed, are still united to keep + up the common mystery. The National Assembly must throw open a magazine of + light. It must show man the proper character of man; and the nearer it can + bring him to that standard, the stronger the National Assembly becomes. + </p> + <p> + In contemplating the French Constitution, we see in it a rational order of + things. The principles harmonise with the forms, and both with their + origin. It may perhaps be said as an excuse for bad forms, that they are + nothing more than forms; but this is a mistake. Forms grow out of + principles, and operate to continue the principles they grow from. It is + impossible to practise a bad form on anything but a bad principle. It + cannot be ingrafted on a good one; and wherever the forms in any + government are bad, it is a certain indication that the principles are bad + also. + </p> + <p> + I will here finally close this subject. I began it by remarking that Mr. + Burke had voluntarily declined going into a comparison of the English and + French Constitutions. He apologises (in page 241) for not doing it, by + saying that he had not time. Mr. Burke's book was upwards of eight months + in hand, and is extended to a volume of three hundred and sixty-six pages. + As his omission does injury to his cause, his apology makes it worse; and + men on the English side of the water will begin to consider, whether there + is not some radical defect in what is called the English constitution, + that made it necessary for Mr. Burke to suppress the comparison, to avoid + bringing it into view. + </p> + <p> + As Mr. Burke has not written on constitutions so neither has he written on + the French Revolution. He gives no account of its commencement or its + progress. He only expresses his wonder. "It looks," says he, "to me, as if + I were in a great crisis, not of the affairs of France alone, but of all + Europe, perhaps of more than Europe. All circumstances taken together, the + French Revolution is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in + the world." + </p> + <p> + As wise men are astonished at foolish things, and other people at wise + ones, I know not on which ground to account for Mr. Burke's astonishment; + but certain it is, that he does not understand the French Revolution. It + has apparently burst forth like a creation from a chaos, but it is no more + than the consequence of a mental revolution priorily existing in France. + The mind of the nation had changed beforehand, and the new order of things + has naturally followed the new order of thoughts. I will here, as + concisely as I can, trace out the growth of the French Revolution, and + mark the circumstances that have contributed to produce it. + </p> + <p> + The despotism of Louis XIV., united with the gaiety of his Court, and the + gaudy ostentation of his character, had so humbled, and at the same time + so fascinated the mind of France, that the people appeared to have lost + all sense of their own dignity, in contemplating that of their Grand + Monarch; and the whole reign of Louis XV., remarkable only for weakness + and effeminacy, made no other alteration than that of spreading a sort of + lethargy over the nation, from which it showed no disposition to rise. + </p> + <p> + The only signs which appeared to the spirit of Liberty during those + periods, are to be found in the writings of the French philosophers. + Montesquieu, President of the Parliament of Bordeaux, went as far as a + writer under a despotic government could well proceed; and being obliged + to divide himself between principle and prudence, his mind often appears + under a veil, and we ought to give him credit for more than he has + expressed. + </p> + <p> + Voltaire, who was both the flatterer and the satirist of despotism, took + another line. His forte lay in exposing and ridiculing the superstitions + which priest-craft, united with state-craft, had interwoven with + governments. It was not from the purity of his principles, or his love of + mankind (for satire and philanthropy are not naturally concordant), but + from his strong capacity of seeing folly in its true shape, and his + irresistible propensity to expose it, that he made those attacks. They + were, however, as formidable as if the motive had been virtuous; and he + merits the thanks rather than the esteem of mankind. + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, we find in the writings of Rousseau, and the Abbe Raynal, + a loveliness of sentiment in favour of liberty, that excites respect, and + elevates the human faculties; but having raised this animation, they do + not direct its operation, and leave the mind in love with an object, + without describing the means of possessing it. + </p> + <p> + The writings of Quesnay, Turgot, and the friends of those authors, are of + the serious kind; but they laboured under the same disadvantage with + Montesquieu; their writings abound with moral maxims of government, but + are rather directed to economise and reform the administration of the + government, than the government itself. + </p> + <p> + But all those writings and many others had their weight; and by the + different manner in which they treated the subject of government, + Montesquieu by his judgment and knowledge of laws, Voltaire by his wit, + Rousseau and Raynal by their animation, and Quesnay and Turgot by their + moral maxims and systems of economy, readers of every class met with + something to their taste, and a spirit of political inquiry began to + diffuse itself through the nation at the time the dispute between England + and the then colonies of America broke out. + </p> + <p> + In the war which France afterwards engaged in, it is very well known that + the nation appeared to be before-hand with the French ministry. Each of + them had its view; but those views were directed to different objects; the + one sought liberty, and the other retaliation on England. The French + officers and soldiers who after this went to America, were eventually + placed in the school of Freedom, and learned the practice as well as the + principles of it by heart. + </p> + <p> + As it was impossible to separate the military events which took place in + America from the principles of the American Revolution, the publication of + those events in France necessarily connected themselves with the + principles which produced them. Many of the facts were in themselves + principles; such as the declaration of American Independence, and the + treaty of alliance between France and America, which recognised the + natural rights of man, and justified resistance to oppression. + </p> + <p> + The then Minister of France, Count Vergennes, was not the friend of + America; and it is both justice and gratitude to say, that it was the + Queen of France who gave the cause of America a fashion at the French + Court. Count Vergennes was the personal and social friend of Dr. Franklin; + and the Doctor had obtained, by his sensible gracefulness, a sort of + influence over him; but with respect to principles Count Vergennes was a + despot. + </p> + <p> + The situation of Dr. Franklin, as Minister from America to France, should + be taken into the chain of circumstances. The diplomatic character is of + itself the narrowest sphere of society that man can act in. It forbids + intercourse by the reciprocity of suspicion; and a diplomatic is a sort of + unconnected atom, continually repelling and repelled. But this was not the + case with Dr. Franklin. He was not the diplomatic of a Court, but of Man. + His character as a philosopher had been long established, and his circle + of society in France was universal. + </p> + <p> + Count Vergennes resisted for a considerable time the publication in France + of American constitutions, translated into the French language: but even + in this he was obliged to give way to public opinion, and a sort of + propriety in admitting to appear what he had undertaken to defend. The + American constitutions were to liberty what a grammar is to language: they + define its parts of speech, and practically construct them into syntax. + </p> + <p> + The peculiar situation of the then Marquis de la Fayette is another link + in the great chain. He served in America as an American officer under a + commission of Congress, and by the universality of his acquaintance was in + close friendship with the civil government of America, as well as with the + military line. He spoke the language of the country, entered into the + discussions on the principles of government, and was always a welcome + friend at any election. + </p> + <p> + When the war closed, a vast reinforcement to the cause of Liberty spread + itself over France, by the return of the French officers and soldiers. A + knowledge of the practice was then joined to the theory; and all that was + wanting to give it real existence was opportunity. Man cannot, properly + speaking, make circumstances for his purpose, but he always has it in his + power to improve them when they occur, and this was the case in France. + </p> + <p> + M. Neckar was displaced in May, 1781; and by the ill-management of the + finances afterwards, and particularly during the extravagant + administration of M. Calonne, the revenue of France, which was nearly + twenty-four millions sterling per year, was become unequal to the + expenditure, not because the revenue had decreased, but because the + expenses had increased; and this was a circumstance which the nation laid + hold of to bring forward a Revolution. The English Minister, Mr. Pitt, has + frequently alluded to the state of the French finances in his budgets, + without understanding the subject. Had the French Parliaments been as + ready to register edicts for new taxes as an English Parliament is to + grant them, there had been no derangement in the finances, nor yet any + Revolution; but this will better explain itself as I proceed. + </p> + <p> + It will be necessary here to show how taxes were formerly raised in + France. The King, or rather the Court or Ministry acting under the use of + that name, framed the edicts for taxes at their own discretion, and sent + them to the Parliaments to be registered; for until they were registered + by the Parliaments they were not operative. Disputes had long existed + between the Court and the Parliaments with respect to the extent of the + Parliament's authority on this head. The Court insisted that the authority + of Parliaments went no farther than to remonstrate or show reasons against + the tax, reserving to itself the right of determining whether the reasons + were well or ill-founded; and in consequence thereof, either to withdraw + the edict as a matter of choice, or to order it to be unregistered as a + matter of authority. The Parliaments on their part insisted that they had + not only a right to remonstrate, but to reject; and on this ground they + were always supported by the nation. + </p> + <p> + But to return to the order of my narrative. M. Calonne wanted money: and + as he knew the sturdy disposition of the Parliaments with respect to new + taxes, he ingeniously sought either to approach them by a more gentle + means than that of direct authority, or to get over their heads by a + manoeuvre; and for this purpose he revived the project of assembling a + body of men from the several provinces, under the style of an "Assembly of + the Notables," or men of note, who met in 1787, and who were either to + recommend taxes to the Parliaments, or to act as a Parliament themselves. + An Assembly under this name had been called in 1617. + </p> + <p> + As we are to view this as the first practical step towards the Revolution, + it will be proper to enter into some particulars respecting it. The + Assembly of the Notables has in some places been mistaken for the + States-General, but was wholly a different body, the States-General being + always by election. The persons who composed the Assembly of the Notables + were all nominated by the king, and consisted of one hundred and forty + members. But as M. Calonne could not depend upon a majority of this + Assembly in his favour, he very ingeniously arranged them in such a manner + as to make forty-four a majority of one hundred and forty; to effect this + he disposed of them into seven separate committees, of twenty members + each. Every general question was to be decided, not by a majority of + persons, but by a majority of committee, and as eleven votes would make a + majority in a committee, and four committees a majority of seven, M. + Calonne had good reason to conclude that as forty-four would determine any + general question he could not be outvoted. But all his plans deceived him, + and in the event became his overthrow. + </p> + <p> + The then Marquis de la Fayette was placed in the second committee, of + which the Count D'Artois was president, and as money matters were the + object, it naturally brought into view every circumstance connected with + it. M. de la Fayette made a verbal charge against Calonne for selling + crown lands to the amount of two millions of livres, in a manner that + appeared to be unknown to the king. The Count D'Artois (as if to + intimidate, for the Bastille was then in being) asked the Marquis if he + would render the charge in writing? He replied that he would. The Count + D'Artois did not demand it, but brought a message from the king to that + purport. M. de la Fayette then delivered in his charge in writing, to be + given to the king, undertaking to support it. No farther proceedings were + had upon this affair, but M. Calonne was soon after dismissed by the king + and set off to England. + </p> + <p> + As M. de la Fayette, from the experience of what he had seen in America, + was better acquainted with the science of civil government than the + generality of the members who composed the Assembly of the Notables could + then be, the brunt of the business fell considerably to his share. The + plan of those who had a constitution in view was to contend with the Court + on the ground of taxes, and some of them openly professed their object. + Disputes frequently arose between Count D'Artois and M. de la Fayette upon + various subjects. With respect to the arrears already incurred the latter + proposed to remedy them by accommodating the expenses to the revenue + instead of the revenue to the expenses; and as objects of reform he + proposed to abolish the Bastille and all the State prisons throughout the + nation (the keeping of which was attended with great expense), and to + suppress Lettres de Cachet; but those matters were not then much attended + to, and with respect to Lettres de Cachet, a majority of the Nobles + appeared to be in favour of them. + </p> + <p> + On the subject of supplying the Treasury by new taxes the Assembly + declined taking the matter on themselves, concurring in the opinion that + they had not authority. In a debate on this subject M. de la Fayette said + that raising money by taxes could only be done by a National Assembly, + freely elected by the people, and acting as their representatives. Do you + mean, said the Count D'Artois, the States-General? M. de la Fayette + replied that he did. Will you, said the Count D'Artois, sign what you say + to be given to the king? The other replied that he would not only do this + but that he would go farther, and say that the effectual mode would be for + the king to agree to the establishment of a constitution. + </p> + <p> + As one of the plans had thus failed, that of getting the Assembly to act + as a Parliament, the other came into view, that of recommending. On this + subject the Assembly agreed to recommend two new taxes to be unregistered + by the Parliament: the one a stamp-tax and the other a territorial tax, or + sort of land-tax. The two have been estimated at about five millions + sterling per annum. We have now to turn our attention to the Parliaments, + on whom the business was again devolving. + </p> + <p> + The Archbishop of Thoulouse (since Archbishop of Sens, and now a + Cardinal), was appointed to the administration of the finances soon after + the dismission of Calonne. He was also made Prime Minister, an office that + did not always exist in France. When this office did not exist, the chief + of each of the principal departments transacted business immediately with + the King, but when a Prime Minister was appointed they did business only + with him. The Archbishop arrived to more state authority than any minister + since the Duke de Choiseul, and the nation was strongly disposed in his + favour; but by a line of conduct scarcely to be accounted for he perverted + every opportunity, turned out a despot, and sunk into disgrace, and a + Cardinal. + </p> + <p> + The Assembly of the Notables having broken up, the minister sent the + edicts for the two new taxes recommended by the Assembly to the + Parliaments to be unregistered. They of course came first before the + Parliament of Paris, who returned for answer: "that with such a revenue as + the nation then supported the name of taxes ought not to be mentioned but + for the purpose of reducing them"; and threw both the edicts out.*<a + href="#Clinknote-8" name="Clinknoteref-8" id="Clinknoteref-8">8</a> On + this refusal the Parliament was ordered to Versailles, where, in the usual + form, the King held what under the old government was called a Bed of + justice; and the two edicts were unregistered in presence of the + Parliament by an order of State, in the manner mentioned, earlier. On this + the Parliament immediately returned to Paris, renewed their session in + form, and ordered the enregistering to be struck out, declaring that + everything done at Versailles was illegal. All the members of the + Parliament were then served with Lettres de Cachet, and exiled to Troyes; + but as they continued as inflexible in exile as before, and as vengeance + did not supply the place of taxes, they were after a short time recalled + to Paris. + </p> + <p> + The edicts were again tendered to them, and the Count D'Artois undertook + to act as representative of the King. For this purpose he came from + Versailles to Paris, in a train of procession; and the Parliament were + assembled to receive him. But show and parade had lost their influence in + France; and whatever ideas of importance he might set off with, he had to + return with those of mortification and disappointment. On alighting from + his carriage to ascend the steps of the Parliament House, the crowd (which + was numerously collected) threw out trite expressions, saying: "This is + Monsieur D'Artois, who wants more of our money to spend." The marked + disapprobation which he saw impressed him with apprehensions, and the word + Aux armes! (To arms!) was given out by the officer of the guard who + attended him. It was so loudly vociferated, that it echoed through the + avenues of the house, and produced a temporary confusion. I was then + standing in one of the apartments through which he had to pass, and could + not avoid reflecting how wretched was the condition of a disrespected man. + </p> + <p> + He endeavoured to impress the Parliament by great words, and opened his + authority by saying, "The King, our Lord and Master." The Parliament + received him very coolly, and with their usual determination not to + register the taxes: and in this manner the interview ended. + </p> + <p> + After this a new subject took place: In the various debates and contests + which arose between the Court and the Parliaments on the subject of taxes, + the Parliament of Paris at last declared that although it had been + customary for Parliaments to enregister edicts for taxes as a matter of + convenience, the right belonged only to the States-General; and that, + therefore, the Parliament could no longer with propriety continue to + debate on what it had not authority to act. The King after this came to + Paris and held a meeting with the Parliament, in which he continued from + ten in the morning till about six in the evening, and, in a manner that + appeared to proceed from him as if unconsulted upon with the Cabinet or + Ministry, gave his word to the Parliament that the States-General should + be convened. + </p> + <p> + But after this another scene arose, on a ground different from all the + former. The Minister and the Cabinet were averse to calling the + States-General. They well knew that if the States-General were assembled, + themselves must fall; and as the King had not mentioned any time, they hit + on a project calculated to elude, without appearing to oppose. + </p> + <p> + For this purpose, the Court set about making a sort of constitution + itself. It was principally the work of M. Lamoignon, the Keeper of the + Seals, who afterwards shot himself. This new arrangement consisted in + establishing a body under the name of a Cour Pleniere, or Full Court, in + which were invested all the powers that the Government might have occasion + to make use of. The persons composing this Court were to be nominated by + the King; the contended right of taxation was given up on the part of the + King, and a new criminal code of laws and law proceedings was substituted + in the room of the former. The thing, in many points, contained better + principles than those upon which the Government had hitherto been + administered; but with respect to the Cour Pleniere, it was no other than + a medium through which despotism was to pass, without appearing to act + directly from itself. + </p> + <p> + The Cabinet had high expectations from their new contrivance. The people + who were to compose the Cour Pleniere were already nominated; and as it + was necessary to carry a fair appearance, many of the best characters in + the nation were appointed among the number. It was to commence on May 8, + 1788; but an opposition arose to it on two grounds the one as to + principle, the other as to form. + </p> + <p> + On the ground of Principle it was contended that Government had not a + right to alter itself, and that if the practice was once admitted it would + grow into a principle and be made a precedent for any future alterations + the Government might wish to establish: that the right of altering the + Government was a national right, and not a right of Government. And on the + ground of form it was contended that the Cour Pleniere was nothing more + than a larger Cabinet. + </p> + <p> + The then Duke de la Rochefoucault, Luxembourg, De Noailles, and many + others, refused to accept the nomination, and strenuously opposed the + whole plan. When the edict for establishing this new court was sent to the + Parliaments to be unregistered and put into execution, they resisted also. + The Parliament of Paris not only refused, but denied the authority; and + the contest renewed itself between the Parliament and the Cabinet more + strongly than ever. While the Parliament were sitting in debate on this + subject, the Ministry ordered a regiment of soldiers to surround the House + and form a blockade. The members sent out for beds and provisions, and + lived as in a besieged citadel: and as this had no effect, the commanding + officer was ordered to enter the Parliament House and seize them, which he + did, and some of the principal members were shut up in different prisons. + About the same time a deputation of persons arrived from the province of + Brittany to remonstrate against the establishment of the Cour Pleniere, + and those the archbishop sent to the Bastille. But the spirit of the + nation was not to be overcome, and it was so fully sensible of the strong + ground it had taken—that of withholding taxes—that it + contented itself with keeping up a sort of quiet resistance, which + effectually overthrew all the plans at that time formed against it. The + project of the Cour Pleniere was at last obliged to be given up, and the + Prime Minister not long afterwards followed its fate, and M. Neckar was + recalled into office. + </p> + <p> + The attempt to establish the Cour Pleniere had an effect upon the nation + which itself did not perceive. It was a sort of new form of government + that insensibly served to put the old one out of sight and to unhinge it + from the superstitious authority of antiquity. It was Government + dethroning Government; and the old one, by attempting to make a new one, + made a chasm. + </p> + <p> + The failure of this scheme renewed the subject of convening the + State-General; and this gave rise to a new series of politics. There was + no settled form for convening the States-General: all that it positively + meant was a deputation from what was then called the Clergy, the Noblesse, + and the Commons; but their numbers or their proportions had not been + always the same. They had been convened only on extraordinary occasions, + the last of which was in 1614; their numbers were then in equal + proportions, and they voted by orders. + </p> + <p> + It could not well escape the sagacity of M. Neckar, that the mode of 1614 + would answer neither the purpose of the then government nor of the nation. + As matters were at that time circumstanced it would have been too + contentious to agree upon anything. The debates would have been endless + upon privileges and exemptions, in which neither the wants of the + Government nor the wishes of the nation for a Constitution would have been + attended to. But as he did not choose to take the decision upon himself, + he summoned again the Assembly of the Notables and referred it to them. + This body was in general interested in the decision, being chiefly of + aristocracy and high-paid clergy, and they decided in favor of the mode of + 1614. This decision was against the sense of the Nation, and also against + the wishes of the Court; for the aristocracy opposed itself to both and + contended for privileges independent of either. The subject was then taken + up by the Parliament, who recommended that the number of the Commons + should be equal to the other two: and they should all sit in one house and + vote in one body. The number finally determined on was 1,200; 600 to be + chosen by the Commons (and this was less than their proportion ought to + have been when their worth and consequence is considered on a national + scale), 300 by the Clergy, and 300 by the Aristocracy; but with respect to + the mode of assembling themselves, whether together or apart, or the + manner in which they should vote, those matters were referred.*<a + href="#Clinknote-9" name="Clinknoteref-9" id="Clinknoteref-9">9</a> + </p> + <p> + The election that followed was not a contested election, but an animated + one. The candidates were not men, but principles. Societies were formed in + Paris, and committees of correspondence and communication established + throughout the nation, for the purpose of enlightening the people, and + explaining to them the principles of civil government; and so orderly was + the election conducted, that it did not give rise even to the rumour of + tumult. + </p> + <p> + The States-General were to meet at Versailles in April 1789, but did not + assemble till May. They situated themselves in three separate chambers, or + rather the Clergy and Aristocracy withdrew each into a separate chamber. + The majority of the Aristocracy claimed what they called the privilege of + voting as a separate body, and of giving their consent or their negative + in that manner; and many of the bishops and the high-beneficed clergy + claimed the same privilege on the part of their Order. + </p> + <p> + The Tiers Etat (as they were then called) disowned any knowledge of + artificial orders and artificial privileges; and they were not only + resolute on this point, but somewhat disdainful. They began to consider + the Aristocracy as a kind of fungus growing out of the corruption of + society, that could not be admitted even as a branch of it; and from the + disposition the Aristocracy had shown by upholding Lettres de Cachet, and + in sundry other instances, it was manifest that no constitution could be + formed by admitting men in any other character than as National Men. + </p> + <p> + After various altercations on this head, the Tiers Etat or Commons (as + they were then called) declared themselves (on a motion made for that + purpose by the Abbe Sieyes) "The Representative Of The Nation; and that + the two Orders could be considered but as deputies of corporations, and + could only have a deliberate voice when they assembled in a national + character with the national representatives." This proceeding extinguished + the style of Etats Generaux, or States-General, and erected it into the + style it now bears, that of L'Assemblee Nationale, or National Assembly. + </p> + <p> + This motion was not made in a precipitate manner. It was the result of + cool deliberation, and concerned between the national representatives and + the patriotic members of the two chambers, who saw into the folly, + mischief, and injustice of artificial privileged distinctions. It was + become evident, that no constitution, worthy of being called by that name, + could be established on anything less than a national ground. The + Aristocracy had hitherto opposed the despotism of the Court, and affected + the language of patriotism; but it opposed it as its rival (as the English + Barons opposed King John) and it now opposed the nation from the same + motives. + </p> + <p> + On carrying this motion, the national representatives, as had been + concerted, sent an invitation to the two chambers, to unite with them in a + national character, and proceed to business. A majority of the clergy, + chiefly of the parish priests, withdrew from the clerical chamber, and + joined the nation; and forty-five from the other chamber joined in like + manner. There is a sort of secret history belonging to this last + circumstance, which is necessary to its explanation; it was not judged + prudent that all the patriotic members of the chamber styling itself the + Nobles, should quit it at once; and in consequence of this arrangement, + they drew off by degrees, always leaving some, as well to reason the case, + as to watch the suspected. In a little time the numbers increased from + forty-five to eighty, and soon after to a greater number; which, with the + majority of the clergy, and the whole of the national representatives, put + the malcontents in a very diminutive condition. + </p> + <p> + The King, who, very different from the general class called by that name, + is a man of a good heart, showed himself disposed to recommend a union of + the three chambers, on the ground the National Assembly had taken; but the + malcontents exerted themselves to prevent it, and began now to have + another project in view. Their numbers consisted of a majority of the + aristocratical chamber, and the minority of the clerical chamber, chiefly + of bishops and high-beneficed clergy; and these men were determined to put + everything to issue, as well by strength as by stratagem. They had no + objection to a constitution; but it must be such a one as themselves + should dictate, and suited to their own views and particular situations. + On the other hand, the Nation disowned knowing anything of them but as + citizens, and was determined to shut out all such up-start pretensions. + The more aristocracy appeared, the more it was despised; there was a + visible imbecility and want of intellects in the majority, a sort of je ne + sais quoi, that while it affected to be more than citizen, was less than + man. It lost ground from contempt more than from hatred; and was rather + jeered at as an ass, than dreaded as a lion. This is the general character + of aristocracy, or what are called Nobles or Nobility, or rather + No-ability, in all countries. + </p> + <p> + The plan of the malcontents consisted now of two things; either to + deliberate and vote by chambers (or orders), more especially on all + questions respecting a Constitution (by which the aristocratical chamber + would have had a negative on any article of the Constitution); or, in case + they could not accomplish this object, to overthrow the National Assembly + entirely. + </p> + <p> + To effect one or other of these objects they began to cultivate a + friendship with the despotism they had hitherto attempted to rival, and + the Count D'Artois became their chief. The king (who has since declared + himself deceived into their measures) held, according to the old form, a + Bed of Justice, in which he accorded to the deliberation and vote par tete + (by head) upon several subjects; but reserved the deliberation and vote + upon all questions respecting a constitution to the three chambers + separately. This declaration of the king was made against the advice of M. + Neckar, who now began to perceive that he was growing out of fashion at + Court, and that another minister was in contemplation. + </p> + <p> + As the form of sitting in separate chambers was yet apparently kept up, + though essentially destroyed, the national representatives immediately + after this declaration of the King resorted to their own chambers to + consult on a protest against it; and the minority of the chamber (calling + itself the Nobles), who had joined the national cause, retired to a + private house to consult in like manner. The malcontents had by this time + concerted their measures with the court, which the Count D'Artois + undertook to conduct; and as they saw from the discontent which the + declaration excited, and the opposition making against it, that they could + not obtain a control over the intended constitution by a separate vote, + they prepared themselves for their final object—that of conspiring + against the National Assembly, and overthrowing it. + </p> + <p> + The next morning the door of the chamber of the National Assembly was shut + against them, and guarded by troops; and the members were refused + admittance. On this they withdrew to a tennis-ground in the neighbourhood + of Versailles, as the most convenient place they could find, and, after + renewing their session, took an oath never to separate from each other, + under any circumstance whatever, death excepted, until they had + established a constitution. As the experiment of shutting up the house had + no other effect than that of producing a closer connection in the members, + it was opened again the next day, and the public business recommenced in + the usual place. + </p> + <p> + We are now to have in view the forming of the new ministry, which was to + accomplish the overthrow of the National Assembly. But as force would be + necessary, orders were issued to assemble thirty thousand troops, the + command of which was given to Broglio, one of the intended new ministry, + who was recalled from the country for this purpose. But as some management + was necessary to keep this plan concealed till the moment it should be + ready for execution, it is to this policy that a declaration made by Count + D'Artois must be attributed, and which is here proper to be introduced. + </p> + <p> + It could not but occur while the malcontents continued to resort to their + chambers separate from the National Assembly, more jealousy would be + excited than if they were mixed with it, and that the plot might be + suspected. But as they had taken their ground, and now wanted a pretence + for quitting it, it was necessary that one should be devised. This was + effectually accomplished by a declaration made by the Count D'Artois: + "That if they took not a Part in the National Assembly, the life of the + king would be endangered": on which they quitted their chambers, and mixed + with the Assembly, in one body. + </p> + <p> + At the time this declaration was made, it was generally treated as a piece + of absurdity in Count D'Artois calculated merely to relieve the + outstanding members of the two chambers from the diminutive situation they + were put in; and if nothing more had followed, this conclusion would have + been good. But as things best explain themselves by their events, this + apparent union was only a cover to the machinations which were secretly + going on; and the declaration accommodated itself to answer that purpose. + In a little time the National Assembly found itself surrounded by troops, + and thousands more were daily arriving. On this a very strong declaration + was made by the National Assembly to the King, remonstrating on the + impropriety of the measure, and demanding the reason. The King, who was + not in the secret of this business, as himself afterwards declared, gave + substantially for answer, that he had no other object in view than to + preserve the public tranquility, which appeared to be much disturbed. + </p> + <p> + But in a few days from this time the plot unravelled itself M. Neckar and + the ministry were displaced, and a new one formed of the enemies of the + Revolution; and Broglio, with between twenty-five and thirty thousand + foreign troops, was arrived to support them. The mask was now thrown off, + and matters were come to a crisis. The event was that in a space of three + days the new ministry and their abettors found it prudent to fly the + nation; the Bastille was taken, and Broglio and his foreign troops + dispersed, as is already related in the former part of this work. + </p> + <p> + There are some curious circumstances in the history of this short-lived + ministry, and this short-lived attempt at a counter-revolution. The Palace + of Versailles, where the Court was sitting, was not more than four hundred + yards distant from the hall where the National Assembly was sitting. The + two places were at this moment like the separate headquarters of two + combatant armies; yet the Court was as perfectly ignorant of the + information which had arrived from Paris to the National Assembly, as if + it had resided at an hundred miles distance. The then Marquis de la + Fayette, who (as has been already mentioned) was chosen to preside in the + National Assembly on this particular occasion, named by order of the + Assembly three successive deputations to the king, on the day and up to + the evening on which the Bastille was taken, to inform and confer with him + on the state of affairs; but the ministry, who knew not so much as that it + was attacked, precluded all communication, and were solacing themselves + how dextrously they had succeeded; but in a few hours the accounts arrived + so thick and fast that they had to start from their desks and run. Some + set off in one disguise, and some in another, and none in their own + character. Their anxiety now was to outride the news, lest they should be + stopt, which, though it flew fast, flew not so fast as themselves. + </p> + <p> + It is worth remarking that the National Assembly neither pursued those + fugitive conspirators, nor took any notice of them, nor sought to + retaliate in any shape whatever. Occupied with establishing a constitution + founded on the Rights of Man and the Authority of the People, the only + authority on which Government has a right to exist in any country, the + National Assembly felt none of those mean passions which mark the + character of impertinent governments, founding themselves on their own + authority, or on the absurdity of hereditary succession. It is the faculty + of the human mind to become what it contemplates, and to act in unison + with its object. + </p> + <p> + The conspiracy being thus dispersed, one of the first works of the + National Assembly, instead of vindictive proclamations, as has been the + case with other governments, was to publish a declaration of the Rights of + Man, as the basis on which the new constitution was to be built, and which + is here subjoined: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Declaration + + Of The + + Rights Of Man And Of Citizens + + By The National Assembly Of France +</pre> + <p> + The representatives of the people of France, formed into a National + Assembly, considering that ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human + rights, are the sole causes of public misfortunes and corruptions of + Government, have resolved to set forth in a solemn declaration, these + natural, imprescriptible, and inalienable rights: that this declaration + being constantly present to the minds of the members of the body social, + they may be forever kept attentive to their rights and their duties; that + the acts of the legislative and executive powers of Government, being + capable of being every moment compared with the end of political + institutions, may be more respected; and also, that the future claims of + the citizens, being directed by simple and incontestable principles, may + always tend to the maintenance of the Constitution, and the general + happiness. + </p> + <p> + For these reasons the National Assembly doth recognize and declare, in the + presence of the Supreme Being, and with the hope of his blessing and + favour, the following sacred rights of men and of citizens: + </p> + <p> + One: Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of their + Rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on Public + Utility. + </p> + <p> + Two: The end of all Political associations is the Preservation of the + Natural and Imprescriptible Rights of Man; and these rights are Liberty, + Property, Security, and Resistance of Oppression. + </p> + <p> + Three: The Nation is essentially the source of all Sovereignty; nor can + any individual, or any body of Men, be entitled to any authority which is + not expressly derived from it. + </p> + <p> + Four: Political Liberty consists in the power of doing whatever does not + Injure another. The exercise of the Natural Rights of every Man, has no + other limits than those which are necessary to secure to every other Man + the Free exercise of the same Rights; and these limits are determinable + only by the Law. + </p> + <p> + Five: The Law ought to Prohibit only actions hurtful to Society. What is + not Prohibited by the Law should not be hindered; nor should anyone be + compelled to that which the Law does not Require. + </p> + <p> + Six: the Law is an expression of the Will of the Community. All Citizens + have a right to concur, either personally or by their Representatives, in + its formation. It Should be the same to all, whether it protects or + punishes; and all being equal in its sight, are equally eligible to all + Honours, Places, and employments, according to their different abilities, + without any other distinction than that created by their Virtues and + talents. + </p> + <p> + Seven: No Man should be accused, arrested, or held in confinement, except + in cases determined by the Law, and according to the forms which it has + prescribed. All who promote, solicit, execute, or cause to be executed, + arbitrary orders, ought to be punished, and every Citizen called upon, or + apprehended by virtue of the Law, ought immediately to obey, and renders + himself culpable by resistance. + </p> + <p> + Eight: The Law ought to impose no other penalties but such as are + absolutely and evidently necessary; and no one ought to be punished, but + in virtue of a Law promulgated before the offence, and Legally applied. + </p> + <p> + Nine: Every Man being presumed innocent till he has been convicted, + whenever his detention becomes indispensable, all rigour to him, more than + is necessary to secure his person, ought to be provided against by the + Law. + </p> + <p> + Ten: No Man ought to be molested on account of his opinions, not even on + account of his Religious opinions, provided his avowal of them does not + disturb the Public Order established by the Law. + </p> + <p> + Eleven: The unrestrained communication of thoughts and opinions being one + of the Most Precious Rights of Man, every Citizen may speak, write, and + publish freely, provided he is responsible for the abuse of this Liberty, + in cases determined by the Law. + </p> + <p> + Twelve: A Public force being necessary to give security to the Rights of + Men and of Citizens, that force is instituted for the benefit of the + Community and not for the particular benefit of the persons to whom it is + intrusted. + </p> + <p> + Thirteen: A common contribution being necessary for the support of the + Public force, and for defraying the other expenses of Government, it ought + to be divided equally among the Members of the Community, according to + their abilities. + </p> + <p> + Fourteen: every Citizen has a Right, either by himself or his + Representative, to a free voice in determining the necessity of Public + Contributions, the appropriation of them, and their amount, mode of + assessment, and duration. + </p> + <p> + Fifteen: every Community has a Right to demand of all its agents an + account of their conduct. + </p> + <p> + Sixteen: every Community in which a Separation of Powers and a Security of + Rights is not Provided for, wants a Constitution. + </p> + <p> + Seventeen: The Right to Property being inviolable and sacred, no one ought + to be deprived of it, except in cases of evident Public necessity, legally + ascertained, and on condition of a previous just Indemnity. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0007" id="Clink2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + OBSERVATIONS ON THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS + </h2> + <p> + The first three articles comprehend in general terms the whole of a + Declaration of Rights, all the succeeding articles either originate from + them or follow as elucidations. The 4th, 5th, and 6th define more + particularly what is only generally expressed in the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd. + </p> + <p> + The 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th articles are declaratory of principles + upon which laws shall be constructed, conformable to rights already + declared. But it is questioned by some very good people in France, as well + as in other countries, whether the 10th article sufficiently guarantees + the right it is intended to accord with; besides which it takes off from + the divine dignity of religion, and weakens its operative force upon the + mind, to make it a subject of human laws. It then presents itself to man + like light intercepted by a cloudy medium, in which the source of it is + obscured from his sight, and he sees nothing to reverence in the dusky + ray.*<a href="#Clinknote-10" name="Clinknoteref-10" id="Clinknoteref-10">10</a> + </p> + <p> + The remaining articles, beginning with the twelfth, are substantially + contained in the principles of the preceding articles; but in the + particular situation in which France then was, having to undo what was + wrong, as well as to set up what was right, it was proper to be more + particular than what in another condition of things would be necessary. + </p> + <p> + While the Declaration of Rights was before the National Assembly some of + its members remarked that if a declaration of rights were published it + should be accompanied by a Declaration of Duties. The observation + discovered a mind that reflected, and it only erred by not reflecting far + enough. A Declaration of Rights is, by reciprocity, a Declaration of + Duties also. Whatever is my right as a man is also the right of another; + and it becomes my duty to guarantee as well as to possess. + </p> + <p> + The three first articles are the base of Liberty, as well individual as + national; nor can any country be called free whose government does not + take its beginning from the principles they contain, and continue to + preserve them pure; and the whole of the Declaration of Rights is of more + value to the world, and will do more good, than all the laws and statutes + that have yet been promulgated. + </p> + <p> + In the declaratory exordium which prefaces the Declaration of Rights we + see the solemn and majestic spectacle of a nation opening its commission, + under the auspices of its Creator, to establish a Government, a scene so + new, and so transcendantly unequalled by anything in the European world, + that the name of a Revolution is diminutive of its character, and it rises + into a Regeneration of man. What are the present Governments of Europe but + a scene of iniquity and oppression? What is that of England? Do not its + own inhabitants say it is a market where every man has his price, and + where corruption is common traffic at the expense of a deluded people? No + wonder, then, that the French Revolution is traduced. Had it confined + itself merely to the destruction of flagrant despotism perhaps Mr. Burke + and some others had been silent. Their cry now is, "It has gone too far"—that + is, it has gone too far for them. It stares corruption in the face, and + the venal tribe are all alarmed. Their fear discovers itself in their + outrage, and they are but publishing the groans of a wounded vice. But + from such opposition the French Revolution, instead of suffering, receives + an homage. The more it is struck the more sparks it will emit; and the + fear is it will not be struck enough. It has nothing to dread from + attacks; truth has given it an establishment, and time will record it with + a name as lasting as his own. + </p> + <p> + Having now traced the progress of the French Revolution through most of + its principal stages, from its commencement to the taking of the Bastille, + and its establishment by the Declaration of Rights, I will close the + subject with the energetic apostrophe of M. de la Fayette, "May this great + monument, raised to Liberty, serve as a lesson to the oppressor, and an + example to the oppressed!"*<a href="#Clinknote-11" name="Clinknoteref-11" + id="Clinknoteref-11">11</a> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + MISCELLANEOUS CHAPTER +</pre> + <p> + To prevent interrupting the argument in the preceding part of this work, + or the narrative that follows it, I reserved some observations to be + thrown together in a Miscellaneous Chapter; by which variety might not be + censured for confusion. Mr. Burke's book is all Miscellany. His intention + was to make an attack on the French Revolution; but instead of proceeding + with an orderly arrangement, he has stormed it with a mob of ideas + tumbling over and destroying one another. + </p> + <p> + But this confusion and contradiction in Mr. Burke's Book is easily + accounted for.—When a man in a wrong cause attempts to steer his + course by anything else than some polar truth or principle, he is sure to + be lost. It is beyond the compass of his capacity to keep all the parts of + an argument together, and make them unite in one issue, by any other means + than having this guide always in view. Neither memory nor invention will + supply the want of it. The former fails him, and the latter betrays him. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the nonsense, for it deserves no better name, that Mr. + Burke has asserted about hereditary rights, and hereditary succession, and + that a Nation has not a right to form a Government of itself; it happened + to fall in his way to give some account of what Government is. + "Government," says he, "is a contrivance of human wisdom." + </p> + <p> + Admitting that government is a contrivance of human wisdom, it must + necessarily follow, that hereditary succession, and hereditary rights (as + they are called), can make no part of it, because it is impossible to make + wisdom hereditary; and on the other hand, that cannot be a wise + contrivance, which in its operation may commit the government of a nation + to the wisdom of an idiot. The ground which Mr. Burke now takes is fatal + to every part of his cause. The argument changes from hereditary rights to + hereditary wisdom; and the question is, Who is the wisest man? He must now + show that every one in the line of hereditary succession was a Solomon, or + his title is not good to be a king. What a stroke has Mr. Burke now made! + To use a sailor's phrase, he has swabbed the deck, and scarcely left a + name legible in the list of Kings; and he has mowed down and thinned the + House of Peers, with a scythe as formidable as Death and Time. + </p> + <p> + But Mr. Burke appears to have been aware of this retort; and he has taken + care to guard against it, by making government to be not only a + contrivance of human wisdom, but a monopoly of wisdom. He puts the nation + as fools on one side, and places his government of wisdom, all wise men of + Gotham, on the other side; and he then proclaims, and says that "Men have + a Right that their Wants should be provided for by this wisdom." Having + thus made proclamation, he next proceeds to explain to them what their + wants are, and also what their rights are. In this he has succeeded + dextrously, for he makes their wants to be a want of wisdom; but as this + is cold comfort, he then informs them, that they have a right (not to any + of the wisdom) but to be governed by it; and in order to impress them with + a solemn reverence for this monopoly-government of wisdom, and of its vast + capacity for all purposes, possible or impossible, right or wrong, he + proceeds with astrological mysterious importance, to tell to them its + powers in these words: "The rights of men in government are their + advantages; and these are often in balance between differences of good; + and in compromises sometimes between good and evil, and sometimes between + evil and evil. Political reason is a computing principle; adding—subtracting—multiplying—and + dividing, morally and not metaphysically or mathematically, true moral + denominations." + </p> + <p> + As the wondering audience, whom Mr. Burke supposes himself talking to, may + not understand all this learned jargon, I will undertake to be its + interpreter. The meaning, then, good people, of all this, is: That + government is governed by no principle whatever; that it can make evil + good, or good evil, just as it pleases. In short, that government is + arbitrary power. + </p> + <p> + But there are some things which Mr. Burke has forgotten. First, he has not + shown where the wisdom originally came from: and secondly, he has not + shown by what authority it first began to act. In the manner he introduces + the matter, it is either government stealing wisdom, or wisdom stealing + government. It is without an origin, and its powers without authority. In + short, it is usurpation. + </p> + <p> + Whether it be from a sense of shame, or from a consciousness of some + radical defect in a government necessary to be kept out of sight, or from + both, or from any other cause, I undertake not to determine, but so it is, + that a monarchical reasoner never traces government to its source, or from + its source. It is one of the shibboleths by which he may be known. A + thousand years hence, those who shall live in America or France, will look + back with contemplative pride on the origin of their government, and say, + This was the work of our glorious ancestors! But what can a monarchical + talker say? What has he to exult in? Alas he has nothing. A certain + something forbids him to look back to a beginning, lest some robber, or + some Robin Hood, should rise from the long obscurity of time and say, I am + the origin. Hard as Mr. Burke laboured at the Regency Bill and Hereditary + Succession two years ago, and much as he dived for precedents, he still + had not boldness enough to bring up William of Normandy, and say, There is + the head of the list! there is the fountain of honour! the son of a + prostitute, and the plunderer of the English nation. + </p> + <p> + The opinions of men with respect to government are changing fast in all + countries. The Revolutions of America and France have thrown a beam of + light over the world, which reaches into man. The enormous expense of + governments has provoked people to think, by making them feel; and when + once the veil begins to rend, it admits not of repair. Ignorance is of a + peculiar nature: once dispelled, it is impossible to re-establish it. It + is not originally a thing of itself, but is only the absence of knowledge; + and though man may be kept ignorant, he cannot be made ignorant. The mind, + in discovering truth, acts in the same manner as it acts through the eye + in discovering objects; when once any object has been seen, it is + impossible to put the mind back to the same condition it was in before it + saw it. Those who talk of a counter-revolution in France, show how little + they understand of man. There does not exist in the compass of language an + arrangement of words to express so much as the means of effecting a + counter-revolution. The means must be an obliteration of knowledge; and it + has never yet been discovered how to make man unknow his knowledge, or + unthink his thoughts. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke is labouring in vain to stop the progress of knowledge; and it + comes with the worse grace from him, as there is a certain transaction + known in the city which renders him suspected of being a pensioner in a + fictitious name. This may account for some strange doctrine he has + advanced in his book, which though he points it at the Revolution Society, + is effectually directed against the whole nation. + </p> + <p> + "The King of England," says he, "holds his crown (for it does not belong + to the Nation, according to Mr. Burke) in contempt of the choice of the + Revolution Society, who have not a single vote for a king among them + either individually or collectively; and his Majesty's heirs each in their + time and order, will come to the Crown with the same contempt of their + choice, with which his Majesty has succeeded to that which he now wears." + </p> + <p> + As to who is King in England, or elsewhere, or whether there is any King + at all, or whether the people choose a Cherokee chief, or a Hessian hussar + for a King, it is not a matter that I trouble myself about—be that + to themselves; but with respect to the doctrine, so far as it relates to + the Rights of Men and Nations, it is as abominable as anything ever + uttered in the most enslaved country under heaven. Whether it sounds worse + to my ear, by not being accustomed to hear such despotism, than what it + does to another person, I am not so well a judge of; but of its abominable + principle I am at no loss to judge. + </p> + <p> + It is not the Revolution Society that Mr. Burke means; it is the Nation, + as well in its original as in its representative character; and he has + taken care to make himself understood, by saying that they have not a vote + either collectively or individually. The Revolution Society is composed of + citizens of all denominations, and of members of both the Houses of + Parliament; and consequently, if there is not a right to a vote in any of + the characters, there can be no right to any either in the nation or in + its Parliament. This ought to be a caution to every country how to import + foreign families to be kings. It is somewhat curious to observe, that + although the people of England had been in the habit of talking about + kings, it is always a Foreign House of Kings; hating Foreigners yet + governed by them.—It is now the House of Brunswick, one of the petty + tribes of Germany. + </p> + <p> + It has hitherto been the practice of the English Parliaments to regulate + what was called the succession (taking it for granted that the Nation then + continued to accord to the form of annexing a monarchical branch of its + government; for without this the Parliament could not have had authority + to have sent either to Holland or to Hanover, or to impose a king upon the + nation against its will). And this must be the utmost limit to which + Parliament can go upon this case; but the right of the Nation goes to the + whole case, because it has the right of changing its whole form of + government. The right of a Parliament is only a right in trust, a right by + delegation, and that but from a very small part of the Nation; and one of + its Houses has not even this. But the right of the Nation is an original + right, as universal as taxation. The nation is the paymaster of + everything, and everything must conform to its general will. + </p> + <p> + I remember taking notice of a speech in what is called the English House + of Peers, by the then Earl of Shelburne, and I think it was at the time he + was Minister, which is applicable to this case. I do not directly charge + my memory with every particular; but the words and the purport, as nearly + as I remember, were these: "That the form of a Government was a matter + wholly at the will of the Nation at all times, that if it chose a + monarchical form, it had a right to have it so; and if it afterwards chose + to be a Republic, it had a right to be a Republic, and to say to a King, + 'We have no longer any occasion for you.'" + </p> + <p> + When Mr. Burke says that "His Majesty's heirs and successors, each in + their time and order, will come to the crown with the same content of + their choice with which His Majesty had succeeded to that he wears," it is + saying too much even to the humblest individual in the country; part of + whose daily labour goes towards making up the million sterling a-year, + which the country gives the person it styles a king. Government with + insolence is despotism; but when contempt is added it becomes worse; and + to pay for contempt is the excess of slavery. This species of government + comes from Germany; and reminds me of what one of the Brunswick soldiers + told me, who was taken prisoner by, the Americans in the late war: "Ah!" + said he, "America is a fine free country, it is worth the people's + fighting for; I know the difference by knowing my own: in my country, if + the prince says eat straw, we eat straw." God help that country, thought + I, be it England or elsewhere, whose liberties are to be protected by + German principles of government, and Princes of Brunswick! + </p> + <p> + As Mr. Burke sometimes speaks of England, sometimes of France, and + sometimes of the world, and of government in general, it is difficult to + answer his book without apparently meeting him on the same ground. + Although principles of Government are general subjects, it is next to + impossible, in many cases, to separate them from the idea of place and + circumstance, and the more so when circumstances are put for arguments, + which is frequently the case with Mr. Burke. + </p> + <p> + In the former part of his book, addressing himself to the people of + France, he says: "No experience has taught us (meaning the English), that + in any other course or method than that of a hereditary crown, can our + liberties be regularly perpetuated and preserved sacred as our hereditary + right." I ask Mr. Burke, who is to take them away? M. de la Fayette, in + speaking to France, says: "For a Nation to be free, it is sufficient that + she wills it." But Mr. Burke represents England as wanting capacity to + take care of itself, and that its liberties must be taken care of by a + King holding it in "contempt." If England is sunk to this, it is preparing + itself to eat straw, as in Hanover, or in Brunswick. But besides the folly + of the declaration, it happens that the facts are all against Mr. Burke. + It was by the government being hereditary, that the liberties of the + people were endangered. Charles I. and James II. are instances of this + truth; yet neither of them went so far as to hold the Nation in contempt. + </p> + <p> + As it is sometimes of advantage to the people of one country to hear what + those of other countries have to say respecting it, it is possible that + the people of France may learn something from Mr. Burke's book, and that + the people of England may also learn something from the answers it will + occasion. When Nations fall out about freedom, a wide field of debate is + opened. The argument commences with the rights of war, without its evils, + and as knowledge is the object contended for, the party that sustains the + defeat obtains the prize. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke talks about what he calls an hereditary crown, as if it were + some production of Nature; or as if, like Time, it had a power to operate, + not only independently, but in spite of man; or as if it were a thing or a + subject universally consented to. Alas! it has none of those properties, + but is the reverse of them all. It is a thing in imagination, the + propriety of which is more than doubted, and the legality of which in a + few years will be denied. + </p> + <p> + But, to arrange this matter in a clearer view than what general expression + can heads under which (what is called) an hereditary crown, or more + properly speaking, an hereditary succession to the Government of a Nation, + can be considered; which are: + </p> + <p> + First, The right of a particular Family to establish itself. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, The right of a Nation to establish a particular Family. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the first of these heads, that of a Family establishing + itself with hereditary powers on its own authority, and independent of the + consent of a Nation, all men will concur in calling it despotism; and it + would be trespassing on their understanding to attempt to prove it. + </p> + <p> + But the second head, that of a Nation establishing a particular Family + with hereditary powers, does not present itself as despotism on the first + reflection; but if men will permit it a second reflection to take place, + and carry that reflection forward but one remove out of their own persons + to that of their offspring, they will then see that hereditary succession + becomes in its consequences the same despotism to others, which they + reprobated for themselves. It operates to preclude the consent of the + succeeding generations; and the preclusion of consent is despotism. When + the person who at any time shall be in possession of a Government, or + those who stand in succession to him, shall say to a Nation, I hold this + power in "contempt" of you, it signifies not on what authority he pretends + to say it. It is no relief, but an aggravation to a person in slavery, to + reflect that he was sold by his parent; and as that which heightens the + criminality of an act cannot be produced to prove the legality of it, + hereditary succession cannot be established as a legal thing. + </p> + <p> + In order to arrive at a more perfect decision on this head, it will be + proper to consider the generation which undertakes to establish a Family + with hereditary powers, apart and separate from the generations which are + to follow; and also to consider the character in which the first + generation acts with respect to succeeding generations. + </p> + <p> + The generation which first selects a person, and puts him at the head of + its Government, either with the title of King, or any other distinction, + acts on its own choice, be it wise or foolish, as a free agent for itself + The person so set up is not hereditary, but selected and appointed; and + the generation who sets him up, does not live under a hereditary + government, but under a government of its own choice and establishment. + Were the generation who sets him up, and the person so set up, to live for + ever, it never could become hereditary succession; and of consequence + hereditary succession can only follow on the death of the first parties. + </p> + <p> + As, therefore, hereditary succession is out of the question with respect + to the first generation, we have now to consider the character in which + that generation acts with respect to the commencing generation, and to all + succeeding ones. + </p> + <p> + It assumes a character, to which it has neither right nor title. It + changes itself from a Legislator to a Testator, and effects to make its + Will, which is to have operation after the demise of the makers, to + bequeath the Government; and it not only attempts to bequeath, but to + establish on the succeeding generation, a new and different form of + Government under which itself lived. Itself, as already observed, lived + not under a hereditary Government but under a Government of its own choice + and establishment; and it now attempts, by virtue of a will and testament + (and which it has not authority to make), to take from the commencing + generation, and all future ones, the rights and free agency by which + itself acted. + </p> + <p> + But, exclusive of the right which any generation has to act collectively + as a testator, the objects to which it applies itself in this case, are + not within the compass of any law, or of any will or testament. + </p> + <p> + The rights of men in society, are neither devisable or transferable, nor + annihilable, but are descendable only, and it is not in the power of any + generation to intercept finally, and cut off the descent. If the present + generation, or any other, are disposed to be slaves, it does not lessen + the right of the succeeding generation to be free. Wrongs cannot have a + legal descent. When Mr. Burke attempts to maintain that the English nation + did at the Revolution of 1688, most solemnly renounce and abdicate their + rights for themselves, and for all their posterity for ever, he speaks a + language that merits not reply, and which can only excite contempt for his + prostitute principles, or pity for his ignorance. + </p> + <p> + In whatever light hereditary succession, as growing out of the will and + testament of some former generation, presents itself, it is an absurdity. + A cannot make a will to take from B the property of B, and give it to C; + yet this is the manner in which (what is called) hereditary succession by + law operates. A certain former generation made a will, to take away the + rights of the commencing generation, and all future ones, and convey those + rights to a third person, who afterwards comes forward, and tells them, in + Mr. Burke's language, that they have no rights, that their rights are + already bequeathed to him and that he will govern in contempt of them. + From such principles, and such ignorance, good Lord deliver the world! + </p> + <p> + But, after all, what is this metaphor called a crown, or rather what is + monarchy? Is it a thing, or is it a name, or is it a fraud? Is it a + "contrivance of human wisdom," or of human craft to obtain money from a + nation under specious pretences? Is it a thing necessary to a nation? If + it is, in what does that necessity consist, what service does it perform, + what is its business, and what are its merits? Does the virtue consist in + the metaphor, or in the man? Doth the goldsmith that makes the crown, make + the virtue also? Doth it operate like Fortunatus's wishing-cap, or Harlequin's + wooden sword? Doth it make a man a conjurer? In fine, what is it? It + appears to be something going much out of fashion, falling into ridicule, + and rejected in some countries, both as unnecessary and expensive. In + America it is considered as an absurdity; and in France it has so far + declined, that the goodness of the man, and the respect for his personal + character, are the only things that preserve the appearance of its + existence. + </p> + <p> + If government be what Mr. Burke describes it, "a contrivance of human + wisdom" I might ask him, if wisdom was at such a low ebb in England, that + it was become necessary to import it from Holland and from Hanover? But I + will do the country the justice to say, that was not the case; and even if + it was it mistook the cargo. The wisdom of every country, when properly + exerted, is sufficient for all its purposes; and there could exist no more + real occasion in England to have sent for a Dutch Stadtholder, or a German + Elector, than there was in America to have done a similar thing. If a + country does not understand its own affairs, how is a foreigner to + understand them, who knows neither its laws, its manners, nor its + language? If there existed a man so transcendently wise above all others, + that his wisdom was necessary to instruct a nation, some reason might be + offered for monarchy; but when we cast our eyes about a country, and + observe how every part understands its own affairs; and when we look + around the world, and see that of all men in it, the race of kings are the + most insignificant in capacity, our reason cannot fail to ask us—What + are those men kept for? + </p> + <p> + If there is anything in monarchy which we people of America do not + understand, I wish Mr. Burke would be so kind as to inform us. I see in + America, a government extending over a country ten times as large as + England, and conducted with regularity, for a fortieth part of the expense + which Government costs in England. If I ask a man in America if he wants a + King, he retorts, and asks me if I take him for an idiot? How is it that + this difference happens? are we more or less wise than others? I see in + America the generality of people living in a style of plenty unknown in + monarchical countries; and I see that the principle of its government, + which is that of the equal Rights of Man, is making a rapid progress in + the world. + </p> + <p> + If monarchy is a useless thing, why is it kept up anywhere? and if a + necessary thing, how can it be dispensed with? That civil government is + necessary, all civilized nations will agree; but civil government is + republican government. All that part of the government of England which + begins with the office of constable, and proceeds through the department + of magistrate, quarter-sessions, and general assize, including trial by + jury, is republican government. Nothing of monarchy appears in any part of + it, except in the name which William the Conqueror imposed upon the + English, that of obliging them to call him "Their Sovereign Lord the + King." + </p> + <p> + It is easy to conceive that a band of interested men, such as Placemen, + Pensioners, Lords of the bed-chamber, Lords of the kitchen, Lords of the + necessary-house, and the Lord knows what besides, can find as many reasons + for monarchy as their salaries, paid at the expense of the country, amount + to; but if I ask the farmer, the manufacturer, the merchant, the + tradesman, and down through all the occupations of life to the common + labourer, what service monarchy is to him? he can give me no answer. If I + ask him what monarchy is, he believes it is something like a sinecure. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the taxes of England amount to almost seventeen millions a + year, said to be for the expenses of Government, it is still evident that + the sense of the Nation is left to govern itself, and does govern itself, + by magistrates and juries, almost at its own charge, on republican + principles, exclusive of the expense of taxes. The salaries of the judges + are almost the only charge that is paid out of the revenue. Considering + that all the internal government is executed by the people, the taxes of + England ought to be the lightest of any nation in Europe; instead of + which, they are the contrary. As this cannot be accounted for on the score + of civil government, the subject necessarily extends itself to the + monarchical part. + </p> + <p> + When the people of England sent for George the First (and it would puzzle + a wiser man than Mr. Burke to discover for what he could be wanted, or + what service he could render), they ought at least to have conditioned for + the abandonment of Hanover. Besides the endless German intrigues that must + follow from a German Elector being King of England, there is a natural + impossibility of uniting in the same person the principles of Freedom and + the principles of Despotism, or as it is usually called in England + Arbitrary Power. A German Elector is in his electorate a despot; how then + could it be expected that he should be attached to principles of liberty + in one country, while his interest in another was to be supported by + despotism? The union cannot exist; and it might easily have been foreseen + that German Electors would make German Kings, or in Mr. Burke's words, + would assume government with "contempt." The English have been in the + habit of considering a King of England only in the character in which he + appears to them; whereas the same person, while the connection lasts, has + a home-seat in another country, the interest of which is different to + their own, and the principles of the governments in opposition to each + other. To such a person England will appear as a town-residence, and the + Electorate as the estate. The English may wish, as I believe they do, + success to the principles of liberty in France, or in Germany; but a + German Elector trembles for the fate of despotism in his electorate; and + the Duchy of Mecklenburgh, where the present Queen's family governs, is + under the same wretched state of arbitrary power, and the people in + slavish vassalage. + </p> + <p> + There never was a time when it became the English to watch continental + intrigues more circumspectly than at the present moment, and to + distinguish the politics of the Electorate from the politics of the + Nation. The Revolution of France has entirely changed the ground with + respect to England and France, as nations; but the German despots, with + Prussia at their head, are combining against liberty; and the fondness of + Mr. Pitt for office, and the interest which all his family connections + have obtained, do not give sufficient security against this intrigue. + </p> + <p> + As everything which passes in the world becomes matter for history, I will + now quit this subject, and take a concise review of the state of parties + and politics in England, as Mr. Burke has done in France. + </p> + <p> + Whether the present reign commenced with contempt, I leave to Mr. Burke: + certain, however, it is, that it had strongly that appearance. The + animosity of the English nation, it is very well remembered, ran high; + and, had the true principles of Liberty been as well understood then as + they now promise to be, it is probable the Nation would not have patiently + submitted to so much. George the First and Second were sensible of a rival + in the remains of the Stuarts; and as they could not but consider + themselves as standing on their good behaviour, they had prudence to keep + their German principles of government to themselves; but as the Stuart + family wore away, the prudence became less necessary. + </p> + <p> + The contest between rights, and what were called prerogatives, continued + to heat the nation till some time after the conclusion of the American + War, when all at once it fell a calm—Execration exchanged itself for + applause, and Court popularity sprung up like a mushroom in a night. + </p> + <p> + To account for this sudden transition, it is proper to observe that there + are two distinct species of popularity; the one excited by merit, and the + other by resentment. As the Nation had formed itself into two parties, and + each was extolling the merits of its parliamentary champions for and + against prerogative, nothing could operate to give a more general shock + than an immediate coalition of the champions themselves. The partisans of + each being thus suddenly left in the lurch, and mutually heated with + disgust at the measure, felt no other relief than uniting in a common + execration against both. A higher stimulus or resentment being thus + excited than what the contest on prerogatives occasioned, the nation + quitted all former objects of rights and wrongs, and sought only that of + gratification. The indignation at the Coalition so effectually superseded + the indignation against the Court as to extinguish it; and without any + change of principles on the part of the Court, the same people who had + reprobated its despotism united with it to revenge themselves on the + Coalition Parliament. The case was not, which they liked best, but which + they hated most; and the least hated passed for love. The dissolution of + the Coalition Parliament, as it afforded the means of gratifying the + resentment of the Nation, could not fail to be popular; and from hence + arose the popularity of the Court. + </p> + <p> + Transitions of this kind exhibit a Nation under the government of temper, + instead of a fixed and steady principle; and having once committed itself, + however rashly, it feels itself urged along to justify by continuance its + first proceeding. Measures which at other times it would censure it now + approves, and acts persuasion upon itself to suffocate its judgment. + </p> + <p> + On the return of a new Parliament, the new Minister, Mr. Pitt, found + himself in a secure majority; and the Nation gave him credit, not out of + regard to himself, but because it had resolved to do it out of resentment + to another. He introduced himself to public notice by a proposed Reform of + Parliament, which in its operation would have amounted to a public + justification of corruption. The Nation was to be at the expense of buying + up the rotten boroughs, whereas it ought to punish the persons who deal in + the traffic. + </p> + <p> + Passing over the two bubbles of the Dutch business and the million a-year + to sink the national debt, the matter which most presents itself, is the + affair of the Regency. Never, in the course of my observation, was + delusion more successfully acted, nor a nation more completely deceived. + But, to make this appear, it will be necessary to go over the + circumstances. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Fox had stated in the House of Commons, that the Prince of Wales, as + heir in succession, had a right in himself to assume the Government. This + was opposed by Mr. Pitt; and, so far as the opposition was confined to the + doctrine, it was just. But the principles which Mr. Pitt maintained on the + contrary side were as bad, or worse in their extent, than those of Mr. + Fox; because they went to establish an aristocracy over the nation, and + over the small representation it has in the House of Commons. + </p> + <p> + Whether the English form of Government be good or bad, is not in this case + the question; but, taking it as it stands, without regard to its merits or + demerits, Mr. Pitt was farther from the point than Mr. Fox. + </p> + <p> + It is supposed to consist of three parts:—while therefore the Nation + is disposed to continue this form, the parts have a national standing, + independent of each other, and are not the creatures of each other. Had + Mr. Fox passed through Parliament, and said that the person alluded to + claimed on the ground of the Nation, Mr. Pitt must then have contended + what he called the right of the Parliament against the right of the + Nation. + </p> + <p> + By the appearance which the contest made, Mr. Fox took the hereditary + ground, and Mr. Pitt the Parliamentary ground; but the fact is, they both + took hereditary ground, and Mr. Pitt took the worst of the two. + </p> + <p> + What is called the Parliament is made up of two Houses, one of which is + more hereditary, and more beyond the control of the Nation than what the + Crown (as it is called) is supposed to be. It is an hereditary + aristocracy, assuming and asserting indefeasible, irrevocable rights and + authority, wholly independent of the Nation. Where, then, was the merited + popularity of exalting this hereditary power over another hereditary power + less independent of the Nation than what itself assumed to be, and of + absorbing the rights of the Nation into a House over which it has neither + election nor control? + </p> + <p> + The general impulse of the Nation was right; but it acted without + reflection. It approved the opposition made to the right set up by Mr. + Fox, without perceiving that Mr. Pitt was supporting another indefeasible + right more remote from the Nation, in opposition to it. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the House of Commons, it is elected but by a small part of + the Nation; but were the election as universal as taxation, which it ought + to be, it would still be only the organ of the Nation, and cannot possess + inherent rights.—When the National Assembly of France resolves a + matter, the resolve is made in right of the Nation; but Mr. Pitt, on all + national questions, so far as they refer to the House of Commons, absorbs + the rights of the Nation into the organ, and makes the organ into a + Nation, and the Nation itself into a cypher. + </p> + <p> + In a few words, the question on the Regency was a question of a million + a-year, which is appropriated to the executive department: and Mr. Pitt + could not possess himself of any management of this sum, without setting + up the supremacy of Parliament; and when this was accomplished, it was + indifferent who should be Regent, as he must be Regent at his own cost. + Among the curiosities which this contentious debate afforded, was that of + making the Great Seal into a King, the affixing of which to an act was to + be royal authority. If, therefore, Royal Authority is a Great Seal, it + consequently is in itself nothing; and a good Constitution would be of + infinitely more value to the Nation than what the three Nominal Powers, as + they now stand, are worth. + </p> + <p> + The continual use of the word Constitution in the English Parliament shows + there is none; and that the whole is merely a form of government without a + Constitution, and constituting itself with what powers it pleases. If + there were a Constitution, it certainly could be referred to; and the + debate on any constitutional point would terminate by producing the + Constitution. One member says this is Constitution, and another says that + is Constitution—To-day it is one thing; and to-morrow something else—while + the maintaining of the debate proves there is none. Constitution is now + the cant word of Parliament, tuning itself to the ear of the Nation. + Formerly it was the universal supremacy of Parliament—the + omnipotence of Parliament: But since the progress of Liberty in France, + those phrases have a despotic harshness in their note; and the English + Parliament have catched the fashion from the National Assembly, but + without the substance, of speaking of Constitution. + </p> + <p> + As the present generation of the people in England did not make the + Government, they are not accountable for any of its defects; but, that + sooner or later, it must come into their hands to undergo a constitutional + reformation, is as certain as that the same thing has happened in France. + If France, with a revenue of nearly twenty-four millions sterling, with an + extent of rich and fertile country above four times larger than England, + with a population of twenty-four millions of inhabitants to support + taxation, with upwards of ninety millions sterling of gold and silver + circulating in the nation, and with a debt less than the present debt of + England—still found it necessary, from whatever cause, to come to a + settlement of its affairs, it solves the problem of funding for both + countries. + </p> + <p> + It is out of the question to say how long what is called the English + constitution has lasted, and to argue from thence how long it is to last; + the question is, how long can the funding system last? It is a thing but + of modern invention, and has not yet continued beyond the life of a man; + yet in that short space it has so far accumulated, that, together with the + current expenses, it requires an amount of taxes at least equal to the + whole landed rental of the nation in acres to defray the annual + expenditure. That a government could not have always gone on by the same + system which has been followed for the last seventy years, must be evident + to every man; and for the same reason it cannot always go on. + </p> + <p> + The funding system is not money; neither is it, properly speaking, credit. + It, in effect, creates upon paper the sum which it appears to borrow, and + lays on a tax to keep the imaginary capital alive by the payment of + interest and sends the annuity to market, to be sold for paper already in + circulation. If any credit is given, it is to the disposition of the + people to pay the tax, and not to the government, which lays it on. When + this disposition expires, what is supposed to be the credit of Government + expires with it. The instance of France under the former Government shows + that it is impossible to compel the payment of taxes by force, when a + whole nation is determined to take its stand upon that ground. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke, in his review of the finances of France, states the quantity of + gold and silver in France, at about eighty-eight millions sterling. In + doing this, he has, I presume, divided by the difference of exchange, + instead of the standard of twenty-four livres to a pound sterling; for M. + Neckar's statement, from which Mr. Burke's is taken, is two thousand two + hundred millions of livres, which is upwards of ninety-one millions and a + half sterling. + </p> + <p> + M. Neckar in France, and Mr. George Chalmers at the Office of Trade and + Plantation in England, of which Lord Hawkesbury is president, published + nearly about the same time (1786) an account of the quantity of money in + each nation, from the returns of the Mint of each nation. Mr. Chalmers, + from the returns of the English Mint at the Tower of London, states the + quantity of money in England, including Scotland and Ireland, to be twenty + millions sterling.*<a href="#Clinknote-12" name="Clinknoteref-12" + id="Clinknoteref-12">12</a> + </p> + <p> + M. Neckar*<a href="#Clinknote-13" name="Clinknoteref-13" + id="Clinknoteref-13">13</a> says that the amount of money in France, + recoined from the old coin which was called in, was two thousand five + hundred millions of livres (upwards of one hundred and four millions + sterling); and, after deducting for waste, and what may be in the West + Indies and other possible circumstances, states the circulation quantity + at home to be ninety-one millions and a half sterling; but, taking it as + Mr. Burke has put it, it is sixty-eight millions more than the national + quantity in England. + </p> + <p> + That the quantity of money in France cannot be under this sum, may at once + be seen from the state of the French Revenue, without referring to the + records of the French Mint for proofs. The revenue of France, prior to the + Revolution, was nearly twenty-four millions sterling; and as paper had + then no existence in France the whole revenue was collected upon gold and + silver; and it would have been impossible to have collected such a + quantity of revenue upon a less national quantity than M. Neckar has + stated. Before the establishment of paper in England, the revenue was + about a fourth part of the national amount of gold and silver, as may be + known by referring to the revenue prior to King William, and the quantity + of money stated to be in the nation at that time, which was nearly as much + as it is now. + </p> + <p> + It can be of no real service to a nation, to impose upon itself, or to + permit itself to be imposed upon; but the prejudices of some, and the + imposition of others, have always represented France as a nation + possessing but little money—whereas the quantity is not only more + than four times what the quantity is in England, but is considerably + greater on a proportion of numbers. To account for this deficiency on the + part of England, some reference should be had to the English system of + funding. It operates to multiply paper, and to substitute it in the room + of money, in various shapes; and the more paper is multiplied, the more + opportunities are offered to export the specie; and it admits of a + possibility (by extending it to small notes) of increasing paper till + there is no money left. + </p> + <p> + I know this is not a pleasant subject to English readers; but the matters + I am going to mention, are so important in themselves, as to require the + attention of men interested in money transactions of a public nature. + There is a circumstance stated by M. Neckar, in his treatise on the + administration of the finances, which has never been attended to in + England, but which forms the only basis whereon to estimate the quantity + of money (gold and silver) which ought to be in every nation in Europe, to + preserve a relative proportion with other nations. + </p> + <p> + Lisbon and Cadiz are the two ports into which (money) gold and silver from + South America are imported, and which afterwards divide and spread + themselves over Europe by means of commerce, and increase the quantity of + money in all parts of Europe. If, therefore, the amount of the annual + importation into Europe can be known, and the relative proportion of the + foreign commerce of the several nations by which it can be distributed can + be ascertained, they give a rule sufficiently true, to ascertain the + quantity of money which ought to be found in any nation, at any given + time. + </p> + <p> + M. Neckar shows from the registers of Lisbon and Cadiz, that the + importation of gold and silver into Europe, is five millions sterling + annually. He has not taken it on a single year, but on an average of + fifteen succeeding years, from 1763 to 1777, both inclusive; in which + time, the amount was one thousand eight hundred million livres, which is + seventy-five millions sterling.*<a href="#Clinknote-14" + name="Clinknoteref-14" id="Clinknoteref-14">14</a> + </p> + <p> + From the commencement of the Hanover succession in 1714 to the time Mr. + Chalmers published, is seventy-two years; and the quantity imported into + Europe, in that time, would be three hundred and sixty millions sterling. + </p> + <p> + If the foreign commerce of Great Britain be stated at a sixth part of what + the whole foreign commerce of Europe amounts to (which is probably an + inferior estimation to what the gentlemen at the Exchange would allow) the + proportion which Britain should draw by commerce of this sum, to keep + herself on a proportion with the rest of Europe, would be also a sixth + part which is sixty millions sterling; and if the same allowance for waste + and accident be made for England which M. Neckar makes for France, the + quantity remaining after these deductions would be fifty-two millions; and + this sum ought to have been in the nation (at the time Mr. Chalmers + published), in addition to the sum which was in the nation at the + commencement of the Hanover succession, and to have made in the whole at + least sixty-six millions sterling; instead of which there were but twenty + millions, which is forty-six millions below its proportionate quantity. + </p> + <p> + As the quantity of gold and silver imported into Lisbon and Cadiz is more + exactly ascertained than that of any commodity imported into England, and + as the quantity of money coined at the Tower of London is still more + positively known, the leading facts do not admit of controversy. Either, + therefore, the commerce of England is unproductive of profit, or the gold + and silver which it brings in leak continually away by unseen means at the + average rate of about three-quarters of a million a year, which, in the + course of seventy-two years, accounts for the deficiency; and its absence + is supplied by paper.*<a href="#Clinknote-15" name="Clinknoteref-15" + id="Clinknoteref-15">15</a> + </p> + <p> + The Revolution of France is attended with many novel circumstances, not + only in the political sphere, but in the circle of money transactions. + Among others, it shows that a government may be in a state of insolvency + and a nation rich. So far as the fact is confined to the late Government + of France, it was insolvent; because the nation would no longer support + its extravagance, and therefore it could no longer support itself—but + with respect to the nation all the means existed. A government may be said + to be insolvent every time it applies to the nation to discharge its + arrears. The insolvency of the late Government of France and the present + of England differed in no other respect than as the dispositions of the + people differ. The people of France refused their aid to the old + Government; and the people of England submit to taxation without inquiry. + What is called the Crown in England has been insolvent several times; the + last of which, publicly known, was in May, 1777, when it applied to the + nation to discharge upwards of L600,000 private debts, which otherwise it + could not pay. + </p> + <p> + It was the error of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Burke, and all those who were + unacquainted with the affairs of France to confound the French nation with + the French Government. The French nation, in effect, endeavoured to render + the late Government insolvent for the purpose of taking government into + its own hands: and it reserved its means for the support of the new + Government. In a country of such vast extent and population as France the + natural means cannot be wanting, and the political means appear the + instant the nation is disposed to permit them. When Mr. Burke, in a speech + last winter in the British Parliament, "cast his eyes over the map of + Europe, and saw a chasm that once was France," he talked like a dreamer of + dreams. The same natural France existed as before, and all the natural + means existed with it. The only chasm was that the extinction of despotism + had left, and which was to be filled up with the Constitution more + formidable in resources than the power which had expired. + </p> + <p> + Although the French Nation rendered the late Government insolvent, it did + not permit the insolvency to act towards the creditors; and the creditors, + considering the Nation as the real pay-master, and the Government only as + the agent, rested themselves on the nation, in preference to the + Government. This appears greatly to disturb Mr. Burke, as the precedent is + fatal to the policy by which governments have supposed themselves secure. + They have contracted debts, with a view of attaching what is called the + monied interest of a Nation to their support; but the example in France + shows that the permanent security of the creditor is in the Nation, and + not in the Government; and that in all possible revolutions that may + happen in Governments, the means are always with the Nation, and the + Nation always in existence. Mr. Burke argues that the creditors ought to + have abided the fate of the Government which they trusted; but the + National Assembly considered them as the creditors of the Nation, and not + of the Government—of the master, and not of the steward. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the late government could not discharge the current + expenses, the present government has paid off a great part of the capital. + This has been accomplished by two means; the one by lessening the expenses + of government, and the other by the sale of the monastic and + ecclesiastical landed estates. The devotees and penitent debauchees, + extortioners and misers of former days, to ensure themselves a better + world than that they were about to leave, had bequeathed immense property + in trust to the priesthood for pious uses; and the priesthood kept it for + themselves. The National Assembly has ordered it to be sold for the good + of the whole nation, and the priesthood to be decently provided for. + </p> + <p> + In consequence of the revolution, the annual interest of the debt of + France will be reduced at least six millions sterling, by paying off + upwards of one hundred millions of the capital; which, with lessening the + former expenses of government at least three millions, will place France + in a situation worthy the imitation of Europe. + </p> + <p> + Upon a whole review of the subject, how vast is the contrast! While Mr. + Burke has been talking of a general bankruptcy in France, the National + Assembly has been paying off the capital of its debt; and while taxes have + increased near a million a year in England, they have lowered several + millions a year in France. Not a word has either Mr. Burke or Mr. Pitt + said about the French affairs, or the state of the French finances, in the + present Session of Parliament. The subject begins to be too well + understood, and imposition serves no longer. + </p> + <p> + There is a general enigma running through the whole of Mr. Burke's book. + He writes in a rage against the National Assembly; but what is he enraged + about? If his assertions were as true as they are groundless, and that + France by her Revolution, had annihilated her power, and become what he + calls a chasm, it might excite the grief of a Frenchman (considering + himself as a national man), and provoke his rage against the National + Assembly; but why should it excite the rage of Mr. Burke? Alas! it is not + the nation of France that Mr. Burke means, but the Court; and every Court + in Europe, dreading the same fate, is in mourning. He writes neither in + the character of a Frenchman nor an Englishman, but in the fawning + character of that creature known in all countries, and a friend to none—a + courtier. Whether it be the Court of Versailles, or the Court of St. + James, or Carlton-House, or the Court in expectation, signifies not; for + the caterpillar principle of all Courts and Courtiers are alike. They form + a common policy throughout Europe, detached and separate from the interest + of Nations: and while they appear to quarrel, they agree to plunder. + Nothing can be more terrible to a Court or Courtier than the Revolution of + France. That which is a blessing to Nations is bitterness to them: and as + their existence depends on the duplicity of a country, they tremble at the + approach of principles, and dread the precedent that threatens their + overthrow. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + CONCLUSION +</pre> + <p> + Reason and Ignorance, the opposites of each other, influence the great + bulk of mankind. If either of these can be rendered sufficiently extensive + in a country, the machinery of Government goes easily on. Reason obeys + itself; and Ignorance submits to whatever is dictated to it. + </p> + <p> + The two modes of the Government which prevail in the world, are: + </p> + <p> + First, Government by election and representation. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Government by hereditary succession. + </p> + <p> + The former is generally known by the name of republic; the latter by that + of monarchy and aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + Those two distinct and opposite forms erect themselves on the two distinct + and opposite bases of Reason and Ignorance.—As the exercise of + Government requires talents and abilities, and as talents and abilities + cannot have hereditary descent, it is evident that hereditary succession + requires a belief from man to which his reason cannot subscribe, and which + can only be established upon his ignorance; and the more ignorant any + country is, the better it is fitted for this species of Government. + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, Government, in a well-constituted republic, requires no + belief from man beyond what his reason can give. He sees the rationale of + the whole system, its origin and its operation; and as it is best + supported when best understood, the human faculties act with boldness, and + acquire, under this form of government, a gigantic manliness. + </p> + <p> + As, therefore, each of those forms acts on a different base, the one + moving freely by the aid of reason, the other by ignorance; we have next + to consider, what it is that gives motion to that species of Government + which is called mixed Government, or, as it is sometimes ludicrously + styled, a Government of this, that and t' other. + </p> + <p> + The moving power in this species of Government is, of necessity, + Corruption. However imperfect election and representation may be in mixed + Governments, they still give exercise to a greater portion of reason than + is convenient to the hereditary Part; and therefore it becomes necessary + to buy the reason up. A mixed Government is an imperfect everything, + cementing and soldering the discordant parts together by corruption, to + act as a whole. Mr. Burke appears highly disgusted that France, since she + had resolved on a revolution, did not adopt what he calls "A British + Constitution"; and the regretful manner in which he expresses himself on + this occasion implies a suspicion that the British Constitution needed + something to keep its defects in countenance. + </p> + <p> + In mixed Governments there is no responsibility: the parts cover each + other till responsibility is lost; and the corruption which moves the + machine, contrives at the same time its own escape. When it is laid down + as a maxim, that a King can do no wrong, it places him in a state of + similar security with that of idiots and persons insane, and + responsibility is out of the question with respect to himself. It then + descends upon the Minister, who shelters himself under a majority in + Parliament, which, by places, pensions, and corruption, he can always + command; and that majority justifies itself by the same authority with + which it protects the Minister. In this rotatory motion, responsibility is + thrown off from the parts, and from the whole. + </p> + <p> + When there is a Part in a Government which can do no wrong, it implies + that it does nothing; and is only the machine of another power, by whose + advice and direction it acts. What is supposed to be the King in the mixed + Governments, is the Cabinet; and as the Cabinet is always a part of the + Parliament, and the members justifying in one character what they advise + and act in another, a mixed Government becomes a continual enigma; + entailing upon a country by the quantity of corruption necessary to solder + the parts, the expense of supporting all the forms of government at once, + and finally resolving itself into a Government by Committee; in which the + advisers, the actors, the approvers, the justifiers, the persons + responsible, and the persons not responsible, are the same persons. + </p> + <p> + By this pantomimical contrivance, and change of scene and character, the + parts help each other out in matters which neither of them singly would + assume to act. When money is to be obtained, the mass of variety + apparently dissolves, and a profusion of parliamentary praises passes + between the parts. Each admires with astonishment, the wisdom, the + liberality, the disinterestedness of the other: and all of them breathe a + pitying sigh at the burthens of the Nation. + </p> + <p> + But in a well-constituted republic, nothing of this soldering, praising, + and pitying, can take place; the representation being equal throughout the + country, and complete in itself, however it may be arranged into + legislative and executive, they have all one and the same natural source. + The parts are not foreigners to each other, like democracy, aristocracy, + and monarchy. As there are no discordant distinctions, there is nothing to + corrupt by compromise, nor confound by contrivance. Public measures appeal + of themselves to the understanding of the Nation, and, resting on their + own merits, disown any flattering applications to vanity. The continual + whine of lamenting the burden of taxes, however successfully it may be + practised in mixed Governments, is inconsistent with the sense and spirit + of a republic. If taxes are necessary, they are of course advantageous; + but if they require an apology, the apology itself implies an impeachment. + Why, then, is man thus imposed upon, or why does he impose upon himself? + </p> + <p> + When men are spoken of as kings and subjects, or when Government is + mentioned under the distinct and combined heads of monarchy, aristocracy, + and democracy, what is it that reasoning man is to understand by the + terms? If there really existed in the world two or more distinct and + separate elements of human power, we should then see the several origins + to which those terms would descriptively apply; but as there is but one + species of man, there can be but one element of human power; and that + element is man himself. Monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, are but + creatures of imagination; and a thousand such may be contrived as well as + three. + </p> + <p> + From the Revolutions of America and France, and the symptoms that have + appeared in other countries, it is evident that the opinion of the world + is changing with respect to systems of Government, and that revolutions + are not within the compass of political calculations. The progress of time + and circumstances, which men assign to the accomplishment of great + changes, is too mechanical to measure the force of the mind, and the + rapidity of reflection, by which revolutions are generated: All the old + governments have received a shock from those that already appear, and + which were once more improbable, and are a greater subject of wonder, than + a general revolution in Europe would be now. + </p> + <p> + When we survey the wretched condition of man, under the monarchical and + hereditary systems of Government, dragged from his home by one power, or + driven by another, and impoverished by taxes more than by enemies, it + becomes evident that those systems are bad, and that a general revolution + in the principle and construction of Governments is necessary. + </p> + <p> + What is government more than the management of the affairs of a Nation? It + is not, and from its nature cannot be, the property of any particular man + or family, but of the whole community, at whose expense it is supported; + and though by force and contrivance it has been usurped into an + inheritance, the usurpation cannot alter the right of things. Sovereignty, + as a matter of right, appertains to the Nation only, and not to any + individual; and a Nation has at all times an inherent indefeasible right + to abolish any form of Government it finds inconvenient, and to establish + such as accords with its interest, disposition and happiness. The romantic + and barbarous distinction of men into Kings and subjects, though it may + suit the condition of courtiers, cannot that of citizens; and is exploded + by the principle upon which Governments are now founded. Every citizen is + a member of the Sovereignty, and, as such, can acknowledge no personal + subjection; and his obedience can be only to the laws. + </p> + <p> + When men think of what Government is, they must necessarily suppose it to + possess a knowledge of all the objects and matters upon which its + authority is to be exercised. In this view of Government, the republican + system, as established by America and France, operates to embrace the + whole of a Nation; and the knowledge necessary to the interest of all the + parts, is to be found in the center, which the parts by representation + form: But the old Governments are on a construction that excludes + knowledge as well as happiness; government by Monks, who knew nothing of + the world beyond the walls of a Convent, is as consistent as government by + Kings. + </p> + <p> + What were formerly called Revolutions, were little more than a change of + persons, or an alteration of local circumstances. They rose and fell like + things of course, and had nothing in their existence or their fate that + could influence beyond the spot that produced them. But what we now see in + the world, from the Revolutions of America and France, are a renovation of + the natural order of things, a system of principles as universal as truth + and the existence of man, and combining moral with political happiness and + national prosperity. + </p> + <p> + "I. Men are born, and always continue, free and equal in respect of their + rights. Civil distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public + utility. + </p> + <p> + "II. The end of all political associations is the preservation of the + natural and imprescriptible rights of man; and these rights are liberty, + property, security, and resistance of oppression. + </p> + <p> + "III. The nation is essentially the source of all sovereignty; nor can any + Individual, or Any Body Of Men, be entitled to any authority which is not + expressly derived from it." + </p> + <p> + In these principles, there is nothing to throw a Nation into confusion by + inflaming ambition. They are calculated to call forth wisdom and + abilities, and to exercise them for the public good, and not for the + emolument or aggrandisement of particular descriptions of men or families. + Monarchical sovereignty, the enemy of mankind, and the source of misery, + is abolished; and the sovereignty itself is restored to its natural and + original place, the Nation. Were this the case throughout Europe, the + cause of wars would be taken away. + </p> + <p> + It is attributed to Henry the Fourth of France, a man of enlarged and + benevolent heart, that he proposed, about the year 1610, a plan for + abolishing war in Europe. The plan consisted in constituting an European + Congress, or as the French authors style it, a Pacific Republic; by + appointing delegates from the several Nations who were to act as a Court + of arbitration in any disputes that might arise between nation and nation. + </p> + <p> + Had such a plan been adopted at the time it was proposed, the taxes of + England and France, as two of the parties, would have been at least ten + millions sterling annually to each Nation less than they were at the + commencement of the French Revolution. + </p> + <p> + To conceive a cause why such a plan has not been adopted (and that instead + of a Congress for the purpose of preventing war, it has been called only + to terminate a war, after a fruitless expense of several years) it will be + necessary to consider the interest of Governments as a distinct interest + to that of Nations. + </p> + <p> + Whatever is the cause of taxes to a Nation, becomes also the means of + revenue to Government. Every war terminates with an addition of taxes, and + consequently with an addition of revenue; and in any event of war, in the + manner they are now commenced and concluded, the power and interest of + Governments are increased. War, therefore, from its productiveness, as it + easily furnishes the pretence of necessity for taxes and appointments to + places and offices, becomes a principal part of the system of old + Governments; and to establish any mode to abolish war, however + advantageous it might be to Nations, would be to take from such Government + the most lucrative of its branches. The frivolous matters upon which war + is made, show the disposition and avidity of Governments to uphold the + system of war, and betray the motives upon which they act. + </p> + <p> + Why are not Republics plunged into war, but because the nature of their + Government does not admit of an interest distinct from that of the Nation? + Even Holland, though an ill-constructed Republic, and with a commerce + extending over the world, existed nearly a century without war: and the + instant the form of Government was changed in France, the republican + principles of peace and domestic prosperity and economy arose with the new + Government; and the same consequences would follow the cause in other + Nations. + </p> + <p> + As war is the system of Government on the old construction, the animosity + which Nations reciprocally entertain, is nothing more than what the policy + of their Governments excites to keep up the spirit of the system. Each + Government accuses the other of perfidy, intrigue, and ambition, as a + means of heating the imagination of their respective Nations, and + incensing them to hostilities. Man is not the enemy of man, but through + the medium of a false system of Government. Instead, therefore, of + exclaiming against the ambition of Kings, the exclamation should be + directed against the principle of such Governments; and instead of seeking + to reform the individual, the wisdom of a Nation should apply itself to + reform the system. + </p> + <p> + Whether the forms and maxims of Governments which are still in practice, + were adapted to the condition of the world at the period they were + established, is not in this case the question. The older they are, the + less correspondence can they have with the present state of things. Time, + and change of circumstances and opinions, have the same progressive effect + in rendering modes of Government obsolete as they have upon customs and + manners.—Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and the tranquil arts, + by which the prosperity of Nations is best promoted, require a different + system of Government, and a different species of knowledge to direct its + operations, than what might have been required in the former condition of + the world. + </p> + <p> + As it is not difficult to perceive, from the enlightened state of mankind, + that hereditary Governments are verging to their decline, and that + Revolutions on the broad basis of national sovereignty and Government by + representation, are making their way in Europe, it would be an act of + wisdom to anticipate their approach, and produce Revolutions by reason and + accommodation, rather than commit them to the issue of convulsions. + </p> + <p> + From what we now see, nothing of reform in the political world ought to be + held improbable. It is an age of Revolutions, in which everything may be + looked for. The intrigue of Courts, by which the system of war is kept up, + may provoke a confederation of Nations to abolish it: and an European + Congress to patronise the progress of free Government, and promote the + civilisation of Nations with each other, is an event nearer in + probability, than once were the revolutions and alliance of France and + America. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + END OF PART I. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0008" id="Clink2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RIGHTS OF MAN. PART SECOND, COMBINING PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE. + </h2> + <h3> + By Thomas Paine. + </h3> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0009" id="Clink2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + FRENCH TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. + </h2> + <h3> + (1792) + </h3> + <p> + THE work of which we offer a translation to the public has created the + greatest sensation in England. Paine, that man of freedom, who seems born + to preach "Common Sense" to the whole world with the same success as in + America, explains in it to the people of England the theory of the + practice of the Rights of Man. + </p> + <p> + Owing to the prejudices that still govern that nation, the author has been + obliged to condescend to answer Mr. Burke. He has done so more especially + in an extended preface which is nothing but a piece of very tedious + controversy, in which he shows himself very sensitive to criticisms that + do not really affect him. To translate it seemed an insult to the free + French people, and similar reasons have led the editors to suppress also a + dedicatory epistle addressed by Paine to Lafayette. + </p> + <p> + The French can no longer endure dedicatory epistles. A man should write + privately to those he esteems: when he publishes a book his thoughts + should be offered to the public alone. Paine, that uncorrupted friend of + freedom, believed too in the sincerity of Lafayette. So easy is it to + deceive men of single-minded purpose! Bred at a distance from courts, that + austere American does not seem any more on his guard against the artful + ways and speech of courtiers than some Frenchmen who resemble him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TO + + M. DE LA FAYETTE +</pre> + <p> + After an acquaintance of nearly fifteen years in difficult situations in + America, and various consultations in Europe, I feel a pleasure in + presenting to you this small treatise, in gratitude for your services to + my beloved America, and as a testimony of my esteem for the virtues, + public and private, which I know you to possess. + </p> + <p> + The only point upon which I could ever discover that we differed was not + as to principles of government, but as to time. For my own part I think it + equally as injurious to good principles to permit them to linger, as to + push them on too fast. That which you suppose accomplishable in fourteen + or fifteen years, I may believe practicable in a much shorter period. + Mankind, as it appears to me, are always ripe enough to understand their + true interest, provided it be presented clearly to their understanding, + and that in a manner not to create suspicion by anything like self-design, + nor offend by assuming too much. Where we would wish to reform we must not + reproach. + </p> + <p> + When the American revolution was established I felt a disposition to sit + serenely down and enjoy the calm. It did not appear to me that any object + could afterwards arise great enough to make me quit tranquility and feel + as I had felt before. But when principle, and not place, is the energetic + cause of action, a man, I find, is everywhere the same. + </p> + <p> + I am now once more in the public world; and as I have not a right to + contemplate on so many years of remaining life as you have, I have + resolved to labour as fast as I can; and as I am anxious for your aid and + your company, I wish you to hasten your principles and overtake me. + </p> + <p> + If you make a campaign the ensuing spring, which it is most probable there + will be no occasion for, I will come and join you. Should the campaign + commence, I hope it will terminate in the extinction of German despotism, + and in establishing the freedom of all Germany. When France shall be + surrounded with revolutions she will be in peace and safety, and her + taxes, as well as those of Germany, will consequently become less. + </p> + <p> + Your sincere, + </p> + <p> + Affectionate Friend, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine + </p> + <p> + London, Feb. 9, 1792 + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_PREF" id="Clink2H_PREF"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PREFACE + </h2> + <p> + When I began the chapter entitled the "Conclusion" in the former part of + the RIGHTS OF MAN, published last year, it was my intention to have + extended it to a greater length; but in casting the whole matter in my + mind, which I wish to add, I found that it must either make the work too + bulky, or contract my plan too much. I therefore brought it to a close as + soon as the subject would admit, and reserved what I had further to say to + another opportunity. + </p> + <p> + Several other reasons contributed to produce this determination. I wished + to know the manner in which a work, written in a style of thinking and + expression different to what had been customary in England, would be + received before I proceeded farther. A great field was opening to the view + of mankind by means of the French Revolution. Mr. Burke's outrageous + opposition thereto brought the controversy into England. He attacked + principles which he knew (from information) I would contest with him, + because they are principles I believe to be good, and which I have + contributed to establish, and conceive myself bound to defend. Had he not + urged the controversy, I had most probably been a silent man. + </p> + <p> + Another reason for deferring the remainder of the work was, that Mr. Burke + promised in his first publication to renew the subject at another + opportunity, and to make a comparison of what he called the English and + French Constitutions. I therefore held myself in reserve for him. He has + published two works since, without doing this: which he certainly would + not have omitted, had the comparison been in his favour. + </p> + <p> + In his last work, his "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs," he has + quoted about ten pages from the RIGHTS OF MAN, and having given himself + the trouble of doing this, says he "shall not attempt in the smallest + degree to refute them," meaning the principles therein contained. I am + enough acquainted with Mr. Burke to know that he would if he could. But + instead of contesting them, he immediately after consoles himself with + saying that "he has done his part."—He has not done his part. He has + not performed his promise of a comparison of constitutions. He started the + controversy, he gave the challenge, and has fled from it; and he is now a + case in point with his own opinion that "the age of chivalry is gone!" + </p> + <p> + The title, as well as the substance of his last work, his "Appeal," is his + condemnation. Principles must stand on their own merits, and if they are + good they certainly will. To put them under the shelter of other men's + authority, as Mr. Burke has done, serves to bring them into suspicion. Mr. + Burke is not very fond of dividing his honours, but in this case he is + artfully dividing the disgrace. + </p> + <p> + But who are those to whom Mr. Burke has made his appeal? A set of childish + thinkers, and half-way politicians born in the last century, men who went + no farther with any principle than as it suited their purposes as a party; + the nation was always left out of the question; and this has been the + character of every party from that day to this. The nation sees nothing of + such works, or such politics, worthy its attention. A little matter will + move a party, but it must be something great that moves a nation. + </p> + <p> + Though I see nothing in Mr. Burke's "Appeal" worth taking much notice of, + there is, however, one expression upon which I shall offer a few remarks. + After quoting largely from the RIGHTS OF MAN, and declining to contest the + principles contained in that work, he says: "This will most probably be + done (if such writings shall be thought to deserve any other refutation + than that of criminal justice) by others, who may think with Mr. Burke and + with the same zeal." + </p> + <p> + In the first place, it has not yet been done by anybody. Not less, I + believe, than eight or ten pamphlets intended as answers to the former + part of the RIGHTS OF MAN have been published by different persons, and + not one of them to my knowledge, has extended to a second edition, nor are + even the titles of them so much as generally remembered. As I am averse to + unnecessary multiplying publications, I have answered none of them. And as + I believe that a man may write himself out of reputation when nobody else + can do it, I am careful to avoid that rock. + </p> + <p> + But as I would decline unnecessary publications on the one hand, so would + I avoid everything that might appear like sullen pride on the other. If + Mr. Burke, or any person on his side the question, will produce an answer + to the RIGHTS OF MAN that shall extend to a half, or even to a fourth part + of the number of copies to which the Rights Of Man extended, I will reply + to his work. But until this be done, I shall so far take the sense of the + public for my guide (and the world knows I am not a flatterer) that what + they do not think worth while to read, is not worth mine to answer. I + suppose the number of copies to which the first part of the RIGHTS OF MAN + extended, taking England, Scotland, and Ireland, is not less than between + forty and fifty thousand. + </p> + <p> + I now come to remark on the remaining part of the quotation I have made + from Mr. Burke. + </p> + <p> + "If," says he, "such writings shall be thought to deserve any other + refutation than that of criminal justice." + </p> + <p> + Pardoning the pun, it must be criminal justice indeed that should condemn + a work as a substitute for not being able to refute it. The greatest + condemnation that could be passed upon it would be a refutation. But in + proceeding by the method Mr. Burke alludes to, the condemnation would, in + the final event, pass upon the criminality of the process and not upon the + work, and in this case, I had rather be the author, than be either the + judge or the jury that should condemn it. + </p> + <p> + But to come at once to the point. I have differed from some professional + gentlemen on the subject of prosecutions, and I since find they are + falling into my opinion, which I will here state as fully, but as + concisely as I can. + </p> + <p> + I will first put a case with respect to any law, and then compare it with + a government, or with what in England is, or has been, called a + constitution. + </p> + <p> + It would be an act of despotism, or what in England is called arbitrary + power, to make a law to prohibit investigating the principles, good or + bad, on which such a law, or any other is founded. + </p> + <p> + If a law be bad it is one thing to oppose the practice of it, but it is + quite a different thing to expose its errors, to reason on its defects, + and to show cause why it should be repealed, or why another ought to be + substituted in its place. I have always held it an opinion (making it also + my practice) that it is better to obey a bad law, making use at the same + time of every argument to show its errors and procure its repeal, than + forcibly to violate it; because the precedent of breaking a bad law might + weaken the force, and lead to a discretionary violation, of those which + are good. + </p> + <p> + The case is the same with respect to principles and forms of government, + or to what are called constitutions and the parts of which they are, + composed. + </p> + <p> + It is for the good of nations and not for the emolument or aggrandisement + of particular individuals, that government ought to be established, and + that mankind are at the expense of supporting it. The defects of every + government and constitution both as to principle and form, must, on a + parity of reasoning, be as open to discussion as the defects of a law, and + it is a duty which every man owes to society to point them out. When those + defects, and the means of remedying them, are generally seen by a nation, + that nation will reform its government or its constitution in the one + case, as the government repealed or reformed the law in the other. The + operation of government is restricted to the making and the administering + of laws; but it is to a nation that the right of forming or reforming, + generating or regenerating constitutions and governments belong; and + consequently those subjects, as subjects of investigation, are always + before a country as a matter of right, and cannot, without invading the + general rights of that country, be made subjects for prosecution. On this + ground I will meet Mr. Burke whenever he please. It is better that the + whole argument should come out than to seek to stifle it. It was himself + that opened the controversy, and he ought not to desert it. + </p> + <p> + I do not believe that monarchy and aristocracy will continue seven years + longer in any of the enlightened countries in Europe. If better reasons + can be shown for them than against them, they will stand; if the contrary, + they will not. Mankind are not now to be told they shall not think, or + they shall not read; and publications that go no farther than to + investigate principles of government, to invite men to reason and to + reflect, and to show the errors and excellences of different systems, have + a right to appear. If they do not excite attention, they are not worth the + trouble of a prosecution; and if they do, the prosecution will amount to + nothing, since it cannot amount to a prohibition of reading. This would be + a sentence on the public, instead of the author, and would also be the + most effectual mode of making or hastening revolution. + </p> + <p> + On all cases that apply universally to a nation, with respect to systems + of government, a jury of twelve men is not competent to decide. Where + there are no witnesses to be examined, no facts to be proved, and where + the whole matter is before the whole public, and the merits or demerits of + it resting on their opinion; and where there is nothing to be known in a + court, but what every body knows out of it, every twelve men is equally as + good a jury as the other, and would most probably reverse each other's + verdict; or, from the variety of their opinions, not be able to form one. + It is one case, whether a nation approve a work, or a plan; but it is + quite another case, whether it will commit to any such jury the power of + determining whether that nation have a right to, or shall reform its + government or not. I mention those cases that Mr. Burke may see I have not + written on Government without reflecting on what is Law, as well as on + what are Rights.—The only effectual jury in such cases would be a + convention of the whole nation fairly elected; for in all such cases the + whole nation is the vicinage. If Mr. Burke will propose such a jury, I + will waive all privileges of being the citizen of another country, and, + defending its principles, abide the issue, provided he will do the same; + for my opinion is, that his work and his principles would be condemned + instead of mine. + </p> + <p> + As to the prejudices which men have from education and habit, in favour of + any particular form or system of government, those prejudices have yet to + stand the test of reason and reflection. In fact, such prejudices are + nothing. No man is prejudiced in favour of a thing, knowing it to be + wrong. He is attached to it on the belief of its being right; and when he + sees it is not so, the prejudice will be gone. We have but a defective + idea of what prejudice is. It might be said, that until men think for + themselves the whole is prejudice, and not opinion; for that only is + opinion which is the result of reason and reflection. I offer this remark, + that Mr. Burke may not confide too much in what have been the customary + prejudices of the country. + </p> + <p> + I do not believe that the people of England have ever been fairly and + candidly dealt by. They have been imposed upon by parties, and by men + assuming the character of leaders. It is time that the nation should rise + above those trifles. It is time to dismiss that inattention which has so + long been the encouraging cause of stretching taxation to excess. It is + time to dismiss all those songs and toasts which are calculated to + enslave, and operate to suffocate reflection. On all such subjects men + have but to think, and they will neither act wrong nor be misled. To say + that any people are not fit for freedom, is to make poverty their choice, + and to say they had rather be loaded with taxes than not. If such a case + could be proved, it would equally prove that those who govern are not fit + to govern them, for they are a part of the same national mass. + </p> + <p> + But admitting governments to be changed all over Europe; it certainly may + be done without convulsion or revenge. It is not worth making changes or + revolutions, unless it be for some great national benefit: and when this + shall appear to a nation, the danger will be, as in America and France, to + those who oppose; and with this reflection I close my Preface. + </p> + <p> + THOMAS PAINE + </p> + <p> + London, Feb. 9, 1792 + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0011" id="Clink2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + RIGHTS OF MAN PART II. + </h2> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_INTR" id="Clink2H_INTR"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + INTRODUCTION. + </h2> + <p> + What Archimedes said of the mechanical powers, may be applied to Reason + and Liberty. "Had we," said he, "a place to stand upon, we might raise the + world." + </p> + <p> + The revolution of America presented in politics what was only theory in + mechanics. So deeply rooted were all the governments of the old world, and + so effectually had the tyranny and the antiquity of habit established + itself over the mind, that no beginning could be made in Asia, Africa, or + Europe, to reform the political condition of man. Freedom had been hunted + round the globe; reason was considered as rebellion; and the slavery of + fear had made men afraid to think. + </p> + <p> + But such is the irresistible nature of truth, that all it asks,—and + all it wants,—is the liberty of appearing. The sun needs no + inscription to distinguish him from darkness; and no sooner did the + American governments display themselves to the world, than despotism felt + a shock and man began to contemplate redress. + </p> + <p> + The independence of America, considered merely as a separation from + England, would have been a matter but of little importance, had it not + been accompanied by a revolution in the principles and practice of + governments. She made a stand, not for herself only, but for the world, + and looked beyond the advantages herself could receive. Even the Hessian, + though hired to fight against her, may live to bless his defeat; and + England, condemning the viciousness of its government, rejoice in its + miscarriage. + </p> + <p> + As America was the only spot in the political world where the principle of + universal reformation could begin, so also was it the best in the natural + world. An assemblage of circumstances conspired, not only to give birth, + but to add gigantic maturity to its principles. The scene which that + country presents to the eye of a spectator, has something in it which + generates and encourages great ideas. Nature appears to him in magnitude. + The mighty objects he beholds, act upon his mind by enlarging it, and he + partakes of the greatness he contemplates.—Its first settlers were + emigrants from different European nations, and of diversified professions + of religion, retiring from the governmental persecutions of the old world, + and meeting in the new, not as enemies, but as brothers. The wants which + necessarily accompany the cultivation of a wilderness produced among them + a state of society, which countries long harassed by the quarrels and + intrigues of governments, had neglected to cherish. In such a situation + man becomes what he ought. He sees his species, not with the inhuman idea + of a natural enemy, but as kindred; and the example shows to the + artificial world, that man must go back to Nature for information. + </p> + <p> + From the rapid progress which America makes in every species of + improvement, it is rational to conclude that, if the governments of Asia, + Africa, and Europe had begun on a principle similar to that of America, or + had not been very early corrupted therefrom, those countries must by this + time have been in a far superior condition to what they are. Age after age + has passed away, for no other purpose than to behold their wretchedness. + Could we suppose a spectator who knew nothing of the world, and who was + put into it merely to make his observations, he would take a great part of + the old world to be new, just struggling with the difficulties and + hardships of an infant settlement. He could not suppose that the hordes of + miserable poor with which old countries abound could be any other than + those who had not yet had time to provide for themselves. Little would he + think they were the consequence of what in such countries they call + government. + </p> + <p> + If, from the more wretched parts of the old world, we look at those which + are in an advanced stage of improvement we still find the greedy hand of + government thrusting itself into every corner and crevice of industry, and + grasping the spoil of the multitude. Invention is continually exercised to + furnish new pretences for revenue and taxation. It watches prosperity as + its prey, and permits none to escape without a tribute. + </p> + <p> + As revolutions have begun (and as the probability is always greater + against a thing beginning, than of proceeding after it has begun), it is + natural to expect that other revolutions will follow. The amazing and + still increasing expenses with which old governments are conducted, the + numerous wars they engage in or provoke, the embarrassments they throw in + the way of universal civilisation and commerce, and the oppression and + usurpation acted at home, have wearied out the patience, and exhausted the + property of the world. In such a situation, and with such examples already + existing, revolutions are to be looked for. They are become subjects of + universal conversation, and may be considered as the Order of the day. + </p> + <p> + If systems of government can be introduced less expensive and more + productive of general happiness than those which have existed, all + attempts to oppose their progress will in the end be fruitless. Reason, + like time, will make its own way, and prejudice will fall in a combat with + interest. If universal peace, civilisation, and commerce are ever to be + the happy lot of man, it cannot be accomplished but by a revolution in the + system of governments. All the monarchical governments are military. War + is their trade, plunder and revenue their objects. While such governments + continue, peace has not the absolute security of a day. What is the + history of all monarchical governments but a disgustful picture of human + wretchedness, and the accidental respite of a few years' repose? Wearied + with war, and tired with human butchery, they sat down to rest, and called + it peace. This certainly is not the condition that heaven intended for + man; and if this be monarchy, well might monarchy be reckoned among the + sins of the Jews. + </p> + <p> + The revolutions which formerly took place in the world had nothing in them + that interested the bulk of mankind. They extended only to a change of + persons and measures, but not of principles, and rose or fell among the + common transactions of the moment. What we now behold may not improperly + be called a "counter-revolution." Conquest and tyranny, at some earlier + period, dispossessed man of his rights, and he is now recovering them. And + as the tide of all human affairs has its ebb and flow in directions + contrary to each other, so also is it in this. Government founded on a + moral theory, on a system of universal peace, on the indefeasible + hereditary Rights of Man, is now revolving from west to east by a stronger + impulse than the government of the sword revolved from east to west. It + interests not particular individuals, but nations in its progress, and + promises a new era to the human race. + </p> + <p> + The danger to which the success of revolutions is most exposed is that of + attempting them before the principles on which they proceed, and the + advantages to result from them, are sufficiently seen and understood. + Almost everything appertaining to the circumstances of a nation, has been + absorbed and confounded under the general and mysterious word government. + Though it avoids taking to its account the errors it commits, and the + mischiefs it occasions, it fails not to arrogate to itself whatever has + the appearance of prosperity. It robs industry of its honours, by + pedantically making itself the cause of its effects; and purloins from the + general character of man, the merits that appertain to him as a social + being. + </p> + <p> + It may therefore be of use in this day of revolutions to discriminate + between those things which are the effect of government, and those which + are not. This will best be done by taking a review of society and + civilisation, and the consequences resulting therefrom, as things distinct + from what are called governments. By beginning with this investigation, we + shall be able to assign effects to their proper causes and analyse the + mass of common errors. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2HCH0001" id="Clink2HCH0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER I. OF SOCIETY AND CIVILISATION + </h2> + <p> + Great part of that order which reigns among mankind is not the effect of + government. It has its origin in the principles of society and the natural + constitution of man. It existed prior to government, and would exist if + the formality of government was abolished. The mutual dependence and + reciprocal interest which man has upon man, and all the parts of civilised + community upon each other, create that great chain of connection which + holds it together. The landholder, the farmer, the manufacturer, the + merchant, the tradesman, and every occupation, prospers by the aid which + each receives from the other, and from the whole. Common interest + regulates their concerns, and forms their law; and the laws which common + usage ordains, have a greater influence than the laws of government. In + fine, society performs for itself almost everything which is ascribed to + government. + </p> + <p> + To understand the nature and quantity of government proper for man, it is + necessary to attend to his character. As Nature created him for social + life, she fitted him for the station she intended. In all cases she made + his natural wants greater than his individual powers. No one man is + capable, without the aid of society, of supplying his own wants, and those + wants, acting upon every individual, impel the whole of them into society, + as naturally as gravitation acts to a centre. + </p> + <p> + But she has gone further. She has not only forced man into society by a + diversity of wants which the reciprocal aid of each other can supply, but + she has implanted in him a system of social affections, which, though not + necessary to his existence, are essential to his happiness. There is no + period in life when this love for society ceases to act. It begins and + ends with our being. + </p> + <p> + If we examine with attention into the composition and constitution of man, + the diversity of his wants, and the diversity of talents in different men + for reciprocally accommodating the wants of each other, his propensity to + society, and consequently to preserve the advantages resulting from it, we + shall easily discover, that a great part of what is called government is + mere imposition. + </p> + <p> + Government is no farther necessary than to supply the few cases to which + society and civilisation are not conveniently competent; and instances are + not wanting to show, that everything which government can usefully add + thereto, has been performed by the common consent of society, without + government. + </p> + <p> + For upwards of two years from the commencement of the American War, and to + a longer period in several of the American States, there were no + established forms of government. The old governments had been abolished, + and the country was too much occupied in defence to employ its attention + in establishing new governments; yet during this interval order and + harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country in Europe. There is + a natural aptness in man, and more so in society, because it embraces a + greater variety of abilities and resource, to accommodate itself to + whatever situation it is in. The instant formal government is abolished, + society begins to act: a general association takes place, and common + interest produces common security. + </p> + <p> + So far is it from being true, as has been pretended, that the abolition of + any formal government is the dissolution of society, that it acts by a + contrary impulse, and brings the latter the closer together. All that part + of its organisation which it had committed to its government, devolves + again upon itself, and acts through its medium. When men, as well from + natural instinct as from reciprocal benefits, have habituated themselves + to social and civilised life, there is always enough of its principles in + practice to carry them through any changes they may find necessary or + convenient to make in their government. In short, man is so naturally a + creature of society that it is almost impossible to put him out of it. + </p> + <p> + Formal government makes but a small part of civilised life; and when even + the best that human wisdom can devise is established, it is a thing more + in name and idea than in fact. It is to the great and fundamental + principles of society and civilisation—to the common usage + universally consented to, and mutually and reciprocally maintained—to + the unceasing circulation of interest, which, passing through its million + channels, invigorates the whole mass of civilised man—it is to these + things, infinitely more than to anything which even the best instituted + government can perform, that the safety and prosperity of the individual + and of the whole depends. + </p> + <p> + The more perfect civilisation is, the less occasion has it for government, + because the more does it regulate its own affairs, and govern itself; but + so contrary is the practice of old governments to the reason of the case, + that the expenses of them increase in the proportion they ought to + diminish. It is but few general laws that civilised life requires, and + those of such common usefulness, that whether they are enforced by the + forms of government or not, the effect will be nearly the same. If we + consider what the principles are that first condense men into society, and + what are the motives that regulate their mutual intercourse afterwards, we + shall find, by the time we arrive at what is called government, that + nearly the whole of the business is performed by the natural operation of + the parts upon each other. + </p> + <p> + Man, with respect to all those matters, is more a creature of consistency + than he is aware, or than governments would wish him to believe. All the + great laws of society are laws of nature. Those of trade and commerce, + whether with respect to the intercourse of individuals or of nations, are + laws of mutual and reciprocal interest. They are followed and obeyed, + because it is the interest of the parties so to do, and not on account of + any formal laws their governments may impose or interpose. + </p> + <p> + But how often is the natural propensity to society disturbed or destroyed + by the operations of government! When the latter, instead of being + ingrafted on the principles of the former, assumes to exist for itself, + and acts by partialities of favour and oppression, it becomes the cause of + the mischiefs it ought to prevent. + </p> + <p> + If we look back to the riots and tumults which at various times have + happened in England, we shall find that they did not proceed from the want + of a government, but that government was itself the generating cause; + instead of consolidating society it divided it; it deprived it of its + natural cohesion, and engendered discontents and disorders which otherwise + would not have existed. In those associations which men promiscuously form + for the purpose of trade, or of any concern in which government is totally + out of the question, and in which they act merely on the principles of + society, we see how naturally the various parties unite; and this shows, + by comparison, that governments, so far from being always the cause or + means of order, are often the destruction of it. The riots of 1780 had no + other source than the remains of those prejudices which the government + itself had encouraged. But with respect to England there are also other + causes. + </p> + <p> + Excess and inequality of taxation, however disguised in the means, never + fail to appear in their effects. As a great mass of the community are + thrown thereby into poverty and discontent, they are constantly on the + brink of commotion; and deprived, as they unfortunately are, of the means + of information, are easily heated to outrage. Whatever the apparent cause + of any riots may be, the real one is always want of happiness. It shows + that something is wrong in the system of government that injures the + felicity by which society is to be preserved. + </p> + <p> + But as a fact is superior to reasoning, the instance of America presents + itself to confirm these observations. If there is a country in the world + where concord, according to common calculation, would be least expected, + it is America. Made up as it is of people from different nations,*<a + href="#Clinknote-16" name="Clinknoteref-16" id="Clinknoteref-16">16</a> + accustomed to different forms and habits of government, speaking different + languages, and more different in their modes of worship, it would appear + that the union of such a people was impracticable; but by the simple + operation of constructing government on the principles of society and the + rights of man, every difficulty retires, and all the parts are brought + into cordial unison. There the poor are not oppressed, the rich are not + privileged. Industry is not mortified by the splendid extravagance of a + court rioting at its expense. Their taxes are few, because their + government is just: and as there is nothing to render them wretched, there + is nothing to engender riots and tumults. + </p> + <p> + A metaphysical man, like Mr. Burke, would have tortured his invention to + discover how such a people could be governed. He would have supposed that + some must be managed by fraud, others by force, and all by some + contrivance; that genius must be hired to impose upon ignorance, and show + and parade to fascinate the vulgar. Lost in the abundance of his + researches, he would have resolved and re-resolved, and finally overlooked + the plain and easy road that lay directly before him. + </p> + <p> + One of the great advantages of the American Revolution has been, that it + led to a discovery of the principles, and laid open the imposition, of + governments. All the revolutions till then had been worked within the + atmosphere of a court, and never on the grand floor of a nation. The + parties were always of the class of courtiers; and whatever was their rage + for reformation, they carefully preserved the fraud of the profession. + </p> + <p> + In all cases they took care to represent government as a thing made up of + mysteries, which only themselves understood; and they hid from the + understanding of the nation the only thing that was beneficial to know, + namely, That government is nothing more than a national association adding + on the principles of society. + </p> + <p> + Having thus endeavoured to show that the social and civilised state of man + is capable of performing within itself almost everything necessary to its + protection and government, it will be proper, on the other hand, to take a + review of the present old governments, and examine whether their + principles and practice are correspondent thereto. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2HCH0002" id="Clink2HCH0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER II. OF THE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT OLD GOVERNMENTS + </h2> + <p> + It is impossible that such governments as have hitherto existed in the + world, could have commenced by any other means than a total violation of + every principle sacred and moral. The obscurity in which the origin of all + the present old governments is buried, implies the iniquity and disgrace + with which they began. The origin of the present government of America and + France will ever be remembered, because it is honourable to record it; but + with respect to the rest, even Flattery has consigned them to the tomb of + time, without an inscription. + </p> + <p> + It could have been no difficult thing in the early and solitary ages of + the world, while the chief employment of men was that of attending flocks + and herds, for a banditti of ruffians to overrun a country, and lay it + under contributions. Their power being thus established, the chief of the + band contrived to lose the name of Robber in that of Monarch; and hence + the origin of Monarchy and Kings. + </p> + <p> + The origin of the Government of England, so far as relates to what is + called its line of monarchy, being one of the latest, is perhaps the best + recorded. The hatred which the Norman invasion and tyranny begat, must + have been deeply rooted in the nation, to have outlived the contrivance to + obliterate it. Though not a courtier will talk of the curfew-bell, not a + village in England has forgotten it. + </p> + <p> + Those bands of robbers having parcelled out the world, and divided it into + dominions, began, as is naturally the case, to quarrel with each other. + What at first was obtained by violence was considered by others as lawful + to be taken, and a second plunderer succeeded the first. They alternately + invaded the dominions which each had assigned to himself, and the + brutality with which they treated each other explains the original + character of monarchy. It was ruffian torturing ruffian. The conqueror + considered the conquered, not as his prisoner, but his property. He led + him in triumph rattling in chains, and doomed him, at pleasure, to slavery + or death. As time obliterated the history of their beginning, their + successors assumed new appearances, to cut off the entail of their + disgrace, but their principles and objects remained the same. What at + first was plunder, assumed the softer name of revenue; and the power + originally usurped, they affected to inherit. + </p> + <p> + From such beginning of governments, what could be expected but a continued + system of war and extortion? It has established itself into a trade. The + vice is not peculiar to one more than to another, but is the common + principle of all. There does not exist within such governments sufficient + stamina whereon to engraft reformation; and the shortest and most + effectual remedy is to begin anew on the ground of the nation. + </p> + <p> + What scenes of horror, what perfection of iniquity, present themselves in + contemplating the character and reviewing the history of such governments! + If we would delineate human nature with a baseness of heart and hypocrisy + of countenance that reflection would shudder at and humanity disown, it is + kings, courts and cabinets that must sit for the portrait. Man, naturally + as he is, with all his faults about him, is not up to the character. + </p> + <p> + Can we possibly suppose that if governments had originated in a right + principle, and had not an interest in pursuing a wrong one, the world + could have been in the wretched and quarrelsome condition we have seen it? + What inducement has the farmer, while following the plough, to lay aside + his peaceful pursuit, and go to war with the farmer of another country? or + what inducement has the manufacturer? What is dominion to them, or to any + class of men in a nation? Does it add an acre to any man's estate, or + raise its value? Are not conquest and defeat each of the same price, and + taxes the never-failing consequence?—Though this reasoning may be + good to a nation, it is not so to a government. War is the Pharo-table of + governments, and nations the dupes of the game. + </p> + <p> + If there is anything to wonder at in this miserable scene of governments + more than might be expected, it is the progress which the peaceful arts of + agriculture, manufacture and commerce have made beneath such a long + accumulating load of discouragement and oppression. It serves to show that + instinct in animals does not act with stronger impulse than the principles + of society and civilisation operate in man. Under all discouragements, he + pursues his object, and yields to nothing but impossibilities. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2HCH0003" id="Clink2HCH0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER III. OF THE OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF GOVERNMENT + </h2> + <p> + Nothing can appear more contradictory than the principles on which the old + governments began, and the condition to which society, civilisation and + commerce are capable of carrying mankind. Government, on the old system, + is an assumption of power, for the aggrandisement of itself; on the new, a + delegation of power for the common benefit of society. The former supports + itself by keeping up a system of war; the latter promotes a system of + peace, as the true means of enriching a nation. The one encourages + national prejudices; the other promotes universal society, as the means of + universal commerce. The one measures its prosperity, by the quantity of + revenue it extorts; the other proves its excellence, by the small quantity + of taxes it requires. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke has talked of old and new whigs. If he can amuse himself with + childish names and distinctions, I shall not interrupt his pleasure. It is + not to him, but to the Abbe Sieyes, that I address this chapter. I am + already engaged to the latter gentleman to discuss the subject of + monarchical government; and as it naturally occurs in comparing the old + and new systems, I make this the opportunity of presenting to him my + observations. I shall occasionally take Mr. Burke in my way. + </p> + <p> + Though it might be proved that the system of government now called the + New, is the most ancient in principle of all that have existed, being + founded on the original, inherent Rights of Man: yet, as tyranny and the + sword have suspended the exercise of those rights for many centuries past, + it serves better the purpose of distinction to call it the new, than to + claim the right of calling it the old. + </p> + <p> + The first general distinction between those two systems, is, that the one + now called the old is hereditary, either in whole or in part; and the new + is entirely representative. It rejects all hereditary government: + </p> + <p> + First, As being an imposition on mankind. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, As inadequate to the purposes for which government is necessary. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the first of these heads—It cannot be proved by what + right hereditary government could begin; neither does there exist within + the compass of mortal power a right to establish it. Man has no authority + over posterity in matters of personal right; and, therefore, no man, or + body of men, had, or can have, a right to set up hereditary government. + Were even ourselves to come again into existence, instead of being + succeeded by posterity, we have not now the right of taking from ourselves + the rights which would then be ours. On what ground, then, do we pretend + to take them from others? + </p> + <p> + All hereditary government is in its nature tyranny. An heritable crown, or + an heritable throne, or by what other fanciful name such things may be + called, have no other significant explanation than that mankind are + heritable property. To inherit a government, is to inherit the people, as + if they were flocks and herds. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the second head, that of being inadequate to the purposes + for which government is necessary, we have only to consider what + government essentially is, and compare it with the circumstances to which + hereditary succession is subject. + </p> + <p> + Government ought to be a thing always in full maturity. It ought to be so + constructed as to be superior to all the accidents to which individual man + is subject; and, therefore, hereditary succession, by being subject to + them all, is the most irregular and imperfect of all the systems of + government. + </p> + <p> + We have heard the Rights of Man called a levelling system; but the only + system to which the word levelling is truly applicable, is the hereditary + monarchical system. It is a system of mental levelling. It + indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same authority. + Vice and virtue, ignorance and wisdom, in short, every quality good or + bad, is put on the same level. Kings succeed each other, not as rationals, + but as animals. It signifies not what their mental or moral characters + are. Can we then be surprised at the abject state of the human mind in + monarchical countries, when the government itself is formed on such an + abject levelling system?—It has no fixed character. To-day it is one + thing; to-morrow it is something else. It changes with the temper of every + succeeding individual, and is subject to all the varieties of each. It is + government through the medium of passions and accidents. It appears under + all the various characters of childhood, decrepitude, dotage, a thing at + nurse, in leading-strings, or in crutches. It reverses the wholesome order + of nature. It occasionally puts children over men, and the conceits of + nonage over wisdom and experience. In short, we cannot conceive a more + ridiculous figure of government, than hereditary succession, in all its + cases, presents. + </p> + <p> + Could it be made a decree in nature, or an edict registered in heaven, and + man could know it, that virtue and wisdom should invariably appertain to + hereditary succession, the objection to it would be removed; but when we + see that nature acts as if she disowned and sported with the hereditary + system; that the mental character of successors, in all countries, is + below the average of human understanding; that one is a tyrant, another an + idiot, a third insane, and some all three together, it is impossible to + attach confidence to it, when reason in man has power to act. + </p> + <p> + It is not to the Abbe Sieyes that I need apply this reasoning; he has + already saved me that trouble by giving his own opinion upon the case. "If + it be asked," says he, "what is my opinion with respect to hereditary + right, I answer without hesitation, That in good theory, an hereditary + transmission of any power of office, can never accord with the laws of a + true representation. Hereditaryship is, in this sense, as much an attaint + upon principle, as an outrage upon society. But let us," continues he, + "refer to the history of all elective monarchies and principalities: is + there one in which the elective mode is not worse than the hereditary + succession?" + </p> + <p> + As to debating on which is the worst of the two, it is admitting both to + be bad; and herein we are agreed. The preference which the Abbe has given, + is a condemnation of the thing that he prefers. Such a mode of reasoning + on such a subject is inadmissible, because it finally amounts to an + accusation upon Providence, as if she had left to man no other choice with + respect to government than between two evils, the best of which he admits + to be "an attaint upon principle, and an outrage upon society." + </p> + <p> + Passing over, for the present, all the evils and mischiefs which monarchy + has occasioned in the world, nothing can more effectually prove its + uselessness in a state of civil government, than making it hereditary. + Would we make any office hereditary that required wisdom and abilities to + fill it? And where wisdom and abilities are not necessary, such an office, + whatever it may be, is superfluous or insignificant. + </p> + <p> + Hereditary succession is a burlesque upon monarchy. It puts it in the most + ridiculous light, by presenting it as an office which any child or idiot + may fill. It requires some talents to be a common mechanic; but to be a + king requires only the animal figure of man—a sort of breathing + automaton. This sort of superstition may last a few years more, but it + cannot long resist the awakened reason and interest of man. + </p> + <p> + As to Mr. Burke, he is a stickler for monarchy, not altogether as a + pensioner, if he is one, which I believe, but as a political man. He has + taken up a contemptible opinion of mankind, who, in their turn, are taking + up the same of him. He considers them as a herd of beings that must be + governed by fraud, effigy, and show; and an idol would be as good a figure + of monarchy with him, as a man. I will, however, do him the justice to say + that, with respect to America, he has been very complimentary. He always + contended, at least in my hearing, that the people of America were more + enlightened than those of England, or of any country in Europe; and that + therefore the imposition of show was not necessary in their governments. + </p> + <p> + Though the comparison between hereditary and elective monarchy, which the + Abbe has made, is unnecessary to the case, because the representative + system rejects both: yet, were I to make the comparison, I should decide + contrary to what he has done. + </p> + <p> + The civil wars which have originated from contested hereditary claims, are + more numerous, and have been more dreadful, and of longer continuance, + than those which have been occasioned by election. All the civil wars in + France arose from the hereditary system; they were either produced by + hereditary claims, or by the imperfection of the hereditary form, which + admits of regencies or monarchy at nurse. With respect to England, its + history is full of the same misfortunes. The contests for succession + between the houses of York and Lancaster lasted a whole century; and + others of a similar nature have renewed themselves since that period. + Those of 1715 and 1745 were of the same kind. The succession war for the + crown of Spain embroiled almost half Europe. The disturbances of Holland + are generated from the hereditaryship of the Stadtholder. A government + calling itself free, with an hereditary office, is like a thorn in the + flesh, that produces a fermentation which endeavours to discharge it. + </p> + <p> + But I might go further, and place also foreign wars, of whatever kind, to + the same cause. It is by adding the evil of hereditary succession to that + of monarchy, that a permanent family interest is created, whose constant + objects are dominion and revenue. Poland, though an elective monarchy, has + had fewer wars than those which are hereditary; and it is the only + government that has made a voluntary essay, though but a small one, to + reform the condition of the country. + </p> + <p> + Having thus glanced at a few of the defects of the old, or hereditary + systems of government, let us compare it with the new, or representative + system. + </p> + <p> + The representative system takes society and civilisation for its basis; + nature, reason, and experience, for its guide. + </p> + <p> + Experience, in all ages, and in all countries, has demonstrated that it is + impossible to control Nature in her distribution of mental powers. She + gives them as she pleases. Whatever is the rule by which she, apparently + to us, scatters them among mankind, that rule remains a secret to man. It + would be as ridiculous to attempt to fix the hereditaryship of human + beauty, as of wisdom. Whatever wisdom constituently is, it is like a + seedless plant; it may be reared when it appears, but it cannot be + voluntarily produced. There is always a sufficiency somewhere in the + general mass of society for all purposes; but with respect to the parts of + society, it is continually changing its place. It rises in one to-day, in + another to-morrow, and has most probably visited in rotation every family + of the earth, and again withdrawn. + </p> + <p> + As this is in the order of nature, the order of government must + necessarily follow it, or government will, as we see it does, degenerate + into ignorance. The hereditary system, therefore, is as repugnant to human + wisdom as to human rights; and is as absurd as it is unjust. + </p> + <p> + As the republic of letters brings forward the best literary productions, + by giving to genius a fair and universal chance; so the representative + system of government is calculated to produce the wisest laws, by + collecting wisdom from where it can be found. I smile to myself when I + contemplate the ridiculous insignificance into which literature and all + the sciences would sink, were they made hereditary; and I carry the same + idea into governments. An hereditary governor is as inconsistent as an + hereditary author. I know not whether Homer or Euclid had sons; but I will + venture an opinion that if they had, and had left their works unfinished, + those sons could not have completed them. + </p> + <p> + Do we need a stronger evidence of the absurdity of hereditary government + than is seen in the descendants of those men, in any line of life, who + once were famous? Is there scarcely an instance in which there is not a + total reverse of the character? It appears as if the tide of mental + faculties flowed as far as it could in certain channels, and then forsook + its course, and arose in others. How irrational then is the hereditary + system, which establishes channels of power, in company with which wisdom + refuses to flow! By continuing this absurdity, man is perpetually in + contradiction with himself; he accepts, for a king, or a chief magistrate, + or a legislator, a person whom he would not elect for a constable. + </p> + <p> + It appears to general observation, that revolutions create genius and + talents; but those events do no more than bring them forward. There is + existing in man, a mass of sense lying in a dormant state, and which, + unless something excites it to action, will descend with him, in that + condition, to the grave. As it is to the advantage of society that the + whole of its faculties should be employed, the construction of government + ought to be such as to bring forward, by a quiet and regular operation, + all that extent of capacity which never fails to appear in revolutions. + </p> + <p> + This cannot take place in the insipid state of hereditary government, not + only because it prevents, but because it operates to benumb. When the mind + of a nation is bowed down by any political superstition in its government, + such as hereditary succession is, it loses a considerable portion of its + powers on all other subjects and objects. Hereditary succession requires + the same obedience to ignorance, as to wisdom; and when once the mind can + bring itself to pay this indiscriminate reverence, it descends below the + stature of mental manhood. It is fit to be great only in little things. It + acts a treachery upon itself, and suffocates the sensations that urge the + detection. + </p> + <p> + Though the ancient governments present to us a miserable picture of the + condition of man, there is one which above all others exempts itself from + the general description. I mean the democracy of the Athenians. We see + more to admire, and less to condemn, in that great, extraordinary people, + than in anything which history affords. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke is so little acquainted with constituent principles of + government, that he confounds democracy and representation together. + Representation was a thing unknown in the ancient democracies. In those + the mass of the people met and enacted laws (grammatically speaking) in + the first person. Simple democracy was no other than the common hall of + the ancients. It signifies the form, as well as the public principle of + the government. As those democracies increased in population, and the + territory extended, the simple democratical form became unwieldy and + impracticable; and as the system of representation was not known, the + consequence was, they either degenerated convulsively into monarchies, or + became absorbed into such as then existed. Had the system of + representation been then understood, as it now is, there is no reason to + believe that those forms of government, now called monarchical or + aristocratical, would ever have taken place. It was the want of some + method to consolidate the parts of society, after it became too populous, + and too extensive for the simple democratical form, and also the lax and + solitary condition of shepherds and herdsmen in other parts of the world, + that afforded opportunities to those unnatural modes of government to + begin. + </p> + <p> + As it is necessary to clear away the rubbish of errors, into which the + subject of government has been thrown, I will proceed to remark on some + others. + </p> + <p> + It has always been the political craft of courtiers and court-governments, + to abuse something which they called republicanism; but what republicanism + was, or is, they never attempt to explain. Let us examine a little into + this case. + </p> + <p> + The only forms of government are the democratical, the aristocratical, the + monarchical, and what is now called the representative. + </p> + <p> + What is called a republic is not any particular form of government. It is + wholly characteristical of the purport, matter or object for which + government ought to be instituted, and on which it is to be employed, + Res-Publica, the public affairs, or the public good; or, literally + translated, the public thing. It is a word of a good original, referring + to what ought to be the character and business of government; and in this + sense it is naturally opposed to the word monarchy, which has a base + original signification. It means arbitrary power in an individual person; + in the exercise of which, himself, and not the res-publica, is the object. + </p> + <p> + Every government that does not act on the principle of a Republic, or in + other words, that does not make the res-publica its whole and sole object, + is not a good government. Republican government is no other than + government established and conducted for the interest of the public, as + well individually as collectively. It is not necessarily connected with + any particular form, but it most naturally associates with the + representative form, as being best calculated to secure the end for which + a nation is at the expense of supporting it. + </p> + <p> + Various forms of government have affected to style themselves a republic. + Poland calls itself a republic, which is an hereditary aristocracy, with + what is called an elective monarchy. Holland calls itself a republic, + which is chiefly aristocratical, with an hereditary stadtholdership. But + the government of America, which is wholly on the system of + representation, is the only real Republic, in character and in practice, + that now exists. Its government has no other object than the public + business of the nation, and therefore it is properly a republic; and the + Americans have taken care that This, and no other, shall always be the + object of their government, by their rejecting everything hereditary, and + establishing governments on the system of representation only. Those who + have said that a republic is not a form of government calculated for + countries of great extent, mistook, in the first place, the business of a + government, for a form of government; for the res-publica equally + appertains to every extent of territory and population. And, in the second + place, if they meant anything with respect to form, it was the simple + democratical form, such as was the mode of government in the ancient + democracies, in which there was no representation. The case, therefore, is + not, that a republic cannot be extensive, but that it cannot be extensive + on the simple democratical form; and the question naturally presents + itself, What is the best form of government for conducting the + Res-Publica, or the Public Business of a nation, after it becomes too + extensive and populous for the simple democratical form? It cannot be + monarchy, because monarchy is subject to an objection of the same amount + to which the simple democratical form was subject. + </p> + <p> + It is possible that an individual may lay down a system of principles, on + which government shall be constitutionally established to any extent of + territory. This is no more than an operation of the mind, acting by its + own powers. But the practice upon those principles, as applying to the + various and numerous circumstances of a nation, its agriculture, + manufacture, trade, commerce, etc., etc., a knowledge of a different kind, + and which can be had only from the various parts of society. It is an + assemblage of practical knowledge, which no individual can possess; and + therefore the monarchical form is as much limited, in useful practice, + from the incompetency of knowledge, as was the democratical form, from the + multiplicity of population. The one degenerates, by extension, into + confusion; the other, into ignorance and incapacity, of which all the + great monarchies are an evidence. The monarchical form, therefore, could + not be a substitute for the democratical, because it has equal + inconveniences. + </p> + <p> + Much less could it when made hereditary. This is the most effectual of all + forms to preclude knowledge. Neither could the high democratical mind have + voluntarily yielded itself to be governed by children and idiots, and all + the motley insignificance of character, which attends such a mere animal + system, the disgrace and the reproach of reason and of man. + </p> + <p> + As to the aristocratical form, it has the same vices and defects with the + monarchical, except that the chance of abilities is better from the + proportion of numbers, but there is still no security for the right use + and application of them.*<a href="#Clinknote-17" name="Clinknoteref-17" + id="Clinknoteref-17">17</a> + </p> + <p> + Referring them to the original simple democracy, it affords the true data + from which government on a large scale can begin. It is incapable of + extension, not from its principle, but from the inconvenience of its form; + and monarchy and aristocracy, from their incapacity. Retaining, then, + democracy as the ground, and rejecting the corrupt systems of monarchy and + aristocracy, the representative system naturally presents itself; + remedying at once the defects of the simple democracy as to form, and the + incapacity of the other two with respect to knowledge. + </p> + <p> + Simple democracy was society governing itself without the aid of secondary + means. By ingrafting representation upon democracy, we arrive at a system + of government capable of embracing and confederating all the various + interests and every extent of territory and population; and that also with + advantages as much superior to hereditary government, as the republic of + letters is to hereditary literature. + </p> + <p> + It is on this system that the American government is founded. It is + representation ingrafted upon democracy. It has fixed the form by a scale + parallel in all cases to the extent of the principle. What Athens was in + miniature America will be in magnitude. The one was the wonder of the + ancient world; the other is becoming the admiration of the present. It is + the easiest of all the forms of government to be understood and the most + eligible in practice; and excludes at once the ignorance and insecurity of + the hereditary mode, and the inconvenience of the simple democracy. + </p> + <p> + It is impossible to conceive a system of government capable of acting over + such an extent of territory, and such a circle of interests, as is + immediately produced by the operation of representation. France, great and + populous as it is, is but a spot in the capaciousness of the system. It is + preferable to simple democracy even in small territories. Athens, by + representation, would have outrivalled her own democracy. + </p> + <p> + That which is called government, or rather that which we ought to conceive + government to be, is no more than some common center in which all the + parts of society unite. This cannot be accomplished by any method so + conducive to the various interests of the community, as by the + representative system. It concentrates the knowledge necessary to the + interest of the parts, and of the whole. It places government in a state + of constant maturity. It is, as has already been observed, never young, + never old. It is subject neither to nonage, nor dotage. It is never in the + cradle, nor on crutches. It admits not of a separation between knowledge + and power, and is superior, as government always ought to be, to all the + accidents of individual man, and is therefore superior to what is called + monarchy. + </p> + <p> + A nation is not a body, the figure of which is to be represented by the + human body; but is like a body contained within a circle, having a common + center, in which every radius meets; and that center is formed by + representation. To connect representation with what is called monarchy, is + eccentric government. Representation is of itself the delegated monarchy + of a nation, and cannot debase itself by dividing it with another. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke has two or three times, in his parliamentary speeches, and in + his publications, made use of a jingle of words that convey no ideas. + Speaking of government, he says, "It is better to have monarchy for its + basis, and republicanism for its corrective, than republicanism for its + basis, and monarchy for its corrective."—If he means that it is + better to correct folly with wisdom, than wisdom with folly, I will no + otherwise contend with him, than that it would be much better to reject + the folly entirely. + </p> + <p> + But what is this thing which Mr. Burke calls monarchy? Will he explain it? + All men can understand what representation is; and that it must + necessarily include a variety of knowledge and talents. But what security + is there for the same qualities on the part of monarchy? or, when the + monarchy is a child, where then is the wisdom? What does it know about + government? Who then is the monarch, or where is the monarchy? If it is to + be performed by regency, it proves to be a farce. A regency is a mock + species of republic, and the whole of monarchy deserves no better + description. It is a thing as various as imagination can paint. It has + none of the stable character that government ought to possess. Every + succession is a revolution, and every regency a counter-revolution. The + whole of it is a scene of perpetual court cabal and intrigue, of which Mr. + Burke is himself an instance. To render monarchy consistent with + government, the next in succession should not be born a child, but a man + at once, and that man a Solomon. It is ridiculous that nations are to wait + and government be interrupted till boys grow to be men. + </p> + <p> + Whether I have too little sense to see, or too much to be imposed upon; + whether I have too much or too little pride, or of anything else, I leave + out of the question; but certain it is, that what is called monarchy, + always appears to me a silly, contemptible thing. I compare it to + something kept behind a curtain, about which there is a great deal of + bustle and fuss, and a wonderful air of seeming solemnity; but when, by + any accident, the curtain happens to be open—and the company see + what it is, they burst into laughter. + </p> + <p> + In the representative system of government, nothing of this can happen. + Like the nation itself, it possesses a perpetual stamina, as well of body + as of mind, and presents itself on the open theatre of the world in a fair + and manly manner. Whatever are its excellences or defects, they are + visible to all. It exists not by fraud and mystery; it deals not in cant + and sophistry; but inspires a language that, passing from heart to heart, + is felt and understood. + </p> + <p> + We must shut our eyes against reason, we must basely degrade our + understanding, not to see the folly of what is called monarchy. Nature is + orderly in all her works; but this is a mode of government that + counteracts nature. It turns the progress of the human faculties upside + down. It subjects age to be governed by children, and wisdom by folly. + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, the representative system is always parallel with the + order and immutable laws of nature, and meets the reason of man in every + part. For example: + </p> + <p> + In the American Federal Government, more power is delegated to the + President of the United States than to any other individual member of + Congress. He cannot, therefore, be elected to this office under the age of + thirty-five years. By this time the judgment of man becomes more matured, + and he has lived long enough to be acquainted with men and things, and the + country with him.—But on the monarchial plan (exclusive of the + numerous chances there are against every man born into the world, of + drawing a prize in the lottery of human faculties), the next in + succession, whatever he may be, is put at the head of a nation, and of a + government, at the age of eighteen years. Does this appear like an action + of wisdom? Is it consistent with the proper dignity and the manly + character of a nation? Where is the propriety of calling such a lad the + father of the people?—In all other cases, a person is a minor until + the age of twenty-one years. Before this period, he is not trusted with + the management of an acre of land, or with the heritable property of a + flock of sheep, or an herd of swine; but, wonderful to tell! he may, at + the age of eighteen years, be trusted with a nation. + </p> + <p> + That monarchy is all a bubble, a mere court artifice to procure money, is + evident (at least to me) in every character in which it can be viewed. It + would be impossible, on the rational system of representative government, + to make out a bill of expenses to such an enormous amount as this + deception admits. Government is not of itself a very chargeable + institution. The whole expense of the federal government of America, + founded, as I have already said, on the system of representation, and + extending over a country nearly ten times as large as England, is but six + hundred thousand dollars, or one hundred and thirty-five thousand pounds + sterling. + </p> + <p> + I presume that no man in his sober senses will compare the character of + any of the kings of Europe with that of General Washington. Yet, in + France, and also in England, the expense of the civil list only, for the + support of one man, is eight times greater than the whole expense of the + federal government in America. To assign a reason for this, appears almost + impossible. The generality of people in America, especially the poor, are + more able to pay taxes, than the generality of people either in France or + England. + </p> + <p> + But the case is, that the representative system diffuses such a body of + knowledge throughout a nation, on the subject of government, as to explode + ignorance and preclude imposition. The craft of courts cannot be acted on + that ground. There is no place for mystery; nowhere for it to begin. Those + who are not in the representation, know as much of the nature of business + as those who are. An affectation of mysterious importance would there be + scouted. Nations can have no secrets; and the secrets of courts, like + those of individuals, are always their defects. + </p> + <p> + In the representative system, the reason for everything must publicly + appear. Every man is a proprietor in government, and considers it a + necessary part of his business to understand. It concerns his interest, + because it affects his property. He examines the cost, and compares it + with the advantages; and above all, he does not adopt the slavish custom + of following what in other governments are called Leaders. + </p> + <p> + It can only be by blinding the understanding of man, and making him + believe that government is some wonderful mysterious thing, that excessive + revenues are obtained. Monarchy is well calculated to ensure this end. It + is the popery of government; a thing kept up to amuse the ignorant, and + quiet them into taxes. + </p> + <p> + The government of a free country, properly speaking, is not in the + persons, but in the laws. The enacting of those requires no great expense; + and when they are administered, the whole of civil government is performed—the + rest is all court contrivance. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2HCH0004" id="Clink2HCH0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER IV. OF CONSTITUTIONS + </h2> + <p> + That men mean distinct and separate things when they speak of + constitutions and of governments, is evident; or why are those terms + distinctly and separately used? A constitution is not the act of a + government, but of a people constituting a government; and government + without a constitution, is power without a right. + </p> + <p> + All power exercised over a nation, must have some beginning. It must + either be delegated or assumed. There are no other sources. All delegated + power is trust, and all assumed power is usurpation. Time does not alter + the nature and quality of either. + </p> + <p> + In viewing this subject, the case and circumstances of America present + themselves as in the beginning of a world; and our enquiry into the origin + of government is shortened, by referring to the facts that have arisen in + our own day. We have no occasion to roam for information into the obscure + field of antiquity, nor hazard ourselves upon conjecture. We are brought + at once to the point of seeing government begin, as if we had lived in the + beginning of time. The real volume, not of history, but of facts, is + directly before us, unmutilated by contrivance, or the errors of + tradition. + </p> + <p> + I will here concisely state the commencement of the American + constitutions; by which the difference between constitutions and + governments will sufficiently appear. + </p> + <p> + It may not appear improper to remind the reader that the United States of + America consist of thirteen separate states, each of which established a + government for itself, after the declaration of independence, done the 4th + of July, 1776. Each state acted independently of the rest, in forming its + governments; but the same general principle pervades the whole. When the + several state governments were formed, they proceeded to form the federal + government, that acts over the whole in all matters which concern the + interest of the whole, or which relate to the intercourse of the several + states with each other, or with foreign nations. I will begin with giving + an instance from one of the state governments (that of Pennsylvania) and + then proceed to the federal government. + </p> + <p> + The state of Pennsylvania, though nearly of the same extent of territory + as England, was then divided into only twelve counties. Each of those + counties had elected a committee at the commencement of the dispute with + the English government; and as the city of Philadelphia, which also had + its committee, was the most central for intelligence, it became the center + of communication to the several country committees. When it became + necessary to proceed to the formation of a government, the committee of + Philadelphia proposed a conference of all the committees, to be held in + that city, and which met the latter end of July, 1776. + </p> + <p> + Though these committees had been duly elected by the people, they were not + elected expressly for the purpose, nor invested with the authority of + forming a constitution; and as they could not, consistently with the + American idea of rights, assume such a power, they could only confer upon + the matter, and put it into a train of operation. The conferees, + therefore, did no more than state the case, and recommend to the several + counties to elect six representatives for each county, to meet in + convention at Philadelphia, with powers to form a constitution, and + propose it for public consideration. + </p> + <p> + This convention, of which Benjamin Franklin was president, having met and + deliberated, and agreed upon a constitution, they next ordered it to be + published, not as a thing established, but for the consideration of the + whole people, their approbation or rejection, and then adjourned to a + stated time. When the time of adjournment was expired, the convention + re-assembled; and as the general opinion of the people in approbation of + it was then known, the constitution was signed, sealed, and proclaimed on + the authority of the people and the original instrument deposited as a + public record. The convention then appointed a day for the general + election of the representatives who were to compose the government, and + the time it should commence; and having done this they dissolved, and + returned to their several homes and occupations. + </p> + <p> + In this constitution were laid down, first, a declaration of rights; then + followed the form which the government should have, and the powers it + should possess—the authority of the courts of judicature, and of + juries—the manner in which elections should be conducted, and the + proportion of representatives to the number of electors—the time + which each succeeding assembly should continue, which was one year—the + mode of levying, and of accounting for the expenditure, of public money—of + appointing public officers, etc., etc., etc. + </p> + <p> + No article of this constitution could be altered or infringed at the + discretion of the government that was to ensue. It was to that government + a law. But as it would have been unwise to preclude the benefit of + experience, and in order also to prevent the accumulation of errors, if + any should be found, and to preserve an unison of government with the + circumstances of the state at all times, the constitution provided that, + at the expiration of every seven years, a convention should be elected, + for the express purpose of revising the constitution, and making + alterations, additions, or abolitions therein, if any such should be found + necessary. + </p> + <p> + Here we see a regular process—a government issuing out of a + constitution, formed by the people in their original character; and that + constitution serving, not only as an authority, but as a law of control to + the government. It was the political bible of the state. Scarcely a family + was without it. Every member of the government had a copy; and nothing was + more common, when any debate arose on the principle of a bill, or on the + extent of any species of authority, than for the members to take the + printed constitution out of their pocket, and read the chapter with which + such matter in debate was connected. + </p> + <p> + Having thus given an instance from one of the states, I will show the + proceedings by which the federal constitution of the United States arose + and was formed. + </p> + <p> + Congress, at its two first meetings, in September 1774, and May 1775, was + nothing more than a deputation from the legislatures of the several + provinces, afterwards states; and had no other authority than what arose + from common consent, and the necessity of its acting as a public body. In + everything which related to the internal affairs of America, congress went + no further than to issue recommendations to the several provincial + assemblies, who at discretion adopted them or not. Nothing on the part of + congress was compulsive; yet, in this situation, it was more faithfully + and affectionately obeyed than was any government in Europe. This + instance, like that of the national assembly in France, sufficiently + shows, that the strength of government does not consist in any thing + itself, but in the attachment of a nation, and the interest which a people + feel in supporting it. When this is lost, government is but a child in + power; and though, like the old government in France, it may harass + individuals for a while, it but facilitates its own fall. + </p> + <p> + After the declaration of independence, it became consistent with the + principle on which representative government is founded, that the + authority of congress should be defined and established. Whether that + authority should be more or less than congress then discretionarily + exercised was not the question. It was merely the rectitude of the + measure. + </p> + <p> + For this purpose, the act, called the act of confederation (which was a + sort of imperfect federal constitution), was proposed, and, after long + deliberation, was concluded in the year 1781. It was not the act of + congress, because it is repugnant to the principles of representative + government that a body should give power to itself. Congress first + informed the several states, of the powers which it conceived were + necessary to be invested in the union, to enable it to perform the duties + and services required from it; and the states severally agreed with each + other, and concentrated in congress those powers. + </p> + <p> + It may not be improper to observe that in both those instances (the one of + Pennsylvania, and the other of the United States), there is no such thing + as the idea of a compact between the people on one side, and the + government on the other. The compact was that of the people with each + other, to produce and constitute a government. To suppose that any + government can be a party in a compact with the whole people, is to + suppose it to have existence before it can have a right to exist. The only + instance in which a compact can take place between the people and those + who exercise the government, is, that the people shall pay them, while + they choose to employ them. + </p> + <p> + Government is not a trade which any man, or any body of men, has a right + to set up and exercise for his own emolument, but is altogether a trust, + in right of those by whom that trust is delegated, and by whom it is + always resumeable. It has of itself no rights; they are altogether duties. + </p> + <p> + Having thus given two instances of the original formation of a + constitution, I will show the manner in which both have been changed since + their first establishment. + </p> + <p> + The powers vested in the governments of the several states, by the state + constitutions, were found, upon experience, to be too great; and those + vested in the federal government, by the act of confederation, too little. + The defect was not in the principle, but in the distribution of power. + </p> + <p> + Numerous publications, in pamphlets and in the newspapers, appeared, on + the propriety and necessity of new modelling the federal government. After + some time of public discussion, carried on through the channel of the + press, and in conversations, the state of Virginia, experiencing some + inconvenience with respect to commerce, proposed holding a continental + conference; in consequence of which, a deputation from five or six state + assemblies met at Annapolis, in Maryland, in 1786. This meeting, not + conceiving itself sufficiently authorised to go into the business of a + reform, did no more than state their general opinions of the propriety of + the measure, and recommend that a convention of all the states should be + held the year following. + </p> + <p> + The convention met at Philadelphia in May, 1787, of which General + Washington was elected president. He was not at that time connected with + any of the state governments, or with congress. He delivered up his + commission when the war ended, and since then had lived a private citizen. + </p> + <p> + The convention went deeply into all the subjects; and having, after a + variety of debate and investigation, agreed among themselves upon the + several parts of a federal constitution, the next question was, the manner + of giving it authority and practice. + </p> + <p> + For this purpose they did not, like a cabal of courtiers, send for a Dutch + Stadtholder, or a German Elector; but they referred the whole matter to + the sense and interest of the country. + </p> + <p> + They first directed that the proposed constitution should be published. + Secondly, that each state should elect a convention, expressly for the + purpose of taking it into consideration, and of ratifying or rejecting it; + and that as soon as the approbation and ratification of any nine states + should be given, that those states shall proceed to the election of their + proportion of members to the new federal government; and that the + operation of it should then begin, and the former federal government + cease. + </p> + <p> + The several states proceeded accordingly to elect their conventions. Some + of those conventions ratified the constitution by very large majorities, + and two or three unanimously. In others there were much debate and + division of opinion. In the Massachusetts convention, which met at Boston, + the majority was not above nineteen or twenty, in about three hundred + members; but such is the nature of representative government, that it + quietly decides all matters by majority. After the debate in the + Massachusetts convention was closed, and the vote taken, the objecting + members rose and declared, "That though they had argued and voted against + it, because certain parts appeared to them in a different light to what + they appeared to other members; yet, as the vote had decided in favour of + the constitution as proposed, they should give it the same practical + support as if they had for it." + </p> + <p> + As soon as nine states had concurred (and the rest followed in the order + their conventions were elected), the old fabric of the federal government + was taken down, and the new one erected, of which General Washington is + president.—In this place I cannot help remarking, that the character + and services of this gentleman are sufficient to put all those men called + kings to shame. While they are receiving from the sweat and labours of + mankind, a prodigality of pay, to which neither their abilities nor their + services can entitle them, he is rendering every service in his power, and + refusing every pecuniary reward. He accepted no pay as commander-in-chief; + he accepts none as president of the United States. + </p> + <p> + After the new federal constitution was established, the state of + Pennsylvania, conceiving that some parts of its own constitution required + to be altered, elected a convention for that purpose. The proposed + alterations were published, and the people concurring therein, they were + established. + </p> + <p> + In forming those constitutions, or in altering them, little or no + inconvenience took place. The ordinary course of things was not + interrupted, and the advantages have been much. It is always the interest + of a far greater number of people in a nation to have things right, than + to let them remain wrong; and when public matters are open to debate, and + the public judgment free, it will not decide wrong, unless it decides too + hastily. + </p> + <p> + In the two instances of changing the constitutions, the governments then + in being were not actors either way. Government has no right to make + itself a party in any debate respecting the principles or modes of + forming, or of changing, constitutions. It is not for the benefit of those + who exercise the powers of government that constitutions, and the + governments issuing from them, are established. In all those matters the + right of judging and acting are in those who pay, and not in those who + receive. + </p> + <p> + A constitution is the property of a nation, and not of those who exercise + the government. All the constitutions of America are declared to be + established on the authority of the people. In France, the word nation is + used instead of the people; but in both cases, a constitution is a thing + antecedent to the government, and always distinct there from. + </p> + <p> + In England it is not difficult to perceive that everything has a + constitution, except the nation. Every society and association that is + established, first agreed upon a number of original articles, digested + into form, which are its constitution. It then appointed its officers, + whose powers and authorities are described in that constitution, and the + government of that society then commenced. Those officers, by whatever + name they are called, have no authority to add to, alter, or abridge the + original articles. It is only to the constituting power that this right + belongs. + </p> + <p> + From the want of understanding the difference between a constitution and a + government, Dr. Johnson, and all writers of his description, have always + bewildered themselves. They could not but perceive, that there must + necessarily be a controlling power existing somewhere, and they placed + this power in the discretion of the persons exercising the government, + instead of placing it in a constitution formed by the nation. When it is + in a constitution, it has the nation for its support, and the natural and + the political controlling powers are together. The laws which are enacted + by governments, control men only as individuals, but the nation, through + its constitution, controls the whole government, and has a natural ability + to do so. The final controlling power, therefore, and the original + constituting power, are one and the same power. + </p> + <p> + Dr. Johnson could not have advanced such a position in any country where + there was a constitution; and he is himself an evidence that no such thing + as a constitution exists in England. But it may be put as a question, not + improper to be investigated, that if a constitution does not exist, how + came the idea of its existence so generally established? + </p> + <p> + In order to decide this question, it is necessary to consider a + constitution in both its cases:—First, as creating a government and + giving it powers. Secondly, as regulating and restraining the powers so + given. + </p> + <p> + If we begin with William of Normandy, we find that the government of + England was originally a tyranny, founded on an invasion and conquest of + the country. This being admitted, it will then appear, that the exertion + of the nation, at different periods, to abate that tyranny, and render it + less intolerable, has been credited for a constitution. + </p> + <p> + Magna Charta, as it was called (it is now like an almanack of the same + date), was no more than compelling the government to renounce a part of + its assumptions. It did not create and give powers to government in a + manner a constitution does; but was, as far as it went, of the nature of a + re-conquest, and not a constitution; for could the nation have totally + expelled the usurpation, as France has done its despotism, it would then + have had a constitution to form. + </p> + <p> + The history of the Edwards and the Henries, and up to the commencement of + the Stuarts, exhibits as many instances of tyranny as could be acted + within the limits to which the nation had restricted it. The Stuarts + endeavoured to pass those limits, and their fate is well known. In all + those instances we see nothing of a constitution, but only of restrictions + on assumed power. + </p> + <p> + After this, another William, descended from the same stock, and claiming + from the same origin, gained possession; and of the two evils, James and + William, the nation preferred what it thought the least; since, from + circumstances, it must take one. The act, called the Bill of Rights, comes + here into view. What is it, but a bargain, which the parts of the + government made with each other to divide powers, profits, and privileges? + You shall have so much, and I will have the rest; and with respect to the + nation, it said, for your share, You shall have the right of petitioning. + This being the case, the bill of rights is more properly a bill of wrongs, + and of insult. As to what is called the convention parliament, it was a + thing that made itself, and then made the authority by which it acted. A + few persons got together, and called themselves by that name. Several of + them had never been elected, and none of them for the purpose. + </p> + <p> + From the time of William a species of government arose, issuing out of + this coalition bill of rights; and more so, since the corruption + introduced at the Hanover succession by the agency of Walpole; that can be + described by no other name than a despotic legislation. Though the parts + may embarrass each other, the whole has no bounds; and the only right it + acknowledges out of itself, is the right of petitioning. Where then is the + constitution either that gives or restrains power? + </p> + <p> + It is not because a part of the government is elective, that makes it less + a despotism, if the persons so elected possess afterwards, as a + parliament, unlimited powers. Election, in this case, becomes separated + from representation, and the candidates are candidates for despotism. + </p> + <p> + I cannot believe that any nation, reasoning on its own rights, would have + thought of calling these things a constitution, if the cry of constitution + had not been set up by the government. It has got into circulation like + the words bore and quoz [quiz], by being chalked up in the speeches of + parliament, as those words were on window shutters and doorposts; but + whatever the constitution may be in other respects, it has undoubtedly + been the most productive machine of taxation that was ever invented. The + taxes in France, under the new constitution, are not quite thirteen + shillings per head,*<a href="#Clinknote-18" name="Clinknoteref-18" + id="Clinknoteref-18">18</a> and the taxes in England, under what is called + its present constitution, are forty-eight shillings and sixpence per head—men, + women, and children—amounting to nearly seventeen millions sterling, + besides the expense of collecting, which is upwards of a million more. + </p> + <p> + In a country like England, where the whole of the civil Government is + executed by the people of every town and county, by means of parish + officers, magistrates, quarterly sessions, juries, and assize; without any + trouble to what is called the government or any other expense to the + revenue than the salary of the judges, it is astonishing how such a mass + of taxes can be employed. Not even the internal defence of the country is + paid out of the revenue. On all occasions, whether real or contrived, + recourse is continually had to new loans and new taxes. No wonder, then, + that a machine of government so advantageous to the advocates of a court, + should be so triumphantly extolled! No wonder, that St. James's or St. + Stephen's should echo with the continual cry of constitution; no wonder, + that the French revolution should be reprobated, and the res-publica + treated with reproach! The red book of England, like the red book of + France, will explain the reason.*<a href="#Clinknote-19" + name="Clinknoteref-19" id="Clinknoteref-19">19</a> + </p> + <p> + I will now, by way of relaxation, turn a thought or two to Mr. Burke. I + ask his pardon for neglecting him so long. + </p> + <p> + "America," says he (in his speech on the Canada Constitution bill), "never + dreamed of such absurd doctrine as the Rights of Man." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke is such a bold presumer, and advances his assertions and his + premises with such a deficiency of judgment, that, without troubling + ourselves about principles of philosophy or politics, the mere logical + conclusions they produce, are ridiculous. For instance, + </p> + <p> + If governments, as Mr. Burke asserts, are not founded on the Rights of + Man, and are founded on any rights at all, they consequently must be + founded on the right of something that is not man. What then is that + something? + </p> + <p> + Generally speaking, we know of no other creatures that inhabit the earth + than man and beast; and in all cases, where only two things offer + themselves, and one must be admitted, a negation proved on any one, + amounts to an affirmative on the other; and therefore, Mr. Burke, by + proving against the Rights of Man, proves in behalf of the beast; and + consequently, proves that government is a beast; and as difficult things + sometimes explain each other, we now see the origin of keeping wild beasts + in the Tower; for they certainly can be of no other use than to show the + origin of the government. They are in the place of a constitution. O John + Bull, what honours thou hast lost by not being a wild beast. Thou + mightest, on Mr. Burke's system, have been in the Tower for life. + </p> + <p> + If Mr. Burke's arguments have not weight enough to keep one serious, the + fault is less mine than his; and as I am willing to make an apology to the + reader for the liberty I have taken, I hope Mr. Burke will also make his + for giving the cause. + </p> + <p> + Having thus paid Mr. Burke the compliment of remembering him, I return to + the subject. + </p> + <p> + From the want of a constitution in England to restrain and regulate the + wild impulse of power, many of the laws are irrational and tyrannical, and + the administration of them vague and problematical. + </p> + <p> + The attention of the government of England (for I rather choose to call it + by this name than the English government) appears, since its political + connection with Germany, to have been so completely engrossed and absorbed + by foreign affairs, and the means of raising taxes, that it seems to exist + for no other purposes. Domestic concerns are neglected; and with respect + to regular law, there is scarcely such a thing. + </p> + <p> + Almost every case must now be determined by some precedent, be that + precedent good or bad, or whether it properly applies or not; and the + practice is become so general as to suggest a suspicion, that it proceeds + from a deeper policy than at first sight appears. + </p> + <p> + Since the revolution of America, and more so since that of France, this + preaching up the doctrines of precedents, drawn from times and + circumstances antecedent to those events, has been the studied practice of + the English government. The generality of those precedents are founded on + principles and opinions, the reverse of what they ought; and the greater + distance of time they are drawn from, the more they are to be suspected. + But by associating those precedents with a superstitious reverence for + ancient things, as monks show relics and call them holy, the generality of + mankind are deceived into the design. Governments now act as if they were + afraid to awaken a single reflection in man. They are softly leading him + to the sepulchre of precedents, to deaden his faculties and call attention + from the scene of revolutions. They feel that he is arriving at knowledge + faster than they wish, and their policy of precedents is the barometer of + their fears. This political popery, like the ecclesiastical popery of old, + has had its day, and is hastening to its exit. The ragged relic and the + antiquated precedent, the monk and the monarch, will moulder together. + </p> + <p> + Government by precedent, without any regard to the principle of the + precedent, is one of the vilest systems that can be set up. In numerous + instances, the precedent ought to operate as a warning, and not as an + example, and requires to be shunned instead of imitated; but instead of + this, precedents are taken in the lump, and put at once for constitution + and for law. + </p> + <p> + Either the doctrine of precedents is policy to keep a man in a state of + ignorance, or it is a practical confession that wisdom degenerates in + governments as governments increase in age, and can only hobble along by + the stilts and crutches of precedents. How is it that the same persons who + would proudly be thought wiser than their predecessors, appear at the same + time only as the ghosts of departed wisdom? How strangely is antiquity + treated! To some purposes it is spoken of as the times of darkness and + ignorance, and to answer others, it is put for the light of the world. + </p> + <p> + If the doctrine of precedents is to be followed, the expenses of + government need not continue the same. Why pay men extravagantly, who have + but little to do? If everything that can happen is already in precedent, + legislation is at an end, and precedent, like a dictionary, determines + every case. Either, therefore, government has arrived at its dotage, and + requires to be renovated, or all the occasions for exercising its wisdom + have occurred. + </p> + <p> + We now see all over Europe, and particularly in England, the curious + phenomenon of a nation looking one way, and the government the other—the + one forward and the other backward. If governments are to go on by + precedent, while nations go on by improvement, they must at last come to a + final separation; and the sooner, and the more civilly they determine this + point, the better.*<a href="#Clinknote-20" name="Clinknoteref-20" + id="Clinknoteref-20">20</a> + </p> + <p> + Having thus spoken of constitutions generally, as things distinct from + actual governments, let us proceed to consider the parts of which a + constitution is composed. + </p> + <p> + Opinions differ more on this subject than with respect to the whole. That + a nation ought to have a constitution, as a rule for the conduct of its + government, is a simple question in which all men, not directly courtiers, + will agree. It is only on the component parts that questions and opinions + multiply. + </p> + <p> + But this difficulty, like every other, will diminish when put into a train + of being rightly understood. + </p> + <p> + The first thing is, that a nation has a right to establish a constitution. + </p> + <p> + Whether it exercises this right in the most judicious manner at first is + quite another case. It exercises it agreeably to the judgment it + possesses; and by continuing to do so, all errors will at last be + exploded. + </p> + <p> + When this right is established in a nation, there is no fear that it will + be employed to its own injury. A nation can have no interest in being + wrong. + </p> + <p> + Though all the constitutions of America are on one general principle, yet + no two of them are exactly alike in their component parts, or in the + distribution of the powers which they give to the actual governments. Some + are more, and others less complex. + </p> + <p> + In forming a constitution, it is first necessary to consider what are the + ends for which government is necessary? Secondly, what are the best means, + and the least expensive, for accomplishing those ends? + </p> + <p> + Government is nothing more than a national association; and the object of + this association is the good of all, as well individually as collectively. + Every man wishes to pursue his occupation, and to enjoy the fruits of his + labours and the produce of his property in peace and safety, and with the + least possible expense. When these things are accomplished, all the + objects for which government ought to be established are answered. + </p> + <p> + It has been customary to consider government under three distinct general + heads. The legislative, the executive, and the judicial. + </p> + <p> + But if we permit our judgment to act unincumbered by the habit of + multiplied terms, we can perceive no more than two divisions of power, of + which civil government is composed, namely, that of legislating or + enacting laws, and that of executing or administering them. Everything, + therefore, appertaining to civil government, classes itself under one or + other of these two divisions. + </p> + <p> + So far as regards the execution of the laws, that which is called the + judicial power, is strictly and properly the executive power of every + country. It is that power to which every individual has appeal, and which + causes the laws to be executed; neither have we any other clear idea with + respect to the official execution of the laws. In England, and also in + America and France, this power begins with the magistrate, and proceeds up + through all the courts of judicature. + </p> + <p> + I leave to courtiers to explain what is meant by calling monarchy the + executive power. It is merely a name in which acts of government are done; + and any other, or none at all, would answer the same purpose. Laws have + neither more nor less authority on this account. It must be from the + justness of their principles, and the interest which a nation feels + therein, that they derive support; if they require any other than this, it + is a sign that something in the system of government is imperfect. Laws + difficult to be executed cannot be generally good. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the organization of the legislative power, different modes + have been adopted in different countries. In America it is generally + composed of two houses. In France it consists but of one, but in both + countries, it is wholly by representation. + </p> + <p> + The case is, that mankind (from the long tyranny of assumed power) have + had so few opportunities of making the necessary trials on modes and + principles of government, in order to discover the best, that government + is but now beginning to be known, and experience is yet wanting to + determine many particulars. + </p> + <p> + The objections against two houses are, first, that there is an + inconsistency in any part of a whole legislature, coming to a final + determination by vote on any matter, whilst that matter, with respect to + that whole, is yet only in a train of deliberation, and consequently open + to new illustrations. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, That by taking the vote on each, as a separate body, it always + admits of the possibility, and is often the case in practice, that the + minority governs the majority, and that, in some instances, to a degree of + great inconsistency. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, That two houses arbitrarily checking or controlling each other is + inconsistent; because it cannot be proved on the principles of just + representation, that either should be wiser or better than the other. They + may check in the wrong as well as in the right therefore to give the power + where we cannot give the wisdom to use it, nor be assured of its being + rightly used, renders the hazard at least equal to the precaution.*<a + href="#Clinknote-21" name="Clinknoteref-21" id="Clinknoteref-21">21</a> + </p> + <p> + The objection against a single house is, that it is always in a condition + of committing itself too soon.—But it should at the same time be + remembered, that when there is a constitution which defines the power, and + establishes the principles within which a legislature shall act, there is + already a more effectual check provided, and more powerfully operating, + than any other check can be. For example, + </p> + <p> + Were a Bill to be brought into any of the American legislatures similar to + that which was passed into an act by the English parliament, at the + commencement of George the First, to extend the duration of the assemblies + to a longer period than they now sit, the check is in the constitution, + which in effect says, Thus far shalt thou go and no further. + </p> + <p> + But in order to remove the objection against a single house (that of + acting with too quick an impulse), and at the same time to avoid the + inconsistencies, in some cases absurdities, arising from two houses, the + following method has been proposed as an improvement upon both. + </p> + <p> + First, To have but one representation. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, To divide that representation, by lot, into two or three parts. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, That every proposed bill shall be first debated in those parts by + succession, that they may become the hearers of each other, but without + taking any vote. After which the whole representation to assemble for a + general debate and determination by vote. + </p> + <p> + To this proposed improvement has been added another, for the purpose of + keeping the representation in the state of constant renovation; which is, + that one-third of the representation of each county, shall go out at the + expiration of one year, and the number be replaced by new elections. + Another third at the expiration of the second year replaced in like + manner, and every third year to be a general election.*<a + href="#Clinknote-22" name="Clinknoteref-22" id="Clinknoteref-22">22</a> + </p> + <p> + But in whatever manner the separate parts of a constitution may be + arranged, there is one general principle that distinguishes freedom from + slavery, which is, that all hereditary government over a people is to them + a species of slavery, and representative government is freedom. + </p> + <p> + Considering government in the only light in which it should be considered, + that of a National Association, it ought to be so constructed as not to be + disordered by any accident happening among the parts; and, therefore, no + extraordinary power, capable of producing such an effect, should be lodged + in the hands of any individual. The death, sickness, absence or defection, + of any one individual in a government, ought to be a matter of no more + consequence, with respect to the nation, than if the same circumstance had + taken place in a member of the English Parliament, or the French National + Assembly. + </p> + <p> + Scarcely anything presents a more degrading character of national + greatness, than its being thrown into confusion, by anything happening to + or acted by any individual; and the ridiculousness of the scene is often + increased by the natural insignificance of the person by whom it is + occasioned. Were a government so constructed, that it could not go on + unless a goose or a gander were present in the senate, the difficulties + would be just as great and as real, on the flight or sickness of the + goose, or the gander, as if it were called a King. We laugh at individuals + for the silly difficulties they make to themselves, without perceiving + that the greatest of all ridiculous things are acted in governments.*<a + href="#Clinknote-23" name="Clinknoteref-23" id="Clinknoteref-23">23</a> + </p> + <p> + All the constitutions of America are on a plan that excludes the childish + embarrassments which occur in monarchical countries. No suspension of + government can there take place for a moment, from any circumstances + whatever. The system of representation provides for everything, and is the + only system in which nations and governments can always appear in their + proper character. + </p> + <p> + As extraordinary power ought not to be lodged in the hands of any + individual, so ought there to be no appropriations of public money to any + person, beyond what his services in a state may be worth. It signifies not + whether a man be called a president, a king, an emperor, a senator, or by + any other name which propriety or folly may devise or arrogance assume; it + is only a certain service he can perform in the state; and the service of + any such individual in the routine of office, whether such office be + called monarchical, presidential, senatorial, or by any other name or + title, can never exceed the value of ten thousand pounds a year. All the + great services that are done in the world are performed by volunteer + characters, who accept nothing for them; but the routine of office is + always regulated to such a general standard of abilities as to be within + the compass of numbers in every country to perform, and therefore cannot + merit very extraordinary recompense. Government, says Swift, is a Plain + thing, and fitted to the capacity of many heads. + </p> + <p> + It is inhuman to talk of a million sterling a year, paid out of the public + taxes of any country, for the support of any individual, whilst thousands + who are forced to contribute thereto, are pining with want, and struggling + with misery. Government does not consist in a contrast between prisons and + palaces, between poverty and pomp; it is not instituted to rob the needy + of his mite, and increase the wretchedness of the wretched.—But on + this part of the subject I shall speak hereafter, and confine myself at + present to political observations. + </p> + <p> + When extraordinary power and extraordinary pay are allotted to any + individual in a government, he becomes the center, round which every kind + of corruption generates and forms. Give to any man a million a year, and + add thereto the power of creating and disposing of places, at the expense + of a country, and the liberties of that country are no longer secure. What + is called the splendour of a throne is no other than the corruption of the + state. It is made up of a band of parasites, living in luxurious + indolence, out of the public taxes. + </p> + <p> + When once such a vicious system is established it becomes the guard and + protection of all inferior abuses. The man who is in the receipt of a + million a year is the last person to promote a spirit of reform, lest, in + the event, it should reach to himself. It is always his interest to defend + inferior abuses, as so many outworks to protect the citadel; and on this + species of political fortification, all the parts have such a common + dependence that it is never to be expected they will attack each other.*<a + href="#Clinknote-24" name="Clinknoteref-24" id="Clinknoteref-24">24</a> + </p> + <p> + Monarchy would not have continued so many ages in the world, had it not + been for the abuses it protects. It is the master-fraud, which shelters + all others. By admitting a participation of the spoil, it makes itself + friends; and when it ceases to do this it will cease to be the idol of + courtiers. + </p> + <p> + As the principle on which constitutions are now formed rejects all + hereditary pretensions to government, it also rejects all that catalogue + of assumptions known by the name of prerogatives. + </p> + <p> + If there is any government where prerogatives might with apparent safety + be entrusted to any individual, it is in the federal government of + America. The president of the United States of America is elected only for + four years. He is not only responsible in the general sense of the word, + but a particular mode is laid down in the constitution for trying him. He + cannot be elected under thirty-five years of age; and he must be a native + of the country. + </p> + <p> + In a comparison of these cases with the Government of England, the + difference when applied to the latter amounts to an absurdity. In England + the person who exercises prerogative is often a foreigner; always half a + foreigner, and always married to a foreigner. He is never in full natural + or political connection with the country, is not responsible for anything, + and becomes of age at eighteen years; yet such a person is permitted to + form foreign alliances, without even the knowledge of the nation, and to + make war and peace without its consent. + </p> + <p> + But this is not all. Though such a person cannot dispose of the government + in the manner of a testator, he dictates the marriage connections, which, + in effect, accomplish a great part of the same end. He cannot directly + bequeath half the government to Prussia, but he can form a marriage + partnership that will produce almost the same thing. Under such + circumstances, it is happy for England that she is not situated on the + Continent, or she might, like Holland, fall under the dictatorship of + Prussia. Holland, by marriage, is as effectually governed by Prussia, as + if the old tyranny of bequeathing the government had been the means. + </p> + <p> + The presidency in America (or, as it is sometimes called, the executive) + is the only office from which a foreigner is excluded, and in England it + is the only one to which he is admitted. A foreigner cannot be a member of + Parliament, but he may be what is called a king. If there is any reason + for excluding foreigners, it ought to be from those offices where mischief + can most be acted, and where, by uniting every bias of interest and + attachment, the trust is best secured. But as nations proceed in the great + business of forming constitutions, they will examine with more precision + into the nature and business of that department which is called the + executive. What the legislative and judicial departments are every one can + see; but with respect to what, in Europe, is called the executive, as + distinct from those two, it is either a political superfluity or a chaos + of unknown things. + </p> + <p> + Some kind of official department, to which reports shall be made from the + different parts of a nation, or from abroad, to be laid before the + national representatives, is all that is necessary; but there is no + consistency in calling this the executive; neither can it be considered in + any other light than as inferior to the legislative. The sovereign + authority in any country is the power of making laws, and everything else + is an official department. + </p> + <p> + Next to the arrangement of the principles and the organization of the + several parts of a constitution, is the provision to be made for the + support of the persons to whom the nation shall confide the administration + of the constitutional powers. + </p> + <p> + A nation can have no right to the time and services of any person at his + own expense, whom it may choose to employ or entrust in any department + whatever; neither can any reason be given for making provision for the + support of any one part of a government and not for the other. + </p> + <p> + But admitting that the honour of being entrusted with any part of a + government is to be considered a sufficient reward, it ought to be so to + every person alike. If the members of the legislature of any country are + to serve at their own expense that which is called the executive, whether + monarchical or by any other name, ought to serve in like manner. It is + inconsistent to pay the one, and accept the service of the other gratis. + </p> + <p> + In America, every department in the government is decently provided for; + but no one is extravagantly paid. Every member of Congress, and of the + Assemblies, is allowed a sufficiency for his expenses. Whereas in England, + a most prodigal provision is made for the support of one part of the + Government, and none for the other, the consequence of which is that the + one is furnished with the means of corruption and the other is put into + the condition of being corrupted. Less than a fourth part of such expense, + applied as it is in America, would remedy a great part of the corruption. + </p> + <p> + Another reform in the American constitution is the exploding all oaths of + personality. The oath of allegiance in America is to the nation only. The + putting any individual as a figure for a nation is improper. The happiness + of a nation is the superior object, and therefore the intention of an oath + of allegiance ought not to be obscured by being figuratively taken, to, or + in the name of, any person. The oath, called the civic oath, in France, + viz., "the nation, the law, and the king," is improper. If taken at all, + it ought to be as in America, to the nation only. The law may or may not + be good; but, in this place, it can have no other meaning, than as being + conducive to the happiness of a nation, and therefore is included in it. + The remainder of the oath is improper, on the ground, that all personal + oaths ought to be abolished. They are the remains of tyranny on one part + and slavery on the other; and the name of the Creator ought not to be + introduced to witness the degradation of his creation; or if taken, as is + already mentioned, as figurative of the nation, it is in this place + redundant. But whatever apology may be made for oaths at the first + establishment of a government, they ought not to be permitted afterwards. + If a government requires the support of oaths, it is a sign that it is not + worth supporting, and ought not to be supported. Make government what it + ought to be, and it will support itself. + </p> + <p> + To conclude this part of the subject:—One of the greatest + improvements that have been made for the perpetual security and progress + of constitutional liberty, is the provision which the new constitutions + make for occasionally revising, altering, and amending them. + </p> + <p> + The principle upon which Mr. Burke formed his political creed, that of + "binding and controlling posterity to the end of time, and of renouncing + and abdicating the rights of all posterity, for ever," is now become too + detestable to be made a subject of debate; and therefore, I pass it over + with no other notice than exposing it. + </p> + <p> + Government is but now beginning to be known. Hitherto it has been the mere + exercise of power, which forbade all effectual enquiry into rights, and + grounded itself wholly on possession. While the enemy of liberty was its + judge, the progress of its principles must have been small indeed. + </p> + <p> + The constitutions of America, and also that of France, have either affixed + a period for their revision, or laid down the mode by which improvement + shall be made. It is perhaps impossible to establish anything that + combines principles with opinions and practice, which the progress of + circumstances, through a length of years, will not in some measure + derange, or render inconsistent; and, therefore, to prevent inconveniences + accumulating, till they discourage reformations or provoke revolutions, it + is best to provide the means of regulating them as they occur. The Rights + of Man are the rights of all generations of men, and cannot be monopolised + by any. That which is worth following, will be followed for the sake of + its worth, and it is in this that its security lies, and not in any + conditions with which it may be encumbered. When a man leaves property to + his heirs, he does not connect it with an obligation that they shall + accept it. Why, then, should we do otherwise with respect to + constitutions? The best constitution that could now be devised, consistent + with the condition of the present moment, may be far short of that + excellence which a few years may afford. There is a morning of reason + rising upon man on the subject of government, that has not appeared + before. As the barbarism of the present old governments expires, the moral + conditions of nations with respect to each other will be changed. Man will + not be brought up with the savage idea of considering his species as his + enemy, because the accident of birth gave the individuals existence in + countries distinguished by different names; and as constitutions have + always some relation to external as well as to domestic circumstances, the + means of benefitting by every change, foreign or domestic, should be a + part of every constitution. We already see an alteration in the national + disposition of England and France towards each other, which, when we look + back to only a few years, is itself a Revolution. Who could have foreseen, + or who could have believed, that a French National Assembly would ever + have been a popular toast in England, or that a friendly alliance of the + two nations should become the wish of either? It shows that man, were he + not corrupted by governments, is naturally the friend of man, and that + human nature is not of itself vicious. That spirit of jealousy and + ferocity, which the governments of the two countries inspired, and which + they rendered subservient to the purpose of taxation, is now yielding to + the dictates of reason, interest, and humanity. The trade of courts is + beginning to be understood, and the affectation of mystery, with all the + artificial sorcery by which they imposed upon mankind, is on the decline. + It has received its death-wound; and though it may linger, it will expire. + Government ought to be as much open to improvement as anything which + appertains to man, instead of which it has been monopolised from age to + age, by the most ignorant and vicious of the human race. Need we any other + proof of their wretched management, than the excess of debts and taxes + with which every nation groans, and the quarrels into which they have + precipitated the world? Just emerging from such a barbarous condition, it + is too soon to determine to what extent of improvement government may yet + be carried. For what we can foresee, all Europe may form but one great + Republic, and man be free of the whole. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2HCH0005" id="Clink2HCH0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER V. WAYS AND MEANS OF IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF EUROPE + </h2> + <h3> + INTERSPERSED WITH MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS + </h3> + <p> + In contemplating a subject that embraces with equatorial magnitude the + whole region of humanity it is impossible to confine the pursuit in one + single direction. It takes ground on every character and condition that + appertains to man, and blends the individual, the nation, and the world. + From a small spark, kindled in America, a flame has arisen not to be + extinguished. Without consuming, like the Ultima Ratio Regum, it winds its + progress from nation to nation, and conquers by a silent operation. Man + finds himself changed, he scarcely perceives how. He acquires a knowledge + of his rights by attending justly to his interest, and discovers in the + event that the strength and powers of despotism consist wholly in the fear + of resisting it, and that, in order "to be free, it is sufficient that he + wills it." + </p> + <p> + Having in all the preceding parts of this work endeavoured to establish a + system of principles as a basis on which governments ought to be erected, + I shall proceed in this, to the ways and means of rendering them into + practice. But in order to introduce this part of the subject with more + propriety, and stronger effect, some preliminary observations, deducible + from, or connected with, those principles, are necessary. + </p> + <p> + Whatever the form or constitution of government may be, it ought to have + no other object than the general happiness. When, instead of this, it + operates to create and increase wretchedness in any of the parts of + society, it is on a wrong system, and reformation is necessary. Customary + language has classed the condition of man under the two descriptions of + civilised and uncivilised life. To the one it has ascribed felicity and + affluence; to the other hardship and want. But, however our imagination + may be impressed by painting and comparison, it is nevertheless true, that + a great portion of mankind, in what are called civilised countries, are in + a state of poverty and wretchedness, far below the condition of an Indian. + I speak not of one country, but of all. It is so in England, it is so all + over Europe. Let us enquire into the cause. + </p> + <p> + It lies not in any natural defect in the principles of civilisation, but + in preventing those principles having a universal operation; the + consequence of which is, a perpetual system of war and expense, that + drains the country, and defeats the general felicity of which civilisation + is capable. All the European governments (France now excepted) are + constructed not on the principle of universal civilisation, but on the + reverse of it. So far as those governments relate to each other, they are + in the same condition as we conceive of savage uncivilised life; they put + themselves beyond the law as well of God as of man, and are, with respect + to principle and reciprocal conduct, like so many individuals in a state + of nature. The inhabitants of every country, under the civilisation of + laws, easily civilise together, but governments being yet in an + uncivilised state, and almost continually at war, they pervert the + abundance which civilised life produces to carry on the uncivilised part + to a greater extent. By thus engrafting the barbarism of government upon + the internal civilisation of a country, it draws from the latter, and more + especially from the poor, a great portion of those earnings, which should + be applied to their own subsistence and comfort. Apart from all + reflections of morality and philosophy, it is a melancholy fact that more + than one-fourth of the labour of mankind is annually consumed by this + barbarous system. What has served to continue this evil, is the pecuniary + advantage which all the governments of Europe have found in keeping up + this state of uncivilisation. It affords to them pretences for power, and + revenue, for which there would be neither occasion nor apology, if the + circle of civilisation were rendered complete. Civil government alone, or + the government of laws, is not productive of pretences for many taxes; it + operates at home, directly under the eye of the country, and precludes the + possibility of much imposition. But when the scene is laid in the + uncivilised contention of governments, the field of pretences is enlarged, + and the country, being no longer a judge, is open to every imposition, + which governments please to act. Not a thirtieth, scarcely a fortieth, + part of the taxes which are raised in England are either occasioned by, or + applied to, the purpose of civil government. It is not difficult to see, + that the whole which the actual government does in this respect, is to + enact laws, and that the country administers and executes them, at its own + expense, by means of magistrates, juries, sessions, and assize, over and + above the taxes which it pays. In this view of the case, we have two + distinct characters of government; the one the civil government, or the + government of laws, which operates at home, the other the court or cabinet + government, which operates abroad, on the rude plan of uncivilised life; + the one attended with little charge, the other with boundless + extravagance; and so distinct are the two, that if the latter were to + sink, as it were, by a sudden opening of the earth, and totally disappear, + the former would not be deranged. It would still proceed, because it is + the common interest of the nation that it should, and all the means are in + practice. Revolutions, then, have for their object a change in the moral + condition of governments, and with this change the burthen of public taxes + will lessen, and civilisation will be left to the enjoyment of that + abundance, of which it is now deprived. In contemplating the whole of this + subject, I extend my views into the department of commerce. In all my + publications, where the matter would admit, I have been an advocate for + commerce, because I am a friend to its effects. It is a pacific system, + operating to cordialise mankind, by rendering nations, as well as + individuals, useful to each other. As to the mere theoretical reformation, + I have never preached it up. The most effectual process is that of + improving the condition of man by means of his interest; and it is on this + ground that I take my stand. If commerce were permitted to act to the + universal extent it is capable, it would extirpate the system of war, and + produce a revolution in the uncivilised state of governments. The + invention of commerce has arisen since those governments began, and is the + greatest approach towards universal civilisation that has yet been made by + any means not immediately flowing from moral principles. Whatever has a + tendency to promote the civil intercourse of nations by an exchange of + benefits, is a subject as worthy of philosophy as of politics. Commerce is + no other than the traffic of two individuals, multiplied on a scale of + numbers; and by the same rule that nature intended for the intercourse of + two, she intended that of all. For this purpose she has distributed the + materials of manufactures and commerce, in various and distant parts of a + nation and of the world; and as they cannot be procured by war so cheaply + or so commodiously as by commerce, she has rendered the latter the means + of extirpating the former. As the two are nearly the opposite of each + other, consequently, the uncivilised state of the European governments is + injurious to commerce. Every kind of destruction or embarrassment serves + to lessen the quantity, and it matters but little in what part of the + commercial world the reduction begins. Like blood, it cannot be taken from + any of the parts, without being taken from the whole mass in circulation, + and all partake of the loss. When the ability in any nation to buy is + destroyed, it equally involves the seller. Could the government of England + destroy the commerce of all other nations, she would most effectually ruin + her own. It is possible that a nation may be the carrier for the world, + but she cannot be the merchant. She cannot be the seller and buyer of her + own merchandise. The ability to buy must reside out of herself; and, + therefore, the prosperity of any commercial nation is regulated by the + prosperity of the rest. If they are poor she cannot be rich, and her + condition, be what it may, is an index of the height of the commercial + tide in other nations. That the principles of commerce, and its universal + operation may be understood, without understanding the practice, is a + position that reason will not deny; and it is on this ground only that I + argue the subject. It is one thing in the counting-house, in the world it + is another. With respect to its operation it must necessarily be + contemplated as a reciprocal thing; that only one-half its powers resides + within the nation, and that the whole is as effectually destroyed by the + destroying the half that resides without, as if the destruction had been + committed on that which is within; for neither can act without the other. + When in the last, as well as in former wars, the commerce of England sunk, + it was because the quantity was lessened everywhere; and it now rises, + because commerce is in a rising state in every nation. If England, at this + day, imports and exports more than at any former period, the nations with + which she trades must necessarily do the same; her imports are their + exports, and vice versa. There can be no such thing as a nation + flourishing alone in commerce: she can only participate; and the + destruction of it in any part must necessarily affect all. When, + therefore, governments are at war, the attack is made upon a common stock + of commerce, and the consequence is the same as if each had attacked his + own. The present increase of commerce is not to be attributed to + ministers, or to any political contrivances, but to its own natural + operation in consequence of peace. The regular markets had been destroyed, + the channels of trade broken up, the high road of the seas infested with + robbers of every nation, and the attention of the world called to other + objects. Those interruptions have ceased, and peace has restored the + deranged condition of things to their proper order.*<a href="#Clinknote-25" + name="Clinknoteref-25" id="Clinknoteref-25">25</a> It is worth remarking + that every nation reckons the balance of trade in its own favour; and + therefore something must be irregular in the common ideas upon this + subject. The fact, however, is true, according to what is called a + balance; and it is from this cause that commerce is universally supported. + Every nation feels the advantage, or it would abandon the practice: but + the deception lies in the mode of making up the accounts, and in + attributing what are called profits to a wrong cause. Mr. Pitt has + sometimes amused himself, by showing what he called a balance of trade + from the custom-house books. This mode of calculating not only affords no + rule that is true, but one that is false. In the first place, Every cargo + that departs from the custom-house appears on the books as an export; and, + according to the custom-house balance, the losses at sea, and by foreign + failures, are all reckoned on the side of profit because they appear as + exports. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Because the importation by the smuggling trade does not appear + on the custom-house books, to arrange against the exports. + </p> + <p> + No balance, therefore, as applying to superior advantages, can be drawn + from these documents; and if we examine the natural operation of commerce, + the idea is fallacious; and if true, would soon be injurious. The great + support of commerce consists in the balance being a level of benefits + among all nations. + </p> + <p> + Two merchants of different nations trading together, will both become + rich, and each makes the balance in his own favour; consequently, they do + not get rich of each other; and it is the same with respect to the nations + in which they reside. The case must be, that each nation must get rich out + of its own means, and increases that riches by something which it procures + from another in exchange. + </p> + <p> + If a merchant in England sends an article of English manufacture abroad + which costs him a shilling at home, and imports something which sells for + two, he makes a balance of one shilling in his favour; but this is not + gained out of the foreign nation or the foreign merchant, for he also does + the same by the articles he receives, and neither has the advantage upon + the other. The original value of the two articles in their proper + countries was but two shillings; but by changing their places, they + acquire a new idea of value, equal to double what they had first, and that + increased value is equally divided. + </p> + <p> + There is no otherwise a balance on foreign than on domestic commerce. The + merchants of London and Newcastle trade on the same principles, as if they + resided in different nations, and make their balances in the same manner: + yet London does not get rich out of Newcastle, any more than Newcastle out + of London: but coals, the merchandize of Newcastle, have an additional + value at London, and London merchandize has the same at Newcastle. + </p> + <p> + Though the principle of all commerce is the same, the domestic, in a + national view, is the part the most beneficial; because the whole of the + advantages, an both sides, rests within the nation; whereas, in foreign + commerce, it is only a participation of one-half. + </p> + <p> + The most unprofitable of all commerce is that connected with foreign + dominion. To a few individuals it may be beneficial, merely because it is + commerce; but to the nation it is a loss. The expense of maintaining + dominion more than absorbs the profits of any trade. It does not increase + the general quantity in the world, but operates to lessen it; and as a + greater mass would be afloat by relinquishing dominion, the participation + without the expense would be more valuable than a greater quantity with + it. + </p> + <p> + But it is impossible to engross commerce by dominion; and therefore it is + still more fallacious. It cannot exist in confined channels, and + necessarily breaks out by regular or irregular means, that defeat the + attempt: and to succeed would be still worse. France, since the + Revolution, has been more indifferent as to foreign possessions, and other + nations will become the same when they investigate the subject with + respect to commerce. + </p> + <p> + To the expense of dominion is to be added that of navies, and when the + amounts of the two are subtracted from the profits of commerce, it will + appear, that what is called the balance of trade, even admitting it to + exist, is not enjoyed by the nation, but absorbed by the Government. + </p> + <p> + The idea of having navies for the protection of commerce is delusive. It + is putting means of destruction for the means of protection. Commerce + needs no other protection than the reciprocal interest which every nation + feels in supporting it—it is common stock—it exists by a + balance of advantages to all; and the only interruption it meets, is from + the present uncivilised state of governments, and which it is its common + interest to reform.*<a href="#Clinknote-26" name="Clinknoteref-26" + id="Clinknoteref-26">26</a> + </p> + <p> + Quitting this subject, I now proceed to other matters.—As it is + necessary to include England in the prospect of a general reformation, it + is proper to inquire into the defects of its government. It is only by + each nation reforming its own, that the whole can be improved, and the + full benefit of reformation enjoyed. Only partial advantages can flow from + partial reforms. + </p> + <p> + France and England are the only two countries in Europe where a + reformation in government could have successfully begun. The one secure by + the ocean, and the other by the immensity of its internal strength, could + defy the malignancy of foreign despotism. But it is with revolutions as + with commerce, the advantages increase by their becoming general, and + double to either what each would receive alone. + </p> + <p> + As a new system is now opening to the view of the world, the European + courts are plotting to counteract it. Alliances, contrary to all former + systems, are agitating, and a common interest of courts is forming against + the common interest of man. This combination draws a line that runs + throughout Europe, and presents a cause so entirely new as to exclude all + calculations from former circumstances. While despotism warred with + despotism, man had no interest in the contest; but in a cause that unites + the soldier with the citizen, and nation with nation, the despotism of + courts, though it feels the danger and meditates revenge, is afraid to + strike. + </p> + <p> + No question has arisen within the records of history that pressed with the + importance of the present. It is not whether this or that party shall be + in or not, or Whig or Tory, high or low shall prevail; but whether man + shall inherit his rights, and universal civilisation take place? Whether + the fruits of his labours shall be enjoyed by himself or consumed by the + profligacy of governments? Whether robbery shall be banished from courts, + and wretchedness from countries? + </p> + <p> + When, in countries that are called civilised, we see age going to the + workhouse and youth to the gallows, something must be wrong in the system + of government. It would seem, by the exterior appearance of such + countries, that all was happiness; but there lies hidden from the eye of + common observation, a mass of wretchedness, that has scarcely any other + chance, than to expire in poverty or infamy. Its entrance into life is + marked with the presage of its fate; and until this is remedied, it is in + vain to punish. + </p> + <p> + Civil government does not exist in executions; but in making such + provision for the instruction of youth and the support of age, as to + exclude, as much as possible, profligacy from the one and despair from the + other. Instead of this, the resources of a country are lavished upon + kings, upon courts, upon hirelings, impostors and prostitutes; and even + the poor themselves, with all their wants upon them, are compelled to + support the fraud that oppresses them. + </p> + <p> + Why is it that scarcely any are executed but the poor? The fact is a + proof, among other things, of a wretchedness in their condition. Bred up + without morals, and cast upon the world without a prospect, they are the + exposed sacrifice of vice and legal barbarity. The millions that are + superfluously wasted upon governments are more than sufficient to reform + those evils, and to benefit the condition of every man in a nation, not + included within the purlieus of a court. This I hope to make appear in the + progress of this work. + </p> + <p> + It is the nature of compassion to associate with misfortune. In taking up + this subject I seek no recompense—I fear no consequence. Fortified + with that proud integrity, that disdains to triumph or to yield, I will + advocate the Rights of Man. + </p> + <p> + It is to my advantage that I have served an apprenticeship to life. I know + the value of moral instruction, and I have seen the danger of the + contrary. + </p> + <p> + At an early period—little more than sixteen years of age, raw and + adventurous, and heated with the false heroism of a master*<a + href="#Clinknote-27" name="Clinknoteref-27" id="Clinknoteref-27">27</a> + who had served in a man-of-war—I began the carver of my own fortune, + and entered on board the Terrible Privateer, Captain Death. From this + adventure I was happily prevented by the affectionate and moral + remonstrance of a good father, who, from his own habits of life, being of + the Quaker profession, must begin to look upon me as lost. But the + impression, much as it effected at the time, began to wear away, and I + entered afterwards in the King of Prussia Privateer, Captain Mendez, and + went with her to sea. Yet, from such a beginning, and with all the + inconvenience of early life against me, I am proud to say, that with a + perseverance undismayed by difficulties, a disinterestedness that + compelled respect, I have not only contributed to raise a new empire in + the world, founded on a new system of government, but I have arrived at an + eminence in political literature, the most difficult of all lines to + succeed and excel in, which aristocracy with all its aids has not been + able to reach or to rival.*<a href="#Clinknote-28" name="Clinknoteref-28" + id="Clinknoteref-28">28</a> + </p> + <p> + Knowing my own heart and feeling myself as I now do, superior to all the + skirmish of party, the inveteracy of interested or mistaken opponents, I + answer not to falsehood or abuse, but proceed to the defects of the + English Government. + </p> + <p> + I begin with charters and corporations. + </p> + <p> + It is a perversion of terms to say that a charter gives rights. It + operates by a contrary effect—that of taking rights away. Rights are + inherently in all the inhabitants; but charters, by annulling those + rights, in the majority, leave the right, by exclusion, in the hands of a + few. If charters were constructed so as to express in direct terms, "that + every inhabitant, who is not a member of a corporation, shall not exercise + the right of voting," such charters would, in the face, be charters not of + rights, but of exclusion. The effect is the same under the form they now + stand; and the only persons on whom they operate are the persons whom they + exclude. Those whose rights are guaranteed, by not being taken away, + exercise no other rights than as members of the community they are + entitled to without a charter; and, therefore, all charters have no other + than an indirect negative operation. They do not give rights to A, but + they make a difference in favour of A by taking away the right of B, and + consequently are instruments of injustice. + </p> + <p> + But charters and corporations have a more extensive evil effect than what + relates merely to elections. They are sources of endless contentions in + the places where they exist, and they lessen the common rights of national + society. A native of England, under the operation of these charters and + corporations, cannot be said to be an Englishman in the full sense of the + word. He is not free of the nation, in the same manner that a Frenchman is + free of France, and an American of America. His rights are circumscribed + to the town, and, in some cases, to the parish of his birth; and all other + parts, though in his native land, are to him as a foreign country. To + acquire a residence in these, he must undergo a local naturalisation by + purchase, or he is forbidden or expelled the place. This species of + feudality is kept up to aggrandise the corporations at the ruin of towns; + and the effect is visible. + </p> + <p> + The generality of corporation towns are in a state of solitary decay, and + prevented from further ruin only by some circumstance in their situation, + such as a navigable river, or a plentiful surrounding country. As + population is one of the chief sources of wealth (for without it land + itself has no value), everything which operates to prevent it must lessen + the value of property; and as corporations have not only this tendency, + but directly this effect, they cannot but be injurious. If any policy were + to be followed, instead of that of general freedom, to every person to + settle where he chose (as in France or America) it would be more + consistent to give encouragement to new comers than to preclude their + admission by exacting premiums from them.*<a href="#Clinknote-29" + name="Clinknoteref-29" id="Clinknoteref-29">29</a> + </p> + <p> + The persons most immediately interested in the abolition of corporations + are the inhabitants of the towns where corporations are established. The + instances of Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield show, by contrast, the + injuries which those Gothic institutions are to property and commerce. A + few examples may be found, such as that of London, whose natural and + commercial advantage, owing to its situation on the Thames, is capable of + bearing up against the political evils of a corporation; but in almost all + other cases the fatality is too visible to be doubted or denied. + </p> + <p> + Though the whole nation is not so directly affected by the depression of + property in corporation towns as the inhabitants themselves, it partakes + of the consequence. By lessening the value of property, the quantity of + national commerce is curtailed. Every man is a customer in proportion to + his ability; and as all parts of a nation trade with each other, whatever + affects any of the parts must necessarily communicate to the whole. + </p> + <p> + As one of the Houses of the English Parliament is, in a great measure, + made up of elections from these corporations; and as it is unnatural that + a pure stream should flow from a foul fountain, its vices are but a + continuation of the vices of its origin. A man of moral honour and good + political principles cannot submit to the mean drudgery and disgraceful + arts, by which such elections are carried. To be a successful candidate, + he must be destitute of the qualities that constitute a just legislator; + and being thus disciplined to corruption by the mode of entering into + Parliament, it is not to be expected that the representative should be + better than the man. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke, in speaking of the English representation, has advanced as bold + a challenge as ever was given in the days of chivalry. "Our + representation," says he, "has been found perfectly adequate to all the + purposes for which a representation of the people can be desired or + devised." "I defy," continues he, "the enemies of our constitution to show + the contrary."—This declaration from a man who has been in constant + opposition to all the measures of parliament the whole of his political + life, a year or two excepted, is most extraordinary; and, comparing him + with himself, admits of no other alternative, than that he acted against + his judgment as a member, or has declared contrary to it as an author. + </p> + <p> + But it is not in the representation only that the defects lie, and + therefore I proceed in the next place to the aristocracy. + </p> + <p> + What is called the House of Peers, is constituted on a ground very similar + to that, against which there is no law in other cases. It amounts to a + combination of persons in one common interest. No better reason can be + given, why a house of legislation should be composed entirely of men whose + occupation consists in letting landed property, than why it should be + composed of those who hire, or of brewers, or bakers, or any other + separate class of men. Mr. Burke calls this house "the great ground and + pillar of security to the landed interest." Let us examine this idea. + </p> + <p> + What pillar of security does the landed interest require more than any + other interest in the state, or what right has it to a distinct and + separate representation from the general interest of a nation? The only + use to be made of this power (and which it always has made), is to ward + off taxes from itself, and throw the burthen upon those articles of + consumption by which itself would be least affected. + </p> + <p> + That this has been the consequence (and will always be the consequence) of + constructing governments on combinations, is evident with respect to + England, from the history of its taxes. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding taxes have increased and multiplied upon every article of + common consumption, the land-tax, which more particularly affects this + "pillar," has diminished. In 1778 the amount of the land-tax was + L1,950,000, which is half-a-million less than it produced almost a hundred + years ago,*<a href="#Clinknote-30" name="Clinknoteref-30" + id="Clinknoteref-30">30</a> notwithstanding the rentals are in many + instances doubled since that period. + </p> + <p> + Before the coming of the Hanoverians, the taxes were divided in nearly + equal proportions between the land and articles of consumption, the land + bearing rather the largest share: but since that era nearly thirteen + millions annually of new taxes have been thrown upon consumption. The + consequence of which has been a constant increase in the number and + wretchedness of the poor, and in the amount of the poor-rates. Yet here + again the burthen does not fall in equal proportions on the aristocracy + with the rest of the community. Their residences, whether in town or + country, are not mixed with the habitations of the poor. They live apart + from distress, and the expense of relieving it. It is in manufacturing + towns and labouring villages that those burthens press the heaviest; in + many of which it is one class of poor supporting another. + </p> + <p> + Several of the most heavy and productive taxes are so contrived, as to + give an exemption to this pillar, thus standing in its own defence. The + tax upon beer brewed for sale does not affect the aristocracy, who brew + their own beer free from this duty. It falls only on those who have not + conveniency or ability to brew, and who must purchase it in small + quantities. But what will mankind think of the justice of taxation, when + they know that this tax alone, from which the aristocracy are from + circumstances exempt, is nearly equal to the whole of the land-tax, being + in the year 1788, and it is not less now, L1,666,152, and with its + proportion of the taxes on malt and hops, it exceeds it.—That a + single article, thus partially consumed, and that chiefly by the working + part, should be subject to a tax, equal to that on the whole rental of a + nation, is, perhaps, a fact not to be paralleled in the histories of + revenues. + </p> + <p> + This is one of the circumstances resulting from a house of legislation, + composed on the ground of a combination of common interest; for whatever + their separate politics as to parties may be, in this they are united. + Whether a combination acts to raise the price of any article for sale, or + rate of wages; or whether it acts to throw taxes from itself upon another + class of the community, the principle and the effect are the same; and if + the one be illegal, it will be difficult to show that the other ought to + exist. + </p> + <p> + It is no use to say that taxes are first proposed in the House of Commons; + for as the other house has always a negative, it can always defend itself; + and it would be ridiculous to suppose that its acquiescence in the + measures to be proposed were not understood before hand. Besides which, it + has obtained so much influence by borough-traffic, and so many of its + relations and connections are distributed on both sides the commons, as to + give it, besides an absolute negative in one house, a preponderancy in the + other, in all matters of common concern. + </p> + <p> + It is difficult to discover what is meant by the landed interest, if it + does not mean a combination of aristocratical landholders, opposing their + own pecuniary interest to that of the farmer, and every branch of trade, + commerce, and manufacture. In all other respects it is the only interest + that needs no partial protection. It enjoys the general protection of the + world. Every individual, high or low, is interested in the fruits of the + earth; men, women, and children, of all ages and degrees, will turn out to + assist the farmer, rather than a harvest should not be got in; and they + will not act thus by any other property. It is the only one for which the + common prayer of mankind is put up, and the only one that can never fail + from the want of means. It is the interest, not of the policy, but of the + existence of man, and when it ceases, he must cease to be. + </p> + <p> + No other interest in a nation stands on the same united support. Commerce, + manufactures, arts, sciences, and everything else, compared with this, are + supported but in parts. Their prosperity or their decay has not the same + universal influence. When the valleys laugh and sing, it is not the farmer + only, but all creation that rejoice. It is a prosperity that excludes all + envy; and this cannot be said of anything else. + </p> + <p> + Why then, does Mr. Burke talk of his house of peers as the pillar of the + landed interest? Were that pillar to sink into the earth, the same landed + property would continue, and the same ploughing, sowing, and reaping would + go on. The aristocracy are not the farmers who work the land, and raise + the produce, but are the mere consumers of the rent; and when compared + with the active world are the drones, a seraglio of males, who neither + collect the honey nor form the hive, but exist only for lazy enjoyment. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke, in his first essay, called aristocracy "the Corinthian capital + of polished society." Towards completing the figure, he has now added the + pillar; but still the base is wanting; and whenever a nation choose to act + a Samson, not blind, but bold, down will go the temple of Dagon, the Lords + and the Philistines. + </p> + <p> + If a house of legislation is to be composed of men of one class, for the + purpose of protecting a distinct interest, all the other interests should + have the same. The inequality, as well as the burthen of taxation, arises + from admitting it in one case, and not in all. Had there been a house of + farmers, there had been no game laws; or a house of merchants and + manufacturers, the taxes had neither been so unequal nor so excessive. It + is from the power of taxation being in the hands of those who can throw so + great a part of it from their own shoulders, that it has raged without a + check. + </p> + <p> + Men of small or moderate estates are more injured by the taxes being + thrown on articles of consumption, than they are eased by warding it from + landed property, for the following reasons: + </p> + <p> + First, They consume more of the productive taxable articles, in proportion + to their property, than those of large estates. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Their residence is chiefly in towns, and their property in + houses; and the increase of the poor-rates, occasioned by taxes on + consumption, is in much greater proportion than the land-tax has been + favoured. In Birmingham, the poor-rates are not less than seven shillings + in the pound. From this, as is already observed, the aristocracy are in a + great measure exempt. + </p> + <p> + These are but a part of the mischiefs flowing from the wretched scheme of + an house of peers. + </p> + <p> + As a combination, it can always throw a considerable portion of taxes from + itself; and as an hereditary house, accountable to nobody, it resembles a + rotten borough, whose consent is to be courted by interest. There are but + few of its members, who are not in some mode or other participators, or + disposers of the public money. One turns a candle-holder, or a lord in + waiting; another a lord of the bed-chamber, a groom of the stole, or any + insignificant nominal office to which a salary is annexed, paid out of the + public taxes, and which avoids the direct appearance of corruption. Such + situations are derogatory to the character of man; and where they can be + submitted to, honour cannot reside. + </p> + <p> + To all these are to be added the numerous dependants, the long list of + younger branches and distant relations, who are to be provided for at the + public expense: in short, were an estimation to be made of the charge of + aristocracy to a nation, it will be found nearly equal to that of + supporting the poor. The Duke of Richmond alone (and there are cases + similar to his) takes away as much for himself as would maintain two + thousand poor and aged persons. Is it, then, any wonder, that under such a + system of government, taxes and rates have multiplied to their present + extent? + </p> + <p> + In stating these matters, I speak an open and disinterested language, + dictated by no passion but that of humanity. To me, who have not only + refused offers, because I thought them improper, but have declined rewards + I might with reputation have accepted, it is no wonder that meanness and + imposition appear disgustful. Independence is my happiness, and I view + things as they are, without regard to place or person; my country is the + world, and my religion is to do good. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke, in speaking of the aristocratical law of primogeniture, says, + "it is the standing law of our landed inheritance; and which, without + question, has a tendency, and I think," continues he, "a happy tendency, + to preserve a character of weight and consequence." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke may call this law what he pleases, but humanity and impartial + reflection will denounce it as a law of brutal injustice. Were we not + accustomed to the daily practice, and did we only hear of it as the law of + some distant part of the world, we should conclude that the legislators of + such countries had not arrived at a state of civilisation. + </p> + <p> + As to its preserving a character of weight and consequence, the case + appears to me directly the reverse. It is an attaint upon character; a + sort of privateering on family property. It may have weight among + dependent tenants, but it gives none on a scale of national, and much less + of universal character. Speaking for myself, my parents were not able to + give me a shilling, beyond what they gave me in education; and to do this + they distressed themselves: yet, I possess more of what is called + consequence, in the world, than any one in Mr. Burke's catalogue of + aristocrats. + </p> + <p> + Having thus glanced at some of the defects of the two houses of + parliament, I proceed to what is called the crown, upon which I shall be + very concise. + </p> + <p> + It signifies a nominal office of a million sterling a year, the business + of which consists in receiving the money. Whether the person be wise or + foolish, sane or insane, a native or a foreigner, matters not. Every + ministry acts upon the same idea that Mr. Burke writes, namely, that the + people must be hood-winked, and held in superstitious ignorance by some + bugbear or other; and what is called the crown answers this purpose, and + therefore it answers all the purposes to be expected from it. This is more + than can be said of the other two branches. + </p> + <p> + The hazard to which this office is exposed in all countries, is not from + anything that can happen to the man, but from what may happen to the + nation—the danger of its coming to its senses. + </p> + <p> + It has been customary to call the crown the executive power, and the + custom is continued, though the reason has ceased. + </p> + <p> + It was called the executive, because the person whom it signified used, + formerly, to act in the character of a judge, in administering or + executing the laws. The tribunals were then a part of the court. The + power, therefore, which is now called the judicial, is what was called the + executive and, consequently, one or other of the terms is redundant, and + one of the offices useless. When we speak of the crown now, it means + nothing; it signifies neither a judge nor a general: besides which it is + the laws that govern, and not the man. The old terms are kept up, to give + an appearance of consequence to empty forms; and the only effect they have + is that of increasing expenses. + </p> + <p> + Before I proceed to the means of rendering governments more conducive to + the general happiness of mankind, than they are at present, it will not be + improper to take a review of the progress of taxation in England. + </p> + <p> + It is a general idea, that when taxes are once laid on, they are never + taken off. However true this may have been of late, it was not always so. + Either, therefore, the people of former times were more watchful over + government than those of the present, or government was administered with + less extravagance. + </p> + <p> + It is now seven hundred years since the Norman conquest, and the + establishment of what is called the crown. Taking this portion of time in + seven separate periods of one hundred years each, the amount of the annual + taxes, at each period, will be as follows: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Annual taxes levied by William the Conqueror, + beginning in the year 1066 L400,000 + Annual taxes at 100 years from the conquest (1166) 200,000 + Annual taxes at 200 years from the conquest (1266) 150,000 + Annual taxes at 300 years from the conquest (1366) 130,000 + Annual taxes at 400 years from the conquest (1466) 100,000 +</pre> + <p> + These statements and those which follow, are taken from Sir John + Sinclair's History of the Revenue; by which it appears, that taxes + continued decreasing for four hundred years, at the expiration of which + time they were reduced three-fourths, viz., from four hundred thousand + pounds to one hundred thousand. The people of England of the present day, + have a traditionary and historical idea of the bravery of their ancestors; + but whatever their virtues or their vices might have been, they certainly + were a people who would not be imposed upon, and who kept governments in + awe as to taxation, if not as to principle. Though they were not able to + expel the monarchical usurpation, they restricted it to a republican + economy of taxes. + </p> + <p> + Let us now review the remaining three hundred years: + </p> + <p> + Annual amount of taxes at: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 500 years from the conquest (1566) 500,000 + 600 years from the conquest (1666) 1,800,000 + the present time (1791) 17,000,000 +</pre> + <p> + The difference between the first four hundred years and the last three, is + so astonishing, as to warrant an opinion, that the national character of + the English has changed. It would have been impossible to have dragooned + the former English, into the excess of taxation that now exists; and when + it is considered that the pay of the army, the navy, and of all the + revenue officers, is the same now as it was about a hundred years ago, + when the taxes were not above a tenth part of what they are at present, it + appears impossible to account for the enormous increase and expenditure on + any other ground, than extravagance, corruption, and intrigue.*<a + href="#Clinknote-31" name="Clinknoteref-31" id="Clinknoteref-31">31</a> + </p> + <p> + With the Revolution of 1688, and more so since the Hanover succession, + came the destructive system of continental intrigues, and the rage for + foreign wars and foreign dominion; systems of such secure mystery that the + expenses admit of no accounts; a single line stands for millions. To what + excess taxation might have extended had not the French revolution + contributed to break up the system, and put an end to pretences, is + impossible to say. Viewed, as that revolution ought to be, as the + fortunate means of lessening the load of taxes of both countries, it is of + as much importance to England as to France; and, if properly improved to + all the advantages of which it is capable, and to which it leads, deserves + as much celebration in one country as the other. + </p> + <p> + In pursuing this subject, I shall begin with the matter that first + presents itself, that of lessening the burthen of taxes; and shall then + add such matter and propositions, respecting the three countries of + England, France, and America, as the present prospect of things appears to + justify: I mean, an alliance of the three, for the purposes that will be + mentioned in their proper place. + </p> + <p> + What has happened may happen again. By the statement before shown of the + progress of taxation, it is seen that taxes have been lessened to a fourth + part of what they had formerly been. Though the present circumstances do + not admit of the same reduction, yet they admit of such a beginning, as + may accomplish that end in less time than in the former case. + </p> + <p> + The amount of taxes for the year ending at Michaelmas 1788, was as + follows: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Land-tax L 1,950,000 + Customs 3,789,274 + Excise (including old and new malt) 6,751,727 + Stamps 1,278,214 + Miscellaneous taxes and incidents 1,803,755 + —————- + L15,572,755 +</pre> + <p> + Since the year 1788, upwards of one million new taxes have been laid on, + besides the produce of the lotteries; and as the taxes have in general + been more productive since than before, the amount may be taken, in round + numbers, at L17,000,000. (The expense of collection and the drawbacks, + which together amount to nearly two millions, are paid out of the gross + amount; and the above is the net sum paid into the exchequer). This sum of + seventeen millions is applied to two different purposes; the one to pay + the interest of the National Debt, the other to the current expenses of + each year. About nine millions are appropriated to the former; and the + remainder, being nearly eight millions, to the latter. As to the million, + said to be applied to the reduction of the debt, it is so much like paying + with one hand and taking out with the other, as not to merit much notice. + It happened, fortunately for France, that she possessed national domains + for paying off her debt, and thereby lessening her taxes; but as this is + not the case with England, her reduction of taxes can only take place by + reducing the current expenses, which may now be done to the amount of four + or five millions annually, as will hereafter appear. When this is + accomplished it will more than counter-balance the enormous charge of the + American war; and the saving will be from the same source from whence the + evil arose. As to the national debt, however heavy the interest may be in + taxes, yet, as it serves to keep alive a capital useful to commerce, it + balances by its effects a considerable part of its own weight; and as the + quantity of gold and silver is, by some means or other, short of its + proper proportion, being not more than twenty millions, whereas it should + be sixty (foreign intrigue, foreign wars, foreign dominions, will in a + great measure account for the deficiency), it would, besides the + injustice, be bad policy to extinguish a capital that serves to supply + that defect. But with respect to the current expense, whatever is saved + therefrom is gain. The excess may serve to keep corruption alive, but it + has no re-action on credit and commerce, like the interest of the debt. + </p> + <p> + It is now very probable that the English Government (I do not mean the + nation) is unfriendly to the French Revolution. Whatever serves to expose + the intrigue and lessen the influence of courts, by lessening taxation, + will be unwelcome to those who feed upon the spoil. Whilst the clamour of + French intrigue, arbitrary power, popery, and wooden shoes could be kept + up, the nation was easily allured and alarmed into taxes. Those days are + now past: deception, it is to be hoped, has reaped its last harvest, and + better times are in prospect for both countries, and for the world. + </p> + <p> + Taking it for granted that an alliance may be formed between England, + France, and America for the purposes hereafter to be mentioned, the + national expenses of France and England may consequently be lessened. The + same fleets and armies will no longer be necessary to either, and the + reduction can be made ship for ship on each side. But to accomplish these + objects the governments must necessarily be fitted to a common and + correspondent principle. Confidence can never take place while an hostile + disposition remains in either, or where mystery and secrecy on one side is + opposed to candour and openness on the other. + </p> + <p> + These matters admitted, the national expenses might be put back, for the + sake of a precedent, to what they were at some period when France and + England were not enemies. This, consequently, must be prior to the Hanover + succession, and also to the Revolution of 1688.*<a href="#Clinknote-32" + name="Clinknoteref-32" id="Clinknoteref-32">32</a> The first instance that + presents itself, antecedent to those dates, is in the very wasteful and + profligate times of Charles the Second; at which time England and France + acted as allies. If I have chosen a period of great extravagance, it will + serve to show modern extravagance in a still worse light; especially as + the pay of the navy, the army, and the revenue officers has not increased + since that time. + </p> + <p> + The peace establishment was then as follows (see Sir John Sinclair's + History of the Revenue): + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Navy L 300,000 + Army 212,000 + Ordnance 40,000 + Civil List 462,115 + ———- + L1,014,115 +</pre> + <p> + The parliament, however, settled the whole annual peace establishment at + $1,200,000.*<a href="#Clinknote-33" name="Clinknoteref-33" + id="Clinknoteref-33">33</a> If we go back to the time of Elizabeth the + amount of all the taxes was but half a million, yet the nation sees + nothing during that period that reproaches it with want of consequence. + </p> + <p> + All circumstances, then, taken together, arising from the French + revolution, from the approaching harmony and reciprocal interest of the + two nations, the abolition of the court intrigue on both sides, and the + progress of knowledge in the science of government, the annual expenditure + might be put back to one million and a half, viz.: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Navy L 500,000 + Army 500,000 + Expenses of Government 500,000 + ————— + L1,500,000 +</pre> + <p> + Even this sum is six times greater than the expenses of government are in + America, yet the civil internal government in England (I mean that + administered by means of quarter sessions, juries and assize, and which, + in fact, is nearly the whole, and performed by the nation), is less + expense upon the revenue, than the same species and portion of government + is in America. + </p> + <p> + It is time that nations should be rational, and not be governed like + animals, for the pleasure of their riders. To read the history of kings, a + man would be almost inclined to suppose that government consisted in + stag-hunting, and that every nation paid a million a-year to a huntsman. + Man ought to have pride, or shame enough to blush at being thus imposed + upon, and when he feels his proper character he will. Upon all subjects of + this nature, there is often passing in the mind, a train of ideas he has + not yet accustomed himself to encourage and communicate. Restrained by + something that puts on the character of prudence, he acts the hypocrite + upon himself as well as to others. It is, however, curious to observe how + soon this spell can be dissolved. A single expression, boldly conceived + and uttered, will sometimes put a whole company into their proper + feelings: and whole nations are acted on in the same manner. + </p> + <p> + As to the offices of which any civil government may be composed, it + matters but little by what names they are described. In the routine of + business, as before observed, whether a man be styled a president, a king, + an emperor, a senator, or anything else, it is impossible that any service + he can perform, can merit from a nation more than ten thousand pounds a + year; and as no man should be paid beyond his services, so every man of a + proper heart will not accept more. Public money ought to be touched with + the most scrupulous consciousness of honour. It is not the produce of + riches only, but of the hard earnings of labour and poverty. It is drawn + even from the bitterness of want and misery. Not a beggar passes, or + perishes in the streets, whose mite is not in that mass. + </p> + <p> + Were it possible that the Congress of America could be so lost to their + duty, and to the interest of their constituents, as to offer General + Washington, as president of America, a million a year, he would not, and + he could not, accept it. His sense of honour is of another kind. It has + cost England almost seventy millions sterling, to maintain a family + imported from abroad, of very inferior capacity to thousands in the + nation; and scarcely a year has passed that has not produced some new + mercenary application. Even the physicians' bills have been sent to the + public to be paid. No wonder that jails are crowded, and taxes and + poor-rates increased. Under such systems, nothing is to be looked for but + what has already happened; and as to reformation, whenever it come, it + must be from the nation, and not from the government. + </p> + <p> + To show that the sum of five hundred thousand pounds is more than + sufficient to defray all the expenses of the government, exclusive of + navies and armies, the following estimate is added, for any country, of + the same extent as England. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, three hundred representatives fairly elected, are + sufficient for all the purposes to which legislation can apply, and + preferable to a larger number. They may be divided into two or three + houses, or meet in one, as in France, or in any manner a constitution + shall direct. + </p> + <p> + As representation is always considered, in free countries, as the most + honourable of all stations, the allowance made to it is merely to defray + the expense which the representatives incur by that service, and not to it + as an office. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + If an allowance, at the rate of five hundred pounds per + annum, be made to every representative, deducting for + non-attendance, the expense, if the whole number + attended for six months, each year, would be L 75,00 + + The official departments cannot reasonably exceed the + following number, with the salaries annexed: + + Three offices at ten thousand pounds each L 30,000 + Ten ditto, at five thousand pounds each 50,000 + Twenty ditto, at two thousand pounds each 40,000 + Forty ditto, at one thousand pounds each 40,000 + Two hundred ditto, at five hundred pounds each 100,000 + Three hundred ditto, at two hundred pounds each 60,000 + Five hundred ditto, at one hundred pounds each 50,000 + Seven hundred ditto, at seventy-five pounds each 52,500 + ———— + L497,500 +</pre> + <p> + If a nation choose, it can deduct four per cent. from all offices, and + make one of twenty thousand per annum. + </p> + <p> + All revenue officers are paid out of the monies they collect, and + therefore, are not in this estimation. + </p> + <p> + The foregoing is not offered as an exact detail of offices, but to show + the number of rate of salaries which five hundred thousand pounds will + support; and it will, on experience, be found impracticable to find + business sufficient to justify even this expense. As to the manner in + which office business is now performed, the Chiefs, in several offices, + such as the post-office, and certain offices in the exchequer, etc., do + little more than sign their names three or four times a year; and the + whole duty is performed by under-clerks. + </p> + <p> + Taking, therefore, one million and a half as a sufficient peace + establishment for all the honest purposes of government, which is three + hundred thousand pounds more than the peace establishment in the + profligate and prodigal times of Charles the Second (notwithstanding, as + has been already observed, the pay and salaries of the army, navy, and + revenue officers, continue the same as at that period), there will remain + a surplus of upwards of six millions out of the present current expenses. + The question then will be, how to dispose of this surplus. + </p> + <p> + Whoever has observed the manner in which trade and taxes twist themselves + together, must be sensible of the impossibility of separating them + suddenly. + </p> + <p> + First. Because the articles now on hand are already charged with the duty, + and the reduction cannot take place on the present stock. + </p> + <p> + Secondly. Because, on all those articles on which the duty is charged in + the gross, such as per barrel, hogshead, hundred weight, or ton, the + abolition of the duty does not admit of being divided down so as fully to + relieve the consumer, who purchases by the pint, or the pound. The last + duty laid on strong beer and ale was three shillings per barrel, which, if + taken off, would lessen the purchase only half a farthing per pint, and + consequently, would not reach to practical relief. + </p> + <p> + This being the condition of a great part of the taxes, it will be + necessary to look for such others as are free from this embarrassment and + where the relief will be direct and visible, and capable of immediate + operation. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, then, the poor-rates are a direct tax which every + house-keeper feels, and who knows also, to a farthing, the sum which he + pays. The national amount of the whole of the poor-rates is not positively + known, but can be procured. Sir John Sinclair, in his History of the + Revenue has stated it at L2,100,587. A considerable part of which is + expended in litigations, in which the poor, instead of being relieved, are + tormented. The expense, however, is the same to the parish from whatever + cause it arises. + </p> + <p> + In Birmingham, the amount of poor-rates is fourteen thousand pounds a + year. This, though a large sum, is moderate, compared with the population. + Birmingham is said to contain seventy thousand souls, and on a proportion + of seventy thousand to fourteen thousand pounds poor-rates, the national + amount of poor-rates, taking the population of England as seven millions, + would be but one million four hundred thousand pounds. It is, therefore, + most probable, that the population of Birmingham is over-rated. Fourteen + thousand pounds is the proportion upon fifty thousand souls, taking two + millions of poor-rates, as the national amount. + </p> + <p> + Be it, however, what it may, it is no other than the consequence of + excessive burthen of taxes, for, at the time when the taxes were very low, + the poor were able to maintain themselves; and there were no poor-rates.*<a + href="#Clinknote-34" name="Clinknoteref-34" id="Clinknoteref-34">34</a> In + the present state of things a labouring man, with a wife or two or three + children, does not pay less than between seven and eight pounds a year in + taxes. He is not sensible of this, because it is disguised to him in the + articles which he buys, and he thinks only of their dearness; but as the + taxes take from him, at least, a fourth part of his yearly earnings, he is + consequently disabled from providing for a family, especially, if himself, + or any of them, are afflicted with sickness. + </p> + <p> + The first step, therefore, of practical relief, would be to abolish the + poor-rates entirely, and in lieu thereof, to make a remission of taxes to + the poor of double the amount of the present poor-rates, viz., four + millions annually out of the surplus taxes. By this measure, the poor + would be benefited two millions, and the house-keepers two millions. This + alone would be equal to a reduction of one hundred and twenty millions of + the National Debt, and consequently equal to the whole expense of the + American War. + </p> + <p> + It will then remain to be considered, which is the most effectual mode of + distributing this remission of four millions. + </p> + <p> + It is easily seen, that the poor are generally composed of large families + of children, and old people past their labour. If these two classes are + provided for, the remedy will so far reach to the full extent of the case, + that what remains will be incidental, and, in a great measure, fall within + the compass of benefit clubs, which, though of humble invention, merit to + be ranked among the best of modern institutions. + </p> + <p> + Admitting England to contain seven millions of souls; if one-fifth thereof + are of that class of poor which need support, the number will be one + million four hundred thousand. Of this number, one hundred and forty + thousand will be aged poor, as will be hereafter shown, and for which a + distinct provision will be proposed. + </p> + <p> + There will then remain one million two hundred and sixty thousand which, + at five souls to each family, amount to two hundred and fifty-two thousand + families, rendered poor from the expense of children and the weight of + taxes. + </p> + <p> + The number of children under fourteen years of age, in each of those + families, will be found to be about five to every two families; some + having two, and others three; some one, and others four: some none, and + others five; but it rarely happens that more than five are under fourteen + years of age, and after this age they are capable of service or of being + apprenticed. + </p> + <p> + Allowing five children (under fourteen years) to every two families, + </p> + <p> + The number of children will be 630,000 + </p> + <p> + The number of parents, were they all living, would be 504,000 + </p> + <p> + It is certain, that if the children are provided for, the parents are + relieved of consequence, because it is from the expense of bringing up + children that their poverty arises. + </p> + <p> + Having thus ascertained the greatest number that can be supposed to need + support on account of young families, I proceed to the mode of relief or + distribution, which is, + </p> + <p> + To pay as a remission of taxes to every poor family, out of the surplus + taxes, and in room of poor-rates, four pounds a year for every child under + fourteen years of age; enjoining the parents of such children to send them + to school, to learn reading, writing, and common arithmetic; the ministers + of every parish, of every denomination to certify jointly to an office, + for that purpose, that this duty is performed. The amount of this expense + will be, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + For six hundred and thirty thousand children + at four pounds per annum each L2,520,000 +</pre> + <p> + By adopting this method, not only the poverty of the parents will be + relieved, but ignorance will be banished from the rising generation, and + the number of poor will hereafter become less, because their abilities, by + the aid of education, will be greater. Many a youth, with good natural + genius, who is apprenticed to a mechanical trade, such as a carpenter, + joiner, millwright, shipwright, blacksmith, etc., is prevented getting + forward the whole of his life from the want of a little common education + when a boy. + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to the case of the aged. + </p> + <p> + I divide age into two classes. First, the approach of age, beginning at + fifty. Secondly, old age commencing at sixty. + </p> + <p> + At fifty, though the mental faculties of man are in full vigour, and his + judgment better than at any preceding date, the bodily powers for + laborious life are on the decline. He cannot bear the same quantity of + fatigue as at an earlier period. He begins to earn less, and is less + capable of enduring wind and weather; and in those more retired + employments where much sight is required, he fails apace, and sees + himself, like an old horse, beginning to be turned adrift. + </p> + <p> + At sixty his labour ought to be over, at least from direct necessity. It + is painful to see old age working itself to death, in what are called + civilised countries, for daily bread. + </p> + <p> + To form some judgment of the number of those above fifty years of age, I + have several times counted the persons I met in the streets of London, + men, women, and children, and have generally found that the average is + about one in sixteen or seventeen. If it be said that aged persons do not + come much into the streets, so neither do infants; and a great proportion + of grown children are in schools and in work-shops as apprentices. Taking, + then, sixteen for a divisor, the whole number of persons in England of + fifty years and upwards, of both sexes, rich and poor, will be four + hundred and twenty thousand. + </p> + <p> + The persons to be provided for out of this gross number will be + husbandmen, common labourers, journeymen of every trade and their wives, + sailors, and disbanded soldiers, worn out servants of both sexes, and poor + widows. + </p> + <p> + There will be also a considerable number of middling tradesmen, who having + lived decently in the former part of life, begin, as age approaches, to + lose their business, and at last fall to decay. + </p> + <p> + Besides these there will be constantly thrown off from the revolutions of + that wheel which no man can stop nor regulate, a number from every class + of life connected with commerce and adventure. + </p> + <p> + To provide for all those accidents, and whatever else may befall, I take + the number of persons who, at one time or other of their lives, after + fifty years of age, may feel it necessary or comfortable to be better + supported, than they can support themselves, and that not as a matter of + grace and favour, but of right, at one-third of the whole number, which is + one hundred and forty thousand, as stated in a previous page, and for whom + a distinct provision was proposed to be made. If there be more, society, + notwithstanding the show and pomposity of government, is in a deplorable + condition in England. + </p> + <p> + Of this one hundred and forty thousand, I take one half, seventy thousand, + to be of the age of fifty and under sixty, and the other half to be sixty + years and upwards. Having thus ascertained the probable proportion of the + number of aged persons, I proceed to the mode of rendering their condition + comfortable, which is: + </p> + <p> + To pay to every such person of the age of fifty years, and until he shall + arrive at the age of sixty, the sum of six pounds per annum out of the + surplus taxes, and ten pounds per annum during life after the age of + sixty. The expense of which will be, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Seventy thousand persons, at L6 per annum L 420,000 + Seventy thousand persons, at L10 per annum 700,000 + ———- + L1,120,000 +</pre> + <p> + This support, as already remarked, is not of the nature of a charity but + of a right. Every person in England, male and female, pays on an average + in taxes two pounds eight shillings and sixpence per annum from the day of + his (or her) birth; and, if the expense of collection be added, he pays + two pounds eleven shillings and sixpence; consequently, at the end of + fifty years he has paid one hundred and twenty-eight pounds fifteen + shillings; and at sixty one hundred and fifty-four pounds ten shillings. + Converting, therefore, his (or her) individual tax in a tontine, the money + he shall receive after fifty years is but little more than the legal + interest of the net money he has paid; the rest is made up from those + whose circumstances do not require them to draw such support, and the + capital in both cases defrays the expenses of government. It is on this + ground that I have extended the probable claims to one-third of the number + of aged persons in the nation.—Is it, then, better that the lives of + one hundred and forty thousand aged persons be rendered comfortable, or + that a million a year of public money be expended on any one individual, + and him often of the most worthless or insignificant character? Let reason + and justice, let honour and humanity, let even hypocrisy, sycophancy and + Mr. Burke, let George, let Louis, Leopold, Frederic, Catherine, + Cornwallis, or Tippoo Saib, answer the question.*<a href="#Clinknote-35" + name="Clinknoteref-35" id="Clinknoteref-35">35</a> + </p> + <p> + The sum thus remitted to the poor will be, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + To two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, + containing six hundred and thirty thousand children L2,520,000 + To one hundred and forty thousand aged persons 1,120,000 + ————— + L3,640,000 +</pre> + <p> + There will then remain three hundred and sixty thousand pounds out of the + four millions, part of which may be applied as follows:— + </p> + <p> + After all the above cases are provided for there will still be a number of + families who, though not properly of the class of poor, yet find it + difficult to give education to their children; and such children, under + such a case, would be in a worse condition than if their parents were + actually poor. A nation under a well-regulated government should permit + none to remain uninstructed. It is monarchical and aristocratical + government only that requires ignorance for its support. + </p> + <p> + Suppose, then, four hundred thousand children to be in this condition, + which is a greater number than ought to be supposed after the provisions + already made, the method will be: + </p> + <p> + To allow for each of those children ten shillings a year for the expense + of schooling for six years each, which will give them six months schooling + each year, and half a crown a year for paper and spelling books. + </p> + <p> + The expense of this will be annually L250,000.*<a href="#Clinknote-36" + name="Clinknoteref-36" id="Clinknoteref-36">36</a> + </p> + <p> + There will then remain one hundred and ten thousand pounds. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the great modes of relief which the best instituted and + best principled government may devise, there will be a number of smaller + cases, which it is good policy as well as beneficence in a nation to + consider. + </p> + <p> + Were twenty shillings to be given immediately on the birth of a child, to + every woman who should make the demand, and none will make it whose + circumstances do not require it, it might relieve a great deal of instant + distress. + </p> + <p> + There are about two hundred thousand births yearly in England; and if + claimed by one fourth, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + The amount would be L50,000 +</pre> + <p> + And twenty shillings to every new-married couple who should claim in like + manner. This would not exceed the sum of L20,000. + </p> + <p> + Also twenty thousand pounds to be appropriated to defray the funeral + expenses of persons, who, travelling for work, may die at a distance from + their friends. By relieving parishes from this charge, the sick stranger + will be better treated. + </p> + <p> + I shall finish this part of the subject with a plan adapted to the + particular condition of a metropolis, such as London. + </p> + <p> + Cases are continually occurring in a metropolis, different from those + which occur in the country, and for which a different, or rather an + additional, mode of relief is necessary. In the country, even in large + towns, people have a knowledge of each other, and distress never rises to + that extreme height it sometimes does in a metropolis. There is no such + thing in the country as persons, in the literal sense of the word, starved + to death, or dying with cold from the want of a lodging. Yet such cases, + and others equally as miserable, happen in London. + </p> + <p> + Many a youth comes up to London full of expectations, and with little or + no money, and unless he get immediate employment he is already half + undone; and boys bred up in London without any means of a livelihood, and + as it often happens of dissolute parents, are in a still worse condition; + and servants long out of place are not much better off. In short, a world + of little cases is continually arising, which busy or affluent life knows + not of, to open the first door to distress. Hunger is not among the + postponable wants, and a day, even a few hours, in such a condition is + often the crisis of a life of ruin. + </p> + <p> + These circumstances which are the general cause of the little thefts and + pilferings that lead to greater, may be prevented. There yet remain twenty + thousand pounds out of the four millions of surplus taxes, which with + another fund hereafter to be mentioned, amounting to about twenty thousand + pounds more, cannot be better applied than to this purpose. The plan will + then be: + </p> + <p> + First, To erect two or more buildings, or take some already erected, + capable of containing at least six thousand persons, and to have in each + of these places as many kinds of employment as can be contrived, so that + every person who shall come may find something which he or she can do. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, To receive all who shall come, without enquiring who or what + they are. The only condition to be, that for so much, or so many hours' + work, each person shall receive so many meals of wholesome food, and a + warm lodging, at least as good as a barrack. That a certain portion of + what each person's work shall be worth shall be reserved, and given to him + or her, on their going away; and that each person shall stay as long or as + short a time, or come as often as he choose, on these conditions. + </p> + <p> + If each person stayed three months, it would assist by rotation + twenty-four thousand persons annually, though the real number, at all + times, would be but six thousand. By establishing an asylum of this kind, + such persons to whom temporary distresses occur, would have an opportunity + to recruit themselves, and be enabled to look out for better employment. + </p> + <p> + Allowing that their labour paid but one half the expense of supporting + them, after reserving a portion of their earnings for themselves, the sum + of forty thousand pounds additional would defray all other charges for + even a greater number than six thousand. + </p> + <p> + The fund very properly convertible to this purpose, in addition to the + twenty thousand pounds, remaining of the former fund, will be the produce + of the tax upon coals, so iniquitously and wantonly applied to the support + of the Duke of Richmond. It is horrid that any man, more especially at the + price coals now are, should live on the distresses of a community; and any + government permitting such an abuse, deserves to be dismissed. This fund + is said to be about twenty thousand pounds per annum. + </p> + <p> + I shall now conclude this plan with enumerating the several particulars, + and then proceed to other matters. + </p> + <p> + The enumeration is as follows:— + </p> + <p> + First, Abolition of two millions poor-rates. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Provision for two hundred and fifty thousand poor families. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, Education for one million and thirty thousand children. + </p> + <p> + Fourthly, Comfortable provision for one hundred and forty thousand aged + persons. + </p> + <p> + Fifthly, Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births. + </p> + <p> + Sixthly, Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages. + </p> + <p> + Seventhly, Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of + persons travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their friends. + </p> + <p> + Eighthly, Employment, at all times, for the casual poor in the cities of + London and Westminster. + </p> + <p> + By the operation of this plan, the poor laws, those instruments of civil + torture, will be superseded, and the wasteful expense of litigation + prevented. The hearts of the humane will not be shocked by ragged and + hungry children, and persons of seventy and eighty years of age, begging + for bread. The dying poor will not be dragged from place to place to + breathe their last, as a reprisal of parish upon parish. Widows will have + a maintenance for their children, and not be carted away, on the death of + their husbands, like culprits and criminals; and children will no longer + be considered as increasing the distresses of their parents. The haunts of + the wretched will be known, because it will be to their advantage; and the + number of petty crimes, the offspring of distress and poverty, will be + lessened. The poor, as well as the rich, will then be interested in the + support of government, and the cause and apprehension of riots and tumults + will cease.—Ye who sit in ease, and solace yourselves in plenty, and + such there are in Turkey and Russia, as well as in England, and who say to + yourselves, "Are we not well off?" have ye thought of these things? When + ye do, ye will cease to speak and feel for yourselves alone. + </p> + <p> + The plan is easy in practice. It does not embarrass trade by a sudden + interruption in the order of taxes, but effects the relief by changing the + application of them; and the money necessary for the purpose can be drawn + from the excise collections, which are made eight times a year in every + market town in England. + </p> + <p> + Having now arranged and concluded this subject, I proceed to the next. + </p> + <p> + Taking the present current expenses at seven millions and an half, which + is the least amount they are now at, there will remain (after the sum of + one million and an half be taken for the new current expenses and four + millions for the before-mentioned service) the sum of two millions; part + of which to be applied as follows: + </p> + <p> + Though fleets and armies, by an alliance with France, will, in a great + measure, become useless, yet the persons who have devoted themselves to + those services, and have thereby unfitted themselves for other lines of + life, are not to be sufferers by the means that make others happy. They + are a different description of men from those who form or hang about a + court. + </p> + <p> + A part of the army will remain, at least for some years, and also of the + navy, for which a provision is already made in the former part of this + plan of one million, which is almost half a million more than the peace + establishment of the army and navy in the prodigal times of Charles the + Second. + </p> + <p> + Suppose, then, fifteen thousand soldiers to be disbanded, and that an + allowance be made to each of three shillings a week during life, clear of + all deductions, to be paid in the same manner as the Chelsea College + pensioners are paid, and for them to return to their trades and their + friends; and also that an addition of fifteen thousand sixpences per week + be made to the pay of the soldiers who shall remain; the annual expenses + will be: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + To the pay of fifteen thousand disbanded soldiers + at three shillings per week L117,000 + Additional pay to the remaining soldiers 19,500 + Suppose that the pay to the officers of the + disbanded corps be the same amount as sum allowed + to the men 117,000 + ———— L253,500 + + To prevent bulky estimations, admit the same sum + to the disbanded navy as to the army, + and the same increase of pay 253,500 + ———— + Total L507,000 +</pre> + <p> + Every year some part of this sum of half a million (I omit the odd seven + thousand pounds for the purpose of keeping the account unembarrassed) will + fall in, and the whole of it in time, as it is on the ground of life + annuities, except the increased pay of twenty-nine thousand pounds. As it + falls in, part of the taxes may be taken off; and as, for instance, when + thirty thousand pounds fall in, the duty on hops may be wholly taken off; + and as other parts fall in, the duties on candles and soap may be + lessened, till at last they will totally cease. There now remains at least + one million and a half of surplus taxes. + </p> + <p> + The tax on houses and windows is one of those direct taxes, which, like + the poor-rates, is not confounded with trade; and, when taken off, the + relief will be instantly felt. This tax falls heavy on the middle class of + people. The amount of this tax, by the returns of 1788, was: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Houses and windows: L s. d. + By the act of 1766 385,459 11 7 + By the act be 1779 130,739 14 5 1/2 + ——————————— + Total 516,199 6 0 1/2 +</pre> + <p> + If this tax be struck off, there will then remain about one million of + surplus taxes; and as it is always proper to keep a sum in reserve, for + incidental matters, it may be best not to extend reductions further in the + first instance, but to consider what may be accomplished by other modes of + reform. + </p> + <p> + Among the taxes most heavily felt is the commutation tax. I shall + therefore offer a plan for its abolition, by substituting another in its + place, which will effect three objects at once: 1, that of removing the + burthen to where it can best be borne; 2, restoring justice among families + by a distribution of property; 3, extirpating the overgrown influence + arising from the unnatural law of primogeniture, which is one of the + principal sources of corruption at elections. The amount of commutation + tax by the returns of 1788, was L771,657. + </p> + <p> + When taxes are proposed, the country is amused by the plausible language + of taxing luxuries. One thing is called a luxury at one time, and + something else at another; but the real luxury does not consist in the + article, but in the means of procuring it, and this is always kept out of + sight. + </p> + <p> + I know not why any plant or herb of the field should be a greater luxury + in one country than another; but an overgrown estate in either is a luxury + at all times, and, as such, is the proper object of taxation. It is, + therefore, right to take those kind tax-making gentlemen up on their own + word, and argue on the principle themselves have laid down, that of taxing + luxuries. If they or their champion, Mr. Burke, who, I fear, is growing + out of date, like the man in armour, can prove that an estate of twenty, + thirty, or forty thousand pounds a year is not a luxury, I will give up + the argument. + </p> + <p> + Admitting that any annual sum, say, for instance, one thousand pounds, is + necessary or sufficient for the support of a family, consequently the + second thousand is of the nature of a luxury, the third still more so, and + by proceeding on, we shall at last arrive at a sum that may not improperly + be called a prohibitable luxury. It would be impolitic to set bounds to + property acquired by industry, and therefore it is right to place the + prohibition beyond the probable acquisition to which industry can extend; + but there ought to be a limit to property or the accumulation of it by + bequest. It should pass in some other line. The richest in every nation + have poor relations, and those often very near in consanguinity. + </p> + <p> + The following table of progressive taxation is constructed on the above + principles, and as a substitute for the commutation tax. It will reach the + point of prohibition by a regular operation, and thereby supersede the + aristocratical law of primogeniture. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TABLE I + A tax on all estates of the clear yearly value of L50, + after deducting the land tax, and up + + To L500 0s 3d per pound + From L500 to L1,000 0 6 + On the second thousand 0 9 + On the third " 1 0 + On the fourth " 1 6 + On the fifth " 2 0 + On the sixth " 3 0 + On the seventh " 4 0 + On the eighth " 5 0 + On the ninth " 6s 0d per pound + On the tenth " 7 0 + On the eleventh " 8 0 + On the twelfth " 9 0 + On the thirteenth " 10 0 + On the fourteenth " 11 0 + On the fifteenth " 12 0 + On the sixteenth " 13 0 + On the seventeenth " 14 0 + On the eighteenth " 15 0 + On the nineteenth " 16 0 + On the twentieth " 17 0 + On the twenty-first " 18 0 + On the twenty-second " 19 0 + On the twenty-third " 20 0 +</pre> + <p> + The foregoing table shows the progression per pound on every progressive + thousand. The following table shows the amount of the tax on every + thousand separately, and in the last column the total amount of all the + separate sums collected. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TABLE II + An estate of: + L 50 per annum at 3d per pound pays L0 12 6 + 100 " " " " 1 5 0 + 200 " " " " 2 10 0 + 300 " " " " 3 15 0 + 400 " " " " 5 0 0 + 500 " " " " 7 5 0 +</pre> + <p> + After L500, the tax of 6d. per pound takes place on the second L500; + consequently an estate of L1,000 per annum pays L2l, 15s., and so on. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Total amount + For the 1st L500 at 0s 3d per pound L7 5s + 2nd " 0 6 14 10 L21 15s + 2nd 1000 at 0 9 37 11 59 5 + 3rd " 1 0 50 0 109 5 + (Total amount) + 4th 1000 at 1s 6d per pound L75 0s L184 5s + 5th " 2 0 100 0 284 5 + 6th " 3 0 150 0 434 5 + 7th " 4 0 200 0 634 5 + 8th " 5 0 250 0 880 5 + 9th " 6 0 300 0 1100 5 + 10th " 7 0 350 0 1530 5 + 11th " 8 0 400 0 1930 5 + 12th " 9 0 450 0 2380 5 + 13th " 10 0 500 0 2880 5 + 14th " 11 0 550 0 3430 5 + 15th " 12 0 600 0 4030 5 + 16th " 13 0 650 0 4680 5 + 17th " 14 0 700 0 5380 5 + 18th " 15 0 750 0 6130 5 + 19th " 16 0 800 0 6930 5 + 20th " 17 0 850 0 7780 5 + 21st " 18 0 900 0 8680 5 + (Total amount) + 22nd 1000 at 19s 0d per pound L950 0s L9630 5s + 23rd " 20 0 1000 0 10630 5 +</pre> + <p> + At the twenty-third thousand the tax becomes 20s. in the pound, and + consequently every thousand beyond that sum can produce no profit but by + dividing the estate. Yet formidable as this tax appears, it will not, I + believe, produce so much as the commutation tax; should it produce more, + it ought to be lowered to that amount upon estates under two or three + thousand a year. + </p> + <p> + On small and middling estates it is lighter (as it is intended to be) than + the commutation tax. It is not till after seven or eight thousand a year + that it begins to be heavy. The object is not so much the produce of the + tax as the justice of the measure. The aristocracy has screened itself too + much, and this serves to restore a part of the lost equilibrium. + </p> + <p> + As an instance of its screening itself, it is only necessary to look back + to the first establishment of the excise laws, at what is called the + Restoration, or the coming of Charles the Second. The aristocratical + interest then in power, commuted the feudal services itself was under, by + laying a tax on beer brewed for sale; that is, they compounded with + Charles for an exemption from those services for themselves and their + heirs, by a tax to be paid by other people. The aristocracy do not + purchase beer brewed for sale, but brew their own beer free of the duty, + and if any commutation at that time were necessary, it ought to have been + at the expense of those for whom the exemptions from those services were + intended;*<a href="#Clinknote-37" name="Clinknoteref-37" + id="Clinknoteref-37">37</a> instead of which, it was thrown on an entirely + different class of men. + </p> + <p> + But the chief object of this progressive tax (besides the justice of + rendering taxes more equal than they are) is, as already stated, to + extirpate the overgrown influence arising from the unnatural law of + primogeniture, and which is one of the principal sources of corruption at + elections. + </p> + <p> + It would be attended with no good consequences to enquire how such vast + estates as thirty, forty, or fifty thousand a year could commence, and + that at a time when commerce and manufactures were not in a state to admit + of such acquisitions. Let it be sufficient to remedy the evil by putting + them in a condition of descending again to the community by the quiet + means of apportioning them among all the heirs and heiresses of those + families. This will be the more necessary, because hitherto the + aristocracy have quartered their younger children and connections upon the + public in useless posts, places and offices, which when abolished will + leave them destitute, unless the law of primogeniture be also abolished or + superseded. + </p> + <p> + A progressive tax will, in a great measure, effect this object, and that + as a matter of interest to the parties most immediately concerned, as will + be seen by the following table; which shows the net produce upon every + estate, after subtracting the tax. By this it will appear that after an + estate exceeds thirteen or fourteen thousand a year, the remainder + produces but little profit to the holder, and consequently, Will pass + either to the younger children, or to other kindred. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + TABLE III + Showing the net produce of every estate from one thousand + to twenty-three thousand pounds a year + + No of thousand Total tax + per annum subtracted Net produce + L1000 L21 L979 + 2000 59 1941 + 3000 109 2891 + 4000 184 3816 + 5000 284 4716 + 6000 434 5566 + 7000 634 6366 + 8000 880 7120 + 9000 1100 7900 + 10,000 1530 8470 + 11,000 1930 9070 + 12,000 2380 9620 + 13,000 2880 10,120 + (No of thousand (Total tax + per annum) subtracted) (Net produce) + 14,000 3430 10,570 + 15,000 4030 10,970 + 16,000 4680 11,320 + 17,000 5380 11,620 + 18,000 6130 11,870 + 19,000 6930 12,170 + 20,000 7780 12,220 + 21,000 8680 12,320 + 22,000 9630 12,370 + 23,000 10,630 12,370 +</pre> + <p> + N.B. The odd shillings are dropped in this table. + </p> + <p> + According to this table, an estate cannot produce more than L12,370 clear + of the land tax and the progressive tax, and therefore the dividing such + estates will follow as a matter of family interest. An estate of L23,000 a + year, divided into five estates of four thousand each and one of three, + will be charged only L1,129 which is but five per cent., but if held by + one possessor, will be charged L10,630. + </p> + <p> + Although an enquiry into the origin of those estates be unnecessary, the + continuation of them in their present state is another subject. It is a + matter of national concern. As hereditary estates, the law has created the + evil, and it ought also to provide the remedy. Primogeniture ought to be + abolished, not only because it is unnatural and unjust, but because the + country suffers by its operation. By cutting off (as before observed) the + younger children from their proper portion of inheritance, the public is + loaded with the expense of maintaining them; and the freedom of elections + violated by the overbearing influence which this unjust monopoly of family + property produces. Nor is this all. It occasions a waste of national + property. A considerable part of the land of the country is rendered + unproductive, by the great extent of parks and chases which this law + serves to keep up, and this at a time when the annual production of grain + is not equal to the national consumption.*<a href="#Clinknote-38" + name="Clinknoteref-38" id="Clinknoteref-38">38</a>—In short, the + evils of the aristocratical system are so great and numerous, so + inconsistent with every thing that is just, wise, natural, and beneficent, + that when they are considered, there ought not to be a doubt that many, + who are now classed under that description, will wish to see such a system + abolished. + </p> + <p> + What pleasure can they derive from contemplating the exposed condition, + and almost certain beggary of their younger offspring? Every + aristocratical family has an appendage of family beggars hanging round it, + which in a few ages, or a few generations, are shook off, and console + themselves with telling their tale in almshouses, workhouses, and prisons. + This is the natural consequence of aristocracy. The peer and the beggar + are often of the same family. One extreme produces the other: to make one + rich many must be made poor; neither can the system be supported by other + means. + </p> + <p> + There are two classes of people to whom the laws of England are + particularly hostile, and those the most helpless; younger children, and + the poor. Of the former I have just spoken; of the latter I shall mention + one instance out of the many that might be produced, and with which I + shall close this subject. + </p> + <p> + Several laws are in existence for regulating and limiting work-men's + wages. Why not leave them as free to make their own bargains, as the + law-makers are to let their farms and houses? Personal labour is all the + property they have. Why is that little, and the little freedom they enjoy, + to be infringed? But the injustice will appear stronger, if we consider + the operation and effect of such laws. When wages are fixed by what is + called a law, the legal wages remain stationary, while every thing else is + in progression; and as those who make that law still continue to lay on + new taxes by other laws, they increase the expense of living by one law, + and take away the means by another. + </p> + <p> + But if these gentlemen law-makers and tax-makers thought it right to limit + the poor pittance which personal labour can produce, and on which a whole + family is to be supported, they certainly must feel themselves happily + indulged in a limitation on their own part, of not less than twelve + thousand a-year, and that of property they never acquired (nor probably + any of their ancestors), and of which they have made never acquire so ill + a use. + </p> + <p> + Having now finished this subject, I shall bring the several particulars + into one view, and then proceed to other matters. + </p> + <p> + The first eight articles, mentioned earlier, are; + </p> + <p> + 1. Abolition of two millions poor-rates. + </p> + <p> + 2. Provision for two hundred and fifty-two thousand poor families, at the + rate of four pounds per head for each child under fourteen years of age; + which, with the addition of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds, + provides also education for one million and thirty thousand children. + </p> + <p> + 3. Annuity of six pounds (per annum) each for all poor persons, decayed + tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of fifty + years, and until sixty. + </p> + <p> + 4. Annuity of ten pounds each for life for all poor persons, decayed + tradesmen, and others (supposed seventy thousand) of the age of sixty + years. + </p> + <p> + 5. Donation of twenty shillings each for fifty thousand births. + </p> + <p> + 6. Donation of twenty shillings each for twenty thousand marriages. + </p> + <p> + 7. Allowance of twenty thousand pounds for the funeral expenses of persons + travelling for work, and dying at a distance from their friends. + </p> + <p> + 8. Employment at all times for the casual poor in the cities of London and + Westminster. + </p> + <p> + Second Enumeration + </p> + <p> + 9. Abolition of the tax on houses and windows. + </p> + <p> + 10. Allowance of three shillings per week for life to fifteen thousand + disbanded soldiers, and a proportionate allowance to the officers of the + disbanded corps. + </p> + <p> + 11. Increase of pay to the remaining soldiers of L19,500 annually. + </p> + <p> + 12. The same allowance to the disbanded navy, and the same increase of + pay, as to the army. + </p> + <p> + 13. Abolition of the commutation tax. + </p> + <p> + 14. Plan of a progressive tax, operating to extirpate the unjust and + unnatural law of primogeniture, and the vicious influence of the + aristocratical system.*<a href="#Clinknote-39" name="Clinknoteref-39" + id="Clinknoteref-39">39</a> + </p> + <p> + There yet remains, as already stated, one million of surplus taxes. Some + part of this will be required for circumstances that do not immediately + present themselves, and such part as shall not be wanted, will admit of a + further reduction of taxes equal to that amount. + </p> + <p> + Among the claims that justice requires to be made, the condition of the + inferior revenue-officers will merit attention. It is a reproach to any + government to waste such an immensity of revenue in sinecures and nominal + and unnecessary places and officers, and not allow even a decent + livelihood to those on whom the labour falls. The salary of the inferior + officers of the revenue has stood at the petty pittance of less than fifty + pounds a year for upwards of one hundred years. It ought to be seventy. + About one hundred and twenty thousand pounds applied to this purpose, will + put all those salaries in a decent condition. + </p> + <p> + This was proposed to be done almost twenty years ago, but the + treasury-board then in being, startled at it, as it might lead to similar + expectations from the army and navy; and the event was, that the King, or + somebody for him, applied to parliament to have his own salary raised an + hundred thousand pounds a year, which being done, every thing else was + laid aside. + </p> + <p> + With respect to another class of men, the inferior clergy, I forbear to + enlarge on their condition; but all partialities and prejudices for, or + against, different modes and forms of religion aside, common justice will + determine, whether there ought to be an income of twenty or thirty pounds + a year to one man, and of ten thousand to another. I speak on this subject + with the more freedom, because I am known not to be a Presbyterian; and + therefore the cant cry of court sycophants, about church and meeting, kept + up to amuse and bewilder the nation, cannot be raised against me. + </p> + <p> + Ye simple men on both sides the question, do you not see through this + courtly craft? If ye can be kept disputing and wrangling about church and + meeting, ye just answer the purpose of every courtier, who lives the while + on the spoils of the taxes, and laughs at your credulity. Every religion + is good that teaches man to be good; and I know of none that instructs him + to be bad. + </p> + <p> + All the before-mentioned calculations suppose only sixteen millions and an + half of taxes paid into the exchequer, after the expense of collection and + drawbacks at the custom-house and excise-office are deducted; whereas the + sum paid into the exchequer is very nearly, if not quite, seventeen + millions. The taxes raised in Scotland and Ireland are expended in those + countries, and therefore their savings will come out of their own taxes; + but if any part be paid into the English exchequer, it might be remitted. + This will not make one hundred thousand pounds a year difference. + </p> + <p> + There now remains only the national debt to be considered. In the year + 1789, the interest, exclusive of the tontine, was L9,150,138. How much the + capital has been reduced since that time the minister best knows. But + after paying the interest, abolishing the tax on houses and windows, the + commutation tax, and the poor-rates; and making all the provisions for the + poor, for the education of children, the support of the aged, the + disbanded part of the army and navy, and increasing the pay of the + remainder, there will be a surplus of one million. + </p> + <p> + The present scheme of paying off the national debt appears to me, speaking + as an indifferent person, to be an ill-concerted, if not a fallacious job. + The burthen of the national debt consists not in its being so many + millions, or so many hundred millions, but in the quantity of taxes + collected every year to pay the interest. If this quantity continues the + same, the burthen of the national debt is the same to all intents and + purposes, be the capital more or less. The only knowledge which the public + can have of the reduction of the debt, must be through the reduction of + taxes for paying the interest. The debt, therefore, is not reduced one + farthing to the public by all the millions that have been paid; and it + would require more money now to purchase up the capital, than when the + scheme began. + </p> + <p> + Digressing for a moment at this point, to which I shall return again, I + look back to the appointment of Mr. Pitt, as minister. + </p> + <p> + I was then in America. The war was over; and though resentment had ceased, + memory was still alive. + </p> + <p> + When the news of the coalition arrived, though it was a matter of no + concern to I felt it as a man. It had something in it which shocked, by + publicly sporting with decency, if not with principle. It was impudence in + Lord North; it was a want of firmness in Mr. Fox. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Pitt was, at that time, what may be called a maiden character in + politics. So far from being hackneyed, he appeared not to be initiated + into the first mysteries of court intrigue. Everything was in his favour. + Resentment against the coalition served as friendship to him, and his + ignorance of vice was credited for virtue. With the return of peace, + commerce and prosperity would rise of itself; yet even this increase was + thrown to his account. + </p> + <p> + When he came to the helm, the storm was over, and he had nothing to + interrupt his course. It required even ingenuity to be wrong, and he + succeeded. A little time showed him the same sort of man as his + predecessors had been. Instead of profiting by those errors which had + accumulated a burthen of taxes unparalleled in the world, he sought, I + might almost say, he advertised for enemies, and provoked means to + increase taxation. Aiming at something, he knew not what, he ransacked + Europe and India for adventures, and abandoning the fair pretensions he + began with, he became the knight-errant of modern times. + </p> + <p> + It is unpleasant to see character throw itself away. It is more so to see + one's-self deceived. Mr. Pitt had merited nothing, but he promised much. + He gave symptoms of a mind superior to the meanness and corruption of + courts. His apparent candour encouraged expectations; and the public + confidence, stunned, wearied, and confounded by a chaos of parties, + revived and attached itself to him. But mistaking, as he has done, the + disgust of the nation against the coalition, for merit in himself, he has + rushed into measures which a man less supported would not have presumed to + act. + </p> + <p> + All this seems to show that change of ministers amounts to nothing. One + goes out, another comes in, and still the same measures, vices, and + extravagance are pursued. It signifies not who is minister. The defect + lies in the system. The foundation and the superstructure of the + government is bad. Prop it as you please, it continually sinks into court + government, and ever will. + </p> + <p> + I return, as I promised, to the subject of the national debt, that + offspring of the Dutch-Anglo revolution, and its handmaid the Hanover + succession. + </p> + <p> + But it is now too late to enquire how it began. Those to whom it is due + have advanced the money; and whether it was well or ill spent, or + pocketed, is not their crime. It is, however, easy to see, that as the + nation proceeds in contemplating the nature and principles of government, + and to understand taxes, and make comparisons between those of America, + France, and England, it will be next to impossible to keep it in the same + torpid state it has hitherto been. Some reform must, from the necessity of + the case, soon begin. It is not whether these principles press with little + or much force in the present moment. They are out. They are abroad in the + world, and no force can stop them. Like a secret told, they are beyond + recall; and he must be blind indeed that does not see that a change is + already beginning. + </p> + <p> + Nine millions of dead taxes is a serious thing; and this not only for bad, + but in a great measure for foreign government. By putting the power of + making war into the hands of the foreigners who came for what they could + get, little else was to be expected than what has happened. + </p> + <p> + Reasons are already advanced in this work, showing that whatever the + reforms in the taxes may be, they ought to be made in the current expenses + of government, and not in the part applied to the interest of the national + debt. By remitting the taxes of the poor, they will be totally relieved, + and all discontent will be taken away; and by striking off such of the + taxes as are already mentioned, the nation will more than recover the + whole expense of the mad American war. + </p> + <p> + There will then remain only the national debt as a subject of discontent; + and in order to remove, or rather to prevent this, it would be good policy + in the stockholders themselves to consider it as property, subject like + all other property, to bear some portion of the taxes. It would give to it + both popularity and security, and as a great part of its present + inconvenience is balanced by the capital which it keeps alive, a measure + of this kind would so far add to that balance as to silence objections. + </p> + <p> + This may be done by such gradual means as to accomplish all that is + necessary with the greatest ease and convenience. + </p> + <p> + Instead of taxing the capital, the best method would be to tax the + interest by some progressive ratio, and to lessen the public taxes in the + same proportion as the interest diminished. + </p> + <p> + Suppose the interest was taxed one halfpenny in the pound the first year, + a penny more the second, and to proceed by a certain ratio to be + determined upon, always less than any other tax upon property. Such a tax + would be subtracted from the interest at the time of payment, without any + expense of collection. + </p> + <p> + One halfpenny in the pound would lessen the interest and consequently the + taxes, twenty thousand pounds. The tax on wagons amounts to this sum, and + this tax might be taken off the first year. The second year the tax on + female servants, or some other of the like amount might also be taken off, + and by proceeding in this manner, always applying the tax raised from the + property of the debt toward its extinction, and not carry it to the + current services, it would liberate itself. + </p> + <p> + The stockholders, notwithstanding this tax, would pay less taxes than they + do now. What they would save by the extinction of the poor-rates, and the + tax on houses and windows, and the commutation tax, would be considerably + greater than what this tax, slow, but certain in its operation, amounts + to. + </p> + <p> + It appears to me to be prudence to look out for measures that may apply + under any circumstances that may approach. There is, at this moment, a + crisis in the affairs of Europe that requires it. Preparation now is + wisdom. If taxation be once let loose, it will be difficult to re-instate + it; neither would the relief be so effectual, as if it proceeded by some + certain and gradual reduction. + </p> + <p> + The fraud, hypocrisy, and imposition of governments, are now beginning to + be too well understood to promise them any long career. The farce of + monarchy and aristocracy, in all countries, is following that of chivalry, + and Mr. Burke is dressing aristocracy, in all countries, is following that + of chivalry, and Mr. Burke is dressing for the funeral. Let it then pass + quietly to the tomb of all other follies, and the mourners be comforted. + </p> + <p> + The time is not very distant when England will laugh at itself for sending + to Holland, Hanover, Zell, or Brunswick for men, at the expense of a + million a year, who understood neither her laws, her language, nor her + interest, and whose capacities would scarcely have fitted them for the + office of a parish constable. If government could be trusted to such + hands, it must be some easy and simple thing indeed, and materials fit for + all the purposes may be found in every town and village in England. + </p> + <p> + When it shall be said in any country in the world, my poor are happy; + neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them; my jails are + empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars; the aged are not in want, the + taxes are not oppressive; the rational world is my friend, because I am + the friend of its happiness: when these things can be said, then may that + country boast its constitution and its government. + </p> + <p> + Within the space of a few years we have seen two revolutions, those of + America and France. In the former, the contest was long, and the conflict + severe; in the latter, the nation acted with such a consolidated impulse, + that having no foreign enemy to contend with, the revolution was complete + in power the moment it appeared. From both those instances it is evident, + that the greatest forces that can be brought into the field of + revolutions, are reason and common interest. Where these can have the + opportunity of acting, opposition dies with fear, or crumbles away by + conviction. It is a great standing which they have now universally + obtained; and we may hereafter hope to see revolutions, or changes in + governments, produced with the same quiet operation by which any measure, + determinable by reason and discussion, is accomplished. + </p> + <p> + When a nation changes its opinion and habits of thinking, it is no longer + to be governed as before; but it would not only be wrong, but bad policy, + to attempt by force what ought to be accomplished by reason. Rebellion + consists in forcibly opposing the general will of a nation, whether by a + party or by a government. There ought, therefore, to be in every nation a + method of occasionally ascertaining the state of public opinion with + respect to government. On this point the old government of France was + superior to the present government of England, because, on extraordinary + occasions, recourse could be had what was then called the States General. + But in England there are no such occasional bodies; and as to those who + are now called Representatives, a great part of them are mere machines of + the court, placemen, and dependants. + </p> + <p> + I presume, that though all the people of England pay taxes, not an + hundredth part of them are electors, and the members of one of the houses + of parliament represent nobody but themselves. There is, therefore, no + power but the voluntary will of the people that has a right to act in any + matter respecting a general reform; and by the same right that two persons + can confer on such a subject, a thousand may. The object, in all such + preliminary proceedings, is to find out what the general sense of a nation + is, and to be governed by it. If it prefer a bad or defective government + to a reform or choose to pay ten times more taxes than there is any + occasion for, it has a right so to do; and so long as the majority do not + impose conditions on the minority, different from what they impose upon + themselves, though there may be much error, there is no injustice. Neither + will the error continue long. Reason and discussion will soon bring things + right, however wrong they may begin. By such a process no tumult is to be + apprehended. The poor, in all countries, are naturally both peaceable and + grateful in all reforms in which their interest and happiness is included. + It is only by neglecting and rejecting them that they become tumultuous. + </p> + <p> + The objects that now press on the public attention are, the French + revolution, and the prospect of a general revolution in governments. Of + all nations in Europe there is none so much interested in the French + revolution as England. Enemies for ages, and that at a vast expense, and + without any national object, the opportunity now presents itself of + amicably closing the scene, and joining their efforts to reform the rest + of Europe. By doing this they will not only prevent the further effusion + of blood, and increase of taxes, but be in a condition of getting rid of a + considerable part of their present burthens, as has been already stated. + Long experience however has shown, that reforms of this kind are not those + which old governments wish to promote, and therefore it is to nations, and + not to such governments, that these matters present themselves. + </p> + <p> + In the preceding part of this work, I have spoken of an alliance between + England, France, and America, for purposes that were to be afterwards + mentioned. Though I have no direct authority on the part of America, I + have good reason to conclude, that she is disposed to enter into a + consideration of such a measure, provided, that the governments with which + she might ally, acted as national governments, and not as courts enveloped + in intrigue and mystery. That France as a nation, and a national + government, would prefer an alliance with England, is a matter of + certainty. Nations, like individuals, who have long been enemies, without + knowing each other, or knowing why, become the better friends when they + discover the errors and impositions under which they had acted. + </p> + <p> + Admitting, therefore, the probability of such a connection, I will state + some matters by which such an alliance, together with that of Holland, + might render service, not only to the parties immediately concerned, but + to all Europe. + </p> + <p> + It is, I think, certain, that if the fleets of England, France, and + Holland were confederated, they could propose, with effect, a limitation + to, and a general dismantling of, all the navies in Europe, to a certain + proportion to be agreed upon. + </p> + <p> + First, That no new ship of war shall be built by any power in Europe, + themselves included. + </p> + <p> + Second, That all the navies now in existence shall be put back, suppose to + one-tenth of their present force. This will save to France and England, at + least two millions sterling annually to each, and their relative force be + in the same proportion as it is now. If men will permit themselves to + think, as rational beings ought to think, nothing can appear more + ridiculous and absurd, exclusive of all moral reflections, than to be at + the expense of building navies, filling them with men, and then hauling + them into the ocean, to try which can sink each other fastest. Peace, + which costs nothing, is attended with infinitely more advantage, than any + victory with all its expense. But this, though it best answers the purpose + of nations, does not that of court governments, whose habited policy is + pretence for taxation, places, and offices. + </p> + <p> + It is, I think, also certain, that the above confederated powers, together + with that of the United States of America, can propose with effect, to + Spain, the independence of South America, and the opening those countries + of immense extent and wealth to the general commerce of the world, as + North America now is. + </p> + <p> + With how much more glory, and advantage to itself, does a nation act, when + it exerts its powers to rescue the world from bondage, and to create + itself friends, than when it employs those powers to increase ruin, + desolation, and misery. The horrid scene that is now acting by the English + government in the East-Indies, is fit only to be told of Goths and + Vandals, who, destitute of principle, robbed and tortured the world they + were incapable of enjoying. + </p> + <p> + The opening of South America would produce an immense field of commerce, + and a ready money market for manufactures, which the eastern world does + not. The East is already a country full of manufactures, the importation + of which is not only an injury to the manufactures of England, but a drain + upon its specie. The balance against England by this trade is regularly + upwards of half a million annually sent out in the East-India ships in + silver; and this is the reason, together with German intrigue, and German + subsidies, that there is so little silver in England. + </p> + <p> + But any war is harvest to such governments, however ruinous it may be to a + nation. It serves to keep up deceitful expectations which prevent people + from looking into the defects and abuses of government. It is the lo here! + and the lo there! that amuses and cheats the multitude. + </p> + <p> + Never did so great an opportunity offer itself to England, and to all + Europe, as is produced by the two Revolutions of America and France. By + the former, freedom has a national champion in the western world; and by + the latter, in Europe. When another nation shall join France, despotism + and bad government will scarcely dare to appear. To use a trite + expression, the iron is becoming hot all over Europe. The insulted German + and the enslaved Spaniard, the Russ and the Pole, are beginning to think. + The present age will hereafter merit to be called the Age of Reason, and + the present generation will appear to the future as the Adam of a new + world. + </p> + <p> + When all the governments of Europe shall be established on the + representative system, nations will become acquainted, and the animosities + and prejudices fomented by the intrigue and artifice of courts, will + cease. The oppressed soldier will become a freeman; and the tortured + sailor, no longer dragged through the streets like a felon, will pursue + his mercantile voyage in safety. It would be better that nations should wi + continue the pay of their soldiers during their lives, and give them their + discharge and restore them to freedom and their friends, and cease + recruiting, than retain such multitudes at the same expense, in a + condition useless to society and to themselves. As soldiers have hitherto + been treated in most countries, they might be said to be without a friend. + Shunned by the citizen on an apprehension of their being enemies to + liberty, and too often insulted by those who commanded them, their + condition was a double oppression. But where genuine principles of liberty + pervade a people, every thing is restored to order; and the soldier + civilly treated, returns the civility. + </p> + <p> + In contemplating revolutions, it is easy to perceive that they may arise + from two distinct causes; the one, to avoid or get rid of some great + calamity; the other, to obtain some great and positive good; and the two + may be distinguished by the names of active and passive revolutions. In + those which proceed from the former cause, the temper becomes incensed and + soured; and the redress, obtained by danger, is too often sullied by + revenge. But in those which proceed from the latter, the heart, rather + animated than agitated, enters serenely upon the subject. Reason and + discussion, persuasion and conviction, become the weapons in the contest, + and it is only when those are attempted to be suppressed that recourse is + had to violence. When men unite in agreeing that a thing is good, could it + be obtained, such for instance as relief from a burden of taxes and the + extinction of corruption, the object is more than half accomplished. What + they approve as the end, they will promote in the means. + </p> + <p> + Will any man say, in the present excess of taxation, falling so heavily on + the poor, that a remission of five pounds annually of taxes to one hundred + and four thousand poor families is not a good thing? Will he say that a + remission of seven pounds annually to one hundred thousand other poor + families—of eight pounds annually to another hundred thousand poor + families, and of ten pounds annually to fifty thousand poor and widowed + families, are not good things? And, to proceed a step further in this + climax, will he say that to provide against the misfortunes to which all + human life is subject, by securing six pounds annually for all poor, + distressed, and reduced persons of the age of fifty and until sixty, and + of ten pounds annually after sixty, is not a good thing? + </p> + <p> + Will he say that an abolition of two millions of poor-rates to the + house-keepers, and of the whole of the house and window-light tax and of + the commutation tax is not a good thing? Or will he say that to abolish + corruption is a bad thing? + </p> + <p> + If, therefore, the good to be obtained be worthy of a passive, rational, + and costless revolution, it would be bad policy to prefer waiting for a + calamity that should force a violent one. I have no idea, considering the + reforms which are now passing and spreading throughout Europe, that + England will permit herself to be the last; and where the occasion and the + opportunity quietly offer, it is better than to wait for a turbulent + necessity. It may be considered as an honour to the animal faculties of + man to obtain redress by courage and danger, but it is far greater honour + to the rational faculties to accomplish the same object by reason, + accommodation, and general consent.*<a href="#Clinknote-40" + name="Clinknoteref-40" id="Clinknoteref-40">40</a> + </p> + <p> + As reforms, or revolutions, call them which you please, extend themselves + among nations, those nations will form connections and conventions, and + when a few are thus confederated, the progress will be rapid, till + despotism and corrupt government be totally expelled, at least out of two + quarters of the world, Europe and America. The Algerine piracy may then be + commanded to cease, for it is only by the malicious policy of old + governments, against each other, that it exists. + </p> + <p> + Throughout this work, various and numerous as the subjects are, which I + have taken up and investigated, there is only a single paragraph upon + religion, viz. "that every religion is good that teaches man to be good." + </p> + <p> + I have carefully avoided to enlarge upon the subject, because I am + inclined to believe that what is called the present ministry, wish to see + contentions about religion kept up, to prevent the nation turning its + attention to subjects of government. It is as if they were to say, "Look + that way, or any way, but this." + </p> + <p> + But as religion is very improperly made a political machine, and the + reality of it is thereby destroyed, I will conclude this work with stating + in what light religion appears to me. + </p> + <p> + If we suppose a large family of children, who, on any particular day, or + particular circumstance, made it a custom to present to their parents some + token of their affection and gratitude, each of them would make a + different offering, and most probably in a different manner. Some would + pay their congratulations in themes of verse and prose, by some little + devices, as their genius dictated, or according to what they thought would + please; and, perhaps, the least of all, not able to do any of those + things, would ramble into the garden, or the field, and gather what it + thought the prettiest flower it could find, though, perhaps, it might be + but a simple weed. The parent would be more gratified by such a variety, + than if the whole of them had acted on a concerted plan, and each had made + exactly the same offering. This would have the cold appearance of + contrivance, or the harsh one of control. But of all unwelcome things, + nothing could more afflict the parent than to know, that the whole of them + had afterwards gotten together by the ears, boys and girls, fighting, + scratching, reviling, and abusing each other about which was the best or + the worst present. + </p> + <p> + Why may we not suppose, that the great Father of all is pleased with + variety of devotion; and that the greatest offence we can act, is that by + which we seek to torment and render each other miserable? For my own part, + I am fully satisfied that what I am now doing, with an endeavour to + conciliate mankind, to render their condition happy, to unite nations that + have hitherto been enemies, and to extirpate the horrid practice of war, + and break the chains of slavery and oppression is acceptable in his sight, + and being the best service I can perform, I act it cheerfully. + </p> + <p> + I do not believe that any two men, on what are called doctrinal points, + think alike who think at all. It is only those who have not thought that + appear to agree. It is in this case as with what is called the British + constitution. It has been taken for granted to be good, and encomiums have + supplied the place of proof. But when the nation comes to examine into its + principles and the abuses it admits, it will be found to have more defects + than I have pointed out in this work and the former. + </p> + <p> + As to what are called national religions, we may, with as much propriety, + talk of national Gods. It is either political craft or the remains of the + Pagan system, when every nation had its separate and particular deity. + Among all the writers of the English church clergy, who have treated on + the general subject of religion, the present Bishop of Llandaff has not + been excelled, and it is with much pleasure that I take this opportunity + of expressing this token of respect. + </p> + <p> + I have now gone through the whole of the subject, at least, as far as it + appears to me at present. It has been my intention for the five years I + have been in Europe, to offer an address to the people of England on the + subject of government, if the opportunity presented itself before I + returned to America. Mr. Burke has thrown it in my way, and I thank him. + On a certain occasion, three years ago, I pressed him to propose a + national convention, to be fairly elected, for the purpose of taking the + state of the nation into consideration; but I found, that however strongly + the parliamentary current was then setting against the party he acted + with, their policy was to keep every thing within that field of + corruption, and trust to accidents. Long experience had shown that + parliaments would follow any change of ministers, and on this they rested + their hopes and their expectations. + </p> + <p> + Formerly, when divisions arose respecting governments, recourse was had to + the sword, and a civil war ensued. That savage custom is exploded by the + new system, and reference is had to national conventions. Discussion and + the general will arbitrates the question, and to this, private opinion + yields with a good grace, and order is preserved uninterrupted. + </p> + <p> + Some gentlemen have affected to call the principles upon which this work + and the former part of Rights of Man are founded, "a new-fangled + doctrine." The question is not whether those principles are new or old, + but whether they are right or wrong. Suppose the former, I will show their + effect by a figure easily understood. + </p> + <p> + It is now towards the middle of February. Were I to take a turn into the + country, the trees would present a leafless, wintery appearance. As people + are apt to pluck twigs as they walk along, I perhaps might do the same, + and by chance might observe, that a single bud on that twig had begun to + swell. I should reason very unnaturally, or rather not reason at all, to + suppose this was the only bud in England which had this appearance. + Instead of deciding thus, I should instantly conclude, that the same + appearance was beginning, or about to begin, every where; and though the + vegetable sleep will continue longer on some trees and plants than on + others, and though some of them may not blossom for two or three years, + all will be in leaf in the summer, except those which are rotten. What + pace the political summer may keep with the natural, no human foresight + can determine. It is, however, not difficult to perceive that the spring + is begun.—Thus wishing, as I sincerely do, freedom and happiness to + all nations, I close the Second Part. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_APPE" id="Clink2H_APPE"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + APPENDIX + </h2> + <p> + As the publication of this work has been delayed beyond the time intended, + I think it not improper, all circumstances considered, to state the causes + that have occasioned delay. + </p> + <p> + The reader will probably observe, that some parts in the plan contained in + this work for reducing the taxes, and certain parts in Mr. Pitt's speech + at the opening of the present session, Tuesday, January 31, are so much + alike as to induce a belief, that either the author had taken the hint + from Mr. Pitt, or Mr. Pitt from the author.—I will first point out + the parts that are similar, and then state such circumstances as I am + acquainted with, leaving the reader to make his own conclusion. + </p> + <p> + Considering it as almost an unprecedented case, that taxes should be + proposed to be taken off, it is equally extraordinary that such a measure + should occur to two persons at the same time; and still more so + (considering the vast variety and multiplicity of taxes) that they should + hit on the same specific taxes. Mr. Pitt has mentioned, in his speech, the + tax on Carts and Wagons—that on Female Servantsthe lowering the tax + on Candles and the taking off the tax of three shillings on Houses having + under seven windows. + </p> + <p> + Every one of those specific taxes are a part of the plan contained in this + work, and proposed also to be taken off. Mr. Pitt's plan, it is true, goes + no further than to a reduction of three hundred and twenty thousand + pounds; and the reduction proposed in this work, to nearly six millions. I + have made my calculations on only sixteen millions and an half of revenue, + still asserting that it was "very nearly, if not quite, seventeen + millions." Mr. Pitt states it at 16,690,000. I know enough of the matter + to say, that he has not overstated it. Having thus given the particulars, + which correspond in this work and his speech, I will state a chain of + circumstances that may lead to some explanation. + </p> + <p> + The first hint for lessening the taxes, and that as a consequence flowing + from the French revolution, is to be found in the Address and Declaration + of the Gentlemen who met at the Thatched-House Tavern, August 20, 1791. + Among many other particulars stated in that Address, is the following, put + as an interrogation to the government opposers of the French Revolution. + "Are they sorry that the pretence for new oppressive taxes, and the + occasion for continuing many old taxes will be at an end?" + </p> + <p> + It is well known that the persons who chiefly frequent the Thatched-House + Tavern, are men of court connections, and so much did they take this + Address and Declaration respecting the French Revolution, and the + reduction of taxes in disgust, that the Landlord was under the necessity + of informing the Gentlemen, who composed the meeting of the 20th of + August, and who proposed holding another meeting, that he could not + receive them.*<a href="#Clinknote-41" name="Clinknoteref-41" + id="Clinknoteref-41">41</a> + </p> + <p> + What was only hinted in the Address and Declaration respecting taxes and + principles of government, will be found reduced to a regular system in + this work. But as Mr. Pitt's speech contains some of the same things + respecting taxes, I now come to give the circumstances before alluded to. + </p> + <p> + The case is: This work was intended to be published just before the + meeting of Parliament, and for that purpose a considerable part of the + copy was put into the printer's hands in September, and all the remaining + copy, which contains the part to which Mr. Pitt's speech is similar, was + given to him full six weeks before the meeting of Parliament, and he was + informed of the time at which it was to appear. He had composed nearly the + whole about a fortnight before the time of Parliament meeting, and had + given me a proof of the next sheet. It was then in sufficient forwardness + to be out at the time proposed, as two other sheets were ready for + striking off. I had before told him, that if he thought he should be + straitened for time, I could get part of the work done at another press, + which he desired me not to do. In this manner the work stood on the + Tuesday fortnight preceding the meeting of Parliament, when all at once, + without any previous intimation, though I had been with him the evening + before, he sent me, by one of his workmen, all the remaining copy, + declining to go on with the work on any consideration. + </p> + <p> + To account for this extraordinary conduct I was totally at a loss, as he + stopped at the part where the arguments on systems and principles of + government closed, and where the plan for the reduction of taxes, the + education of children, and the support of the poor and the aged begins; + and still more especially, as he had, at the time of his beginning to + print, and before he had seen the whole copy, offered a thousand pounds + for the copy-right, together with the future copy-right of the former part + of the Rights of Man. I told the person who brought me this offer that I + should not accept it, and wished it not to be renewed, giving him as my + reason, that though I believed the printer to be an honest man, I would + never put it in the power of any printer or publisher to suppress or alter + a work of mine, by making him master of the copy, or give to him the right + of selling it to any minister, or to any other person, or to treat as a + mere matter of traffic, that which I intended should operate as a + principle. + </p> + <p> + His refusal to complete the work (which he could not purchase) obliged me + to seek for another printer, and this of consequence would throw the + publication back till after the meeting of Parliament, otherways it would + have appeared that Mr. Pitt had only taken up a part of the plan which I + had more fully stated. + </p> + <p> + Whether that gentleman, or any other, had seen the work, or any part of + it, is more than I have authority to say. But the manner in which the work + was returned, and the particular time at which this was done, and that + after the offers he had made, are suspicious circumstances. I know what + the opinion of booksellers and publishers is upon such a case, but as to + my own opinion, I choose to make no declaration. There are many ways by + which proof sheets may be procured by other persons before a work publicly + appears; to which I shall add a certain circumstance, which is, + </p> + <p> + A ministerial bookseller in Piccadilly who has been employed, as common + report says, by a clerk of one of the boards closely connected with the + ministry (the board of trade and plantation, of which Hawkesbury is + president) to publish what he calls my Life, (I wish his own life and + those of the cabinet were as good), used to have his books printed at the + same printing-office that I employed; but when the former part of Rights + of Man came out, he took his work away in dudgeon; and about a week or ten + days before the printer returned my copy, he came to make him an offer of + his work again, which was accepted. This would consequently give him + admission into the printing-office where the sheets of this work were then + lying; and as booksellers and printers are free with each other, he would + have the opportunity of seeing what was going on.—Be the case, + however, as it may, Mr. Pitt's plan, little and diminutive as it is, would + have made a very awkward appearance, had this work appeared at the time + the printer had engaged to finish it. + </p> + <p> + I have now stated the particulars which occasioned the delay, from the + proposal to purchase, to the refusal to print. If all the Gentlemen are + innocent, it is very unfortunate for them that such a variety of + suspicious circumstances should, without any design, arrange themselves + together. + </p> + <p> + Having now finished this part, I will conclude with stating another + circumstance. + </p> + <p> + About a fortnight or three weeks before the meeting of Parliament, a small + addition, amounting to about twelve shillings and sixpence a year, was + made to the pay of the soldiers, or rather their pay was docked so much + less. Some Gentlemen who knew, in part, that this work would contain a + plan of reforms respecting the oppressed condition of soldiers, wished me + to add a note to the work, signifying that the part upon that subject had + been in the printer's hands some weeks before that addition of pay was + proposed. I declined doing this, lest it should be interpreted into an air + of vanity, or an endeavour to excite suspicion (for which perhaps there + might be no grounds) that some of the government gentlemen had, by some + means or other, made out what this work would contain: and had not the + printing been interrupted so as to occasion a delay beyond the time fixed + for publication, nothing contained in this appendix would have appeared. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clink2H_4_0019" id="Clink2H_4_0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE AUTHOR'S NOTES FOR PART ONE AND PART TWO + </h2> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-1" id="Clinknote-1"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 1 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-1">return</a>)<br /> [ The main and uniform maxim + of the judges is, the greater the truth the greater the libel.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-2" id="Clinknote-2"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 2 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-2">return</a>)<br /> [ Since writing the above, + two other places occur in Mr. Burke's pamphlet in which the name of the + Bastille is mentioned, but in the same manner. In the one he introduces it + in a sort of obscure question, and asks: "Will any ministers who now serve + such a king, with but a decent appearance of respect, cordially obey the + orders of those whom but the other day, in his name, they had committed to + the Bastille?" In the other the taking it is mentioned as implying + criminality in the French guards, who assisted in demolishing it. "They + have not," says he, "forgot the taking the king's castles at Paris." This + is Mr. Burke, who pretends to write on constitutional freedom.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-3" id="Clinknote-3"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 3 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-3">return</a>)<br /> [ I am warranted in + asserting this, as I had it personally from M. de la Fayette, with whom I + lived in habits of friendship for fourteen years.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-4" id="Clinknote-4"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 4 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-4">return</a>)<br /> [ An account of the + expedition to Versailles may be seen in No. 13 of the Revolution de Paris + containing the events from the 3rd to the 10th of October, 1789.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-5" id="Clinknote-5"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 5 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-5">return</a>)<br /> [ It is a practice in some + parts of the country, when two travellers have but one horse, which, like + the national purse, will not carry double, that the one mounts and rides + two or three miles ahead, and then ties the horse to a gate and walks on. + When the second traveller arrives he takes the horse, rides on, and passes + his companion a mile or two, and ties again, and so on—Ride and + tie.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-6" id="Clinknote-6"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 6 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-6">return</a>)<br /> [ The word he used was + renvoye, dismissed or sent away.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-7" id="Clinknote-7"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 7 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-7">return</a>)<br /> [ When in any country we see + extraordinary circumstances taking place, they naturally lead any man who + has a talent for observation and investigation, to enquire into the + causes. The manufacturers of Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, are + the principal manufacturers in England. From whence did this arise? A + little observation will explain the case. The principal, and the + generality of the inhabitants of those places, are not of what is called + in England, the church established by law: and they, or their fathers, + (for it is within but a few years) withdrew from the persecution of the + chartered towns, where test-laws more particularly operate, and + established a sort of asylum for themselves in those places. It was the + only asylum that then offered, for the rest of Europe was worse.—But + the case is now changing. France and America bid all comers welcome, and + initiate them into all the rights of citizenship. Policy and interest, + therefore, will, but perhaps too late, dictate in England, what reason and + justice could not. Those manufacturers are withdrawing, and arising in + other places. There is now erecting in Passey, three miles from Paris, a + large cotton manufactory, and several are already erected in America. Soon + after the rejecting the Bill for repealing the test-law, one of the + richest manufacturers in England said in my hearing, "England, Sir, is not + a country for a dissenter to live in,—we must go to France." These + are truths, and it is doing justice to both parties to tell them. It is + chiefly the dissenters that have carried English manufactures to the + height they are now at, and the same men have it in their power to carry + them away; and though those manufactures would afterwards continue in + those places, the foreign market will be lost. There frequently appear in + the London Gazette, extracts from certain acts to prevent machines and + persons, as far as they can extend to persons, from going out of the + country. It appears from these that the ill effects of the test-laws and + church-establishment begin to be much suspected; but the remedy of force + can never supply the remedy of reason. In the progress of less than a + century, all the unrepresented part of England, of all denominations, + which is at least an hundred times the most numerous, may begin to feel + the necessity of a constitution, and then all those matters will come + regularly before them.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-8" id="Clinknote-8"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 8 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-8">return</a>)<br /> [ When the English Minister, + Mr. Pitt, mentions the French finances again in the English Parliament, it + would be well that he noticed this as an example.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-9" id="Clinknote-9"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 9 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-9">return</a>)<br /> [ Mr. Burke, (and I must + take the liberty of telling him that he is very unacquainted with French + affairs), speaking upon this subject, says, "The first thing that struck + me in calling the States-General, was a great departure from the ancient + course";—and he soon after says, "From the moment I read the list, I + saw distinctly, and very nearly as it has happened, all that was to + follow."—Mr. Burke certainly did not see an that was to follow. I + endeavoured to impress him, as well before as after the States-General + met, that there would be a revolution; but was not able to make him see + it, neither would he believe it. How then he could distinctly see all the + parts, when the whole was out of sight, is beyond my comprehension. And + with respect to the "departure from the ancient course," besides the + natural weakness of the remark, it shows that he is unacquainted with + circumstances. The departure was necessary, from the experience had upon + it, that the ancient course was a bad one. The States-General of 1614 were + called at the commencement of the civil war in the minority of Louis + XIII.; but by the class of arranging them by orders, they increased the + confusion they were called to compose. The author of L'Intrigue du + Cabinet, (Intrigue of the Cabinet), who wrote before any revolution was + thought of in France, speaking of the States-General of 1614, says, "They + held the public in suspense five months; and by the questions agitated + therein, and the heat with which they were put, it appears that the great + (les grands) thought more to satisfy their particular passions, than to + procure the goods of the nation; and the whole time passed away in + altercations, ceremonies and parade."—L'Intrigue du Cabinet, vol. i. + p. 329.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-10" id="Clinknote-10"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 10 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-10">return</a>)<br /> [ There is a single idea, + which, if it strikes rightly upon the mind, either in a legal or a + religious sense, will prevent any man or any body of men, or any + government, from going wrong on the subject of religion; which is, that + before any human institutions of government were known in the world, there + existed, if I may so express it, a compact between God and man, from the + beginning of time: and that as the relation and condition which man in his + individual person stands in towards his Maker cannot be changed by any + human laws or human authority, that religious devotion, which is a part of + this compact, cannot so much as be made a subject of human laws; and that + all laws must conform themselves to this prior existing compact, and not + assume to make the compact conform to the laws, which, besides being + human, are subsequent thereto. The first act of man, when he looked around + and saw himself a creature which he did not make, and a world furnished + for his reception, must have been devotion; and devotion must ever + continue sacred to every individual man, as it appears, right to him; and + governments do mischief by interfering.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-11" id="Clinknote-11"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 11 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-11">return</a>)<br /> [ See this work, Part I + starting at line number 254.—N.B. Since the taking of the Bastille, + the occurrences have been published: but the matters recorded in this + narrative, are prior to that period; and some of them, as may be easily + seen, can be but very little known.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-12" id="Clinknote-12"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 12 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-12">return</a>)<br /> [ See "Estimate of the + Comparative Strength of Great Britain," by G. Chalmers.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-13" id="Clinknote-13"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 13 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-13">return</a>)<br /> [ See "Administration of + the Finances of France," vol. iii, by M. Neckar.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-14" id="Clinknote-14"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 14 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-14">return</a>)<br /> [ "Administration of the + Finances of France," vol. iii.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-15" id="Clinknote-15"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 15 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-15">return</a>)<br /> [ Whether the English + commerce does not bring in money, or whether the government sends it out + after it is brought in, is a matter which the parties concerned can best + explain; but that the deficiency exists, is not in the power of either to + disprove. While Dr. Price, Mr. Eden, (now Auckland), Mr. Chalmers, and + others, were debating whether the quantity of money in England was greater + or less than at the Revolution, the circumstance was not adverted to, that + since the Revolution, there cannot have been less than four hundred + millions sterling imported into Europe; and therefore the quantity in + England ought at least to have been four times greater than it was at the + Revolution, to be on a proportion with Europe. What England is now doing + by paper, is what she would have been able to do by solid money, if gold + and silver had come into the nation in the proportion it ought, or had not + been sent out; and she is endeavouring to restore by paper, the balance + she has lost by money. It is certain, that the gold and silver which + arrive annually in the register-ships to Spain and Portugal, do not remain + in those countries. Taking the value half in gold and half in silver, it + is about four hundred tons annually; and from the number of ships and + galloons employed in the trade of bringing those metals from South-America + to Portugal and Spain, the quantity sufficiently proves itself, without + referring to the registers. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + In the situation England now is, it is impossible she can increase in + money. High taxes not only lessen the property of the individuals, but + they lessen also the money capital of the nation, by inducing smuggling, + which can only be carried on by gold and silver. By the politics which the + British Government have carried on with the Inland Powers of Germany and + the Continent, it has made an enemy of all the Maritime Powers, and is + therefore obliged to keep up a large navy; but though the navy is built in + England, the naval stores must be purchased from abroad, and that from + countries where the greatest part must be paid for in gold and silver. + Some fallacious rumours have been set afloat in England to induce a belief + in money, and, among others, that of the French refugees bringing great + quantities. The idea is ridiculous. The general part of the money in + France is silver; and it would take upwards of twenty of the largest broad + wheel wagons, with ten horses each, to remove one million sterling of + silver. Is it then to be supposed, that a few people fleeing on horse-back + or in post-chaises, in a secret manner, and having the French Custom-House + to pass, and the sea to cross, could bring even a sufficiency for their + own expenses? + </p> + <p class="foot"> + When millions of money are spoken of, it should be recollected, that such + sums can only accumulate in a country by slow degrees, and a long + procession of time. The most frugal system that England could now adopt, + would not recover in a century the balance she has lost in money since the + commencement of the Hanover succession. She is seventy millions behind + France, and she must be in some considerable proportion behind every + country in Europe, because the returns of the English mint do not show an + increase of money, while the registers of Lisbon and Cadiz show an + European increase of between three and four hundred millions sterling.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-16" id="Clinknote-16"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 16 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-16">return</a>)<br /> [ That part of America + which is generally called New-England, including New-Hampshire, + Massachusetts, Rhode-Island, and Connecticut, is peopled chiefly by + English descendants. In the state of New-York about half are Dutch, the + rest English, Scotch, and Irish. In New-jersey, a mixture of English and + Dutch, with some Scotch and Irish. In Pennsylvania about one third are + English, another Germans, and the remainder Scotch and Irish, with some + Swedes. The States to the southward have a greater proportion of English + than the middle States, but in all of them there is a mixture; and besides + those enumerated, there are a considerable number of French, and some few + of all the European nations, lying on the coast. The most numerous + religious denomination are the Presbyterians; but no one sect is + established above another, and all men are equally citizens.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-17" id="Clinknote-17"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 17 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-17">return</a>)<br /> [ For a character of + aristocracy, the reader is referred to Rights of Man, Part I., starting at + line number 1457.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-18" id="Clinknote-18"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 18 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-18">return</a>)<br /> [ The whole amount of the + assessed taxes of France, for the present year, is three hundred millions + of francs, which is twelve millions and a half sterling; and the + incidental taxes are estimated at three millions, making in the whole + fifteen millions and a half; which among twenty-four millions of people, + is not quite thirteen shillings per head. France has lessened her taxes + since the revolution, nearly nine millions sterling annually. Before the + revolution, the city of Paris paid a duty of upwards of thirty per cent. + on all articles brought into the city. This tax was collected at the city + gates. It was taken off on the first of last May, and the gates taken + down.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-19" id="Clinknote-19"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 19 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-19">return</a>)<br /> [ What was called the + livre rouge, or the red book, in France, was not exactly similar to the + Court Calendar in England; but it sufficiently showed how a great part of + the taxes was lavished.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-20" id="Clinknote-20"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 20 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-20">return</a>)<br /> [ In England the + improvements in agriculture, useful arts, manufactures, and commerce, have + been made in opposition to the genius of its government, which is that of + following precedents. It is from the enterprise and industry of the + individuals, and their numerous associations, in which, tritely speaking, + government is neither pillow nor bolster, that these improvements have + proceeded. No man thought about government, or who was in, or who was out, + when he was planning or executing those things; and all he had to hope, + with respect to government, was, that it would let him alone. Three or + four very silly ministerial newspapers are continually offending against + the spirit of national improvement, by ascribing it to a minister. They + may with as much truth ascribe this book to a minister.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-21" id="Clinknote-21"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 21 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-21">return</a>)<br /> [ With respect to the two + houses, of which the English parliament is composed, they appear to be + effectually influenced into one, and, as a legislature, to have no temper + of its own. The minister, whoever he at any time may be, touches it as + with an opium wand, and it sleeps obedience. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + But if we look at the distinct abilities of the two houses, the difference + will appear so great, as to show the inconsistency of placing power where + there can be no certainty of the judgment to use it. Wretched as the state + of representation is in England, it is manhood compared with what is + called the house of Lords; and so little is this nick-named house + regarded, that the people scarcely enquire at any time what it is doing. + It appears also to be most under influence, and the furthest removed from + the general interest of the nation. In the debate on engaging in the + Russian and Turkish war, the majority in the house of peers in favor of it + was upwards of ninety, when in the other house, which was more than double + its numbers, the majority was sixty-three.] + </p> + <p class="foot"> + The proceedings on Mr. Fox's bill, respecting the rights of juries, merits + also to be noticed. The persons called the peers were not the objects of + that bill. They are already in possession of more privileges than that + bill gave to others. They are their own jury, and if any one of that house + were prosecuted for a libel, he would not suffer, even upon conviction, + for the first offense. Such inequality in laws ought not to exist in any + country. The French constitution says, that the law is the same to every + individual, whether to Protect or to punish. All are equal in its sight.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-22" id="Clinknote-22"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 22 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-22">return</a>)<br /> [ As to the state of + representation in England, it is too absurd to be reasoned upon. Almost + all the represented parts are decreasing in population, and the + unrepresented parts are increasing. A general convention of the nation is + necessary to take the whole form of government into consideration.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-23" id="Clinknote-23"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 23 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-23">return</a>)<br /> [ It is related that in + the canton of Berne, in Switzerland, it has been customary, from time + immemorial, to keep a bear at the public expense, and the people had been + taught to believe that if they had not a bear they should all be undone. + It happened some years ago that the bear, then in being, was taken sick, + and died too suddenly to have his place immediately supplied with another. + During this interregnum the people discovered that the corn grew, and the + vintage flourished, and the sun and moon continued to rise and set, and + everything went on the same as before, and taking courage from these + circumstances, they resolved not to keep any more bears; for, said they, + "a bear is a very voracious expensive animal, and we were obliged to pull + out his claws, lest he should hurt the citizens." The story of the bear of + Berne was related in some of the French newspapers, at the time of the + flight of Louis Xvi., and the application of it to monarchy could not be + mistaken in France; but it seems that the aristocracy of Berne applied it + to themselves, and have since prohibited the reading of French + newspapers.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-24" id="Clinknote-24"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 24 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-24">return</a>)<br /> [ It is scarcely possible + to touch on any subject, that will not suggest an allusion to some + corruption in governments. The simile of "fortifications," unfortunately + involves with it a circumstance, which is directly in point with the + matter above alluded to.] + </p> + <p class="foot"> + Among the numerous instances of abuse which have been acted or protected + by governments, ancient or modern, there is not a greater than that of + quartering a man and his heirs upon the public, to be maintained at its + expense. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + Humanity dictates a provision for the poor; but by what right, moral or + political, does any government assume to say, that the person called the + Duke of Richmond, shall be maintained by the public? Yet, if common report + is true, not a beggar in London can purchase his wretched pittance of + coal, without paying towards the civil list of the Duke of Richmond. Were + the whole produce of this imposition but a shilling a year, the iniquitous + principle would be still the same; but when it amounts, as it is said to + do, to no less than twenty thousand pounds per annum, the enormity is too + serious to be permitted to remain. This is one of the effects of monarchy + and aristocracy. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + In stating this case I am led by no personal dislike. Though I think it + mean in any man to live upon the public, the vice originates in the + government; and so general is it become, that whether the parties are in + the ministry or in the opposition, it makes no difference: they are sure + of the guarantee of each other.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-25" id="Clinknote-25"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 25 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-25">return</a>)<br /> [ In America the increase + of commerce is greater in proportion than in England. It is, at this time, + at least one half more than at any period prior to the revolution. The + greatest number of vessels cleared out of the port of Philadelphia, before + the commencement of the war, was between eight and nine hundred. In the + year 1788, the number was upwards of twelve hundred. As the State of + Pennsylvania is estimated at an eighth part of the United States in + population, the whole number of vessels must now be nearly ten thousand.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-26" id="Clinknote-26"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 26 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-26">return</a>)<br /> [ When I saw Mr. Pitt's + mode of estimating the balance of trade, in one of his parliamentary + speeches, he appeared to me to know nothing of the nature and interest of + commerce; and no man has more wantonly tortured it than himself. During a + period of peace it has been havocked with the calamities of war. Three + times has it been thrown into stagnation, and the vessels unmanned by + impressing, within less than four years of peace.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-27" id="Clinknote-27"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 27 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-27">return</a>)<br /> [ Rev. William Knowle, + master of the grammar school of Thetford, in Norfolk.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-28" id="Clinknote-28"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 28 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-28">return</a>)<br /> [ Politics and + self-interest have been so uniformly connected that the world, from being + so often deceived, has a right to be suspicious of public characters, but + with regard to myself I am perfectly easy on this head. I did not, at my + first setting out in public life, nearly seventeen years ago, turn my + thoughts to subjects of government from motives of interest, and my + conduct from that moment to this proves the fact. I saw an opportunity in + which I thought I could do some good, and I followed exactly what my heart + dictated. I neither read books, nor studied other people's opinion. I + thought for myself. The case was this:— + </p> + <p class="foot"> + During the suspension of the old governments in America, both prior to and + at the breaking out of hostilities, I was struck with the order and + decorum with which everything was conducted, and impressed with the idea + that a little more than what society naturally performed was all the + government that was necessary, and that monarchy and aristocracy were + frauds and impositions upon mankind. On these principles I published the + pamphlet Common Sense. The success it met with was beyond anything since + the invention of printing. I gave the copyright to every state in the + Union, and the demand ran to not less than one hundred thousand copies. I + continued the subject in the same manner, under the title of The Crisis, + till the complete establishment of the Revolution. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + After the declaration of independence Congress unanimously, and unknown to + me, appointed me Secretary in the Foreign Department. This was agreeable + to me, because it gave me the opportunity of seeing into the abilities of + foreign courts, and their manner of doing business. But a misunderstanding + arising between Congress and me, respecting one of their commissioners + then in Europe, Mr. Silas Deane, I resigned the office, and declined at + the same time the pecuniary offers made by the Ministers of France and + Spain, M. Gerald and Don Juan Mirralles.] I had by this time so completely + gained the ear and confidence of America, and my own independence was + become so visible, as to give me a range in political writing beyond, + perhaps, what any man ever possessed in any country, and, what is more + extraordinary, I held it undiminished to the end of the war, and enjoy it + in the same manner to the present moment. As my object was not myself, I + set out with the determination, and happily with the disposition, of not + being moved by praise or censure, friendship or calumny, nor of being + drawn from my purpose by any personal altercation, and the man who cannot + do this is not fit for a public character. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + When the war ended I went from Philadelphia to Borden-Town, on the east + bank of the Delaware, where I have a small place. Congress was at this + time at Prince-Town, fifteen miles distant, and General Washington had + taken his headquarters at Rocky Hill, within the neighbourhood of + Congress, for the purpose of resigning up his commission (the object for + which he accepted it being accomplished), and of retiring to private life. + While he was on this business he wrote me the letter which I here subjoin: + </p> + <p class="foot"> + "Rocky-Hill, Sept. 10, 1783. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + "I have learned since I have been at this place that you are at + Borden-Town. Whether for the sake of retirement or economy I know not. Be + it for either, for both, or whatever it may, if you will come to this + place, and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you at it. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + "Your presence may remind Congress of your past services to this country, + and if it is in my power to impress them, command my best exertions with + freedom, as they will be rendered cheerfully by one who entertains a + lively sense of the importance of your works, and who, with much pleasure, + subscribes himself, Your sincere friend, + </p> + <p class="foot"> + G. Washington." + </p> + <p class="foot"> + During the war, in the latter end of the year 1780, I formed to myself a + design of coming over to England, and communicated it to General Greene, + who was then in Philadelphia on his route to the southward, General + Washington being then at too great a distance to communicate with + immediately. I was strongly impressed with the idea that if I could get + over to England without being known, and only remain in safety till I + could get out a publication, that I could open the eyes of the country + with respect to the madness and stupidity of its Government. I saw that + the parties in Parliament had pitted themselves as far as they could go, + and could make no new impressions on each other. General Greene entered + fully into my views, but the affair of Arnold and Andre happening just + after, he changed his mind, under strong apprehensions for my safety, + wrote very pressingly to me from Annapolis, in Maryland, to give up the + design, which, with some reluctance, I did. Soon after this I accompanied + Colonel Lawrens, son of Mr. Lawrens, who was then in the Tower, to France + on business from Congress. We landed at L'orient, and while I remained + there, he being gone forward, a circumstance occurred that renewed my + former design. An English packet from Falmouth to New York, with the + Government dispatches on board, was brought into L'orient. That a packet + should be taken is no extraordinary thing, but that the dispatches should + be taken with it will scarcely be credited, as they are always slung at + the cabin window in a bag loaded with cannon-ball, and ready to be sunk at + a moment. The fact, however, is as I have stated it, for the dispatches + came into my hands, and I read them. The capture, as I was informed, + succeeded by the following stratagem:—The captain of the "Madame" + privateer, who spoke English, on coming up with the packet, passed himself + for the captain of an English frigate, and invited the captain of the + packet on board, which, when done, he sent some of his own hands back, and + he secured the mail. But be the circumstance of the capture what it may, I + speak with certainty as to the Government dispatches. They were sent up to + Paris to Count Vergennes, and when Colonel Lawrens and myself returned to + America we took the originals to Congress. + </p> + <p class="foot"> + By these dispatches I saw into the stupidity of the English Cabinet far + more than I otherwise could have done, and I renewed my former design. But + Colonel Lawrens was so unwilling to return alone, more especially as, + among other matters, we had a charge of upwards of two hundred thousand + pounds sterling in money, that I gave in to his wishes, and finally gave + up my plan. But I am now certain that if I could have executed it that it + would not have been altogether unsuccessful.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-29" id="Clinknote-29"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 29 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-29">return</a>)<br /> [ It is difficult to + account for the origin of charter and corporation towns, unless we suppose + them to have arisen out of, or been connected with, some species of + garrison service. The times in which they began justify this idea. The + generality of those towns have been garrisons, and the corporations were + charged with the care of the gates of the towns, when no military garrison + was present. Their refusing or granting admission to strangers, which has + produced the custom of giving, selling, and buying freedom, has more of + the nature of garrison authority than civil government. Soldiers are free + of all corporations throughout the nation, by the same propriety that + every soldier is free of every garrison, and no other persons are. He can + follow any employment, with the permission of his officers, in any + corporation towns throughout the nation.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-30" id="Clinknote-30"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 30 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-30">return</a>)<br /> [ See Sir John Sinclair's + History of the Revenue. The land-tax in 1646 was L2,473,499.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-31" id="Clinknote-31"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 31 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-31">return</a>)<br /> [ Several of the court + newspapers have of late made frequent mention of Wat Tyler. That his + memory should be traduced by court sycophants and an those who live on the + spoil of a public is not to be wondered at. He was, however, the means of + checking the rage and injustice of taxation in his time, and the nation + owed much to his valour. The history is concisely this:—In the time + of Richard Ii. a poll tax was levied of one shilling per head upon every + person in the nation of whatever estate or condition, on poor as well as + rich, above the age of fifteen years. If any favour was shown in the law + it was to the rich rather than to the poor, as no person could be charged + more than twenty shillings for himself, family and servants, though ever + so numerous; while all other families, under the number of twenty were + charged per head. Poll taxes had always been odious, but this being also + oppressive and unjust, it excited as it naturally must, universal + detestation among the poor and middle classes. The person known by the + name of Wat Tyler, whose proper name was Walter, and a tiler by trade, + lived at Deptford. The gatherer of the poll tax, on coming to his house, + demanded tax for one of his daughters, whom Tyler declared was under the + age of fifteen. The tax-gatherer insisted on satisfying himself, and began + an indecent examination of the girl, which, enraging the father, he struck + him with a hammer that brought him to the ground, and was the cause of his + death. This circumstance served to bring the discontent to an issue. The + inhabitants of the neighbourhood espoused the cause of Tyler, who in a few + days was joined, according to some histories, by upwards of fifty thousand + men, and chosen their chief. With this force he marched to London, to + demand an abolition of the tax and a redress of other grievances. The + Court, finding itself in a forlorn condition, and, unable to make + resistance, agreed, with Richard at its head, to hold a conference with + Tyler in Smithfield, making many fair professions, courtier-like, of its + dispositions to redress the oppressions. While Richard and Tyler were in + conversation on these matters, each being on horseback, Walworth, then + Mayor of London, and one of the creatures of the Court, watched an + opportunity, and like a cowardly assassin, stabbed Tyler with a dagger, + and two or three others falling upon him, he was instantly sacrificed. + Tyler appears to have been an intrepid disinterested man with respect to + himself. All his proposals made to Richard were on a more just and public + ground than those which had been made to John by the Barons, and + notwithstanding the sycophancy of historians and men like Mr. Burke, who + seek to gloss over a base action of the Court by traducing Tyler, his fame + will outlive their falsehood. If the Barons merited a monument to be + erected at Runnymede, Tyler merited one in Smithfield.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-32" id="Clinknote-32"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 32 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-32">return</a>)<br /> [ I happened to be in + England at the celebration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1688. The + characters of William and Mary have always appeared to be detestable; the + one seeking to destroy his uncle, and the other her father, to get + possession of power themselves; yet, as the nation was disposed to think + something of that event, I felt hurt at seeing it ascribe the whole + reputation of it to a man who had undertaken it as a job and who, besides + what he otherwise got, charged six hundred thousand pounds for the expense + of the fleet that brought him from Holland. George the First acted the + same close-fisted part as William had done, and bought the Duchy of Bremen + with the money he got from England, two hundred and fifty thousand pounds + over and above his pay as king, and having thus purchased it at the + expense of England, added it to his Hanoverian dominions for his own + private profit. In fact, every nation that does not govern itself is + governed as a job. England has been the prey of jobs ever since the + Revolution.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-33" id="Clinknote-33"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 33 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-33">return</a>)<br /> [ Charles, like his + predecessors and successors, finding that war was the harvest of + governments, engaged in a war with the Dutch, the expense of which + increased the annual expenditure to L1,800,000 as stated under the date of + 1666; but the peace establishment was but L1,200,000.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-34" id="Clinknote-34"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 34 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-34">return</a>)<br /> [ Poor-rates began about + the time of Henry VIII., when the taxes began to increase, and they have + increased as the taxes increased ever since.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-35" id="Clinknote-35"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 35 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-35">return</a>)<br /> [ Reckoning the taxes by + families, five to a family, each family pays on an average L12 7s. 6d. per + annum. To this sum are to be added the poor-rates. Though all pay taxes in + the articles they consume, all do not pay poor-rates. About two millions + are exempted: some as not being house-keepers, others as not being able, + and the poor themselves who receive the relief. The average, therefore, of + poor-rates on the remaining number, is forty shillings for every family of + five persons, which make the whole average amount of taxes and rates L14 + 17s. 6d. For six persons L17 17s. For seven persons L2O 16s. 6d. The + average of taxes in America, under the new or representative system of + government, including the interest of the debt contracted in the war, and + taking the population at four millions of souls, which it now amounts to, + and it is daily increasing, is five shillings per head, men, women, and + children. The difference, therefore, between the two governments is as + under: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + England America + L s. d. L s. d. + For a family of five persons 14 17 6 1 5 0 + For a family of six persons 17 17 0 1 10 0 + For a family of seven persons 20 16 6 1 15 0 +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-36" id="Clinknote-36"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 36 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-36">return</a>)<br /> [ Public schools do not + answer the general purpose of the poor. They are chiefly in corporation + towns from which the country towns and villages are excluded, or, if + admitted, the distance occasions a great loss of time. Education, to be + useful to the poor, should be on the spot, and the best method, I believe, + to accomplish this is to enable the parents to pay the expenses + themselves. There are always persons of both sexes to be found in every + village, especially when growing into years, capable of such an + undertaking. Twenty children at ten shillings each (and that not more than + six months each year) would be as much as some livings amount to in the + remotest parts of England, and there are often distressed clergymen's + widows to whom such an income would be acceptable. Whatever is given on + this account to children answers two purposes. To them it is education—to + those who educate them it is a livelihood.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-37" id="Clinknote-37"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 37 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-37">return</a>)<br /> [ The tax on beer brewed + for sale, from which the aristocracy are exempt, is almost one million + more than the present commutation tax, being by the returns of 1788, + L1,666,152—and, consequently, they ought to take on themselves the + amount of the commutation tax, as they are already exempted from one which + is almost a million greater.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-38" id="Clinknote-38"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 38 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-38">return</a>)<br /> [ See the Reports on the + Corn Trade.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-39" id="Clinknote-39"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 39 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-39">return</a>)<br /> [ When enquiries are made + into the condition of the poor, various degrees of distress will most + probably be found, to render a different arrangement preferable to that + which is already proposed. Widows with families will be in greater want + than where there are husbands living. There is also a difference in the + expense of living in different counties: and more so in fuel. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Suppose then fifty thousand extraordinary cases, at + the rate of ten pounds per family per annum L500,000 + 100,000 families, at L8 per family per annum 800,000 + 100,000 families, at L7 per family per annum 700,000 + 104,000 families, at L5 per family per annum 520,000 + + And instead of ten shillings per head for the education + of other children, to allow fifty shillings per family + for that purpose to fifty thousand families 250,000 + ————— + L2,770,000 + 140,000 aged persons as before 1,120,000 + ————— + L3,890,000 +</pre> + <p class="foot"> + This arrangement amounts to the same sum as stated in this work, Part II, + line number 1068, including the L250,000 for education; but it provides + (including the aged people) for four hundred and four thousand families, + which is almost one third of an the families in England.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-40" id="Clinknote-40"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 40 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-40">return</a>)<br /> [ I know it is the opinion + of many of the most enlightened characters in France (there always will be + those who see further into events than others), not only among the general + mass of citizens, but of many of the principal members of the former + National Assembly, that the monarchical plan will not continue many years + in that country. They have found out, that as wisdom cannot be made + hereditary, power ought not; and that, for a man to merit a million + sterling a year from a nation, he ought to have a mind capable of + comprehending from an atom to a universe, which, if he had, he would be + above receiving the pay. But they wished not to appear to lead the nation + faster than its own reason and interest dictated. In all the conversations + where I have been present upon this subject, the idea always was, that + when such a time, from the general opinion of the nation, shall arrive, + that the honourable and liberal method would be, to make a handsome + present in fee simple to the person, whoever he may be, that shall then be + in the monarchical office, and for him to retire to the enjoyment of + private life, possessing his share of general rights and privileges, and + to be no more accountable to the public for his time and his conduct than + any other citizen.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Clinknote-41" id="Clinknote-41"> + <!-- Note --> </a> + </p> + <p class="foot"> + 41 (<a href="#Clinknoteref-41">return</a>)<br /> [ The gentleman who signed + the address and declaration as chairman of the meeting, Mr. Horne Tooke, + being generally supposed to be the person who drew it up, and having + spoken much in commendation of it, has been jocularly accused of praising + his own work. To free him from this embarrassment, and to save him the + repeated trouble of mentioning the author, as he has not failed to do, I + make no hesitation in saying, that as the opportunity of benefiting by the + French Revolution easily occurred to me, I drew up the publication in + question, and showed it to him and some other gentlemen, who, fully + approving it, held a meeting for the purpose of making it public, and + subscribed to the amount of fifty guineas to defray the expense of + advertising. I believe there are at this time, in England, a greater + number of men acting on disinterested principles, and determined to look + into the nature and practices of government themselves, and not blindly + trust, as has hitherto been the case, either to government generally, or + to parliaments, or to parliamentary opposition, than at any former period. + Had this been done a century ago, corruption and taxation had not arrived + to the height they are now at.] + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + -END OF PART II.- +</pre> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + <i>THE WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE</i> + </h3> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#common"> <b>Common Sense</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol1"> <b>Volume One</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol2"> <b>Volume Two</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol3"> <b>Volume Three</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol4"> <b> Volume Four</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <a name="vol3" id="vol3"> </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h2> + VOLUME III. + </h2> + <h3> + 1791-1804 + </h3> + <h4> + <br /><br /> G. P. Putnam's Sons <br /><br /> New York London <br /><br /> + Copyright, 1895 <br /><br /> By G. P. Putnam's Sons <br /> + </h4> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img alt="titlepage (29K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_INTR"> INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD VOLUME. </a><br /><br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0002"> I. </a> THE REPUBLICAN + PROCLAMATION <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0003"> II. </a> TO + THE AUTHORS OF "LE RIPUBLICAIN." <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0004"> + III. </a> TO THE ABBI SIHYES <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0005"> IV. </a> TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0006"> V. </a> TO MR. + SECRETARY DUNDAS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0007"> VI. </a> LETTERS + TO ONSLOW CRANLEY <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0008"> VII. </a> TO + THE SHERIFF OF THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX, <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0009"> + VIII. </a> TO MR. SECRETARY DUNDAS <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0010"> IX. </a> LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE + ADDRESSERS ON THE LATE PROCLAMATION <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0011"> + X. </a> ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FRANCE <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0012"> XI. </a> ANTI-MONARCHAL ESSAY FOR THE + USE OF NEW REPUBLICANS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0013"> XII. </a> TO + THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, ON THE PROSECUTION AGAINST THE SECOND PART <br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0014"> XIII. </a> ON THE PROPRIETY OF + BRINGING LOUIS XVI. TO TRIAL <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0015"> XIV. + </a> REASONS FOR PRESERVING THE LIFE OF LOUIS CAPET, <br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0016"> XV. </a> SHALL LOUIS XVI. HAVE + RESPITE? <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0017"> XVI. </a> DECLARATION + OF RIGHTS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0018"> XVII. </a> PRIVATE + LETTERS TO JEFFERSON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0019"> XVIII. </a> LETTER + TO DANTON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0020"> XIX. </a> A + CITIZEN OF AMERICA TO THE CITIZENS OF EUROPE <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0021"> XX. </a> APPEAL TO THE CONVENTION + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0022"> XXI. </a> THE MEMORIAL + TO MONROE <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0023"> XXII. </a> LETTER + TO GEORGE WASHINGTON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0024"> XXIII. </a> OBSERVATIONS + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0025"> XXIV. </a> DISSERTATION + ON FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0026"> + XXV. </a> THE CONSTITUTION OF 1795 <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0027"> XXVI. </a> THE DECLINE AND FALL OF + THE ENGLISH SYSTEM OF FINANCE <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0028"> + XXVII. </a> FORGETFULNESS <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0029"> + XXVIII. </a> AGRARIAN JUSTICE <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0030"> XXIX. </a> THE EIGHTEENTH FRUCTIDOR + <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0031"> XXX. </a> THE RECALL OF + MONROE <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0032"> XXXI. </a> PRIVATE + LETTER TO PRESIDENT JEFFERSON <br /><br /> <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0033"> + XXXII. </a> PROPOSAL THAT LOUISIANA BE PURCHASED <br /><br /> + <a href="#Dlink2H_4_0034"> XXXIII. </a> THOMAS + PAINE TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, <br /><br /> <a + href="#Dlink2H_4_0035"> XXXIV. </a> TO THE FRENCH INHABITANTS + OF LOUISIANA <br /><br /> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Dlink2H_INTR" id="Dlink2H_INTR"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h2> + INTRODUCTION TO THE THIRD VOLUME. + </h2> + <h3> + WITH HISTORICAL NOTES AND DOCUMENTS. + </h3> + <p> + In a letter of Lafayette to Washington ("Paris, 12 Jan., 1790") he writes: + "<i>Common Sense</i> is writing for you a brochure where you will see a + part of my adventures." It thus appears that the narrative embodied in the + reply to Burke ("Rights of Man," Part I.), dedicated to Washington, was + begun with Lafayette's collaboration fourteen months before its + publication (March 13, 1791). + </p> + <p> + In another letter of Lafayette to Washington (March 17, 1790) he writes: + </p> + <p> + "To Mr. Paine, who leaves for London, I entrust the care of sending you my + news.... Permit me, my dear General, to offer you a picture representing + the Bastille as it was some days after I gave the order for its + demolition. I also pay you the homage of sending you the principal Key of + that fortress of despotism. It is a tribute I owe as a son to my adoptive + father, as aide-de-camp to my General, as a missionary of liberty to his + Patriarch." + </p> + <p> + The Key was entrusted to Paine, and by him to J. Rut-ledge, Jr., who + sailed from London in May. I have found in the manuscript despatches of + Louis Otto, Chargi d' Affaires, several amusing paragraphs, addressed to + his govern-ment at Paris, about this Key. + </p> + <p> + "August 4, 1790. In attending yesterday the public audience of the + President, I was surprised by a question from the Chief Magistrate, + 'whether I would like to see the Key of the Bastille?' One of his + secretaries showed me at the same moment a large Key, which had been sent + to the President by desire of the Marquis de la Fayette. I dissembled my + surprise in observing to the President that 'the time had not yet come in + America to do ironwork equal to that before him.' The Americans present + looked at the key with indifference, and as if wondering why it had been + sent But the serene face of the President showed that he regarded it as an + homage from the French nation." "December 13, 1790. The Key of the + Bastille, regularly shown at the President's audiences, is now also on + exhibition in Mrs. Washington's <i>salon</i>, where it satisfies the + curiosity of the Philadelphians. I am persuaded, Monseigneur, that it is + only their vanity that finds pleasure in the exhibition of this trophy, + but Frenchmen here are not the less piqued, and many will not enter the + President's house on this account." + </p> + <p> + In sending the key Paine, who saw farther than these distant Frenchmen, + wrote to Washington: "That the principles of America opened the Bastille + is not to be doubted, and therefore the Key comes to the right place." + </p> + <p> + Early in May, 1791 (the exact date is not given), Lafayette writes + Washington: "I send you the rather indifferent translation of Mr. Paine as + a kind of preservative and to keep me near you." This was a hasty + translation of "Rights of Man," Part I., by F. So{les, presently + superseded by that of Lanthenas. + </p> + <p> + The first convert of Paine to pure republicanism in France was Achille + Duchbtelet, son of the Duke, and grandson of the authoress,—the + friend of Voltaire. It was he and Paine who, after the flight of Louis + XVI., placarded Paris with the Proclamation of a Republic, given as the + first chapter of this volume. An account of this incident is here quoted + from Etienne Dumont's "Recollections of Mirabeau": + </p> + <p> + "The celebrated Paine was at this time in Paris, and intimate in + Condorcet's family. Thinking that he had effected the American Revolution, + he fancied himself called upon to bring about one in France. Duchbtelet + called on me, and after a little preface placed in my hand an English + manuscript—a Proclamation to the French People. It was nothing less + than an anti-royalist Manifesto, and summoned the nation to seize the + opportunity and establish a Republic. Paine was its author. Duchbtelet had + adopted and was resolved to sign, placard the walls of Paris with it, and + take the consequences. He had come to request me to translate and develop + it. I began discussing the strange proposal, and pointed out the danger of + raising a republican standard without concurrence of the National + Assembly, and nothing being as yet known of the king's intentions, + resources, alliances, and possibilities of support by the army, and in the + provinces. I asked if he had consulted any of the most influential + leaders,—Sieves, Lafayette, etc. He had not: he and Paine had acted + alone. An American and an impulsive nobleman had put themselves forward to + change the whole governmental system of France. Resisting his entreaties, + I refused to translate the Proclamation. Next day the republican + Proclamation appeared on the walls in every part of Paris, and was + denounced to the Assembly. The idea of a Republic had previously presented + itself to no one: this first intimation filled with consternation the + Right and the moderates of the Left. Malouet, Cazales, and others proposed + prosecution of the author, but Chapelier, and a numerous party, fearing to + add fuel to the fire instead of extinguishing it, prevented this. But some + of the seed sown by the audacious hand of Paine were now budding in + leading minds." + </p> + <p> + A Republican Club was formed in July, consisting of five members, the + others who joined themselves to Paine and Duchbtelet being Condorcet, and + probably Lanthenas (translator of Paine's works), and Nicolas de + Bonneville. They advanced so far as to print "Le Ripublicain," of which, + however, only one number ever appeared. From it is taken the second piece + in this volume. + </p> + <p> + Early in the year 1792 Paine lodged in the house and book-shop of Thomas + "Clio" Rickman, now as then 7 Upper Marylebone Street. Among his friends + was the mystical artist and poet, William Blake. Paine had become to him a + transcendental type; he is one of the Seven who appear in Blake's + "Prophecy" concerning America (1793): + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "The Guardian Prince of Albion burns in his nightly tent + Sullen fires across the Atlantic glow to America's shore; + Piercing the souls of warlike men, who rise in silent night:— + Washington, Franklin, Paine, and Warren, Gates, Hancock, and Greene, + Meet on the coast glowing with blood from Albion's fiery Prince." +</pre> + <p> + The Seven are wrapt in the flames of their enthusiasm. Albion's Prince + sends to America his thirteen Angels, who, however, there become Governors + of the thirteen States. It is difficult to discover from Blake's mystical + visions how much political radicalism was in him, but he certainly saved + Paine from the scaffold by forewarning him (September 13, 1792) that an + order had been issued for his arrest. Without repeating the story told in + Gilchrist's "Life of Blake," and in my "Life of Paine," I may add here my + belief that Paine also appears in one of Blake's pictures. The picture is + in the National Gallery (London), and called "The spiritual form of Pitt + guiding Behemoth." The monster jaws of Behemoth are full of struggling + men, some of whom stretch imploring hands to another spiritual form, who + reaches down from a crescent moon in the sky, as if to rescue them. This + face and form appear to me certainly meant for Paine. + </p> + <p> + Acting on Blake's warning Paine's friends got him off to Dover, where, + after some trouble, related in a letter to Dundas (see p. 41 of this + volume), he reached Calais. He had been elected by four departments to the + National Convention, and selected Calais, where he was welcomed with grand + civic parades. On September 19, 1792, he arrived in Paris, stopping at + "White's Hotel," 7 Passage des Pitits Phres, about five minutes' walk from + the Salle de Manige, where, on September 21st, the National Convention + opened its sessions. The spot is now indicated by a tablet on the wall of + the Tuileries Garden, Rue de Rivoli. On that day Paine was introduced to + the Convention by the Abbi Grigoire, and received with acclamation. + </p> + <p> + The French Minister in London, Chauvelin, had sent to his government + (still royalist) a despatch unfavorable to Paine's work in England, part + of which I translate: + </p> + <p> + "May 23, 1792. An Association [for Parliamentary Reform, see pp. 78, 93, + of this volume] has been formed to seek the means of forwarding the + demand. It includes some distinguished members of the Commons, and a few + peers. The writings of M. Payne which preceded this Association by a few + days have done it infinite harm. People suspect under the veil of a reform + long demanded by justice and reason an intention to destroy a constitution + equally dear to the peers whose privileges it consecrates, to the wealthy + whom it protects, and to the entire nation, to which it assures all the + liberty desired by a people methodical and slow in character, and who, + absorbed in their commercial interests, do not like being perpetually + worried about the imbecile George III. or public affairs. Vainly have the + friends of reform protested their attachment to the Constitution. Vainly + they declare that they desire to demand nothing, to obtain nothing, save + in lawful ways. They are persistently disbelieved. Payne alone is seen in + all their movements; and this author has not, like Mackintosh, rendered + imposing his refutation of Burke. The members of the Association, although + very different in principles, find themselves involved in the now almost + general disgrace of Payne." + </p> + <p> + M. Nokl writes from London, November 2, 1792, to the republican Minister, + Le Brun, concerning the approaching trial of Paine, which had been fixed + for December 18th. + </p> + <p> + "This matter above all excites the liveliest interest. People desire to + know whether they live in a free country, where criticism even of + government is a right of every citizen. Whatever may be the decision in + this interesting trial, the result can only be fortunate for the cause of + liberty. But the government cannot conceal from itself that it is + suspended over a volcano. The wild dissipations of the King's sons add to + the discontent, and if something is overlooked in the Prince of Wales, who + is loved enough, it is not so with the Duke of York, who has few friends. + The latter has so many debts that at this moment the receivers are in his + house, and the creditors wish even his bed to be seized. You perceive, + Citizen, what a text fruitful in reflexions this conduct presents to a + people groaning under the weight of taxes for the support of such whelps (<i>louvetaux</i>)." + </p> + <p> + Under date of December 22, 1792, M. Nokl writes: + </p> + <p> + "London is perfectly tranquil. The arbitrary measures taken by the + government in advance [of Paine's trial] cause no anxiety to the mass of + the nation about its liberties. Some dear-headed people see well that the + royal prerogative will gain in this crisis, and that it is dangerous to + leave executive power to become arbitrary at pleasure; but this very small + number groan in silence, and dare not speak for fear of seeing their + property pillaged or burned by what the miserable hirelings of government + call 'Loyal Mob,' or 'Church and King Mob.' To the 'Addressers,' of whom I + wrote you, are added the associations for maintaining the Constitution + they are doing all they can to destroy. There is no corporation, no + parish, which is not mustered for this object. All have assembled, one on + the other, to press against those whom they call 'The Republicans and the + Levellers,' the most inquisitorial measures. Among other parishes, one (S. + James' Vestry Room) distinguishes itself by a decree worthy of the + sixteenth century. It promises twenty guineas reward to any one who shall + denounce those who in conversation or otherwise propagate opinions + contrary to the public tranquillity, and places the denouncer under + protection of the parish. The inhabitants of London are now placed under a + new kind of <i>Test</i>, and those who refuse it will undoubtedly be + persecuted. Meantime these papers are carried from house to house to be + signed, especially by those lodging as strangers. This <i>Test</i> causes + murmurs, and some try to evade signature, but the number is few. The + example of the capital is generally followed. The trial of Payne, which at + one time seemed likely to cause events, has ended in the most peaceful + way. Erskine has been borne to his house by people shouting <i>God Save + the King! Erskine forever!</i> The friends of liberty generally are much + dissatisfied with the way in which he has defended his client. They find + that he threw himself into commonplaces which could make his eloquence + shine, but guarded himself well from going to the bottom of the question. + Vane especially, a distinguished advocate and zealous democrat, is furious + against Erskine. It is now for Payne to defend himself. But whatever he + does, he will have trouble enough to reverse the opinion. The Jury's + verdict is generally applauded: a mortal blow is dealt to freedom of + thought. People sing in the streets, even at midnight, <i>God save the + King and damn Tom Payne!</i>" (1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The despatches from which these translations are made are + in the Archives of the Department of State at Paris, series + marked <i>Angleterre</i> vol. 581. +</pre> + <p> + The student of that period will find some instruction in a collection, now + in the British Museum, of coins and medals mostly struck after the trial + and outlawry of Paine. A halfpenny, January 21,1793: <i>obverse</i>, a man + hanging on a gibbet, with church in the distance; motto "End of Pain"; <i>reverse</i>, + open book inscribed "The Wrongs of Man." A token: bust of Paine, with his + name; <i>reverse</i>, "The Mountain in Labour, 1793." Farthing: Paine + gibbeted; <i>reverse</i>, breeches burning, legend, "Pandora's breeches"; + beneath, serpent decapitated by a dagger, the severed head that of Paine. + Similar farthing, but <i>reverse</i>, combustibles intermixed with labels + issuing from a globe marked "Fraternity"; the labels inscribed "Regicide," + "Robbery," "Falsity," "Requisition"; legend, "French Reforms, 1797"; near + by, a church with flag, on it a cross. Half-penny without date, but no + doubt struck in 1794, when a rumor reached London that Paine had been + guillotined: Paine gibbeted; above, devil smoking a pipe; <i>reverse</i>, + monkey dancing; legend, "We dance, Paine swings." Farthing: three men + hanging on a gallows; "The three Thomases, 1796." <i>Reverse</i>, "May the + three knaves of Jacobin Clubs never get a trick." The three Thomases were + Thomas Paine, Thomas Muir, and Thomas Spence. In 1794 Spence was + imprisoned seven months for publishing some of Paine's works at his + so-called "Hive of Liberty." Muir, a Scotch lawyer, was banished to Botany + Bay for fourteen years for having got up in Edinburgh (1792) a + "Convention," in imitation of that just opened in Paris; two years later + he escaped from Botany Bay on an American ship, and found his way to Paine + in Paris. Among these coins there are two of opposite character. A + farthing represents Pitt on a gibbet, against which rests a ladder; + inscription, "End of P [here an eye] T." <i>Reverse</i>, face of Pitt + conjoined with that of the devil, and legend, "Even Fellows." Another + farthing like the last, except an added legend, "Such is the reward of + tyrants, 1796." These anti-Pitt farthings were struck by Thomas Spence. + </p> + <p> + In the winter of 1792-3 the only Reign of Terror was in England. The + Ministry had replied to Paine's "Rights of Man" by a royal proclamation + against seditious literature, surrounding London with militia, and calling + a meeting of Parliament (December, 1792) out of season. Even before the + trial of Paine his case was prejudged by the royal proclamation, and by + the Addresses got up throughout the country in response,—documents + which elicited Paine's Address to the Addressers, chapter IX. in this + volume. The Tory gentry employed roughs to burn Paine in effigy throughout + the country, and to harry the Nonconformists. Dr. Priestley's house was + gutted. Mr. Fox (December 14, 1792) reminded the House of Commons that all + the mobs had "Church and King" for their watchword, no mob having been + heard of for "The Rights of Man"; and he vainly appealed to the government + to prosecute the dangerous libels against Dissenters as they were + prosecuting Paine's work. Burke, who in the extra session of Parliament + for the first time took his seat on the Treasury Bench, was reminded that + he had once "exulted at the victories of that rebel Washington," and + welcomed Franklin. "Franklin," he said, "was a native of America; Paine + was born in England, and lived under the protection of our laws; but, + instigated by his evil genius, he conspired against the very country which + gave him birth, by attempting to introduce the new and pernicious + doctrines of republicans." + </p> + <p> + In the course of the same harangue, Burke alluded to the English and Irish + deputations, then in Paris, which had congratulated the Convention on the + defeat of the invaders of the Republic. Among them he named Lord Semphill, + John Frost, D. Adams, and "Joel—Joel the Prophet" (Joel Barlow). + These men were among those who, towards the close of 1792, formed a sort + of Paine Club at "Philadelphia House"—as White's Hotel was now + called. The men gathered around Paine, as the exponent of republican + principles, were animated by a passion for liberty which withheld no + sacrifice. Some of them threw away wealth and rank as trifles. At a + banquet of the Club, at Philadelphia House, November 18, 1792, where Paine + presided, Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Sir Robert Smyth, Baronet, formally + renounced their titles. Sir Robert proposed the toast, "A speedy abolition + of all hereditary titles and feudal distinctions." Another toast was, + "Paine—and the new way of making good books known by a Royal + proclamation and a King's Bench prosecution." + </p> + <p> + There was also Franklin's friend, Benjamin Vaughan, Member of Parliament, + who, compromised by an intercepted letter, took refuge in Paris under the + name of Jean Martin. Other Englishmen were Rev. Jeremiah Joyce, a + Unitarian minister and author (coadjutor of Dr. Gregory in his + "Cyclopaedia "); Henry Redhead Yorke, a West Indian with some negro blood + (afterwards an agent of Pitt, under whom he had been imprisoned); Robert + Merry, husband of the actress "Miss Brunton"; Sayer, Rayment, Macdonald, + Perry. + </p> + <p> + Sampson Perry of London, having attacked the government in his journal, + "The Argus," fled from an indictment, and reached Paris in January, 1793. + These men, who for a time formed at Philadelphia House their Parliament of + Man, were dashed by swift storms on their several rocks. Sir Robert Smyth + was long a prisoner under the Reign of Terror, and died (1802) of the + illness thereby contracted. Lord Edward Fitzgerald was slain while trying + to kindle a revolution in Ireland. Perry was a prisoner in the Luxembourg, + and afterwards in London. John Frost, a lawyer (struck off the roll), + ventured back to London, where he was imprisoned six months in Newgate, + sitting in the pillory at Charing Cross one hour per day. Robert Merry + went to Baltimore, where he died in 1798. Nearly all of these men suffered + griefs known only to the "man without a country." + </p> + <p> + Sampson Perry, who in 1796 published an interesting "History of the French + Revolution," has left an account of his visit to Paine in January, 1793: + </p> + <p> + "I breakfasted with Paine about this time at the Philadelphia Hotel, and + asked him which province in America he conceived the best calculated for a + fugitive to settle in, and, as it were, to begin the world with no other + means or pretensions than common sense and common honesty. Whether he saw + the occasion and felt the tendency of this question I know not; but he + turned it aside by the political news of the day, and added that he was + going to dine with Petion, the mayor, and that he knew I should be welcome + and be entertained. We went to the mayoralty in a hackney coach, and were + seated at a table about which were placed the following persons: Petion, + the mayor of Paris, with his female relation who did the honour of the + table; Dumourier, the commander-in-chief of the French forces, and one of + his aides-de-camp; Santerre, the commandant of the armed force of Paris, + and an aide-de-camp; Condorcet; Brissot; Gaudet; Genson-net; Danton; + Rersaint; Clavihre; Vergniaud; and Syhyes; which, with three other + persons, whose names I do not now recollect, and including Paine and + myself, made in all nineteen." + </p> + <p> + Paine found warm welcome in the home of Achille Du-chbtelet, who with him + had first proclaimed the Republic, and was now a General. Madame + Duchbtelet was an English lady of rank, Charlotte Comyn, and English was + fluently spoken in the family. They resided at Auteuil, not far from the + Abbi Moulet, who preserved an arm-chair with the inscription, <i>Benjamin + Franklin hic sedebat</i>, Paine was a guest of the Duchbtelets soon after + he got to work in the Convention, as I have just discovered by a letter + addressed "To Citizen Le Brun, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Paris." + </p> + <p> + "Auteuil, Friday, the 4th December, 1792. I enclose an Irish newspaper + which has been sent me from Belfast. It contains the Address of the + Society of United Irishmen of Dublin (of which Society I am a member) to + the volunteers of Ireland. None of the English newspapers that I have seen + have ventured to republish this Address, and as there is no other copy of + it than this which I send you, I request you not to let it go out of your + possession. Before I received this newspaper I had drawn up a statement of + the affairs of Ireland, which I had communicated to my friend General + Duchbtelet at Auteuil, where I now am. I wish to confer with you on that + subject, but as I do not speak French, and as the matter requires + confidence, General Duchbtelet has desired me to say that if you can make + it convenient to dine with him and me at Auteuil, he will with pleasure do + the office of interpreter. I send this letter by my servant, but as it may + not be convenient to you to give an answer directly, I have told him not + to wait—Thomas Paine." + </p> + <p> + It will be noticed that Paine now keeps his servant, and drives to the + Mayor's dinner in a hackney coach. A portrait painted in Paris about this + time, now owned by Mr. Alfred Howlett of Syracuse, N. Y., shows him in + elegant costume. + </p> + <p> + It is mournful to reflect, even at this distance, that only a little later + both Paine and his friend General Duchbtelet were prisoners. The latter + poisoned himself in prison (1794). + </p> + <p> + The illustrative notes and documents which it seems best to set before the + reader at the outset may here terminate. As in the previous volumes the + writings are, as a rule, given in chronological sequence, but an exception + is now made in respect of Paine's religious writings, some of which + antedate essays in the present volume. The religious writings are reserved + for the fourth and final volume, to which will be added an Appendix + containing Paine's poems, scientific fragments, and several letters of + general interest. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Dlink2H_4_0002" id="Dlink2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h2> + I. THE REPUBLICAN PROCLAMATION.(1) + </h2> + <h3> + "Brethren and Fellow Citizens: + </h3> + <p> + "The serene tranquillity, the mutual confidence which prevailed amongst + us, during the time of the late King's escape, the indifference with which + we beheld him return, are unequivocal proofs that the absence of a King is + more desirable than his presence, and that he is not only a political + superfluity, but a grievous burden, pressing hard on the whole nation. + </p> + <p> + "Let us not be imposed on by sophisms; all that concerns this is reduced + to four points. + </p> + <p> + "He has abdicated the throne in having fled from his post. Abdication and + desertion are not characterized by the length of absence; but by the + single act of flight. In the present instance, the act is everything, and + the time nothing. + </p> + <p> + "The nation can never give back its confidence to a man who, false to his + trust, perjured to his oath, conspires a clandestine flight, obtains a + fraudulent passport, conceals a King of France under the disguise of a + valet, directs his course towards a frontier covered with traitors and + deserters, and evidently meditates a return into our country, with a force + capable of imposing his own despotic laws. + </p> + <p> + "Should his flight be considered as his own act, or the act of those who + fled with him? Was it a spontaneous resolution of his own, or was it + inspired by others? The alternative is immaterial; whether fool or + hypocrite, idiot or traitor, he has proved himself equally unworthy of the + important functions that had been delegated to him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See Introduction to this volume. This manifesto with which + Paris was found placarded on July 1, 1791, is described by + Dumont as a "Republican Proclamation," but what its literal + caption was I have not found.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + "In every sense in which the question can be considered, the reciprocal + obligation which subsisted between us is dissolved. He holds no longer any + authority. We owe him no longer obedience. We see in him no more than an + indifferent person; we can regard him only as Louis Capet. + </p> + <p> + "The history of France presents little else than a long series of public + calamity, which takes its source from the vices of Kings; we have been the + wretched victims that have never ceased to suffer either for them or by + them. The catalogue of their oppressions was complete, but to complete the + sum of their crimes, treason was yet wanting. Now the only vacancy is + filled up, the dreadful list is full; the system is exhausted; there are + no remaining errors for them to commit; their reign is consequently at an + end. + </p> + <p> + "What kind of office must that be in a government which requires for its + execution neither experience nor ability, that may be abandoned to the + desperate chance of birth, that may be filled by an idiot, a madman, a + tyrant, with equal effect as by the good, the virtuous, and the wise? An + office of this nature is a mere nonentity; it is a place of show, not of + use. Let France then, arrived at the age of reason, no longer be deluded + by the sound of words, and let her deliberately examine, if a King, + however insignificant and contemptible in himself, may not at the same + time be extremely dangerous. + </p> + <p> + "The thirty millions which it costs to support a King in the eclat of + stupid brutal luxury, presents us with an easy method of reducing taxes, + which reduction would at once relieve the people, and stop the progress of + political corruption. The grandeur of nations consists, not, as Kings + pretend, in the splendour of thrones, but in a conspicuous sense of their + own dignity, and in a just disdain of those barbarous follies and crimes + which, under the sanction of Royalty, have hitherto desolated Europe. + </p> + <p> + "As to the personal safety of Louis Capet, it is so much the more + confirmed, as France will not stoop to degrade herself by a spirit of + revenge against a wretch who has dishonoured himself. In defending a just + and glorious cause, it is not possible to degrade it, and the universal + tranquillity which prevails is an undeniable proof that a free people know + how to respect themselves." + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0003" id="Dlink2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + II. TO THE AUTHORS OF "LE RIPUBLICAIN."(1) + </h2> + <p> + Gentlemen: + </p> + <p> + M. Duchbtelet has mentioned to me the intention of some persons to + commence a work under the title of "The Republican." + </p> + <p> + As I am a Citizen of a country which knows no other Majesty than that of + the People; no other Government than that of the Representative body; no + other sovereignty than that of the Laws, and which is attached to <i>France</i> + both by alliance and by gratitude, I voluntarily offer you my services in + support of principles as honorable to a nation as they are adapted to + promote the happiness of mankind. I offer them to you with the more zeal, + as I know the moral, literary, and political character of those who are + engaged in the undertaking, and find myself honoured in their good + opinion. + </p> + <p> + But I must at the same time observe, that from ignorance of the French + language, my works must necessarily undergo a translation; they can of + course be of but little utility, and my offering must consist more of + wishes than services. I must add, that I am obliged to pass a part of this + summer in England and Ireland. + </p> + <p> + As the public has done me the unmerited favor of recognizing me under the + appellation of "Common Sense," which is my usual signature, I shall + continue it in this publication to avoid mistakes, and to prevent my being + supposed the author of works not my own. As to my political principles, I + shall endeavour, in this letter, to trace their general features in such a + manner, as that they cannot be misunderstood. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 "Le Ripublicain; ou le Difenseur du gouvernement + Reprisentatif. Par une Sociiti des Ripublicains. A Paris. + July, 1791." See Introduction to this volume.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + It is desirable in most instances to avoid that which may give even the + least suspicion as to the part meant to be adopted, and particularly on + the present occasion, where a perfect clearness of expression is necessary + to the avoidance of any possible misinterpretation. I am happy, therefore, + to find, that the work in question is entitled "The Republican." This word + expresses perfectly the idea which we ought to have of Government in + general—<i>Res Publico</i>,—the public affairs of a nation. + </p> + <p> + As to the word <i>Monarchy</i>, though the address and intrigue of Courts + have rendered it familiar, it does not contain the less of reproach or of + insult to a nation. The word, in its immediate or original sense, + signifies <i>the absolute power of a single individual</i>, who may prove + a fool, an hypocrite, or a tyrant. The appellation admits of no other + interpretation than that which is here given. France is therefore not a <i>Monarchy</i>; + it is insulted when called by that name. The servile spirit which + characterizes this species of government is banished from France, and this + country, like AMERICA, can now afford to Monarchy no more than a glance of + disdain. + </p> + <p> + Of the errors which monarchic ignorance or knavery has spread through the + world, the one which bears the marks of the most dexterous invention, is + the opinion that the system of <i>Republicanism</i> is only adapted to a + small country, and that a <i>Monarchy</i> is suited, on the contrary, to + those of greater extent. Such is the language of Courts, and such the + sentiments which they have caused to be adopted in monarchic countries; + but the opinion is contrary, at the same time, to principle and to + experience. + </p> + <p> + The Government, to be of real use, should possess a complete knowledge of + all the parties, all the circumstances, and all the interests of a nation. + The monarchic system, in consequence, instead of being suited to a country + of great extent, would be more admissible in a small territory, where an + individual may be supposed to know the affairs and the interests of the + whole. But when it is attempted to extend this individual knowledge to the + affairs of a great country, the capacity of knowing bears no longer any + proportion to the extent or multiplicity of the objects which ought to be + known, and the government inevitably falls from ignorance into tyranny. + For the proof of this position we need only look to Spain, Russia, + Germany, Turkey, and the whole of the Eastern Continent,—countries, + for the deliverance of which I offer my most sincere wishes. + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, the true <i>Republican</i> system, by Election and + Representation, offers the only means which are known, and, in my opinion, + the only means which are possible, of proportioning the wisdom and the + information of a Government to the extent of a country. + </p> + <p> + The system of <i>Representation</i> is the strongest and most powerful + center that can be devised for a nation. Its attraction acts so + powerfully, that men give it their approbation even without reasoning on + the cause; and France, however distant its several parts, finds itself at + this moment <i>an whole</i>, in its <i>central</i> Representation. The + citizen is assured that his rights are protected, and the soldier feels + that he is no longer the slave of a Despot, but that he is become one of + the Nation, and interested of course in its defence. + </p> + <p> + The states at present styled <i>Republican</i>, as Holland, Genoa, Venice, + Berne, &c. are not only unworthy the name, but are actually in + opposition to every principle of a <i>Republican</i> government, and the + countries submitted to their power are, truly speaking, subject to an <i>Aristocratic</i> + slavery! + </p> + <p> + It is, perhaps, impossible, in the first steps which are made in a + Revolution, to avoid all kind of error, in principle or in practice, or in + some instances to prevent the combination of both. Before the sense of a + nation is sufficiently enlightened, and before men have entered into the + habits of a free communication with each other of their natural thoughts, + a certain reserve—a timid prudence seizes on the human mind, and + prevents it from obtaining its level with that vigor and promptitude that + belongs to <i>right</i>.—An example of this influence discovers + itself in the commencement of the present Revolution: but happily this + discovery has been made before the Constitution was completed, and in time + to provide a remedy. + </p> + <p> + The <i>hereditary succession</i> can never exist as a matter of <i>right</i>; + it is a <i>nullity</i>—a <i>nothing</i>. To admit the idea is to + regard man as a species of property belonging to some individuals, either + born or to be born! It is to consider our descendants, and all posterity, + as mere animals without a right or will! It is, in fine, the most base and + humiliating idea that ever degraded the human species, and which, for the + honor of Humanity, should be destroyed for ever. + </p> + <p> + The idea of hereditary succession is so contrary to the rights of man, + that if we were ourselves to be recalled to existence, instead of being + replaced by our posterity, we should not have the right of depriving + ourselves beforehand of those <i>rights</i> which would then properly + belong to us. On what ground, then, or by what authority, do we dare to + deprive of their rights those children who will soon be men? Why are we + not struck with the injustice which we perpetrate on our descendants, by + endeavouring to transmit them as a vile herd to masters whose vices are + all that can be foreseen. + </p> + <p> + Whenever the <i>French</i> constitution shall be rendered conformable to + its <i>Declaration of Rights</i>, we shall then be enabled to give to + France, and with justice, the appellation of a <i>civic Empire</i>; for + its government will be the empire of laws founded on the great republican + principles of <i>Elective Representation</i>, and the <i>Rights of Man</i>.—But + Monarchy and Hereditary Succession are incompatible with the <i>basis</i> + of its constitution. + </p> + <p> + I hope that I have at present sufficiently proved to you that I am a good + Republican; and I have such a confidence in the truth of the principles, + that I doubt not they will soon be as universal in <i>France</i> as in <i>America</i>. + The pride of human nature will assist their evidence, will contribute to + their establishment, and men will be ashamed of Monarchy. + </p> + <p> + I am, with respect, Gentlemen, your friend, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Paris, June, 1791. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0004" id="Dlink2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + III. TO THE ABBI SIHYES.(1) + </h2> + <h3> + Paris, 8th July, 1791. + </h3> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + At the moment of my departure for England, I read, in the <i>Moniteur</i> + of Tuesday last, your letter, in which you give the challenge, on the + subject of Government, and offer to defend what is called the <i>Monarchical + opinion</i> against the Republican system. + </p> + <p> + I accept of your challenge with pleasure; and I place such a confidence in + the superiority of the Republican system over that nullity of a system, + called <i>Monarchy</i>, that I engage not to exceed the extent of fifty + pages, and to leave you the liberty of taking as much latitude as you may + think proper. + </p> + <p> + The respect which I bear your moral and literary reputation, will be your + security for my candour in the course of this discussion; but, + notwithstanding that I shall treat the subject seriously and sincerely, + let me promise, that I consider myself at liberty to ridicule, as they + deserve, Monarchical absurdities, whensoever the occasion shall present + itself. + </p> + <p> + By Republicanism, I do not understand what the name signifies in Holland, + and in some parts of Italy. I understand simply a government by + representation—a government founded upon the principles of the + Declaration of Rights; principles to which several parts of the French + Constitution arise in contradiction. The Declaration of Rights of France + and America are but one and the same thing in principles, and almost in + expressions; and this is the Republicanism which I undertake to defend + against what is called <i>Monarchy</i> and <i>Aristocracy</i>. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Written to the <i>Moniteur</i> in reply to a letter of the Abbi + (July 8) elicited by Paine's letter to "Le Ripublicain" + (II.). The Abbi now declining a controversy, Paine dealt + with his views in "Rights of Man," Part IL, ch. 3.— + <i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I see with pleasure that in respect to one point we are already agreed; + and <i>that is, the extreme danger of a civil list of thirty millions</i>. + I can discover no reason why one of the parts of the government should be + supported with so extravagant a profusion, whilst the other scarcely + receives what is sufficient for its common wants. + </p> + <p> + This dangerous and dishonourable disproportion at once supplies the one + with the means of corrupting, and throws the other into the predicament of + being corrupted. In America there is but little difference, with regard to + this point, between the legislative and the executive part of our + government; but the first is much better attended to than it is in France. + </p> + <p> + In whatsoever manner, Sir, I may treat the subject of which you have + proposed the investigation, I hope that you will not doubt my entertaining + for you the highest esteem. I must also add, that I am not the personal + enemy of Kings. Quite the contrary. No man more heartily wishes than + myself to see them all in the happy and honourable state of private + individuals; but I am the avowed, open, and intrepid enemy of what is + called Monarchy; and I am such by principles which nothing can either + alter or corrupt—by my attachment to humanity; by the anxiety which + I feel within myself, for the dignity and the honour of the human race; by + the disgust which I experience, when I observe men directed by children, + and governed by brutes; by the horror which all the evils that Monarchy + has spread over the earth excite within my breast; and by those sentiments + which make me shudder at the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and the + massacres with which Monarchy has crushed mankind: in short, it is against + all the hell of monarchy that I have declared war. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 To the sixth paragraph of the above letter is appended a + footnote: "A deputy to the congress receives about a guinea + and a half daily: and provisions are cheaper in America + than in France." The American Declaration of Rights referred + to unless the Declaration of Independence, was no doubt, + especially that of Pennsylvania, which Paine helped to + frame.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0005" id="Dlink2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IV. TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL. + </h2> + <p> + [Undated, but probably late in May, 1793.] + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + Though I have some reason for believing that you were not the original + promoter or encourager of the prosecution commenced against the work + entitled "Rights of Man" either as that prosecution is intended to affect + the author, the publisher, or the public; yet as you appear the official + person therein, I address this letter to you, not as Sir Archibald + Macdonald, but as Attorney General. + </p> + <p> + You began by a prosecution against the publisher Jordan, and the reason + assigned by Mr. Secretary Dundas, in the House of Commons, in the debate + on the Proclamation, May 25, for taking that measure, was, he said, + because Mr. Paine could not be found, or words to that effect. Mr. Paine, + sir, so far from secreting himself, never went a step out of his way, nor + in the least instance varied from his usual conduct, to avoid any measure + you might choose to adopt with respect to him. It is on the purity of his + heart, and the universal utility of the principles and plans which his + writings contain, that he rests the issue; and he will not dishonour it by + any kind of subterfuge. The apartments which he occupied at the time of + writing the work last winter, he has continued to occupy to the present + hour, and the solicitors of the prosecution knew where to find him; of + which there is a proof in their own office, as far back as the 21st of + May, and also in the office of my own Attorney.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine was residing at the house of one of his publishers, + Thomas Rickman, 7 Upper Marylebone Street, London. His + Attorney was the Hon. Thomas Erskine.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But admitting, for the sake of the case, that the reason for proceeding + against the publisher was, as Mr. Dundas stated, that Mr. Paine could not + be found, that reason can now exist no longer. + </p> + <p> + The instant that I was informed that an information was preparing to be + filed against me, as the author of, I believe, one of the most useful and + benevolent books ever offered to mankind, I directed my Attorney to put in + an appearance; and as I shall meet the prosecution fully and fairly, and + with a good and upright conscience, I have a right to expect that no act + of littleness will be made use of on the part of the prosecution towards + influencing the future issue with respect to the author. This expression + may, perhaps, appear obscure to you, but I am in the possession of some + matters which serve to shew that the action against the publisher is not + intended to be a <i>real</i> action. If, therefore, any persons concerned + in the prosecution have found their cause so weak, as to make it appear + convenient to them to enter into a negociation with the publisher, whether + for the purpose of his submitting to a verdict, and to make use of the + verdict so obtained as a circumstance, by way of precedent, on a future + trial against myself; or for any other purpose not fully made known to me; + if, I say, I have cause to suspect this to be the case, I shall most + certainly withdraw the defence I should otherwise have made, or promoted + on his (the publisher's) behalf, and leave the negociators to themselves, + and shall reserve the whole of the defence for the <i>real</i> trial.(1) + </p> + <p> + But, sir, for the purpose of conducting this matter with at least the + appearance of fairness and openness, that shall justify itself before the + public, whose cause it really is, (for it is the right of public + discussion and investigation that is questioned,) I have to propose to you + to cease the prosecution against the publisher; and as the reason or + pretext can no longer exist for continuing it against him because Mr. + Paine could not be found, that you would direct the whole process against + me, with whom the prosecuting party will not find it possible to enter + into any private negociation. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 A detailed account of the proceedings with regard to the + publisher will be found infra, in ix., Letter to the + Addressers.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I will do the cause full justice, as well for the sake of the nation, as + for my own reputation. + </p> + <p> + Another reason for discontinuing the process against the publisher is, + because it can amount to nothing. First, because a jury in London cannot + decide upon the fact of publishing beyond the limits of the jurisdiction + of London, and therefore the work may be republished over and over again + in every county in the nation, and every case must have a separate + process; and by the time that three or four hundred prosecutions have been + had, the eyes of the nation will then be fully open to see that the work + in question contains a plan the best calculated to root out all the abuses + of government, and to lessen the taxes of the nation upwards of <i>six + millions annually</i>. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Because though the gentlemen of London may be very expert in + understanding their particular professions and occupations, and how to + make business contracts with government beneficial to themselves as + individuals, the rest of the nation may not be disposed to consider them + sufficiently qualified nor authorized to determine for the whole Nation on + plans of reform, and on systems and principles of Government. This would + be in effect to erect a jury into a National Convention, instead of + electing a Convention, and to lay a precedent for the probable tyranny of + juries, under the pretence of supporting their rights. + </p> + <p> + That the possibility always exists of packing juries will not be denied; + and, therefore, in all cases, where Government is the prosecutor, more + especially in those where the right of public discussion and investigation + of principles and systems of Government is attempted to be suppressed by a + verdict, or in those where the object of the work that is prosecuted is + the reform of abuse and the abolition of sinecure places and pensions, in + all these cases the verdict of a jury will itself become a subject of + discussion; and therefore, it furnishes an additional reason for + discontinuing the prosecution against the publisher, more especially as it + is not a secret that there has been a negociation with him for secret + purposes, and for proceeding against me only. I shall make a much stronger + defence than what I believe the Treasury Solicitor's agreement with him + will permit him to do. + </p> + <p> + I believe that Mr. Burke, finding himself defeated, and not being able to + make any answer to the <i>Rights of Man</i>, has been one of the promoters + of this prosecution; and I shall return the compliment to him by shewing, + in a future publication, that he has been a masked pensioner at 1500L. per + annum for about ten years. + </p> + <p> + Thus it is that the public money is wasted, and the dread of public + investigation is produced. + </p> + <p> + I am, sir, Your obedient humble servant, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine's case was set down for June 8th, and on that day he + appeared in court; but, much to his disappointment, the + trial was adjourned to December 18th, at which time he was + in his place in the National Convention at Paris.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0006" id="Dlink2H_4_0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + V. TO MR. SECRETARY DUNDAS.(1) + </h2> + <p> + London, June 6, 1793. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + As you opened the debate in the House of Commons, May 25th, on the + proclamation for suppressing publications, which that proclamation + (without naming any) calls wicked and seditious: and as you applied those + opprobious epithets to the works entitled "RIGHTS OF MAN," I think it + unnecessary to offer any other reason for addressing this letter to you. + </p> + <p> + I begin, then, at once, by declaring, that I do not believe there are + found in the writings of any author, ancient or modern, on the subject of + government, a spirit of greater benignity, and a stronger inculcation of + moral principles than in those which I have published. They come, Sir, + from a man, who, by having lived in different countries, and under + different systems of government, and who, being intimate in the + construction of them, is a better judge of the subject than it is possible + that you, from the want of those opportunities, can be:—And besides + this, they come from a heart that knows not how to beguile. + </p> + <p> + I will farther say, that when that moment arrives in which the best + consolation that shall be left will be looking back on some past actions, + more virtuous and more meritorious than the rest, I shall then with + happiness remember, among other things, I have written the RIGHTS OF MAN.—-As + to what proclamations, or prosecutions, or place-men, and + place-expectants,—those who possess, or those who are gaping for + office,—may say of them, it will not alter their character, either + with the world or with me. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Henry D. (afterwards Viscount Melville), appointed + Secretary for the Home Department, 1791. In 1805 he was + impeached by the Commons for "gross malversation" while + Treasurer of the Navy; he was acquitted by the Lords + (1806), but not by public sentiment or by history.— + <i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Having, Sir, made this declaration, I shall proceed to remark, not + particularly on your speech on that occasion, but on any one to which your + motion on that day gave rise; and I shall begin with that of Mr. Adam. + </p> + <p> + This Gentleman accuses me of not having done the very thing that <i>I have + done</i>, and which, he says, if I <i>had</i> done, he should not have + accused me. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Adam, in his speech, (see the Morning Chronicle of May 26,) says, + </p> + <p> + "That he had well considered the subject of Constitutional Publications, + and was by no means ready to say (but the contrary) that books of science + upon government though recommending a doctrine or system different from + the form of our constitution (meaning that of England) were fit objects of + prosecution; that if he did, he must condemn Harrington for his Oceana, + Sir Thomas More for his Eutopia, and Hume for his Idea of a perfect + Commonwealth. But (continued Mr. Adam) the publication of Mr. Paine was + very different; for it reviled what was most sacred in the constitution, + destroyed every principle of subordination, and <i>established nothing in + their room</i>." + </p> + <p> + I readily perceive that Mr. Adam has not read the Second Part of <i>Rights + of Man</i>, and I am put under the necessity, either of submitting to an + erroneous charge, or of justifying myself against it; and certainly shall + prefer the latter.—If, then, I shall prove to Mr. Adam, that in my + reasoning upon systems of government, in the Second Part of <i>Rights of + Man</i>, I have shown as clearly, I think, as words can convey ideas, a + certain system of government, and that not existing in theory only, but + already in full and established practice, and systematically and + practically free from all the vices and defects of the English government, + and capable of producing more happiness to the people, and that also with + an eightieth part of the taxes, which the present English system of + government consumes; I hope he will do me the justice, when he next goes + to the House, to get up and confess he had been mistaken in saying, that I + had <i>established nothing, and that I had destroyed every principle of + subordination</i>. Having thus opened the case, I now come to the point. + </p> + <p> + In the Second Part of the Rights of Man, I have distinguished government + into two classes or systems: the one the hereditary system, the other the + representative system. + </p> + <p> + In the First Part of <i>Rights of Man</i>, I have endeavoured to shew, and + I challenge any man to refute it, that there does not exist a right to + establish hereditary government; or, in other words, hereditary governors; + because hereditary government always means a government yet to come, and + the case always is, that the people who are to live afterwards, have + always the same right to choose a government for themselves, as the people + had who lived before them. + </p> + <p> + In the Second Part of <i>Rights of Man</i>, I have not repeated those + arguments, because they are irrefutable; but have confined myself to shew + the defects of what is called hereditary government, or hereditary + succession, that it must, from the nature of it, throw government into the + hands of men totally unworthy of it, from want of principle, or unfitted + for it from want of capacity.—James the IId. is recorded as an + instance of the first of these cases; and instances are to be found almost + all over Europe to prove the truth of the latter. + </p> + <p> + To shew the absurdity of the Hereditary System still more strongly, I will + now put the following case:—Take any fifty men promiscuously, and it + will be very extraordinary, if, out of that number, one man should be + found, whose principles and talents taken together (for some might have + principles, and others might have talents) would render him a person truly + fitted to fill any very extraordinary office of National Trust. If then + such a fitness of character could not be expected to be found in more than + one person out of fifty, it would happen but once in a thousand years to + the eldest son of any one family, admitting each, on an average, to hold + the office twenty years. Mr. Adam talks of something in the Constitution + which he calls <i>most sacred</i>; but I hope he does not mean hereditary + succession, a thing which appears to me a violation of every order of + nature, and of common sense. + </p> + <p> + When I look into history and see the multitudes of men, otherwise + virtuous, who have died, and their families been ruined, in the defence of + knaves and fools, and which they would not have done, had they reasoned at + all upon the system; I do not know a greater good that an individual can + render to mankind, than to endeavour to break the chains of political + superstition. Those chains are now dissolving fast, and proclamations and + persecutions will serve but to hasten that dissolution. + </p> + <p> + Having thus spoken of the Hereditary System as a bad System, and subject + to every possible defect, I now come to the Representative System, and + this Mr. Adam will find stated in the Second Part of Rights of Man, not + only as the best, but as the only <i>Theory</i> of Government under which + the liberties of the people can be permanently secure. + </p> + <p> + But it is needless now to talk of mere theory, since there is already a + government in full practice, established upon that theory; or in other + words, upon the Rights of Man, and has been so for almost twenty years. + Mr. Pitt, in a speech of his some short time since, said, "That there + never did, and never could exist a Government established upon those + Rights, and that if it began at noon, it would end at night." Mr. Pitt has + not yet arrived at the degree of a school-boy in this species of + knowledge; his practice has been confined to the means of <i>extorting + revenue</i>, and his boast has been—<i>how much!</i> Whereas the + boast of the system of government that I am speaking of, is not how much, + but how little. + </p> + <p> + The system of government purely representative, unmixed with any thing of + hereditary nonsense, began in America. I will now compare the effects of + that system of government with the system of government in England, both + during, and since the close of the war. + </p> + <p> + So powerful is the Representative system, first, by combining and + consolidating all the parts of a country together, however great the + extent; and, secondly, by admitting of none but men properly qualified + into the government, or dismissing them if they prove to be otherwise, + that America was enabled thereby totally to defeat and overthrow all the + schemes and projects of the hereditary government of England against her. + As the establishment of the Revolution and Independence of America is a + proof of this fact, it is needless to enlarge upon it. + </p> + <p> + I now come to the comparative effect of the two systems <i>since</i> the + close of the war, and I request Mr. Adam to attend to it. + </p> + <p> + America had internally sustained the ravages of upwards of seven years of + war, which England had not. England sustained only the expence of the war; + whereas America sustained not only the expence, but the destruction of + property committed by <i>both</i> armies. Not a house was built during + that period, and many thousands were destroyed. The farms and plantations + along the coast of the country, for more than a thousand miles, were laid + waste. Her commerce was annihilated. Her ships were either taken, or had + rotted within her own harbours. The credit of her funds had fallen upwards + of ninety per cent., that is, an original hundred pounds would not sell + for ten pounds. In fine, she was apparently put back an hundred years when + the war closed, which was not the case with England. + </p> + <p> + But such was the event, that the same representative system of government, + though since better organized, which enabled her to conquer, enabled her + also to recover, and she now presents a more flourishing condition, and a + more happy and harmonized society, under that system of government, than + any country in the world can boast under any other. Her towns are rebuilt, + much better than before; her farms and plantations are in higher + improvement than ever; her commerce is spread over the world, and her + funds have risen from less than ten pounds the hundred to upwards of one + hundred and twenty. Mr. Pitt and his colleagues talk of the things that + have happened in his boyish administration, without knowing what greater + things have happened elsewhere, and under other systems of government. + </p> + <p> + I now come to state the expence of the two systems, as they now stand in + each of the countries; but it may first be proper to observe, that + government in America is what it ought to be, a matter of honour and + trust, and not made a trade of for the purpose of lucre. + </p> + <p> + The whole amount of the nett(sic) taxes in England (exclusive of the + expence of collection, of drawbacks, of seizures and condemnation, of + fines and penalties, of fees of office, of litigations and informers, + which are some of the blessed means of enforcing them) is seventeen + millions. Of this sum, about nine millions go for the payment of the + interest of the national debt, and the remainder, being about eight + millions, is for the current annual expences. This much for one side of + the case. I now come to the other. + </p> + <p> + The expence of the several departments of the general Representative + Government of the United States of America, extending over a space of + country nearly ten times larger than England, is two hundred and + ninety-four thousand, five hundred and fifty-eight dollars, which, at 4s. + 6d. per dollar, is 66,305L. 11s. sterling, and is thus apportioned; + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlinkimage-0001" id="Dlinkimage-0001"> + <!-- IMG --> </a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/table046.jpg" alt="Table046 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img alt="table047 (26K)" src="images/table047.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + On account of the incursions of the Indians on the back settlements, + Congress is at this time obliged to keep six thousand militia in pay, in + addition to a regiment of foot, and a battalion of artillery, which it + always keeps; and this increases the expence of the War Department to + 390,000 dollars, which is 87,795L. sterling, but when peace shall be + concluded with the Indians, the greatest part of this expence will cease, + and the total amount of the expence of government, including that of the + army, will not amount to 100,000L. sterling, which, as has been already + stated, is but an eightieth part of the expences of the English + government. + </p> + <p> + I request Mr. Adam and Mr. Dundas, and all those who are talking of + Constitutions, and blessings, and Kings, and Lords, and the Lord knows + what, to look at this statement. Here is a form and system of government, + that is better organized and better administered than any government in + the world, and that for less than one hundred thousand pounds per annum, + and yet every Member of Congress receives, as a compensation for his time + and attendance on public business, one pound seven shillings per day, + which is at the rate of nearly five hundred pounds a year. + </p> + <p> + This is a government that has nothing to fear. It needs no proclamations + to deter people from writing and reading. It needs no political + superstition to support it; it was by encouraging discussion and rendering + the press free upon all subjects of government, that the principles of + government became understood in America, and the people are now enjoying + the present blessings under it. You hear of no riots, tumults, and + disorders in that country; because there exists no cause to produce them. + Those things are never the effect of Freedom, but of restraint, + oppression, and excessive taxation. + </p> + <p> + In America, there is not that class of poor and wretched people that are + so numerously dispersed all over England, who are to be told by a + proclamation, that they are happy; and this is in a great measure to be + accounted for, not by the difference of proclamations, but by the + difference of governments and the difference of taxes between that country + and this. What the labouring people of that country earn, they apply to + their own use, and to the education of their children, and do not pay it + away in taxes as fast as they earn it, to support Court extravagance, and + a long enormous list of place-men and pensioners; and besides this, they + have learned the manly doctrine of reverencing themselves, and + consequently of respecting each other; and they laugh at those imaginary + beings called Kings and Lords, and all the fraudulent trumpery of Court. + </p> + <p> + When place-men and pensioners, or those who expect to be such, are lavish + in praise of a government, it is not a sign of its being a good one. The + pension list alone in England (see sir John Sinclair's History of the + Revenue, p. 6, of the Appendix) is one hundred and seven thousand four + hundred and four pounds, <i>which is more than the expences of the whole + Government of America amount to</i>. And I am now more convinced than + before, that the offer that was made to me of a thousand pounds for the + copy-right of the second part of the Rights of Man, together with the + remaining copyright of the first part, was to have effected, by a quick + suppression, what is now attempted to be done by a prosecution. The + connection which the person, who made the offer, has with the King's + printing-office, may furnish part of the means of inquiring into this + affair, when the ministry shall please to bring their prosecution to + issue.(1) But to return to my subject.— + </p> + <p> + I have said in the second part of the <i>Rights of Man</i>, and I repeat + it here, that the service of any man, whether called King, President, + Senator, Legislator, or any thing else, cannot be worth more to any + country, in the regular routine of office, than ten thousand pounds per + annum. We have a better man in America, and more of a gentleman, than any + King I ever knew of, who does not occasion half that ex-pence; for, though + the salary is fixed at #5625 he does not accept it, and it is only the + incidental expences that are paid out of it.(2) The name by which a man is + called is of itself but an empty thing. It is worth and character alone + which can render him valuable, for without these, Kings, and Lords, and + Presidents, are but jingling names. + </p> + <p> + But without troubling myself about Constitutions of Government, I have + shewn in the Second Part of <i>Rights of Man</i>, that an alliance may be + formed between England, France, and America, and that the expences of + government in England may be put back to one million and a half, viz.: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Civil expence of Government...... 500,000L. + Army............................. 500,000 + Navy............................. 500,000 + ————— + 1,500,000L. +</pre> + <p> + And even this sum is fifteen times greater than the expences of government + are in America; and it is also greater than the whole peace establishment + of England amounted to about an hundred years ago. So much has the weight + and oppression of taxes increased since the Revolution, and especially + since the year 1714. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 At Paine's trial, Chapman, the printer, in answer to fa + question of the Solicitor General, said: "I made him three + separate offers in the different stages of the work; the + first, I believe, was a hundred guineas, the second five + hundred, and the last was a thousand."—<i>Editor</i>. + + 2 Error. See also ante, and in vol. ii., p. 435. + Washington had retracted his original announcement, and + received his salary regularly.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + To shew that the sum of 500,000L. is sufficient to defray all civil + expences of government, I have, in that work, annexed the following + estimate for any country of the same extent as England.— + </p> + <p> + In the first place, three hundred Representatives, fairly elected, are + sufficient for all the purposes to which Legislation can apply, and + preferable to a larger number. + </p> + <p> + If, then, an allowance, at the rate of 500L. per annum be made to every + Representative, deducting for non-attendance, the expence, if the whole + number attended six months each year, would be.......75,000L. + </p> + <p> + The Official Departments could not possibly exceed the following number, + with the salaries annexed, viz.: + </p> + <p> + [ILLUSTRATION: Table] + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Three offices at + 10,000L. + each + 30,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Ten ditto at + 5,000 + u + 50,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Twenty ditto at + 2,000 + u + 40,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Forty ditto at + 1,000 + it + 40,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Two hundred ditto at + 500 + u + 100,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Three hundred ditto at 200 + u + 60,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Five hundred ditto at + 100 + u + 50,000 +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +Seven hundred ditto at 75 + it + 52,500 +</pre> + <p> + 497,500L. + </p> + <p> + If a nation chose, it might deduct four per cent, from all the offices, + and make one of twenty thousand pounds per annum, and style the person who + should fill it, King or Madjesty, (1) or give him any other title. + </p> + <p> + Taking, however, this sum of one million and a half, as an abundant supply + for all the expences of government under any form whatever, there will + remain a surplus of nearly six millions and a half out of the present + taxes, after paying the interest of the national debt; and I have shewn in + the Second Part of <i>Rights of Man</i>, what appears to me, the best mode + of applying the surplus money; for I am now speaking of expences and + savings, and not of systems of government. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 A friend of Paine advised him against this pun, as too + personal an allusion to George the Third, to whom however + much has been forgiven on account of his mental infirmity. + Yorke, in his account of his visit to Paine, 1802, alludes + to his (Paine's) anecdotes "of humor and benevolence" + concerning George III.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I have, in the first place, estimated the poor-rates at two millions + annually, and shewn that the first effectual step would be to abolish the + poor-rates entirely (which would be a saving of two millions to the + house-keepers,) and to remit four millions out of the surplus taxes to the + poor, to be paid to them in money, in proportion to the number of children + in each family, and the number of aged persons. + </p> + <p> + I have estimated the number of persons of both sexes in England, of fifty + years of age and upwards, at 420,000, and have taken one third of this + number, viz. 140,000, to be poor people. + </p> + <p> + To save long calculations, I have taken 70,000 of them to be upwards of + fifty years of age, and under sixty, and the others to be sixty years and + upwards; and to allow six pounds per annum to the former class, and ten + pounds per annum to the latter. The expence of which will be, + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Seventy thousand persons at 6L. per annum..... 420,000L. + Seventy thousand persons at 10L. per annum.... 700,000 + —————- + 1,120,000L. +</pre> + <p> + There will then remain of the four millions, 2,880,000L. I have stated two + different methods of appropriating this money. The one is to pay it in + proportion to the number of children in each family, at the rate of three + or four pounds per annum for each child; the other is to apportion it + according to the expence of living in different counties; but in either of + these cases it would, together with the allowance to be made to the aged, + completely take off taxes from one third of all the families in England, + besides relieving all the other families from the burthen of poor-rates. + </p> + <p> + The whole number of families in England, allotting five souls to each + family, is one million four hundred thousand, of which I take one third, + <i>viz</i>. 466,666 to be poor families who now pay four millions of + taxes, and that the poorest pays at least four guineas a year; and that + the other thirteen millions are paid by the other two-thirds. The plan, + therefore, as stated in the work, is, first, to remit or repay, as is + already stated, this sum of four millions to the poor, because it is + impossible to separate them from the others in the present mode of + collecting taxes on articles of consumption; and, secondly, to abolish the + poor-rates, the house and window-light tax, and to change the commutation + tax into a progressive tax on large estates, the particulars of all which + are set forth in the work, to which I desire Mr. Adam to refer for + particulars. I shall here content myself with saying, that to a town of + the population of Manchester, it will make a difference in its favour, + compared with the present state of things, of upwards of fifty thousand + pounds annually, and so in proportion to all other places throughout the + nation. This certainly is of more consequence than that the same sums + should be collected to be afterwards spent by riotous and profligate + courtiers, and in nightly revels at the Star and Garter tavern, Pall Mall. + </p> + <p> + I will conclude this part of my letter with an extract from the Second + Part of the <i>Rights of Man</i>, which Mr. Dundas (a man rolling in + luxury at the expence of the nation) has branded with the epithet of + "wicked." + </p> + <p> + "By the operation of this plan, the poor laws, those instruments of civil + torture, will be superseded, and the wasteful ex-pence of litigation + prevented. The hearts of the humane will not be shocked by ragged and + hungry children, and persons of seventy and eighty years of age begging + for bread. The dying poor will not be dragged from place to place to + breathe their last, as a reprisal of parish upon parish. Widows will have + a maintenance for their children, and not be carted away, on the death of + their husbands, like culprits and criminals; and children will no longer + be considered as increasing the distresses of their parents. The haunts of + the wretched will be known, because it will be to their advantage; and the + number of petty crimes, the offspring of poverty and distress, will be + lessened. The poor as well as the rich will then be interested in the + support of Government, and the cause and apprehension of riots and tumults + will cease. Ye who sit in ease, and solace yourselves in plenty, and such + there are in Turkey and Russia, as well as in England, and who say to + yourselves, <i>are we not well off</i> have ye thought of these things? + When ye do, ye will cease to speak and feel for yourselves alone." + </p> + <p> + After this remission of four millions be made, and the poor-rates and + houses and window-light tax be abolished, and the commutation tax changed, + there will still remain nearly one million and a half of surplus taxes; + and as by an alliance between England, France and America, armies and + navies will, in a great measure, be rendered unnecessary; and as men who + have either been brought up in, or long habited to, those lines of life, + are still citizens of a nation in common with the rest, and have a right + to participate in all plans of national benefit, it is stated in that work + (<i>Rights of Man</i>, Part ii.) to apply annually 507,000L. out of the + surplus taxes to this purpose, in the following manner: + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlinkimage-0002" id="Dlinkimage-0002"> + <!-- IMG --> </a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/table053.jpg" alt="Table 053 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + The limits to which it is proper to confine this letter, will not admit of + my entering into further particulars. I address it to Mr. Dundas because + he took the lead in the debate, and he wishes, I suppose, to appear + conspicuous; but the purport of it is to justify myself from the charge + which Mr. Adam has made. + </p> + <p> + This Gentleman, as has been observed in the beginning of this letter, + considers the writings of Harrington, More and Hume, as justifiable and + legal publications, because they reasoned by comparison, though in so + doing they shewed plans and systems of government, not only different + from, but preferable to, that of England; and he accuses me of + endeavouring to confuse, instead of producing a system in the room of that + which I had reasoned against; whereas, the fact is, that I have not only + reasoned by comparison of the representative system against the hereditary + system, but I have gone further; for I have produced an instance of a + government established entirely on the representative system, under which + greater happiness is enjoyed, much fewer taxes required, and much higher + credit is established, than under the system of government in England. The + funds in England have risen since the war only from 54L. to 97L. and they + have been down since the proclamation, to 87L. whereas the funds in + America rose in the mean time from 10L. to 120L. + </p> + <p> + His charge against me of "destroying every principle of subordination," is + equally as groundless; which even a single paragraph from the work will + prove, and which I shall here quote: + </p> + <p> + "Formerly when divisions arose respecting Governments, recourse was had to + the sword, and a civil war ensued. That savage custom is exploded by the + new system, and <i>recourse is had to a national convention</i>. + Discussion, and the general will, arbitrates the question, and to this + private opinion yields with a good grace, and <i>order is preserved + uninterrupted</i>." + </p> + <p> + That two different charges should be brought at the same time, the one by + a Member of the Legislative, for <i>not</i> doing a certain thing, and the + other by the Attorney General for <i>doing</i> it, is a strange jumble of + contradictions. I have now justified myself, or the work rather, against + the first, by stating the case in this letter, and the justification of + the other will be undertaken in its proper place. But in any case the work + will go on. + </p> + <p> + I shall now conclude this letter with saying, that the only objection I + found against the plan and principles contained in the Second Part of <i>Rights + of Man</i>, when I had written the book, was, that they would beneficially + interest at least ninety-nine persons out of every hundred throughout the + nation, and therefore would not leave sufficient room for men to act from + the direct and disinterested principles of honour; but the prosecution now + commenced has fortunately removed that objection, and the approvers and + protectors of that work now feel the immediate impulse of honour added to + that of national interest. + </p> + <p> + I am, Mr. Dundas, + </p> + <p> + Not your obedient humble Servant, + </p> + <p> + But the contrary, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0007" id="Dlink2H_4_0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VI. LETTERS TO ONSLOW CRANLEY, + </h2> + <p> + Lord Lieutenant of the county of Surry; on the subject of the late + excellent proclamation:—or the chairman who shall preside at the + meeting to be held at Epsom, June 18. + </p> + <p> + FIRST LETTER. + </p> + <p> + London, June 17th, 1792. + </p> + <p> + SIR, + </p> + <p> + I have seen in the public newspapers the following advertisement, to wit— + </p> + <p> + "To the Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, Freeholders, and other Inhabitants of + the county of Surry. + </p> + <p> + "At the requisition and desire of several of the freeholders of the + county, I am, in the absence of the Sheriff, to desire the favour of your + attendance, at a meeting to be held at Epsom, on Monday, the 18th instant, + at 12 o'clock at noon, to consider of an humble address to his majesty, to + express our grateful approbation of his majesty's paternal, and well-timed + attendance to the public welfare, in his late most gracious Proclamation + against the enemies of our happy Constitution. + </p> + <p> + "(Signed.) Onslow Cranley." + </p> + <p> + Taking it for granted, that the aforesaid advertisement, equally as + obscure as the proclamation to which it refers, has nevertheless some + meaning, and is intended to effect some purpose; and as a prosecution + (whether wisely or unwisely, justly or unjustly) is already commenced + against a work intitled RIGHTS OF MAN, of which I have the honour and + happiness to be the author; I feel it necessary to address this letter to + you, and to request that it may be read publicly to the gentlemen who + shall meet at Epsom in consequence of the advertisement. + </p> + <p> + The work now under prosecution is, I conceive, the same work which is + intended to be suppressed by the aforesaid proclamation. Admitting this to + be the case, the gentlemen of the county of Surry are called upon by + somebody to condemn a work, and they are at the same time forbidden by the + proclamation to know what that work is; and they are further called upon + to give their aid and assistance to prevent other people from knowing it + also. It is therefore necessary that the author, for his own + justification, as well as to prevent the gentlemen who shall meet from + being imposed upon by misrepresentation, should give some outlines of the + principles and plans which that work contains. + </p> + <p> + The work, Sir, in question, contains, first, an investigation of general + principles of government. + </p> + <p> + It also distinguishes government into two classes or systems, the one the + hereditary system; the other the representative system; and it compares + these two systems with each other. + </p> + <p> + It shews that what is called hereditary government cannot exist as a + matter of right; because hereditary government always means a government + yet to come; and the case always is, that those who are to live afterwards + have always the same right to establish a government for themselves as the + people who had lived before them. + </p> + <p> + It also shews the defect to which hereditary government is unavoidably + subject: that it must, from the nature of it, throw government into the + hands of men totally unworthy of it from the want of principle, and + unfitted for it from want of capacity. James II. and many others are + recorded in the English history as proofs of the former of those cases, + and instances are to be found all over Europe to prove the truth of the + latter. + </p> + <p> + It then shews that the representative system is the only true system of + government; that it is also the only system under which the liberties of + any people can be permanently secure; and, further, that it is the only + one that can continue the same equal probability at all times of admitting + of none but men properly qualified, both by principles and abilities, into + government, and of excluding such as are otherwise. + </p> + <p> + The work shews also, by plans and calculations not hitherto denied nor + controverted, not even by the prosecution that is commenced, that the + taxes now existing may be reduced at least six millions, that taxes may be + entirely taken off from the poor, who are computed at one third of the + nation; and that taxes on the other two thirds may be considerably + reduced; that the aged poor may be comfortably provided for, and the + children of poor families properly educated; that fifteen thousand + soldiers, and the same number of sailors, may be allowed three shillings + per week during life out of the surplus taxes; and also that a + proportionate allowance may be made to the officers, and the pay of the + remaining soldiers and sailors be raised; and that it is better to apply + the surplus taxes to those purposes, than to consume them on lazy and + profligate placemen and pensioners; and that the revenue, said to be + twenty thousand pounds per annum, raised by a tax upon coals, and given to + the Duke of Richmond, is a gross imposition upon all the people of London, + and ought to be instantly abolished. + </p> + <p> + This, Sir, is a concise abstract of the principles and plans contained in + the work that is now prosecuted, and for the suppression of which the + proclamation appears to be intended; but as it is impossible that I can, + in the compass of a letter, bring into view all the matters contained in + the work, and as it is proper that the gentlemen who may compose that + meeting should know what the merits or demerits of it are, before they + come to any resolutions, either directly or indirectly relating thereto, I + request the honour of presenting them with one hundred copies of the + second part of the Rights of Man, and also one thousand copies of my + letter to Mr. Dundas, which I have directed to be sent to Epsom for that + purpose; and I beg the favour of the Chairman to take the trouble of + presenting them to the gentlemen who shall meet on that occasion, with my + sincere wishes for their happiness, and for that of the nation in general. + </p> + <p> + Having now closed thus much of the subject of my letter, I next come to + speak of what has relation to me personally. I am well aware of the + delicacy that attends it, but the purpose of calling the meeting appears + to me so inconsistent with that justice that is always due between man and + man, that it is proper I should (as well on account of the gentlemen who + may meet, as on my own account) explain myself fully and candidly thereon. + </p> + <p> + I have already informed the gentlemen, that a prosecution is commenced + against a work of which I have the honour and happiness to be the author; + and I have good reasons for believing that the proclamation which the + gentlemen are called to consider, and to present an address upon, is + purposely calculated to give an impression to the jury before whom that + matter is to come. In short, that it is dictating a verdict by + proclamation; and I consider the instigators of the meeting to be held at + Epsom, as aiding and abetting the same improper, and, in my opinion, + illegal purpose, and that in a manner very artfully contrived, as I shall + now shew. + </p> + <p> + Had a meeting been called of the Freeholders of the county of Middlesex, + the gentlemen who had composed that meeting would have rendered themselves + objectionable as persons to serve on a Jury, before whom the judicial case + was afterwards to come. But by calling a meeting out of the county of + Middlesex, that matter is artfully avoided, and the gentlemen of Surry are + summoned, as if it were intended thereby to give a tone to the sort of + verdict which the instigators of the meeting no doubt wish should be + brought in, and to give countenance to the Jury in so doing. I am, sir, + </p> + <p> + With much respect to the + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen who shall meet, Their and your obedient and humble Servant, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + TO ONSLOW CRANLEY, COMMONLY CALLED LORD ONSLOW. SECOND LETTER. SIR, + </p> + <p> + London, June 21st 1792. + </p> + <p> + WHEN I wrote you the letter which Mr. Home Tooke did me the favour to + present to you, as chairman of the meeting held at Epsom, Monday, June 18, + it was not with much expectation that you would do me the justice of + permitting, or recommending it to be publicly read. I am well aware that + the signature of Thomas Paine has something in it dreadful to sinecure + Placemen and Pensioners; and when you, on seeing the letter opened, + informed the meeting that it was signed Thomas Paine, and added in a note + of exclamation, "the common enemy of us all." you spoke one of the + greatest truths you ever uttered, if you confine the expression to men of + the same description with yourself; men living in indolence and luxury, on + the spoil and labours of the public. + </p> + <p> + The letter has since appeared in the "Argus," and probably in other + papers.(1) It will justify itself; but if any thing on that account hath + been wanting, your conduct at the meeting would have supplied the + omission. You there sufficiently proved that I was not mistaken in + supposing that the meeting was called to give an indirect aid to the + prosecution commenced against a work, the reputation of which will long + outlive the memory of the Pensioner I am writing to. + </p> + <p> + When meetings, Sir, are called by the partisans of the Court, to preclude + the nation the right of investigating systems and principles of + government, and of exposing errors and defects, under the pretence of + prosecuting an individual—it furnishes an additional motive for + maintaining sacred that violated right. + </p> + <p> + The principles and arguments contained in the work in question, <i>Rights + OF Man</i>, have stood, and they now stand, and I believe ever will stand, + unrefuted. They are stated in a fair and open manner to the world, and + they have already received the public approbation of a greater number of + men, of the best of characters, of every denomination of religion, and of + every rank in life, (placemen and pensioners excepted,) than all the + juries that shall meet in England, for ten years to come, will amount to; + and I have, moreover, good reasons for believing that the approvers of + that work, as well private as public, are already more numerous than all + the present electors throughout the nation. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The <i>Argus</i> was edited by Sampson Perry, soon after + prosecuted.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Not less than forty pamphlets, intended as answers thereto, have appeared, + and as suddenly disappeared: scarcely are the titles of any of them + remembered, notwithstanding their endeavours have been aided by all the + daily abuse which the Court and Ministerial newspapers, for almost a year + and a half, could bestow, both upon the work and the author; and now that + every attempt to refute, and every abuse has failed, the invention of + calling the work a libel has been hit upon, and the discomfited party has + pusillanimously retreated to prosecution and a jury, and obscure + addresses. + </p> + <p> + As I well know that a long letter from me will not be agreeable to you, I + will relieve your uneasiness by making it as short as I conveniently can; + and will conclude it with taking up the subject at that part where Mr. + HORNE TOOKE was interrupted from going on when at the meeting. + </p> + <p> + That gentleman was stating, that the situation you stood in rendered it + improper for you to appear <i>actively</i> in a scene in which your + private interest was too visible: that you were a Bedchamber Lord at a + thousand a year, and a Pensioner at three thousand pounds a year more—and + here he was stopped by the little but noisy circle you had collected + round. Permit me then, Sir, to add an explanation to his words, for the + benefit of your neighbours, and with which, and a few observations, I + shall close my letter. + </p> + <p> + When it was reported in the English Newspapers, some short time since, + that the empress of RUSSIA had given to one of her minions a large tract + of country and several thousands of peasants as property, it very justly + provoked indignation and abhorrence in those who heard it. But if we + compare the mode practised in England, with that which appears to us so + abhorrent in Russia, it will be found to amount to very near the same + thing;—for example— + </p> + <p> + As the whole of the revenue in England is drawn by taxes from the pockets + of the people, those things called gifts and grants (of which kind are all + pensions and sinecure places) are paid out of that stock. The difference, + therefore, between the two modes is, that in England the money is + collected by the government, and then given to the Pensioner, and in + Russia he is left to collect it for himself. The smallest sum which the + poorest family in a county so near London as Surry, can be supposed to pay + annually, of taxes, is not less than five pounds; and as your sinecure of + one thousand, and pension of three thousand per annum, are made up of + taxes paid by eight hundred such poor families, it comes to the same thing + as if the eight hundred families had been given to you, as in Russia, and + you had collected the money on your account. Were you to say that you are + not quartered particularly on the people of Surrey, but on the nation at + large, the objection would amount to nothing; for as there are more + pensioners than counties, every one may be considered as quartered on that + in which he lives. + </p> + <p> + What honour or happiness you can derive from being the PRINCIPAL PAUPER of + the neighbourhood, and occasioning a greater expence than the poor, the + aged, and the infirm, for ten miles round you, I leave you to enjoy. At + the same time I can see that it is no wonder you should be strenuous in + suppressing a book which strikes at the root of those abuses. No wonder + that you should be against reforms, against the freedom of the press, and + the right of investigation. To you, and to others of your description, + these are dreadful things; but you should also consider, that the motives + which prompt you to <i>act</i>, ought, by reflection, to compel you to be + <i>silent</i>. + </p> + <p> + Having now returned your compliment, and sufficiently tired your patience, + I take my leave of you, with mentioning, that if you had not prevented my + former letter from being read at the meeting, you would not have had the + trouble of reading this; and also with requesting, that the next time you + call me "<i>a common enemy</i>," you would add, "<i>of us sinecure + placemen and pensioners</i>." + </p> + <p> + I am, Sir, &c. &c. &c. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0008" id="Dlink2H_4_0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VII. TO THE SHERIFF OF THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX, + </h2> + <p> + OR, THE GENTLEMAN WHO SHALL PRESIDE AT THE MEETING TO BE HELD AT LEWES, + JULY 4. + </p> + <p> + London, June 30, 1792. + </p> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I have seen in the Lewes newspapers, of June 25, an advertisement, signed + by sundry persons, and also by the sheriff, for holding a meeting at the + Town-hall of Lewes, for the purpose, as the advertisement states, of + presenting an Address on the late Proclamation for suppressing writings, + books, &c. And as I conceive that a certain publication of mine, + entitled "Rights of Man," in which, among other things, the enormous + increase of taxes, placemen, and pensioners, is shewn to be unnecessary + and oppressive, <i>is the particular writing alluded to in the said + publication</i>; I request the Sheriff, or in his absence, whoever shall + preside at the meeting, or any other person, to read this letter publicly + to the company who shall assemble in consequence of that advertisement. + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen—It is now upwards of eighteen years since I was a resident + inhabitant of the town of Lewes. My situation among you, as an officer of + the revenue, for more than six years, enabled me to see into the numerous + and various distresses which the weight of taxes even at that time of day + occasioned; and feeling, as I then did, and as it is natural for me to do, + for the hard condition of others, it is with pleasure I can declare, and + every person then under my survey, and now living, can witness, the + exceeding candour, and even tenderness, with which that part of the duty + that fell to my share was executed. The name of <i>Thomas Paine</i> is not + to be found in the records of the Lewes' justices, in any one act of + contention with, or severity of any kind whatever towards, the persons + whom he surveyed, either in the town, or in the country; of this, <i>Mr. + Fuller</i> and <i>Mr. Shelley</i>, who will probably attend the meeting, + can, if they please, give full testimony. It is, however, not in their + power to contradict it. + </p> + <p> + Having thus indulged myself in recollecting a place where I formerly had, + and even now have, many friends, rich and poor, and most probably some + enemies, I proceed to the more important purport of my letter. + </p> + <p> + Since my departure from Lewes, fortune or providence has thrown me into a + line of action, which my first setting out into life could not possibly + have suggested to me. + </p> + <p> + I have seen the fine and fertile country of America ravaged and deluged in + blood, and the taxes of England enormously increased and multiplied in + consequence thereof; and this, in a great measure, by the instigation of + the same class of placemen, pensioners, and Court dependants, who are now + promoting addresses throughout England, on the present <i>unintelligible</i> + Proclamation. + </p> + <p> + I have also seen a system of Government rise up in that country, free from + corruption, and now administered over an extent of territory ten times as + large as England, <i>for less expence than the pensions alone in England + amount to</i>; and under which more freedom is enjoyed, and a more happy + state of society is preserved, and a more general prosperity is promoted, + than under any other system of Government now existing in the world. + Knowing, as I do, the things I now declare, I should reproach myself with + want of duty and affection to mankind, were I not in the most undismayed + manner to publish them, as it were, on the house-tops, for the good of + others. + </p> + <p> + Having thus glanced at what has passed within my knowledge, since my + leaving Lewes, I come to the subject more immediately before the meeting + now present. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Edmund Burke, who, as I shall show, in a future publication, has lived + a concealed pensioner, at the expence of the public, of fifteen hundred + pounds per annum, for about ten years last past, published a book the + winter before last, in open violation of the principles of liberty, and + for which he was applauded by that class of men <i>who are now promoting + addresses</i>. Soon after his book appeared, I published the first part of + the work, entitled "Rights of Man," as an answer thereto, and had the + happiness of receiving the public thanks of several bodies of men, and of + numerous individuals of the best character, of every denomination in + religion, and of every rank in life—placemen and pensioners + excepted. + </p> + <p> + In February last, I published the Second Part of "Rights of Man," and as + it met with still greater approbation from the true friends of national + freedom, and went deeper into the system of Government, and exposed the + abuses of it, more than had been done in the First Part, it consequently + excited an alarm among all those, who, insensible of the burthen of taxes + which the general mass of the people sustain, are living in luxury and + indolence, and hunting after Court preferments, sinecure places, and + pensions, either for themselves, or for their family connections. + </p> + <p> + I have shewn in that work, that the taxes may be reduced at least <i>six + millions</i>, and even then the expences of Government in England would be + twenty times greater than they are in the country I have already spoken + of. That taxes may be entirely taken off from the poor, by remitting to + them in money at the rate of between <i>three and four pounds</i> per head + per annum, for the education and bringing up of the children of the poor + families, who are computed at one third of the whole nation, and <i>six + pounds</i> per annum to all poor persons, decayed tradesmen, or others, + from the age of fifty until sixty, and <i>ten pounds</i> per annum from + after sixty. And that in consequence of this allowance, to be paid out of + the surplus taxes, the poor-rates would become unnecessary, and that it is + better to apply the surplus taxes to these beneficent purposes, <i>than to + waste them on idle and profligate courtiers, placemen, and pensioners</i>. + </p> + <p> + These, gentlemen, are a part of the plans and principles contained in the + work, which this meeting is now called upon, in an indirect manner, to + vote an address against, and brand with the name of <i>wicked and + seditious</i>. But that the work may speak for itself, I request leave to + close this part of my letter with an extract therefrom, in the following + words: [<i>Quotation the same as that on p. 26</i>.] + </p> + <p> + Gentlemen, I have now stated to you such matters as appear necessary to me + to offer to the consideration of the meeting. I have no other interest in + what I am doing, nor in writing you this letter, than the interest of the + <i>heart</i>. I consider the proposed address as calculated to give + countenance to placemen, pensioners, enormous taxation, and corruption. + Many of you will recollect, that whilst I resided among you, there was not + a man more firm and open in supporting the principles of liberty than + myself, and I still pursue, and ever will, the same path. + </p> + <p> + I have, Gentlemen, only one request to make, which is—that those who + have called the meeting will speak <i>out</i>, and say, whether in the + address they are going to present against publications, which the + proclamation calls wicked, they mean the work entitled <i>Rights of Man</i>, + or whether they do not? + </p> + <p> + I am, Gentlemen, With sincere wishes for your happiness, + </p> + <p> + Your friend and Servant, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0009" id="Dlink2H_4_0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + VIII. TO MR. SECRETARY DUNDAS. + </h2> + <h3> + Calais, Sept. 15, 1792. + </h3> + <p> + Sir, + </p> + <p> + I CONCEIVE it necessary to make you acquainted with the following + circumstance:—The department of Calais having elected me a member of + the National Convention of France, I set off from London the 13th instant, + in company with Mr. Frost, of Spring Garden, and Mr. Audibert, one of the + municipal officers of Calais, who brought me the certificate of my being + elected. We had not arrived more, I believe, than five minutes at the York + Hotel, at Dover, when the train of circumstances began that I am going to + relate. We had taken our baggage out of the carriage, and put it into a + room, into which we went. Mr. Frost, having occasion to go out, was + stopped in the passage by a gentleman, who told him he must return into + the room, which he did, and the gentleman came in with him, and shut the + door. I had remained in the room; Mr. Audibert was gone to inquire when + the packet was to sail. The gentleman then said, that he was collector of + the customs, and had an information against us, and must examine our + baggage for prohibited articles. He produced his commission as Collector. + Mr. Frost demanded to see the information, which the Collector refused to + shew, and continued to refuse, on every demand that we made. The Collector + then called in several other officers, and began first to search our + pockets. He took from Mr. Audibert, who was then returned into the room, + every thing he found in his pocket, and laid it on the table. He then + searched Mr. Frost in the same manner, (who, among other things, had the + keys of the trunks in his pocket,) and then did the same by me. Mr. Frost + wanting to go out, mentioned it, and was going towards the door; on which + the Collector placed himself against the door, and said, nobody should + depart the room. After the keys had been taken from Mr. Frost, (for I had + given him the keys of my trunks beforehand, for the purpose of his + attending the baggage to the customs, if it should be necessary,) the + Collector asked us to open the trunks, presenting us the keys for that + purpose; this we declined to do, unless he would produce his information, + which he again refused. The Collector then opened the trunks himself, and + took out every paper and letter, sealed or unsealed. On our remonstrating + with him on the bad policy, as well as the illegality, of Custom-House + officers seizing papers and letters, which were things that did not come + under their cognizance, he replied, that the <i>Proclamation</i> gave him + the authority. + </p> + <p> + Among the letters which he took out of my trunk, were two sealed letters, + given into my charge by the American Minister in London [Pinckney], one of + which was directed to the American Minister at Paris [Gouverneur Morris], + the other to a private gentleman; a letter from the President of the + United States, and a letter from the Secretary of State in America, both + directed to me, and which I had received from the American Minister, now + in London, and were private letters of friendship; a letter from the + electoral body of the Department of Calais, containing the notification of + my being elected to the National Convention; and a letter from the + President of the National Assembly, informing me of my being also elected + for the Department of the Oise. + </p> + <p> + As we found that all remonstrances with the Collector, on the bad policy + and illegality of seizing papers and letters, and retaining our persons by + force, under the pretence of searching for prohibited articles, were vain, + (for he justified himself on the Proclamation, and on the information + which he refused to shew,) we contented ourselves with assuring him, that + what he was then doing, he would afterwards have to answer for, and left + it to himself to do as he pleased. + </p> + <p> + It appeared to us that the Collector was acting under the direction of + some other person or persons, then in the hotel, but whom he did not + choose we should see, or who did not choose to be seen by us; for the + Collector went several times out of the room for a few minutes, and was + also called out several times. + </p> + <p> + When the Collector had taken what papers and letters he pleased out of the + trunks, he proceeded to read them. The first letter he took up for this + purpose was that from the President of the United States to me. While he + was doing this, I said, that it was very extraordinary that General + Washington could not write a letter of private friendship to me, without + its being subject to be read by a custom-house officer. Upon this Mr. + Frost laid his hand over the face of the letter, and told the Collector + that he should not read it, and took it from him. Mr. Frost then, casting + his eyes on the concluding paragraph of the letter, said, I will read this + part to you, which he did; of which the following is an exact transcript— + </p> + <p> + "And as no one can feel a greater interest in the happiness of mankind + than I do, it is the first wish of my heart, that the enlightened policy + of the present age may diffuse to all men those blessings to which they + are entitled, and lay the foundation of happiness for future + generations."(1) + </p> + <p> + As all the other letters and papers lay then on the table, the Collector + took them up, and was going out of the room with them. During the + transactions already stated, I contented myself with observing what + passed, and spoke but little; but on seeing the Collector going out of the + room with the letters, I told him that the papers and letters then in his + hand were either belonging to me, or entrusted to my charge, and that as I + could not permit them to be out of my sight, I must insist on going with + him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Washington's letter is dated 6 May, 1792. See my <i>Life of + Paine</i> vol. i., p. 302.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + The Collector then made a list of the letters and papers, and went out of + the room, giving the letters and papers into the charge of one of the + officers. He returned in a short time, and, after some trifling + conversation, chiefly about the Proclamation, told us, that he saw <i>the + Proclamation was ill-founded</i>, and asked if we chose to put the letters + and papers into the trunks ourselves, which, as we had not taken them out, + we declined doing, and he did it himself, and returned us the keys. + </p> + <p> + In stating to you these matters, I make no complaint against the personal + conduct of the Collector, or of any of the officers. Their manner was as + civil as such an extraordinary piece of business could admit of. + </p> + <p> + My chief motive in writing to you on this subject is, that you may take + measures for preventing the like in future, not only as it concerns + private individuals, but in order to prevent a renewal of those unpleasant + consequences that have heretofore arisen between nations from + circumstances equally as insignificant. I mention this only for myself; + but as the interruption extended to two other gentlemen, it is probable + that they, as individuals, will take some more effectual mode for redress. + </p> + <p> + I am, Sir, yours, &c. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + P. S. Among the papers seized, was a copy of the Attorney-General's + information against me for publishing the <i>Rights of Man</i>, and a + printed proof copy of my Letter to the Addressers, which will soon be + published. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0010" id="Dlink2H_4_0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IX. LETTER ADDRESSED TO THE ADDRESSERS ON THE LATE PROCLAMATION.(1) + </h2> + <p> + COULD I have commanded circumstances with a wish, I know not of any that + would have more generally promoted the progress of knowledge, than the + late Proclamation, and the numerous rotten Borough and Corporation + Addresses thereon. They have not only served as advertisements, but they + have excited a spirit of enquiry into principles of government, and a + desire to read the Rights OF Man, in places where that spirit and that + work were before unknown. + </p> + <p> + The people of England, wearied and stunned with parties, and alternately + deceived by each, had almost resigned the prerogative of thinking. Even + curiosity had expired, and a universal languor had spread itself over the + land. The opposition was visibly no other than a contest for power, whilst + the mass of the nation stood torpidly by as the prize. + </p> + <p> + In this hopeless state of things, the First Part of the Rights of Man made + its appearance. It had to combat with a strange mixture of prejudice and + indifference; it stood exposed to every species of newspaper abuse; and + besides this, it had to remove the obstructions which Mr. Burke's rude and + outrageous attack on the French Revolution had artfully raised. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The Royal Proclamation issued against seditious writings, + May 21st. This pamphlet, the proof of which was read in + Paris (see P. S. of preceding chapter), was published at 1s. + 6d. by H. D. Symonds, Paternoster Row, and Thomas Clio + Rickman, 7 Upper Marylebone Street (where it was written), + both pub-Ushers being soon after prosecuted.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But how easy does even the most illiterate reader distinguish the + spontaneous sensations of the heart, from the laboured productions of the + brain. Truth, whenever it can fully appear, is a thing so naturally + familiar to the mind, that an acquaintance commences at first sight. No + artificial light, yet discovered, can display all the properties of + daylight; so neither can the best invented fiction fill the mind with + every conviction which truth begets. + </p> + <p> + To overthrow Mr. Burke's fallacious book was scarcely the operation of a + day. Even the phalanx of Placemen and Pensioners, who had given the tone + to the multitude, by clamouring forth his political fame, became suddenly + silent; and the final event to himself has been, that as he rose like a + rocket, he fell like the stick. + </p> + <p> + It seldom happens, that the mind rests satisfied with the simple detection + of error or imposition. Once put in motion, <i>that</i> motion soon + becomes accelerated; where it had intended to stop, it discovers new + reasons to proceed, and renews and continues the pursuit far beyond the + limits it first prescribed to itself. Thus it has happened to the people + of England. From a detection of Mr. Burke's incoherent rhapsodies, and + distorted facts, they began an enquiry into the first principles of + Government, whilst himself, like an object left far behind, became + invisible and forgotten. + </p> + <p> + Much as the First Part of RIGHTS OF Man impressed at its first appearance, + the progressive mind soon discovered that it did not go far enough. It + detected errors; it exposed absurdities; it shook the fabric of political + superstition; it generated new ideas; but it did not produce a regular + system of principles in the room of those which it displaced. And, if I + may guess at the mind of the Government-party, they beheld it as an + unexpected gale that would soon blow over, and they forbore, like sailors + in threatening weather, to whistle, lest they should encrease(sic) the + wind. Every thing, on their part, was profound silence. + </p> + <p> + When the Second Part of <i>Rights of Man, combining Principle and Practice</i>, + was preparing to appear, they affected, for a while, to act with the same + policy as before; but finding their silence had no more influence in + stifling the progress of the work, than it would have in stopping the + progress of time, they changed their plan, and affected to treat it with + clamorous contempt. The Speech-making Placemen and Pensioners, and + Place-expectants, in both Houses of Parliament, the <i>Outs</i> as well as + the <i>Ins</i>, represented it as a silly, insignificant performance; as a + work incapable of producing any effect; as something which they were sure + the good sense of the people would either despise or indignantly spurn; + but such was the overstrained awkwardness with which they harangued and + encouraged each other, that in the very act of declaring their confidence + they betrayed their fears. + </p> + <p> + As most of the rotten Borough Addressers are obscured in holes and corners + throughout the country, and to whom a newspaper arrives as rarely as an + almanac, they most probably have not had the opportunity of knowing how + far this part of the farce (the original prelude to all the Addresses) has + been acted. For <i>their</i> information, I will suspend a while the more + serious purpose of my Letter, and entertain them with two or three + Speeches in the last Session of Parliament, which will serve them for + politics till Parliament meets again. + </p> + <p> + You must know, Gentlemen, that the Second Part of the Rights of Man (the + book against which you have been presenting Addresses, though it is most + probable that many of you did not know it) was to have come out precisely + at the time that Parliament last met. It happened not to be published till + a few days after. But as it was very well known that the book would + shortly appear, the parliamentary Orators entered into a very cordial + coalition to cry the book down, and they began their attack by crying up + the <i>blessings</i> of the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + Had it been your fate to have been there, you could not but have been + moved at the heart-and-pocket-felt congratulations that passed between all + the parties on this subject of <i>blessings</i>; for the <i>Outs</i> enjoy + places and pensions and sinecures as well as the <i>Ins</i>, and are as + devoutly attached to the firm of the house. + </p> + <p> + One of the most conspicuous of this motley groupe, is the Clerk of the + Court of King's Bench, who calls himself Lord Stormont. He is also called + Justice General of Scotland, and Keeper of Scoon, (an opposition man,) and + he draws from the public for these nominal offices, not less, as I am + informed, than six thousand pounds a-year, and he is, most probably, at + the trouble of counting the money, and signing a receipt, to shew, + perhaps, that he is qualified to be Clerk as well as Justice. He spoke as + follows.(*) + </p> + <p> + "That we shall all be unanimous in expressing our attachment to the + constitution of these realms, I am confident. It is a subject upon which + there can be no divided opinion in this house. I do not pretend to be deep + read in the knowledge of the Constitution, but I take upon me to say, that + from the extent of my knowledge [<i>for I have so many thousands a year + for nothing</i>] it appears to me, that from the period of the Revolution, + for it was by no means created then, it has been, both in theory and + practice, the wisest system that ever was formed. I never was [he means he + never was till now] a dealer in political cant. My life has not been + occupied in that way, but the speculations of late years seem to have + taken a turn, for which I cannot account. When I came into public life, + the political pamphlets of the time, however they might be charged with + the heat and violence of parties, were agreed in extolling the radical + beauties of the Constitution itself. I remember [<i>he means he has + forgotten</i>] a most captivating eulogium on its charms, by Lord + Bolingbroke, where he recommends his readers to contemplate it in all its + aspects, with the assurance that it would be found more estimable the more + it was seen, I do not recollect his precise words, but I wish that men who + write upon these subjects would take this for their model, instead of the + political pamphlets, which, I am told, are now in circulation, [<i>such, I + suppose, as Rights of Man,</i>] pamphlets which I have not read, and whose + purport I know only by report, [<i>he means, perhaps, by the noise they + make</i>.] This, however, I am sure, that pamphlets tending to unsettle + the public reverence for the constitution, will have very little + influence. They can do very little harm—for [<i>by the bye, he is no + dealer in political cant</i>] the English are a sober-thinking people, and + are more intelligent, more solid, more steady in their opinions, than any + people I ever had the fortune to see. [<i>This is pretty well laid on, + though, for a new beginner</i>.] But if there should ever come a time when + the propagation of those doctrines should agitate the public mind, I am + sure for every one of your Lordships, that no attack will be made on the + constitution, from which it is truly said that we derive all our + prosperity, without raising every one of your Lordships to its support It + will then be found that there is no difference among us, but that we are + all determined to stand or fall together, in defence of the inestimable + system "—[<i>of places and pensions</i>]. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * See his speech in the Morning Chronicle of Feb. 1.— + Author. +</pre> + <p> + After Stormont, on the opposition side, sat down, up rose another noble + Lord, on the ministerial side, Grenville. This man ought to be as strong + in the back as a mule, or the sire of a mule, or it would crack with the + weight of places and offices. He rose, however, without feeling any + incumbrance, full master of his weight; and thus said this noble Lord to + t'other noble Lord! + </p> + <p> + "The patriotic and manly manner in which the noble Lord has declared his + sentiments on the subject of the constitution, demands my cordial + approbation. The noble Viscount has proved, that however we may differ on + particular measures, amidst all the jars and dissonance of parties, we are + unanimous in principle. There is a perfect and entire consent [<i>between + us</i>] in the love and maintenance of the constitution as happily + subsisting. It must undoubtedly give your Lordships concern, to find that + the time is come [heigh ho!] when there is propriety in the expressions of + regard to [o! o! o!] the constitution. And that there are men [confound—their—po-li-tics] + who disseminate doctrines hostile to the genuine spirit of our well + balanced system, [<i>it is certainly well balanced when both sides hold + places and pensions at once.</i>] I agree with the noble viscount that + they have not [I hope] much success. I am convinced that there is no + danger to be apprehended from their attempts: but it is truly important + and consolatory [to us placemen, I suppose] to know, that if ever there + should arise a serious alarm, there is but one spirit, one sense, [<i>and + that sense I presume is not common sense</i>] and one determination in + this house "—which undoubtedly is to hold all their places and + pensions as long as they can. + </p> + <p> + Both those speeches (except the parts enclosed in parenthesis, which are + added for the purpose of illustration) are copied verbatim from the + Morning Chronicle of the 1st of February last; and when the situation of + the speakers is considered, the one in the opposition, and the other in + the ministry, and both of them living at the public expence, by sinecure, + or nominal places and offices, it required a very unblushing front to be + able to deliver them. Can those men seriously suppose any nation to be so + completely blind as not to see through them? Can Stormont imagine that the + political <i>cant</i>, with which he has larded his harangue, will conceal + the craft? Does he not know that there never was a cover large enough to + hide <i>itself</i>? Or can Grenvilie believe that his credit with the + public encreases with his avarice for places? + </p> + <p> + But, if these orators will accept a service from me, in return for the + allusions they have made to the <i>Rights of Man</i>, I will make a speech + for either of them to deliver, on the excellence of the constitution, that + shall be as much to the purpose as what they have spoken, or as <i>Bolingbroke's + captivating eulogium</i>. Here it is. + </p> + <p> + "That we shall all be unanimous in expressing our attachment to the + constitution, I am confident. It is, my Lords, incomprehensibly good: but + the great wonder of all is the wisdom; for it is, my lords, <i>the wisest + system that ever was formed</i>. + </p> + <p> + "With respect to us, noble Lords, though the world does not know it, it is + very well known to us, that we have more wisdom than we know what to do + with; and what is still better, my Lords, we have it all in stock. I defy + your Lordships to prove, that a tittle of it has been used yet; and if we + but go on, my Lords, with the frugality we have hitherto done, we shall + leave to our heirs and successors, when we go out of the world, the whole + stock of wisdom, <i>untouched</i>, that we brought in; and there is no + doubt but they will follow our example. This, my lords, is one of the + blessed effects of the hereditary system; for we can never be without + wisdom so long as we keep it by us, and do not use it. + </p> + <p> + "But, my Lords, as all this wisdom is hereditary property, for the sole + benefit of us and our heirs, and it is necessary that the people should + know where to get a supply for their own use, the excellence of our + constitution has provided us a King for this very purpose, and for <i>no + other</i>. But, my Lords, I perceive a defect to which the constitution is + subject, and which I propose to remedy by bringing a bill into Parliament + for that purpose. + </p> + <p> + "The constitution, my Lords, out of delicacy, I presume, has left it as a + matter of <i>choice</i> to a King whether he will be wise or not. It has + not, I mean, my Lords, insisted upon it as a constitutional point, which, + I conceive it ought to have done; for I pledge myself to your Lordships to + prove, and that with <i>true patriotic boldness</i>, that he has <i>no + choice in the matter</i>. This bill, my Lords, which I shall bring in, + will be to declare, that the constitution, according to the true intent + and meaning thereof, does not invest the King with this choice; our + ancestors were too wise to do that; and, in order to prevent any doubts + that might otherwise arise, I shall prepare, my Lords, an enacting clause, + to fix the wisdom of Kings by act of Parliament; and then, my Lords our + Constitution will be the wonder of the world! + </p> + <p> + "Wisdom, my lords, is the one thing needful: but that there may be no + mistake in this matter, and that we may proceed consistently with the true + wisdom of the constitution, I shall propose a <i>certain criterion</i> + whereby the <i>exact quantity of wisdom</i> necessary for a King may be + known. [Here should be a cry of, Hear him! Hear him!] + </p> + <p> + "It is recorded, my Lords, in the Statutes at Large of the Jews, 'a book, + my Lords, which I have not read, and whose purport I know only by report,' + <i>but perhaps the bench of Bishops can recollect something about it</i>, + that Saul gave the most convincing proofs of royal wisdom before he was + made a King, <i>for he was sent to seek his father's asses and he could + not find them</i>. + </p> + <p> + "Here, my Lords, we have, most happily for us, a case in point: This + precedent ought to be established by act of Parliament; and every King, + before he be crowned, should be sent to seek his father's asses, and if he + cannot find them, he shall be declared wise enough to be King, according + to the true meaning of our excellent constitution. All, therefore, my + Lords, that will be necessary to be done by the enacting clause that I + shall bring in, will be to invest the King beforehand with the quantity of + wisdom necessary for this purpose, lest he should happen not to possess + it; and this, my Lords, we can do without making use of any of our own. + </p> + <p> + "We further read, my Lords, in the said Statutes at Large of the Jews, + that Samuel, who certainly was as mad as any Man-of-Rights-Man now-a-days + (hear him! hear him!), was highly displeased, and even exasperated, at the + proposal of the Jews to have a King, and he warned them against it with + all that assurance and impudence of which he was master. I have been, my + Lords, at the trouble of going all the way to <i>Paternoster-row</i>, to + procure an extract from the printed copy. I was told that I should meet + with it there, or in <i>Amen-eorner</i>, for I was then going, my Lords, + to rummage for it among the curiosities of the <i>Antiquarian Society</i>. + I will read the extracts to your Lordships, to shew how little Samuel knew + of the matter. + </p> + <p> + "The extract, my Lords, is from 1 Sam. chap. viii.: + </p> + <p> + "'And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the people that asked of + him a King. + </p> + <p> + "'And he said, this will be the manner of the King that shall reign over + you: he will take your sons, and appoint them for himself, for his + chariots, and to be his horsemen; and some shall run before his chariots. + </p> + <p> + "'And he will appoint him captains over thousands, and captains over + fifties, and will set them to ear his ground, and to reap his harvest, and + to make his instruments of war, and instruments of his chariots. + </p> + <p> + "'And he will take your daughters to be confectionnes, and to be cooks, + and to be bakers. + </p> + <p> + "'And he will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your olive-yards, + even the best of them, and give them to his servants. + </p> + <p> + "'And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your vineyards, and give + to his officers and to his servants. + </p> + <p> + "'And he will take your men-servants, and your maid-servants, and your + goodliest young men, and your asses, and put them to his work. + </p> + <p> + "'And he will take the tenth of your sheep, and ye shall be his servants. + </p> + <p> + "'And ye shall cry out in that day, because of your King, which ye shall + have chosen you; and the Lord will not hear you in that day.' + </p> + <p> + "Now, my Lords, what can we think of this man Samuel? Is there a word of + truth, or any thing like truth, in all that he has said? He pretended to + be a prophet, or a wise man, but has not the event proved him to be a + fool, or an incendiary? Look around, my Lords, and see if any thing has + happened that he pretended to foretell! Has not the most profound peace + reigned throughout the world ever since Kings were in fashion? Are not, + for example, the present Kings of Europe the most peaceable of mankind, + and the Empress of Russia the very milk of human kindness? It would not be + worth having Kings, my Lords, if it were not that they never go to war. + </p> + <p> + "If we look at home, my Lords, do we not see the same things here as are + seen every where else? Are our young men taken to be horsemen, or foot + soldiers, any more than in Germany or in Prussia, or in Hanover or in + Hesse? Are not our sailors as safe at land as at sea? Are they ever + dragged from their homes, like oxen to the slaughter-house, to serve on + board ships of war? When they return from the perils of a long voyage with + the merchandize of distant countries, does not every man sit down under + his own vine and his own fig-tree, in perfect security? Is the tenth of + our seed taken by tax-gatherers, or is any part of it given to the King's + servants? In short, <i>is not everything as free from taxes as the light + from Heaven!</i> (1) + </p> + <p> + "Ah! my Lords, do we not see the blessed effect of having Kings in every + thing we look at? Is not the G. R., or the broad R., stampt upon every + thing? Even the shoes, the gloves, and the hats that we wear, are enriched + with the impression, and all our candles blaze a burnt-offering. + </p> + <p> + "Besides these blessings, my Lords, that cover us from the sole of the + foot to the crown of the head, do we not see a race of youths growing up + to be Kings, who are the very paragons of virtue? There is not one of + them, my Lords, but might be trusted with untold gold, as safely as the + other. Are they not '<i>more sober, intelligent, more solid, more steady</i>,' + and withal, <i>more learned, more wise, more every thing, than any youths + we '</i>ever had the fortune to see.' Ah! my Lords, they are a <i>hopeful + family</i>. + </p> + <p> + "The blessed prospect of succession, which the nation has at this moment + before its eyes, is a most undeniable proof of the excellence of our + constitution, and of the blessed hereditary system; for nothing, my Lords, + but a constitution founded on the truest and purest wisdom could admit + such heaven-born and heaven-taught characters into the government.—Permit + me now, my Lords, to recal your attention to the libellous chapter I have + just read about Kings. I mention this, my Lords, because it is my + intention to move for a bill to be brought into parliament to expunge that + chapter from the Bible, and that the Lord Chancellor, with the assistance + of the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and the Duke of Clarence, be + requested to write a chapter in the room of it; and that Mr. Burke do see + that it be truly canonical, and faithfully inserted."—Finis. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Allusion to the window-tax.—Editor, +</pre> + <p> + If the Clerk of the Court of King's Bench should chuse to be the orator of + this luminous encomium on the constitution, I hope he will get it well by + heart before he attempts to deliver it, and not have to apologize to + Parliament, as he did in the case of Bolingbroke's encomium, for + forgetting his lesson; and, with this admonition I leave him. + </p> + <p> + Having thus informed the Addressers of what passed at the meeting of + Parliament, I return to take up the subject at the part where I broke off + in order to introduce the preceding speeches. + </p> + <p> + I was then stating, that the first policy of the Government party was + silence, and the next, clamorous contempt; but as people generally choose + to read and judge for themselves, the work still went on, and the + affectation of contempt, like the silence that preceded it, passed for + nothing. + </p> + <p> + Thus foiled in their second scheme, their evil genius, like a + will-with-a-wisp, led them to a third; when all at once, as if it had been + unfolded to them by a fortune-teller, or Mr. Dundas had discovered it by + second sight, this once harmless, insignificant book, without undergoing + the alteration of a single letter, became a most wicked and dangerous + Libel. The whole Cabinet, like a ship's crew, became alarmed; all hands + were piped upon deck, as if a conspiracy of elements was forming around + them, and out came the Proclamation and the Prosecution; and Addresses + supplied the place of prayers. + </p> + <p> + Ye silly swains, thought I to myself, why do you torment yourselves thus? + The Rights OF Man is a book calmly and rationally written; why then are + you so disturbed? Did you see how little or how suspicious such conduct + makes you appear, even cunning alone, had you no other faculty, would hush + you into prudence. The plans, principles, and arguments, contained in that + work, are placed before the eyes of the nation, and of the world, in a + fair, open, and manly manner, and nothing more is necessary than to refute + them. Do this, and the whole is done; but if ye cannot, so neither can ye + suppress the reading, nor convict the author; for the Law, in the opinion + of all good men, would convict itself, that should condemn what cannot be + refuted. + </p> + <p> + Having now shown the Addressers the several stages of the business, prior + to their being called upon, like Cfsar in the Tyber, crying to Cassius, "<i>help, + Cassius, or I sink</i>!" I next come to remark on the policy of the + Government, in promoting Addresses; on the consequences naturally + resulting therefrom; and on the conduct of the persons concerned. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the policy, it evidently carries with it every mark and + feature of disguised fear. And it will hereafter be placed in the history + of extraordinary things, that a pamphlet should be produced by an + individual, unconnected with any sect or party, and not seeking to make + any, and almost a stranger in the land, that should compleatly frighten a + whole Government, and that in the midst of its most triumphant security. + Such a circumstance cannot fail to prove, that either the pamphlet has + irresistible powers, or the Government very extraordinary defects, or + both. The nation exhibits no signs of fear at the Rights of Man; why then + should the Government, unless the interest of the two are really opposite + to each other, and the secret is beginning to be known? That there are two + distinct classes of men in the nation, those who pay taxes, and those who + receive and live upon the taxes, is evident at first sight; and when + taxation is carried to excess, it cannot fail to disunite those two, and + something of this kind is now beginning to appear. + </p> + <p> + It is also curious to observe, amidst all the fume and bustle about + Proclamations and Addresses, kept up by a few noisy and interested men, + how little the mass of the nation seem to care about either. They appear + to me, by the indifference they shew, not to believe a word the + Proclamation contains; and as to the Addresses, they travel to London with + the silence of a funeral, and having announced their arrival in the + Gazette, are deposited with the ashes of their predecessors, and Mr. + Dundas writes their <i>hic facet</i>. + </p> + <p> + One of the best effects which the Proclamation, and its echo the Addresses + have had, has been that of exciting and spreading curiosity; and it + requires only a single reflection to discover, that the object of all + curiosity is knowledge. When the mass of the nation saw that Placemen, + Pensioners, and Borough-mongers, were the persons that stood forward to + promote Addresses, it could not fail to create suspicions that the public + good was not their object; that the character of the books, or writings, + to which such persons obscurely alluded, not daring to mention them, was + directly contrary to what they described them to be, and that it was + necessary that every man, for his own satisfaction, should exercise his + proper right, and read and judge for himself. + </p> + <p> + But how will the persons who have been induced to read the <i>Rights of + Man</i>, by the clamour that has been raised against it, be surprized to + find, that, instead of a wicked, inflammatory work, instead of a + licencious and profligate performance, it abounds with principles of + government that are uncontrovertible—with arguments which every + reader will feel, are unanswerable—with plans for the increase of + commerce and manufactures—for the extinction of war—for the + education of the children of the poor—for the comfortable support of + the aged and decayed persons of both sexes—for the relief of the + army and navy, and, in short, for the promotion of every thing that can + benefit the moral, civil, and political condition of Man. + </p> + <p> + Why, then, some calm observer will ask, why is the work prosecuted, if + these be the goodly matters it contains? I will tell thee, friend; it + contains also a plan for the reduction of Taxes, for lessening the immense + expences of Government, for abolishing sinecure Places and Pensions; and + it proposes applying the redundant taxes, that shall be saved by these + reforms, to the purposes mentioned in the former paragraph, instead of + applying them to the support of idle and profligate Placemen and + Pensioners. + </p> + <p> + Is it, then, any wonder that Placemen and Pensioners, and the whole train + of Court expectants, should become the promoters of Addresses, + Proclamations, and Prosecutions? or, is it any wonder that Corporations + and rotten Boroughs, which are attacked and exposed, both in the First and + Second Parts of <i>Rights of Man</i>, as unjust monopolies and public + nuisances, should join in the cavalcade? Yet these are the sources from + which Addresses have sprung. Had not such persons come forward to oppose + the <i>Rights of Man</i>, I should have doubted the efficacy of my own + writings: but those opposers have now proved to me that the blow was well + directed, and they have done it justice by confessing the smart. + </p> + <p> + The principal deception in this business of Addresses has been, that the + promoters of them have not come forward in their proper characters. They + have assumed to pass themselves upon the public as a part of the Public, + bearing a share of the burthen of Taxes, and acting for the public good; + whereas, they are in general that part of it that adds to the public + burthen, by living on the produce of the public taxes. They are to the + public what the locusts are to the tree: the burthen would be less, and + the prosperity would be greater, if they were shaken off. + </p> + <p> + "I do not come here," said Onslow, at the Surry County meeting, "as the + Lord Lieutenant and Custos Rotulorum of the county, but I come here as a + plain country gentleman." The fact is, that he came there as what he was, + and as no other, and consequently he came as one of the beings I have been + describing. If it be the character of a gentleman to be fed by the public, + as a pauper is by the parish, Onslow has a fair claim to the title; and + the same description will suit the Duke of Richmond, who led the Address + at the Sussex meeting. He also may set up for a gentleman. + </p> + <p> + As to the meeting in the next adjoining county (Kent), it was a scene of + disgrace. About two hundred persons met, when a small part of them drew + privately away from the rest, and voted an Address: the consequence of + which was that they got together by the ears, and produced a riot in the + very act of producing an Address to prevent Riots. + </p> + <p> + That the Proclamation and the Addresses have failed of their intended + effect, may be collected from the silence which the Government party + itself observes. The number of addresses has been weekly retailed in the + Gazette; but the number of Addressers has been concealed. Several of the + Addresses have been voted by not more than ten or twelve persons; and a + considerable number of them by not more than thirty. The whole number of + Addresses presented at the time of writing this letter is three hundred + and twenty, (rotten Boroughs and Corporations included) and even + admitting, on an average, one hundred Addressers to each address, the + whole number of addressers would be but thirty-two thousand, and nearly + three months have been taken up in procuring this number. That the success + of the Proclamation has been less than the success of the work it was + intended to discourage, is a matter within my own knowledge; for a greater + number of the cheap edition of the First and Second Parts of the Rights OF + Man has been sold in the space only of one month, than the whole number of + Addressers (admitting them to be thirty-two thousand) have amounted to in + three months. + </p> + <p> + It is a dangerous attempt in any government to say to a Nation, "<i>thou + shalt not read</i>." This is now done in Spain, and was formerly done + under the old Government of France; but it served to procure the downfall + of the latter, and is subverting that of the former; and it will have the + same tendency in all countries; because <i>thought</i> by some means or + other, is got abroad in the world, and cannot be restrained, though + reading may. + </p> + <p> + If <i>Rights of Man</i> were a book that deserved the vile description + which the promoters of the Address have given of it, why did not these men + prove their charge, and satisfy the people, by producing it, and reading + it publicly? This most certainly ought to have been done, and would also + have been done, had they believed it would have answered their purpose. + But the fact is, that the book contains truths which those time-servers + dreaded to hear, and dreaded that the people should know; and it is now + following up the, + </p> + <p> + ADDRESS TO ADDRESSERS. + </p> + <p> + Addresses in every part of the nation, and convicting them of falsehoods. + </p> + <p> + Among the unwarrantable proceedings to which the Proclamation has given + rise, the meetings of the Justices in several of the towns and counties + ought to be noticed.. Those men have assumed to re-act the farce of + General Warrants, and to suppress, by their own authority, whatever + publications they please. This is an attempt at power equalled only by the + conduct of the minor despots of the most despotic governments in Europe, + and yet those Justices affect to call England a Free Country. But even + this, perhaps, like the scheme for garrisoning the country by building + military barracks, is necessary to awaken the country to a sense of its + Rights, and, as such, it will have a good effect. + </p> + <p> + Another part of the conduct of such Justices has been, that of threatening + to take away the licences from taverns and public-houses, where the + inhabitants of the neighbourhood associated to read and discuss the + principles of Government, and to inform each other thereon. This, again, + is similar to what is doing in Spain and Russia; and the reflection which + it cannot fail to suggest is, that the principles and conduct of any + Government must be bad, when that Government dreads and startles at + discussion, and seeks security by a prevention of knowledge. + </p> + <p> + If the Government, or the Constitution, or by whatever name it be called, + be that miracle of perfection which the Proclamation and the Addresses + have trumpeted it forth to be, it ought to have defied discussion and + investigation, instead of dreading it. Whereas, every attempt it makes, + either by Proclamation, Prosecution, or Address, to suppress + investigation, is a confession that it feels itself unable to bear it. It + is error only, and not truth, that shrinks from enquiry. All the numerous + pamphlets, and all the newspaper falsehood and abuse, that have been + published against the Rights of Man, have fallen before it like pointless + arrows; and, in like manner, would any work have fallen before the + Constitution, had the Constitution, as it is called, been founded on as + good political principles as those on which the Rights OF Man is written. + </p> + <p> + It is a good Constitution for courtiers, placemen, pensioners, + borough-holders, and the leaders of Parties, and these are the men that + have been the active leaders of Addresses; but it is a bad Constitution + for at least ninety-nine parts of the nation out of an hundred, and this + truth is every day making its way. + </p> + <p> + It is bad, first, because it entails upon the nation the unnecessary + expence of supporting three forms and systems of Government at once, + namely, the monarchical, the aristocratical, and the democratical. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, because it is impossible to unite such a discordant composition + by any other means than perpetual corruption; and therefore the corruption + so loudly and so universally complained of, is no other than the natural + consequence of such an unnatural compound of Governments; and in this + consists that excellence which the numerous herd of placemen and + pensioners so loudly extol, and which at the same time, occasions that + enormous load of taxes under which the rest of the nation groans. + </p> + <p> + Among the mass of national delusions calculated to amuse and impose upon + the multitude, the standing one has been that of flattering them into + taxes, by calling the Government (or as they please to express it, the + English Constitution) "<i>the envy and the admiration of the world</i>" + Scarcely an Address has been voted in which some of the speakers have not + uttered this hackneyed nonsensical falsehood. + </p> + <p> + Two Revolutions have taken place, those of America and France; and both of + them have rejected the unnatural compounded system of the English + government. America has declared against all hereditary Government, and + established the representative system of Government only. France has + entirely rejected the aristocratical part, and is now discovering the + absurdity of the monarchical, and is approaching fast to the + representative system. On what ground then, do these men continue a + declaration, respecting what they call the <i>envy and admiration of other + nations</i>, which the voluntary practice of such nations, as have had the + opportunity of establishing Government, contradicts and falsifies. Will + such men never confine themselves to truth? Will they be for ever the + deceivers of the people? + </p> + <p> + But I will go further, and shew, that were Government now to begin in + England, the people could not be brought to establish the same system they + now submit to. + </p> + <p> + In speaking on this subject (or on any other) <i>on the pure ground of + principle</i>, antiquity and precedent cease to be authority, and + hoary-headed error loses its effect. The reasonableness and propriety of + things must be examined abstractedly from custom and usage; and, in this + point of view, the right which grows into practice to-day is as much a + right, and as old in principle and theory, as if it had the customary + sanction of a thousand ages. Principles have no connection with time, nor + characters with names. + </p> + <p> + To say that the Government of this country is composed of King, Lords, and + Commons, is the mere phraseology of custom. It is composed of men; and + whoever the men be to whom the Government of any country is intrusted, + they ought to be the best and wisest that can be found, and if they are + not so, they are not fit for the station. A man derives no more excellence + from the change of a name, or calling him King, or calling him Lord, than + I should do by changing my name from Thomas to George, or from Paine to + Guelph. I should not be a whit more able to write a book because my name + was altered; neither would any man, now called a King or a lord, have a + whit the more sense than he now has, were he to call himself Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + As to the word "Commons," applied as it is in England, it is a term of + degradation and reproach, and ought to be abolished. It is a term unknown + in free countries. + </p> + <p> + But to the point.—Let us suppose that Government was now to begin in + England, and that the plan of Government, offered to the nation for its + approbation or rejection, consisted of the following parts: + </p> + <p> + First—That some one individual should be taken from all the rest of + the nation, and to whom all the rest should swear obedience, and never be + permitted to sit down in his presence, and that they should give to him + one million sterling a year.—That the nation should never after have + power or authority to make laws but with his express consent; and that his + sons and his sons' sons, whether wise or foolish, good men or bad, fit or + unfit, should have the same power, and also the same money annually paid + to them for ever. + </p> + <p> + Secondly—That there should be two houses of Legislators to assist in + making laws, one of which should, in the first instance, be entirely + appointed by the aforesaid person, and that their sons and their sons' + sons, whether wise or foolish, good men or bad, fit or unfit, should for + ever after be hereditary Legislators. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly—That the other house should be chosen in the same manner as + the house now called the House of Commons is chosen, and should be subject + to the controul of the two aforesaid hereditary Powers in all things. + </p> + <p> + It would be impossible to cram such a farrago of imposition and absurdity + down the throat of this or any other nation that was capable of reasoning + upon its rights and its interest. + </p> + <p> + They would ask, in the first place, on what ground of right, or on what + principle, such irrational and preposterous distinctions could, or ought + to be made; and what pretensions any man could have, or what services he + could render, to entitle him to a million a year? They would go farther, + and revolt at the idea of consigning their children, and their children's + children, to the domination of persons hereafter to be born, who might, + for any thing they could foresee, turn out to be knaves or fools; and they + would finally discover, that the project of hereditary Governors and + Legislators <i>was a treasonable usurpation over the rights of posterity</i>. + Not only the calm dictates of reason, and the force of natural affection, + but the integrity of manly pride, would impel men to spurn such proposals. + </p> + <p> + From the grosser absurdities of such a scheme, they would extend their + examination to the practical defects—They would soon see that it + would end in tyranny accomplished by fraud. That in the operation of it, + it would be two to one against them, because the two parts that were to be + made hereditary would form a common interest, and stick to each other; and + that themselves and representatives would become no better than hewers of + wood and drawers of water for the other parts of the Government.—Yet + call one of those powers King, the other Lords, and the third the Commons, + and it gives the model of what is called the English Government. + </p> + <p> + I have asserted, and have shewn, both in the First and Second Parts of <i>Rights + of Man</i>, that there is not such a thing as an English Constitution, and + that the people have yet a Constitution to form. <i>A Constitution is a + thing antecedent to a Government; it is the act of a people creating a + Government and giving it powers, and defining the limits and exercise of + the powers so given</i>. But whenever did the people of England, acting in + their original constituent character, by a delegation elected for that + express purpose, declare and say, "We, the people of this land, do + constitute and appoint this to be our system and form of Government." The + Government has assumed to constitute itself, but it never was constituted + by the people, in whom alone the right of constituting resides. + </p> + <p> + I will here recite the preamble to the Federal Constitution of the United + States of America. I have shewn in the Second Part of <i>Rights of Man</i>, + the manner by which the Constitution was formed and afterwards ratified; + and to which I refer the reader. The preamble is in the following words: + </p> + <p> + "We, the people, of the United States, in order to form a more perfect + union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for common + defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty + to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution + for the United States of America." + </p> + <p> + Then follow the several articles which appoint the manner in which the + several component parts of the Government, legislative and executive, + shall be elected, and the period of their duration, and the powers they + shall have: also, the manner by which future additions, alterations, or + amendments, shall be made to the constitution. Consequently, every + improvement that can be made in the science of government, follows in that + country as a matter of order. It is only in Governments founded on + assumption and false principles, that reasoning upon, and investigating + systems and principles of Government, and shewing their several + excellencies and defects, are termed libellous and seditious. These terms + were made part of the charge brought against Locke, Hampden, and Sydney, + and will continue to be brought against all good men, so long as bad + government shall continue. + </p> + <p> + The Government of this country has been ostentatiously giving challenges + for more than an hundred years past, upon what it called its own + excellence and perfection. Scarcely a King's Speech, or a Parliamentary + Speech, has been uttered, in which this glove has not been thrown, till + the world has been insulted with their challenges. But it now appears that + all this was vapour and vain boasting, or that it was intended to conceal + abuses and defects, and hush the people into taxes. I have taken the + challenge up, and in behalf of the public have shewn, in a fair, open, and + candid manner, both the radical and practical defects of the system; when, + lo! those champions of the Civil List have fled away, and sent the + Attorney-General to deny the challenge, by turning the acceptance of it + into an attack, and defending their Places and Pensions by a prosecution. + </p> + <p> + I will here drop this part of the subject, and state a few particulars + respecting the prosecution now pending, by which the Addressers will see + that they have been used as tools to the prosecuting party and their + dependents. The case is as follows: + </p> + <p> + The original edition of the First and Second Parts of the Rights of Man, + having been expensively printed, (in the modern stile of printing + pamphlets, that they might be bound up with Mr. Burke's Reflections on the + French Revolution,) the high price(1) precluded the generality of people + from purchasing; and many applications were made to me from various parts + of the country to print the work in a cheaper manner. The people of + Sheffield requested leave to print two thousand copies for themselves, + with which request I immediately complied. The same request came to me + from Rotherham, from Leicester, from Chester, from several towns in + Scotland; and Mr. James Mackintosh, author of <i>Vindico Gallico</i>, + brought me a request from Warwickshire, for leave to print ten thousand + copies in that county. I had already sent a cheap edition to Scotland; and + finding the applications increase, I concluded that the best method of + complying therewith, would be to print a very numerous edition in London, + under my own direction, by which means the work would be more perfect, and + the price be reduced lower than it could be by <i>printing</i> small + editions in the country, of only a few thousands each. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Half a crown.—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + The cheap edition of the first part was begun about the first of last + April, and from that moment, and not before, I expected a prosecution, and + the event has proved that I was not mistaken. I had then occasion to write + to Mr. Thomas Walker of Manchester, and after informing him of my + intention of giving up the work for the purpose of general information, I + informed him of what I apprehended would be the consequence; that while + the work was at a price that precluded an extensive circulation, the + government party, not able to controvert the plans, arguments, and + principles it contained, had chosen to remain silent; but that I expected + they would make an attempt to deprive the mass of the nation, and + especially the poor, of the right of reading, by the pretence of + prosecuting either the Author or the Publisher, or both. They chose to + begin with the Publisher. + </p> + <p> + Nearly a month, however, passed, before I had any information given me of + their intentions. I was then at Bromley, in Kent, upon which I came + immediately to town, (May 14) and went to Mr. Jordan, the publisher of the + original edition. He had that evening been served with a summons to appear + at the Court of King's Bench, on the Monday following, but for what + purpose was not stated. Supposing it to be on account of the work, I + appointed a meeting with him on the next morning, which was accordingly + had, when I provided an attorney, and took the ex-pence of the defence on + myself. But finding afterwards that he absented himself from the attorney + employed, and had engaged another, and that he had been closeted with the + Solicitors of the Treasury, I left him to follow his own choice, and he + chose to plead Guilty. This he might do if he pleased; and I make no + objection against him for it. I believe that his idea by the word <i>Guilty</i>, + was no other than declaring himself to be the publisher, without any + regard to the merits or demerits of the work; for were it to be construed + otherwise, it would amount to the absurdity of converting a publisher into + a Jury, and his confession into a verdict upon the work itself. This would + be the highest possible refinement upon packing of Juries. + </p> + <p> + On the 21st of May, they commenced their prosecution against me, as the + author, by leaving a summons at my lodgings in town, to appear at the + Court of King's Bench on the 8th of June following; and on the same day, + (May 21,) <i>they issued also their Proclamation</i>. Thus the Court of + St. James and the Court of King's Bench, were playing into each other's + hands at the same instant of time, and the farce of Addresses brought up + the rear; and this mode of proceeding is called by the prostituted name of + Law. Such a thundering rapidity, after a ministerial dormancy of almost + eighteen months, can be attributed to no other cause than their having + gained information of the forwardness of the cheap Edition, and the dread + they felt at the progressive increase of political knowledge. + </p> + <p> + I was strongly advised by several gentlemen, as well those in the practice + of the law, as others, to prefer a bill of indictment against the + publisher of the Proclamation, as a publication tending to influence, or + rather to dictate the verdict of a Jury on the issue of a matter then + pending; but it appeared to me much better to avail myself of the + opportunity which such a precedent justified me in using, by meeting the + Proclamation and the Addressers on their own ground, and publicly + defending the Work which had been thus unwarrantably attacked and + traduced.—And conscious as I now am, that the Work entitled Rights + OF Man so far from being, as has been maliciously or erroneously + represented, a false, wicked, and seditious libel, is a work abounding + with unanswerable truths, with principles of the purest morality and + benevolence, and with arguments not to be controverted—Conscious, I + say, of these things, and having no object in view but the happiness of + mankind, I have now put the matter to the best proof in my power, by + giving to the public a cheap edition of the First and Second Parts of that + Work. Let every man read and judge for himself, not only of the merits and + demerits of the Work, but of the matters therein contained, which relate + to his own interest and happiness. + </p> + <p> + If, to expose the fraud and imposition of monarchy, and every species of + hereditary government—to lessen the oppression of taxes—to + propose plans for the education of helpless infancy, and the comfortable + support of the aged and distressed—to endeavour to conciliate + nations to each other—to extirpate the horrid practice of war—to + promote universal peace, civilization, and commerce—and to break the + chains of political superstition, and raise degraded man to his proper + rank;—if these things be libellous, let me live the life of a + Libeller, and let the name of Libeller be engraved on my tomb. + </p> + <p> + Of all the weak and ill-judged measures which fear, ignorance, or + arrogance could suggest, the Proclamation, and the project for Addresses, + are two of the worst. They served to advertise the work which the + promoters of those measures wished to keep unknown; and in doing this they + offered violence to the judgment of the people, by calling on them to + condemn what they forbad them to know, and put the strength of their party + to that hazardous issue that prudence would have avoided.—The County + Meeting for Middlesex was attended by only one hundred and eighteen + Addressers. They, no doubt, expected, that thousands would flock to their + standard, and clamor against the <i>Rights of Man</i>. But the case most + probably is, that men in all countries, are not so blind to their Rights + and their Interest as Governments believe. + </p> + <p> + Having thus shewn the extraordinary manner in which the Government party + commenced their attack, I proceed to offer a few observations on the + prosecution, and on the mode of trial by Special Jury. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, I have written a book; and if it cannot be refuted, it + cannot be condemned. But I do not consider the prosecution as particularly + levelled against me, but against the general right, or the right of every + man, of investigating systems and principles of government, and shewing + their several excellencies or defects. If the press be free only to + flatter Government, as Mr. Burke has done, and to cry up and extol what + certain Court sycophants are pleased to call a "glorious Constitution," + and not free to examine into its errors or abuses, or whether a + Constitution really exist or not, such freedom is no other than that of + Spain, Turkey, or Russia; and a Jury in this case, would not be a Jury to + try, but an Inquisition to condemn. + </p> + <p> + I have asserted, and by fair and open argument maintained, the right of + every nation at all times to establish such a system and form of + government for itself as best accords with its disposition, interest, and + happiness; and to change and alter it as it sees occasion. Will any Jury + deny to the Nation this right? If they do, they are traitors, and their + verdict would be null and void. And if they admit the right, the means + must be admitted also; for it would be the highest absurdity to say, that + the right existed, but the means did not. The question then is, What are + the means by which the possession and exercise of this National Right are + to be secured? The answer will be, that of maintaining, inviolably, the + right of free investigation; for investigation always serves to detect + error, and to bring forth truth. + </p> + <p> + I have, as an individual, given my opinion upon what I believe to be not + only the best, but the true system of Government, which is the + representative system, and I have given reasons for that opinion. + </p> + <p> + First, Because in the representative system, no office of very + extraordinary power, or extravagant pay, is attached to any individual; + and consequently there is nothing to excite those national contentions and + civil wars with which countries under monarchical governments are + frequently convulsed, and of which the History of England exhibits such + numerous instances. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Because the representative is a system of Government always in + maturity; whereas monarchical government fluctuates through all the + stages, from non-age to dotage. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, Because the representative system admits of none but men properly + qualified into the Government, or removes them if they prove to be + otherwise. Whereas, in the hereditary system, a nation may be encumbered + with a knave or an ideot for a whole life-time, and not be benefited by a + successor. + </p> + <p> + Fourthly, Because there does not exist a right to establish hereditary + government, or, in other words, hereditary successors, because hereditary + government always means a government yet to come, and the case always is, + that those who are to live afterwards have the same right to establish + government for themselves, as the people had who lived before them; and, + therefore, all laws attempting to establish hereditary government, are + founded on assumption and political fiction. + </p> + <p> + If these positions be truths, and I challenge any man to prove the + contrary; if they tend to instruct and enlighten mankind, and to free them + from error, oppression, and political superstition, which are the objects + I have in view in publishing them, that Jury would commit an act of + injustice to their country, and to me, if not an act of perjury, that + should call them <i>false, wicked, and malicious</i>. + </p> + <p> + Dragonetti, in his treatise "On Virtues and Rewards," has a paragraph + worthy of being recorded in every country in the world—"The science + (says he,) of the politician, consists, in, fixing the true point of + happiness and freedom. Those men deserve the gratitude of ages who should + discover a mode of government that contained the greatest sum of <i>individual + happiness</i> with the least <i>national expence</i>." But if Juries are + to be made use of to prohibit enquiry, to suppress truth, and to stop the + progress of knowledge, this boasted palladium of liberty becomes the most + successful instrument of tyranny. + </p> + <p> + Among the arts practised at the Bar, and from the Bench, to impose upon + the understanding of a Jury, and to obtain a Verdict where the consciences + of men could not otherwise consent, one of the most successful has been + that of calling <i>truth a libel</i>, and of insinuating that the words "<i>falsely, + wickedly, and maliciously</i>," though they are made the formidable and + high sounding part of the charge, are not matters of consideration with a + Jury. For what purpose, then, are they retained, unless it be for that of + imposition and wilful defamation? + </p> + <p> + I cannot conceive a greater violation of order, nor a more abominable + insult upon morality, and upon human understanding, than to see a man + sitting in the judgment seat, affecting by an antiquated foppery of dress + to impress the audience with awe; then causing witnesses and Jury to be + sworn to truth and justice, himself having officially sworn the same; then + causing to be read a prosecution against a man charging him with having <i>wickedly + and maliciously written and published a certain false, wicked, and + seditious book</i>; and having gone through all this with a shew of + solemnity, as if he saw the eye of the Almighty darting through the roof + of the building like a ray of light, turn, in an instant, the whole into a + farce, and, in order to obtain a verdict that could not otherwise be + obtained, tell the Jury that the charge of <i>falsely, wickedly, and + seditiously</i>, meant nothing; that <i>truth</i> was out of the question; + and that whether the person accused spoke truth or falsehood, or intended + <i>virtuously or wickedly</i>, was the same thing; and finally conclude + the wretched inquisitorial scene, by stating some antiquated precedent, + equally as abominable as that which is then acting, or giving some opinion + of his own, and <i>falsely calling the one and the other—Law</i>. It + was, most probably, to such a Judge as this, that the most solemn of all + reproofs was given—"<i>The Lord will smite thee, thou whitened wall</i>." + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to offer some remarks on what is called a Special Jury. As + to what is called a Special Verdict, I shall make no other remark upon it, + than that it is in reality <i>not</i> a verdict. It is an attempt on the + part of the Jury to delegate, or of the Bench to obtain, the exercise of + that right, which is committed to the Jury only. + </p> + <p> + With respect to the Special Juries, I shall state such matters as I have + been able to collect, for I do not find any uniform opinion concerning the + mode of appointing them. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, this mode of trial is but of modern invention, and the + origin of it, as I am told, is as follows: + </p> + <p> + Formerly, when disputes arose between Merchants, and were brought before a + Court, the case was that the nature of their commerce, and the method of + keeping Merchants' accounts not being sufficiently understood by persons + out of their own line, it became necessary to depart from the common mode + of appointing Juries, and to select such persons for a Jury whose <i>practical + knowledge</i> would enable them to decide upon the case. From this + introduction, Special Juries became more general; but some doubts having + arisen as to their legality, an act was passed in the 3d of George II. to + establish them as legal, and also to extend them to all cases, not only + between individuals, but in cases where <i>the Government itself should be + the prosecutor</i>. This most probably gave rise to the suspicion so + generally entertained of packing a Jury; because, by this act, when the + Crown, as it is called, is the Prosecutor, the Master of the Crown-office, + who holds his office under the Crown, is the person who either wholly + nominates, or has great power in nominating the Jury, and therefore it has + greatly the appearance of the prosecuting party selecting a Jury. + </p> + <p> + The process is as follows: + </p> + <p> + On motion being made in Court, by either the Plaintiff or Defendant, for a + Special Jury, the Court grants it or not, at its own discretion. + </p> + <p> + If it be granted, the Solicitor of the party that applied for the Special + Jury, gives notice to the Solicitor of the adverse party, and a day and + hour are appointed for them to meet at the office of the Master of the + Crown-office. The Master of the Crown-office sends to the Sheriff or his + deputy, who attends with the Sheriff's book of Freeholders. From this + book, forty-eight names are taken, and a copy thereof given to each of the + parties; and, on a future day, notice is again given, and the Solicitors + meet a second time, and each strikes out twelve names. The list being thus + reduced from forty-eight to twenty-four, the first twelve that appear in + Court, and answer to their names, is the Special Jury for that cause. The + first operation, that of taking the forty-eight names, is called + nominating the Jury; and the reducing them to twenty-four is called + striking the Jury. + </p> + <p> + Having thus stated the general process, I come to particulars, and the + first question will be, how are the forty-eight names, out of which the + Jury is to be struck, obtained from the Sheriff's book? For herein lies + the principal ground of suspicion, with respect to what is understood by + packing of Juries. + </p> + <p> + Either they must be taken by some rule agreed upon between the parties, or + by some common rule known and established beforehand, or at the discretion + of some person, who in such a case, ought to be perfectly disinterested in + the issue, as well officially as otherwise. + </p> + <p> + In the case of Merchants, and in all cases between individuals, the Master + of the office, called the Crown-office, is officially an indifferent + person, and as such may be a proper person to act between the parties, and + present them with a list of forty-eight names, out of which each party is + to strike twelve. But the case assumes an entire difference of character, + when the Government itself is the Prosecutor. The Master of the + Crown-office is then an officer holding his office under the Prosecutor; + and it is therefore no wonder that the suspicion of packing Juries should, + in such cases, have been so prevalent. + </p> + <p> + This will apply with additional force, when the prosecution is commenced + against the Author or Publisher of such Works as treat of reforms, and of + the abolition of superfluous places and offices, &c, because in such + cases every person holding an office, subject to that suspicion, becomes + interested as a party; and the office, called the Crown-office, may, upon + examination, be found to be of this description. + </p> + <p> + I have heard it asserted, that the Master of the Crown-office is to open + the sheriff's book as it were per hazard, and take thereout forty-eight <i>following</i> + names, to which the word Merchant or Esquire is affixed. The former of + these are certainly proper, when the case is between Merchants, and it has + reference to the origin of the custom, and to nothing else. As to the word + Esquire, every man is an Esquire who pleases to call himself Esquire; and + the sensible part of mankind are leaving it off. But the matter for + enquiry is, whether there be any existing law to direct the mode by which + the forty-eight names shall be taken, or whether the mode be merely that + of custom which the office has created; or whether the selection of the + forty-eight names be wholly at the discretion and choice of the Master of + the Crown-office? One or other of the two latter appears to be the case, + because the act already mentioned, of the 3d of George II. lays down no + rule or mode, nor refers to any preceding law—but says only, that + Special Juries shall hereafter be struck, "<i>in such manner as Special + Juries have been and are usually struck</i>." + </p> + <p> + This act appears to have been what is generally understood by a "<i>deep + take in</i>." It was fitted to the spur of the moment in which it was + passed, 3d of George II. when parties ran high, and it served to throw + into the hands of Walpole, who was then Minister, the management of Juries + in Crown prosecutions, by making the nomination of the forty-eight + persons, from whom the Jury was to be struck, follow the precedent + established by custom between individuals, and by this means slipt into + practice with less suspicion. Now, the manner of obtaining Special Juries + through the medium of an officer of the Government, such, for instance, as + a Master of the Crown-office, may be impartial in the case of Merchants or + other individuals, but it becomes highly improper and suspicious in cases + where the Government itself is one of the parties. And it must, upon the + whole, appear a strange inconsistency, that a Government should keep one + officer to commence prosecutions, and another officer to nominate the + forty-eight persons from whom the Jury is to be struck, both of whom are + <i>officers of the Civil List</i>, and yet continue to call this by the + pompous name of <i>the glorious "Right of trial by Jury!</i>" + </p> + <p> + In the case of the King against Jordan, for publishing the Rights of Man, + the Attorney-General moved for the appointment of a Special Jury, and the + Master of the Crown-office nominated the forty-eight persons himself, and + took them from such part of the Sheriff's book as he pleased. + </p> + <p> + The trial did not come on, occasioned by Jordan withdrawing his plea; but + if it had, it might have afforded an opportunity of discussing the subject + of Special Juries; for though such discussion might have had no effect in + the Court of King's Bench, it would, in the present disposition for + enquiry, have had a considerable effect upon the Country; and, in all + national reforms, this is the proper point to begin at. But a Country + right, and it will soon put Government right. Among the improper things + acted by the Government in the case of Special Juries, on their own + motion, one has been that of treating the Jury with a dinner, and + afterwards giving each Juryman two guineas, if a verdict be found for the + prosecution, and only one if otherwise; and it has been long observed, + that, in London and Westminster, there are persons who appear to make a + trade of serving, by being so frequently seen upon Special Juries. + </p> + <p> + Thus much for Special Juries. As to what is called a <i>Common Jury</i>, + upon any Government prosecution against the Author or Publisher of RIGHTS + OF Man, during the time of the <i>present Sheriffry</i>, I have one + question to offer, which is, <i>whether the present Sheriffs of London, + having publicly prejudged the case, by the part they have taken in + procuring an Address from the county of Middlesex, (however diminutive and + insignificant the number of Addressers were, being only one hundred and + eighteen,) are eligible or proper persons to be intrusted with the power + of returning a Jury to try the issue of any such prosecution</i>. + </p> + <p> + But the whole matter appears, at least to me, to be worthy of a more + extensive consideration than what relates to any Jury, whether Special or + Common; for the case is, whether any part of a whole nation, locally + selected as a Jury of twelve men always is, be competent to judge and + determine for the whole nation, on any matter that relates to systems and + principles of Government, and whether it be not applying the institution + of Juries to purposes for which such institutions were not intended? For + example, + </p> + <p> + I have asserted, in the Work Rights of Man, that as every man in the + nation pays taxes, so has every man a right to a share in government, and + consequently that the people of Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, + Halifax, &c have the same right as those of London. Shall, then, + twelve men, picked out between Temple-bar and Whitechapel, because the + book happened to be first published there, decide upon the rights of the + inhabitants of those towns, or of any other town or village in the nation? + </p> + <p> + Having thus spoken of Juries, I come next to offer a few observations on + the matter contained in the information or prosecution. + </p> + <p> + The work, Rights of Man, consists of Part the First, and Fart the Second. + The First Part the prosecutor has thought it most proper to let alone; and + from the Second Fart he has selected a few short paragraphs, making in the + whole not quite two pages of the same printing as in the cheap edition. + Those paragraphs relate chiefly to certain facts, such as the revolution + of 1688, and the coming of George the First, commonly called of the House + of Hanover, or the House of Brunswick, or some such House. The arguments, + plans and principles contained in the work, the prosecutor has not + ventured to attack. They are beyond his reach. + </p> + <p> + The Act which the prosecutor appears to rest most upon for the support of + the prosecution, is the Act intituled, "An Act, declaring the rights and + liberties of the subject, and settling the succession of the crown," + passed in the first year of William and Mary, and more commonly known by + the name of the "Bill of Rights." + </p> + <p> + I have called this bill "<i>A Bill of wrongs and of insult</i>." My + reasons, and also my proofs, are as follow: + </p> + <p> + The method and principle which this Bill takes for declaring rights and + liberties, are in direct contradiction to rights and liberties; it is an + assumed attempt to take them wholly from posterity—for the + declaration in the said Bill is as follows: + </p> + <p> + "The Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, do, in <i>the name of all + the people</i>, most humbly and faithfully <i>submit themselves, their + heirs, and posterity for ever</i>;" that is, to William and Mary his wife, + their heirs and successors. This is a strange way of declaring rights and + liberties. But the Parliament who made this declaration in the name, and + on the part, of the people, had no authority from them for so doing; and + with respect to <i>posterity for ever</i>, they had no right or authority + whatever in the case. It was assumption and usurpation. I have reasoned + very extensively against the principle of this Bill, in the first part of + Rights of Man; the prosecutor has silently admitted that reasoning, and he + now commences a prosecution on the authority of the Bill, after admitting + the reasoning against it. + </p> + <p> + It is also to be observed, that the declaration in this Bill, abject and + irrational as it is, had no other intentional operation than against the + family of the Stuarts, and their abettors. The idea did not then exist, + that in the space of an hundred years, posterity might discover a + different and much better system of government, and that every species of + hereditary government might fall, as Popes and Monks had fallen before. + This, I say, was not then thought of, and therefore the application of the + Bill, in the present case, is a new, erroneous, and illegal application, + and is the same as creating a new Bill <i>ex post facto</i>. + </p> + <p> + It has ever been the craft of Courtiers, for the purpose of keeping up an + expensive and enormous Civil List, and a mummery of useless and antiquated + places and offices at the public expence, to be continually hanging + England upon some individual or other, called <i>King</i>, though the man + might not have capacity to be a parish constable. The folly and absurdity + of this, is appearing more and more every day; and still those men + continue to act as if no alteration in the public opinion had taken place. + They hear each other's nonsense, and suppose the whole nation talks the + same Gibberish. + </p> + <p> + Let such men cry up the House of Orange, or the House of Brunswick, if + they please. They would cry up any other house if it suited their purpose, + and give as good reasons for it. But what is this house, or that house, or + any other house to a nation? "<i>For a nation to be free, it is sufficient + that she wills it</i>." Her freedom depends wholly upon herself, and not + on any house, nor on any individual. I ask not in what light this cargo of + foreign houses appears to others, but I will say in what light it appears + to me—It was like the trees of the forest, saying unto the bramble, + come thou and reign over us. + </p> + <p> + Thus much for both their houses. I now come to speak of two other houses, + which are also put into the information, and those are the House of Lords, + and the House of Commons. Here, I suppose, the Attorney-General intends to + prove me guilty of speaking either truth or falsehood; for, according to + the modern interpretation of Libels, it does not signify which, and the + only improvement necessary to shew the compleat absurdity of such + doctrine, would be, to prosecute a man for uttering a most <i>false and + wicked truth</i>. + </p> + <p> + I will quote the part I am going to give, from the Office Copy, with the + Attorney General's inuendoes, enclosed in parentheses as they stand in the + information, and I hope that civil list officer will caution the Court not + to laugh when he reads them, and also to take care not to laugh himself. + </p> + <p> + The information states, that <i>Thomas Paine, being a wicked, malicious, + seditious, and evil-disposed person, hath, with force and arms, and most + wicked cunning, written and published a certain false, scandalous, + malicious, and seditious libel; in one part thereof, to the tenor and + effect following, that is to say</i>— + </p> + <p> + "With respect to the two Houses, of which the English Parliament (<i>meaning + the Parliament of this Kingdom</i>) is composed, they appear to be + effectually influenced into one, and, as a Legislature, to have no temper + of its own. The Minister, (<i>meaning the Minuter employed by the King of + this Realm, in the administration of the Government thereof</i>) whoever + he at any time may be, touches it (<i>meaning the two Houses of Parliament + of this Kingdom</i>) as with an opium wand, and it (<i>meaning the two + Houses of Parliament of this Kingdom</i>) sleeps obedience." + </p> + <p> + As I am not malicious enough to disturb their repose, though it be time + they should awake, I leave the two Houses and the Attorney General, to the + enjoyment of their dreams, and proceed to a new subject. + </p> + <p> + The Gentlemen, to whom I shall next address myself, are those who have + stiled themselves "<i>Friends of the people</i>," holding their meeting at + the Freemasons' Tavern, London.(1) + </p> + <p> + One of the principal Members of this Society, is Mr. Grey, who, I believe, + is also one of the most independent Members in Parliament.(2) I collect + this opinion from what Mr. Burke formerly mentioned to me, rather than + from any knowledge of my own. The occasion was as follows: + </p> + <p> + I was in England at the time the bubble broke forth about Nootka Sound: + and the day after the King's Message, as it is called, was sent to + Parliament, I wrote a note to Mr. Burke, that upon the condition the + French Revolution should not be a subject (for he was then writing the + book I have since answered) I would call on him the next day, and mention + some matters I was acquainted with, respecting the affair; for it appeared + to me extraordinary that any body of men, calling themselves + Representatives, should commit themselves so precipitately, or "sleep + obedience," as Parliament was then doing, and run a nation into expence, + and perhaps a war, without so much as enquiring into the case, or the + subject, of both which I had some knowledge. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See in the Introduction to this volume Chauvelin's account + of this Association.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 In the debate in the House of Commons, Dec. 14, 1793, Mr. + Grey is thus reported: "Mr. Grey was not a friend to + Paine's doctrines, but he was not to be deterred by a man + from acknowledging that he considered the rights of man as + the foundation of every government, and those who stood out + against those rights as conspirators against the people." He + severely denounced the Proclamation. Parl. Hist., vol. + xxvi.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + When I saw Mr. Burke, and mentioned the circumstances to him, he + particularly spoke of Mr. Grey, as the fittest Member to bring such + matters forward; "for," said Mr. Burke, "<i>I am not the proper</i> person + to do it, as I am in a treaty with Mr. Pitt about Mr. Hastings's trial." I + hope the Attorney General will allow, that Mr. Burke was then <i>sleeping + his obedience</i>.—But to return to the Society——— + </p> + <p> + I cannot bring myself to believe, that the general motive of this Society + is any thing more than that by which every former parliamentary opposition + has been governed, and by which the present is sufficiently known. Failing + in their pursuit of power and place within doors, they have now (and that + in not a very mannerly manner) endeavoured to possess themselves of that + ground out of doors, which, had it not been made by others, would not have + been made by them. They appear to me to have watched, with more cunning + than candour, the progress of a certain publication, and when they saw it + had excited a spirit of enquiry, and was rapidly spreading, they stepped + forward to profit by the opportunity, and Mr. Fox <i>then</i> called it a + Libel. In saying this, he libelled himself. Politicians of this cast, + such, I mean, as those who trim between parties, and lye by for events, + are to be found in every country, and it never yet happened that they did + not do more harm than good. They embarrass business, fritter it to + nothing, perplex the people, and the event to themselves generally is, + that they go just far enough to make enemies of the few, without going far + enough to make friends of the many. + </p> + <p> + Whoever will read the declarations of this Society, of the 25th of April + and 5th of May, will find a studied reserve upon all the points that are + real abuses. They speak not once of the extravagance of Government, of the + abominable list of unnecessary and sinecure places and pensions, of the + enormity of the Civil List, of the excess of taxes, nor of any one matter + that substantially affects the nation; and from some conversation that has + passed in that Society, it does not appear to me that it is any part of + their plan to carry this class of reforms into practice. No Opposition + Party ever did, when it gained possession. + </p> + <p> + In making these free observations, I mean not to enter into contention + with this Society; their incivility towards me is what I should expect + from place-hunting reformers. They are welcome, however, to the ground + they have advanced upon, and I wish that every individual among them may + act in the same upright, uninfluenced, and public spirited manner that I + have done. Whatever reforms may be obtained, and by whatever means, they + will be for the benefit of others and not of me. I have no other interest + in the cause than the interest of my heart. The part I have acted has been + wholly that of a volunteer, unconnected with party; and when I quit, it + shall be as honourably as I began. + </p> + <p> + I consider the reform of Parliament, by an application to Parliament, as + proposed by the Society, to be a worn-out hackneyed subject, about which + the nation is tired, and the parties are deceiving each other. It is not a + subject that is cognizable before Parliament, because no Government has a + right to alter itself, either in whole or in part. The right, and the + exercise of that right, appertains to the nation only, and the proper + means is by a national convention, elected for the purpose, by all the + people. By this, the will of the nation, whether to reform or not, or what + the reform shall be, or how far it shall extend, will be known, and it + cannot be known by any other means. Partial addresses, or separate + associations, are not testimonies of the general will. + </p> + <p> + It is, however, certain, that the opinions of men, with respect to systems + and principles of government, are changing fast in all countries. The + alteration in England, within the space of a little more than a year, is + far greater than could have been believed, and it is daily and hourly + increasing. It moves along the country with the silence of thought. The + enormous expence of Government has provoked men to think, by making them + feel; and the Proclamation has served to increase jealousy and disgust. To + prevent, therefore, those commotions which too often and too suddenly + arise from suffocated discontents, it is best that the general WILL should + have the full and free opportunity of being publicly ascertained and + known. + </p> + <p> + Wretched as the state of representation is in England, it is every day + becoming worse, because the unrepresented parts of the nation are + increasing in population and property, and the represented parts are + decreasing. It is, therefore, no ill-grounded estimation to say, that as + not one person in seven is represented, at least fourteen millions of + taxes out of the seventeen millions, are paid by the unrepresented part; + for although copyholds and leaseholds are assessed to the land-tax, the + holders are unrepresented. Should then a general demur take place as to + the obligation of paying taxes, on the ground of not being represented, it + is not the Representatives of Rotten Boroughs, nor Special Juries, that + can decide the question. This is one of the possible cases that ought to + be foreseen, in order to prevent the inconveniencies that might arise to + numerous individuals, by provoking it. + </p> + <p> + I confess I have no idea of petitioning for rights. Whatever the rights of + people are, they have a right to them, and none have a right either to + withhold them, or to grant them. Government ought to be established on + such principles of justice as to exclude the occasion of all such + applications, for wherever they appear they are virtually accusations. + </p> + <p> + I wish that Mr. Grey, since he has embarked in the business, would take + the whole of it into consideration. He will then see that the right of + reforming the state of the Representation does not reside in Parliament, + and that the only motion he could consistently make would be, that + Parliament should <i>recommend</i> the election of a convention of the + people, because all pay taxes. But whether Parliament recommended it or + not, the right of the nation would neither be lessened nor increased + thereby. + </p> + <p> + As to Petitions from the unrepresented part, they ought not to be looked + for. As well might it be expected that Manchester, Sheffield, &c. + should petition the rotten Boroughs, as that they should petition the + Representatives of those Boroughs. Those two towns alone pay far more + taxes than all the rotten Boroughs put together, and it is scarcely to be + expected they should pay their court either to the Boroughs, or the + Borough-mongers. + </p> + <p> + It ought also to be observed, that what is called Parliament, is composed + of two houses that have always declared against the right of each other to + interfere in any matter that related to the circumstances of either, + particularly that of election. A reform, therefore, in the representation + cannot, on the ground they have individually taken, become the subject of + an act of Parliament, because such a mode would include the interference, + against which the Commons on their part have protested; but must, as well + on the ground of formality, as on that of right, proceed from a National + Convention. + </p> + <p> + Let Mr. Grey, or any other man, sit down and endeavour to put his thoughts + together, for the purpose of drawing up an application to Parliament for a + reform of Parliament, and he will soon convince himself of the folly of + the attempt. He will find that he cannot get on; that he cannot make his + thoughts join, so as to produce any effect; for, whatever formality of + words he may use, they will unavoidably include two ideas directly opposed + to each other; the one in setting forth the reasons, the other in praying + for relief, and the two, when placed together, would stand thus: "<i>The + Representation in Parliament is so very corrupt, that we can no longer + confide in it,—and, therefore, confiding in the justice and wisdom + of Parliament, we pray</i>," &c, &c. + </p> + <p> + The heavy manner in which every former proposed application to Parliament + has dragged, sufficiently shews, that though the nation might not exactly + see the awkwardness of the measure, it could not clearly see its way, by + those means. To this also may be added another remark, which is, that the + worse Parliament is, the less will be the inclination to petition it. This + indifference, viewed as it ought to be, is one of the strongest censures + the public express. It is as if they were to say to them, "Ye are not + worth reforming." + </p> + <p> + Let any man examine the Court-Kalendar of Placemen in both Houses, and the + manner in which the Civil List operates, and he will be at no loss to + account for this indifference and want of confidence on one side, nor of + the opposition to reforms on the other. + </p> + <p> + Who would have supposed that Mr. Burke, holding forth as he formerly did + against secret influence, and corrupt majorities, should become a + concealed Pensioner? I will now state the case, not for the little purpose + of exposing Mr. Burke, but to shew the inconsistency of any application to + a body of men, more than half of whom, as far as the nation can at present + know, may be in the same case with himself. + </p> + <p> + Towards the end of Lord North's administration, Mr. Burke brought a bill + into Parliament, generally known by Mr. Burke's Reform Bill; in which, + among other things, it is enacted, "That no pension exceeding the sum of + three hundred pounds a year, shall be granted to any one person, and that + the whole amount of the pensions granted in one year shall not exceed six + hundred pounds; a list of which, together with the <i>names of the persons</i> + to whom the same are granted, shall be laid before Parliament in twenty + days after the beginning of each session, until the whole pension list + shall be reduced to ninety thousand pounds." A provisory clause is + afterwards added, "That it shall be lawful for the First Commissioner of + the Treasury, to return into the Exchequer any pension or annuity, <i>without + a name</i>, on his making oath that such pension or annuity is not + directly or indirectly for the benefit, use, or behoof of any Member of + the House of Commons." + </p> + <p> + But soon after that administration ended, and the party Mr. Burke acted + with came into power, it appears from the circumstances I am going to + relate, that Mr. Burke became himself a Pensioner in disguise; in a + similar manner as if a pension had been granted in the name of John Nokes, + to be privately paid to and enjoyed by Tom Stiles. The name of Edmund + Burke does not appear in the original transaction: but after the pension + was obtained, Mr. Burke wanted to make the most of it at once, by selling + or mortgaging it; and the gentleman in whose name the pension stands, + applied to one of the public offices for that purpose. This unfortunately + brought forth the name of <i>Edmund Burke</i>, as the real Pensioner of + 1,500L. per annum.(1) When men trumpet forth what they call the blessings + of the Constitution, it ought to be known what sort of blessings they + allude to. + </p> + <p> + As to the Civil List of a million a year, it is not to be supposed that + any one man can eat, drink, or consume the whole upon himself. The case + is, that above half the sum is annually apportioned among Courtiers, and + Court Members, of both Houses, in places and offices, altogether + insignificant and perfectly useless as to every purpose of civil, + rational, and manly government. For instance, + </p> + <p> + Of what use in the science and system of Government is what is called a + Lord Chamberlain, a Master and Mistress of the Robes, a Master of the + Horse, a Master of the Hawks, and one hundred other such things? Laws + derive no additional force, nor additional excellence from such mummery. + </p> + <p> + In the disbursements of the Civil List for the year 1786, (which may be + seen in Sir John Sinclair's History of the Revenue,) are four separate + charges for this mummery office of Chamberlain: + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlinkimage-0003" id="Dlinkimage-0003"> + <!-- IMG --> </a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/table110.jpg" alt="Table110 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + From this sample the rest may be guessed at. As to the Master of the + Hawks, (there are no hawks kept, and if there were, it is no reason the + people should pay the expence of feeding them, many of whom are put to it + to get bread for their children,) his salary is 1,372L. 10s. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See note at the end of this chapter.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + And besides a list of items of this kind, sufficient to fill a quire of + paper, the Pension lists alone are 107,404L. 13s. 4d. which is a greater + sum than all the expences of the federal Government in America amount to. + </p> + <p> + Among the items, there are two I had no expectation of finding, and which, + in this day of enquiry after Civil List influence, ought to be exposed. + The one is an annual payment of one thousand seven hundred pounds to the + Dissenting Ministers in England, and the other, eight hundred pounds to + those of Ireland. + </p> + <p> + This is the fact; and the distribution, as I am informed, is as follows: + The whole sum of 1,700L. is paid to one person, a Dissenting Minister in + London, who divides it among eight others, and those eight among such + others as they please. The Lay-body of the Dissenters, and many of their + principal Ministers, have long considered it as dishonourable, and have + endeavoured to prevent it, but still it continues to be secretly paid; and + as the world has sometimes seen very fulsome Addresses from parts of that + body, it may naturally be supposed that the receivers, like Bishops and + other Court-Clergy, are not idle in promoting them. How the money is + distributed in Ireland, I know not. + </p> + <p> + To recount all the secret history of the Civil List, is not the intention + of this publication. It is sufficient, in this place, to expose its + general character, and the mass of influence it keeps alive. It will + necessarily become one of the objects of reform; and therefore enough is + said to shew that, under its operation, no application to Parliament can + be expected to succeed, nor can consistently be made. + </p> + <p> + Such reforms will not be promoted by the Party that is in possession of + those places, nor by the Opposition who are waiting for them; and as to a + <i>mere reform</i>, in the state of the Representation, the idea that + another Parliament, differently elected from the present, but still a + third component part of the same system, and subject to the controul of + the other two parts, will abolish those abuses, is altogether delusion; + because it is not only impracticable on the ground of formality, but is + unwisely exposing another set of men to the same corruptions that have + tainted the present. + </p> + <p> + Were all the objects that require reform accomplishable by a mere reform + in the state of the Representation, the persons who compose the present + Parliament might, with rather more propriety, be asked to abolish all the + abuses themselves, than be applied to as the more instruments of doing it + by a future Parliament. If the virtue be wanting to abolish the abuse, it + is also wanting to act as the means, and the nation must, from necessity, + proceed by some other plan. + </p> + <p> + Having thus endeavoured to shew what the abject condition of Parliament + is, and the impropriety of going a second time over the same ground that + has before miscarried, I come to the remaining part of the subject. + </p> + <p> + There ought to be, in the constitution of every country, a mode of + referring back, on any extraordinary occasion, to the sovereign and + original constituent power, which is the nation itself. The right of + altering any part of a Government, cannot, as already observed, reside in + the Government, or that Government might make itself what it pleased. + </p> + <p> + It ought also to be taken for granted, that though a nation may feel + inconveniences, either in the excess of taxation, or in the mode of + expenditure, or in any thing else, it may not at first be sufficiently + assured in what part of its government the defect lies, or where the evil + originates. It may be supposed to be in one part, and on enquiry be found + to be in another; or partly in all. This obscurity is naturally interwoven + with what are called mixed Governments. + </p> + <p> + Be, however, the reform to be accomplished whatever it may, it can only + follow in consequence of obtaining a full knowledge of all the causes that + have rendered such reform necessary, and every thing short of this is + guess-work or frivolous cunning. In this case, it cannot be supposed that + any application to Parliament can bring forward this knowledge. That body + is itself the supposed cause, or one of the supposed causes, of the abuses + in question; and cannot be expected, and ought not to be asked, to give + evidence against itself. The enquiry, therefore, which is of necessity the + first step in the business, cannot be trusted to Parliament, but must be + undertaken by a distinct body of men, separated from every suspicion of + corruption or influence. + </p> + <p> + Instead, then, of referring to rotten Boroughs and absurd Corporations for + Addresses, or hawking them about the country to be signed by a few + dependant tenants, the real and effectual mode would be to come at once to + the point, and to ascertain the sense of the nation by electing a National + Convention. By this method, as already observed, the general WILL, whether + to reform or not, or what the reform shall be, or how far it shall extend, + will be known, and it cannot be known by any other means. Such a body, + empowered and supported by the nation, will have authority to demand + information upon all matters necessary to be en-quired into; and no + Minister, nor any person, will dare to refuse it. It will then be seen + whether seventeen millions of taxes are necessary, and for what purposes + they are expended. The concealed Pensioners will then be obliged to + unmask; and the source of influence and corruption, if any such there be, + will be laid open to the nation, not for the purpose of revenge, but of + redress. + </p> + <p> + By taking this public and national ground, all objections against partial + Addresses on the one side, or private associations on the other, will be + done away; THE NATION WILL DECLARE ITS OWN REFORMS; and the clamour about + Party and Faction, or Ins or Outs, will become ridiculous. + </p> + <p> + The plan and organization of a convention is easy in practice. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, the number of inhabitants in every county can be + sufficiently ascertained from the number of houses assessed to the House + and Window-light tax in each county. This will give the rule for + apportioning the number of Members to be elected to the National + Convention in each of the counties. + </p> + <p> + If the total number of inhabitants in England be seven millions, and the + total number of Members to be elected to the Convention be one thousand, + the number of members to be elected in a county containing one hundred and + fifty thousand inhabitants will be <i>twenty-one</i>, and in like + proportion for any other county. + </p> + <p> + As the election of a Convention must, in order to ascertain the general + sense of the nation, go on grounds different from that of Parliamentary + elections, the mode that best promises this end will have no difficulties + to combat with from absurd customs and pretended rights. The right of + every man will be the same, whether he lives in a city, a town, or a + village. The custom of attaching Rights to <i>place</i>, or in other + words, to inanimate matter, instead of to the <i>person</i>, independently + of place, is too absurd to make any part of a rational argument. + </p> + <p> + As every man in the nation, of the age of twenty-one years, pays taxes, + either out of the property he possesses, or out of the product of his + labor, which is property to him; and is amenable in his own person to + every law of the land; so has every one the same equal right to vote, and + no one part of the nation, nor any individual, has a right to dispute the + right of another. The man who should do this ought to forfeit the exercise + of his <i>own</i> right, for a term of years. This would render the + punishment consistent with the crime. + </p> + <p> + When a qualification to vote is regulated by years, it is placed on the + firmest possible ground; because the qualification is such, as nothing but + dying before the time can take away; and the equality of Rights, as a + principle, is recognized in the act of regulating the exercise. But when + Rights are placed upon, or made dependant upon property, they are on the + most precarious of all tenures. "Riches make themselves wings, and fly + away," and the rights fly with them; and thus they become lost to the man + when they would be of most value. + </p> + <p> + It is from a strange mixture of tyranny and cowardice, that exclusions + have been set up and continued. The boldness to do wrong at first, changes + afterwards into cowardly craft, and at last into fear. The Representatives + in England appear now to act as if they were afraid to do right, even in + part, lest it should awaken the nation to a sense of all the wrongs it has + endured. This case serves to shew, that the same conduct that best + constitutes the safety of an individual, namely, a strict adherence to + principle, constitutes also the safety of a Government, and that without + it safety is but an empty name. When the rich plunder the poor of his + rights, it becomes an example to the poor to plunder the rich of his + property; for the rights of the one are as much property to him, as wealth + is property to the other, and the <i>little all</i> is as dear as the <i>much</i>. + It is only by setting out on just principles that men are trained to be + just to each other; and it will always be found, that when the rich + protect the rights of the poor, the poor will protect the property of the + rich. But the guarantee, to be effectual, must be parliamentarily + reciprocal. + </p> + <p> + Exclusions are not only unjust, but they frequently operate as injuriously + to the party who monopolizes, as to those who are excluded. When men seek + to exclude others from participating in the exercise of any right, they + should, at least, be assured, that they can effectually perform the whole + of the business they undertake; for, unless they do this, themselves will + be losers by the monopoly. This has been the case with respect to the + monopolized right of Election. The monopolizing party has not been able to + keep the Parliamentary Representation, to whom the power of taxation was + entrusted, in the state it ought to have been, and have thereby multiplied + taxes upon themselves equally with those who were excluded. + </p> + <p> + A great deal has been, and will continue to be said, about + disqualifications, arising from the commission of offences; but were this + subject urged to its full extent, it would disqualify a great number of + the present Electors, together with their Representatives; for, of all + offences, none are more destructive to the morals of Society than Bribery + and Corruption. It is, therefore, civility to such persons to pass this + subject over, and to give them a fair opportunity of recovering, or rather + of creating character. + </p> + <p> + Every thing, in the present mode of electioneering in England, is the + reverse of what it ought to be, and the vulgarity that attends elections + is no other than the natural consequence of inverting the order of the + system. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, the Candidate seeks the Elector, instead of the + Elector seeking for a Representative; and the Electors are advertised as + being in the interest of the Candidate, instead of the Candidate being in + the interest of the Electors. The Candidate pays the Elector for his vote, + instead of the Nation paying the Representative for his time and + attendance on public business. The complaint for an undue election is + brought by the Candidate, as if he, and not the Electors, were the party + aggrieved; and he takes on himself, at any period of the election, to + break it up, by declining, as if the election was in his right and not in + theirs. + </p> + <p> + The compact that was entered into at the last Westminster election between + two of the candidates (Mr. Fox and Lord Hood,) was an indecent violation + of the principles of election. The Candidates assumed, in their own + persons, the rights of the Electors; for, it was only in the body of the + Electors, and not at all in the Candidates, that the right of making any + such compact, or compromise, could exist. But the principle of Election + and Representation is so completely done away, in every stage thereof, + that inconsistency has no longer the power of surprising. + </p> + <p> + Neither from elections thus conducted, nor from rotten Borough Addressers, + nor from County-meetings, promoted by Placemen and Pensioners, can the + sense of the nation be known. It is still corruption appealing to itself. + But a Convention of a thousand persons, fairly elected, would bring every + matter to a decided issue. + </p> + <p> + As to County-meetings, it is only persons of leisure, or those who live + near to the place of meeting, that can attend, and the number on such + occasions is but like a drop in the bucket compared with the whole. The + only consistent service which such meetings could render, would be that of + apportioning the county into convenient districts, and when this is done, + each district might, according to its number of inhabitants, elect its + quota of County Members to the National Convention; and the vote of each + Elector might be taken in the parish where he resided, either by ballot or + by voice, as he should chuse to give it. + </p> + <p> + A National Convention thus formed, would bring together the sense and + opinions of every part of the nation, fairly taken. The science of + Government, and the interest of the Public, and of the several parts + thereof, would then undergo an ample and rational discussion, freed from + the language of parliamentary disguise. + </p> + <p> + But in all deliberations of this kind, though men have a right to reason + with, and endeavour to convince each other, upon any matter that respects + their common good, yet, in point of practice, the majority of opinions, + when known, forms a rule for the whole, and to this rule every good + citizen practically conforms. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burke, as if he knew, (for every concealed Pensioner has the + opportunity of knowing,) that the abuses acted under the present system, + are too flagrant to be palliated, and that the majority of opinions, + whenever such abuses should be made public, would be for a general and + effectual reform, has endeavoured to preclude the event, by sturdily + denying the right of a majority of a nation to act as a whole. Let us + bestow a thought upon this case. + </p> + <p> + When any matter is proposed as a subject for consultation, it necessarily + implies some mode of decision. Common consent, arising from absolute + necessity, has placed this in a majority of opinions; because, without it, + there can be no decision, and consequently no order. It is, perhaps, the + only case in which mankind, however various in their ideas upon other + matters, can consistently be unanimous; because it is a mode of decision + derived from the primary original right of every individual concerned; <i>that</i> + right being first individually exercised in giving an opinion, and whether + that opinion shall arrange with the minority or the majority, is a + subsequent accidental thing that neither increases nor diminishes the + individual original right itself. Prior to any debate, enquiry, or + investigation, it is not supposed to be known on which side the majority + of opinions will fall, and therefore, whilst this mode of decision secures + to every one the right of giving an opinion, it admits to every one an + equal chance in the ultimate event. + </p> + <p> + Among the matters that will present themselves to the consideration of a + national convention, there is one, wholly of a domestic nature, but so + marvellously loaded with con-fusion, as to appear at first sight, almost + impossible to be reformed. I mean the condition of what is called Law. + </p> + <p> + But, if we examine into the cause from whence this confusion, now so much + the subject of universal complaint, is produced, not only the remedy will + immediately present itself, but, with it, the means of preventing the like + case hereafter. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, the confusion has generated itself from the absurdity + of every Parliament assuming to be eternal in power, and the laws partake + in a similar manner, of this assumption. They have no period of legal or + natural expiration; and, however absurd in principle, or inconsistent in + practice many of them have become, they still are, if not especially + repealed, considered as making a part of the general mass. By this means + the body of what is called Law, is spread over a space of <i>several + hundred years</i>, comprehending laws obsolete, laws repugnant, laws + ridiculous, and every other kind of laws forgotten or remembered; and what + renders the case still worse, is, that the confusion multiplies with the + progress of time. (*) + </p> + <p> + To bring this misshapen monster into form, and to prevent its lapsing + again into a wilderness state, only two things, and those very simple, are + necessary. + </p> + <p> + The first is, to review the whole mass of laws, and to bring forward such + only as are worth retaining, and let all the rest drop; and to give to the + laws so brought forward a new era, commencing from the time of such + reform. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * In the time of Henry IV. a law was passed making it felony + "to multiply gold or silver, or to make use of the craft of + multiplication," and this law remained two hundred and + eighty-six years upon the statute books. It was then + repealed as being ridiculous and injurious.—<i>Author</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Secondly; that at the expiration of every twenty-one years (or any other + stated period) a like review shall again be taken, and the laws, found + proper to be retained, be again carried forward, commencing with that + date, and the useless laws dropped and discontinued. + </p> + <p> + By this means there can be no obsolete laws, and scarcely such a thing as + laws standing in direct or equivocal contradiction to each other, and + every person will know the period of time to which he is to look back for + all the laws in being. + </p> + <p> + It is worth remarking, that while every other branch of science is brought + within some commodious system, and the study of it simplified by easy + methods, the laws take the contrary course, and become every year more + complicated, entangled, confused, and obscure. + </p> + <p> + Among the paragraphs which the Attorney General has taken from the <i>Rights + of Man</i>, and put into his information, one is, that where I have said, + "that with respect to regular law, there is <i>scarcely such a thing</i>." + </p> + <p> + As I do not know whether the Attorney-General means to show this + expression to be libellous, because it is TRUE, or because it is FALSE, I + shall make no other reply to him in this place, than by remarking, that if + almanack-makers had not been more judicious than law-makers, the study of + almanacks would by this time have become as abstruse as the study of the + law, and we should hear of a library of almanacks as we now do of + statutes; but by the simple operation of letting the obsolete matter drop, + and carrying forward that only which is proper to be retained, all that is + necessary to be known is found within the space of a year, and laws also + admit of being kept within some given period. + </p> + <p> + I shall here close this letter, so far as it respects the Addresses, the + Proclamation, and the Prosecution; and shall offer a few observations to + the Society, styling itself "The Friends of the People." + </p> + <p> + That the science of government is beginning to be better understood than + in former times, and that the age of fiction and political superstition, + and of craft and mystery, is passing away, are matters which the + experience of every day-proves to be true, as well in England as in other + countries. + </p> + <p> + As therefore it is impossible to calculate the silent progress of opinion, + and also impossible to govern a nation after it has changed its habits of + thinking, by the craft or policy that it was governed by before, the only + true method to prevent popular discontents and commotions is, to throw, by + every fair and rational argument, all the light upon the subject that can + possibly be thrown; and at the same time, to open the means of collecting + the general sense of the nation; and this cannot, as already observed, be + done by any plan so effectually as a national convention. Here individual + opinion will quiet itself by having a centre to rest upon. + </p> + <p> + The society already mentioned, (which is made up of men of various + descriptions, but chiefly of those called Foxites,) appears to me, either + to have taken wrong grounds from want of judgment, or to have acted with + cunning reserve. It is now amusing the people with a new phrase, namely, + that of "a temperate and moderate reform," the interpretation of which is, + <i>a continuance of the abuses as long as possible, If we cannot hold all + let us hold some</i>. + </p> + <p> + Who are those that are frightened at reforms? Are the public afraid that + their taxes should be lessened too much? Are they afraid that sinecure + places and pensions should be abolished too fast? Are the poor afraid that + their condition should be rendered too comfortable? Is the worn-out + mechanic, or the aged and decayed tradesman, frightened at the prospect of + receiving ten pounds a year out of the surplus taxes? Is the soldier + frightened at the thoughts of his discharge, and three shillings per week + during life? Is the sailor afraid that press-warrants will be abolished? + The Society mistakes the fears of borough-mongers, placemen, and + pensioners, for the fears of the people; and the <i>temperate and moderate + Reform</i> it talks of, is calculated to suit the condition of the former. + </p> + <p> + Those words, "temperate and moderate," are words either of political + cowardice, or of cunning, or seduction.—A thing, moderately good, is + not so good as it ought to be. Moderation in temper, is always a virtue; + but moderation in principle, is a species of vice. But who is to be the + judge of what is a temperate and moderate Reform? The Society is the + representative of nobody; neither can the unrepresented part of the nation + commit this power to those in Parliament, in whose election they had no + choice; and, therefore, even upon the ground the Society has taken, + recourse must be had to a National Convention. + </p> + <p> + The objection which Mr. Fox made to Mr. Grey's proposed Motion for a + Parliamentary Reform was, that it contained no plan.—It certainly + did not. But the plan very easily presents itself; and whilst it is fair + for all parties, it prevents the dangers that might otherwise arise from + private or popular discontent. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Editorial Note on Burke's Alleged Secret Pension.—By + reference to Vol. II., pp. 271, 360, of this work, it will + be seen that Paine mentions a report that Burke was a + "pensioner in a fictitious name." A letter of John Hall to a + relative in Leicester, (London, May 1,1792.) says: "You will + remember that there was a vote carried, about the conclusion + of the American war, that the influence of the Crown had + increased, was increasing, and should be diminished. Burke, + poor, and like a good angler, baited a hook with a bill to + bring into Parliament, that no pensions should be given + above #300 a year, but what should be publicly granted, and + for what, (I may not be quite particular.) To stop that he + took in another person's name #1500 a year for life, and + some time past he disposed of it, or sold his life out. He + has been very still since his declension from the Whigs, and + is not concerned in the slave-trade [question?] as I hear + of." This letter, now in possession of Hall's kinsman, Dr. + Dutton Steele of Philadelphia, contains an item not in + Paine's account, which may have been derived from it. Hall + was an English scientific engineer, and acquainted with + intelligent men in London. Paine was rather eager for a + judicial encounter with Burke, and probably expected to be + sued by him for libel, as he (Burke) had once sued the + "Public Advertiser" for a personal accusation. But Burke + remained quiet under this charge, and Paine, outlawed, and + in France, had no opportunity for summoning witnesses in its + support. The biographers of Burke have silently passed over + the accusation, and this might be fair enough were this + unconfirmed charge made against a public man of stainless + reputation in such matters. But though Burke escaped + parliamentary censure for official corruption (May 16, 1783, + by only 24 majority) he has never been vindicated. It was + admitted that he had restored to office a cashier and an + accountant dismissed for dishonesty by his predecessor. + ("Pari. Hist.," xxiii., pp. 801,902.) He escaped censure by + agreeing to suspend them. One was proved guilty, the + other committed suicide. It was subsequently shown that one + of the men had been an agent of the Burkes in raising India + stock. (Dilke's "Papers of a Critic," ii-, p. 333—"Dict. + Nat Biography": art Burke.) Paine, in his letter to the + Attorney-General (IV. of this volume), charged that Burke + had been a "masked pensioner" ten years. The date + corresponds with a secret arrangement made in 1782 with + Burke for a virtual pension to his son, for life, and his + mother. Under date April 34 of that year, Burke, writing to + William Burke at Madras, reports his appointment as + Paymaster: "The office is to be 4000L. certain. Young + Richard [his son] is the deputy with a salary of 500L. The + office to be reformed according to the Bill. There is enough + emoluments. In decency it could not be more. Something + considerable is also to be secured for the life of young + Richard to be a security for him and his mother."("Mem. and + Cor. of Charles James Fox," i., p. 451.) It is thus certain + that the Rockingham Ministry were doing for the Paymaster + all they could "in decency," and that while posing as a + reformer in reducing the expenses of that office, he was + arranging for secret advantages to his family. It is said + that the arrangement failed by his loss of office, but while + so many of Burke's papers are withheld from the public (if + not destroyed), it cannot be certain that something was not + done of the kind charged by Paine. That Burke was not strict + in such matters is further shown by his efforts to secure + for his son the rich sinecure of the Clerkship of the Polls, + in which he failed. Burke was again Paymaster in 1783-4, and + this time remained long enough in office to repeat more + successfully his secret attempts to secure irregular + pensions for his family. On April 7, 1894, Messrs. Sotheby, + Wilkinson, and Hodge sold in London (Lot 404) a letter of + Burke (which I have not seen in print), dated July 16, 1795. + It was written to the Chairman of the Commission on Public + Accounts, who had required him to render his accounts for + the time he was in office as Paymaster-General, 1783-4. + Burke refuses to do so in four angry and quibbling pages, + and declares he will appeal to his country against the + demand if it is pressed. Why should Burke wish to conceal + his accounts? There certainly were suspicions around Burke, + and they may have caused Pitt to renounce his intention, + conveyed to Burke, August 30, 1794, of asking Parliament to + bestow on him a pension. "It is not exactly known," says one + of Burke's editors, "what induced Mr. Pitt to decline + bringing before Parliament a measure which he had himself + proposed without any solicitation whatever on the part of + Burke." (Burke's "Works," English Ed., 1852, ii., p. 252.) + The pensions were given without consultation with + Parliament—1200L. granted him by the King from the Civil + List, and 2500L. by Pitt in West Indian 41/2 per cents. + Burke, on taking his seat beside Pitt in the great Paine + Parliament (December, 1792), had protested that he had not + abandoned his party through expectation of a pension, but + the general belief of those with whom he had formerly acted + was that he had been promised a pension. A couplet of the + time ran: + + "A pension makes him change his plan, + And loudly damn the rights of man." + + Writing in 1819, Cobbett says: "As my Lord Grenville + introduced the name of Burke, suffer me, my Lord, to + introduce the name of the man [Paine] who put this Burke to + shame, who drove him off the public stage to seek shelter in + the Pension List, and who is now named fifty million times + where the name of the pensioned Burke is mentioned once."— + <i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0011" id="Dlink2H_4_0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + X. ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF FRANCE. + </h2> + <p> + Paris, Sept. 25, [1792.] First Year of the Republic. + </p> + <p> + Fellow Citizens, + </p> + <p> + I RECEIVE, with affectionate gratitude, the honour which the late National + Assembly has conferred upon me, by adopting me a Citizen of France: and + the additional honor of being elected by my fellow citizens a Member of + the National Convention.(1) Happily impressed, as I am, by those + testimonies of respect shown towards me as an individual, I feel my + felicity increased by seeing the barrier broken down that divided + patriotism by spots of earth, and limited citizenship to the soil, like + vegetation. + </p> + <p> + Had those honours been conferred in an hour of national tranquillity, they + would have afforded no other means of shewing my affection, than to have + accepted and enjoyed them; but they come accompanied with circumstances + that give me the honourable opportunity of commencing my citizenship in + the stormy hour of difficulties. I come not to enjoy repose. Convinced + that the cause of France is the cause of all mankind, and that liberty + cannot be purchased by a wish, I gladly share with you the dangers and + honours necessary to success. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The National Assembly (August 26, 1792) conferred the + title of "French Citizen" on "Priestley, Payne, Bentham, + Wilberforce, Clarkson, Mackintosh, Campe, Cormelle, Paw, + David Williams, Gorani, Anacharsis Clootz, Pestalozzi, + Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Klopstoc, Kosciusko, + Gilleers."—<i>Editor.</i>. vol ni—7 +</pre> + <p> + I am well aware that the moment of any great change, such as that + accomplished on the 10th of August, is unavoidably the moment of terror + and confusion. The mind, highly agitated by hope, suspicion and + apprehension, continues without rest till the change be accomplished. But + let us now look calmly and confidently forward, and success is certain. It + is no longer the paltry cause of kings, or of this, or of that individual, + that calls France and her armies into action. It is the great cause of + all. It is the establishment of a new aera, that shall blot despotism from + the earth, and fix, on the lasting principles of peace and citizenship, + the great Republic of Man. + </p> + <p> + It has been my fate to have borne a share in the commencement and complete + establishment of one Revolution, (I mean the Revolution of America.) The + success and events of that Revolution are encouraging to us. The + prosperity and happiness that have since flowed to that country, have + amply rewarded her for all the hardships she endured and for all the + dangers she encountered. + </p> + <p> + The principles on which that Revolution began, have extended themselves to + Europe; and an over-ruling Providence is regenerating the Old World by the + principles of the New. The distance of America from all the other parts of + the globe, did not admit of her carrying those principles beyond her own + situation. It is to the peculiar honour of France, that she now raises the + standard of liberty for all nations; and in fighting her own battles, + contends for the rights of all mankind. + </p> + <p> + The same spirit of fortitude that insured success to America; will insure + it to France, for it is impossible to conquer a nation determined to be + free! The military circumstances that now unite themselves to France, are + such as the despots of the earth know nothing of, and can form no + calculation upon. They know not what it is to fight against a nation; they + have only been accustomed to make war upon each other, and they know, from + system and practice, how to calculate the probable success of despot + against despot; and here their knowledge and their experience end. + </p> + <p> + But in a contest like the present a new and boundless variety of + circumstances arise, that deranges all such customary calculations. When a + whole nation acts as an army, the despot knows not the extent of the power + against which he contends. New armies arise against him with the necessity + of the moment. It is then that the difficulties of an invading enemy + multiply, as in the former case they diminished; and he finds them at + their height when he expected them to end. + </p> + <p> + The only war that has any similarity of circumstances with the present, is + the late revolution war in America. On her part, as it now is in France, + it was a war of the whole nation:—there it was that the enemy, by + beginning to conquer, put himself in a condition of being conquered. His + first victories prepared him for defeat. He advanced till he could not + retreat, and found himself in the midst of a nation of armies. + </p> + <p> + Were it now to be proposed to the Austrians and Prussians, to escort them + into the middle of France, and there leave them to make the most of such a + situation, they would see too much into the dangers of it to accept the + offer, and the same dangers would attend them, could they arrive there by + any other means. Where, then, is the military policy of their attempting + to obtain, by force, that which they would refuse by choice? But to reason + with despots is throwing reason away. The best of arguments is a vigorous + preparation. + </p> + <p> + Man is ever a stranger to the ways by which Providence regulates the order + of things. The interference of foreign despots may serve to introduce into + their own enslaved countries the principles they come to oppose. Liberty + and Equality are blessings too great to be the inheritance of France + alone. It is an honour to her to be their first champion; and she may now + say to her enemies, with a mighty voice, "O! ye Austrians, ye Prussians! + ye who now turn your bayonets against us, it is for you, it is for all + Europe, it is for all mankind, and not for France alone, that she raises + the standard of Liberty and Equality!" + </p> + <p> + The public cause has hitherto suffered from the contradictions contained + in the Constitution of the Constituent Assembly. Those contradictions have + served to divide the opinions of individuals at home, and to obscure the + great principles of the Revolution in other countries. But when those + contradictions shall be removed, and the Constitution be made conformable + to the declaration of Rights; when the bagatelles of monarchy, royalty, + regency, and hereditary succession, shall be exposed, with all their + absurdities, a new ray of light will be thrown over the world, and the + Revolution will derive new strength by being universally understood. + </p> + <p> + The scene that now opens itself to France extends far beyond the + boundaries of her own dominions. Every nation is becoming her colleague, + and every court is become her enemy. It is now the cause of all nations, + against the cause of all courts. The terror that despotism felt, + clandestinely begot a confederation of despots; and their attack upon + France was produced by their fears at home. + </p> + <p> + In entering on this great scene, greater than any nation has yet been + called to act in, let us say to the agitated mind, be calm. Let us punish + by instructing, rather than by revenge. Let us begin the new ara by a + greatness of friendship, and hail the approach of union and success. + </p> + <p> + Your Fellow-Citizen, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0012" id="Dlink2H_4_0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XI. ANTI-MONARCHAL ESSAY. FOR THE USE OF NEW REPUBLICANS.(1) + </h2> + <p> + When we reach some great good, long desired, we begin by felicitating + ourselves. We triumph, we give ourselves up to this joy without rendering + to our minds any full account of our reasons for it. Then comes reflexion: + we pass in review all the circumstances of our new happiness; we compare + it in detail with our former condition; and each of these thoughts becomes + a fresh enjoyment. This satisfaction, elucidated and well-considered, we + now desire to procure for our readers. + </p> + <p> + In seeing Royalty abolished and the Republic established, all France has + resounded with unanimous plaudits.(2) Yet, Citizen President: In the name + of the Deputies of the Department of the Pas de Calais, I have the honor + of presenting to the Convention the felicitations of the General Council + of the Commune of Calais on the abolition of Royalty. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Translated for this work from Le Patriote Frangois, + "Samedi 20 Octobre, 1793, l'an Ier de la Ripublique. + Supplement au No. 1167," in the Bibliothhque Nationale, + Paris. It is headed, "Essai anti-monarchique, ` l'usage des + nouveaux ripublicains, tiri de la Feuille Villageoise." I + have not found this Feuille, but no doubt Brissot, in + editing the essay for his journal (Le Patriote Frangois) + abridged it, and in one instance Paine is mentioned by name. + Although in this essay Paine occasionally repeats sentences + used elsewhere, and naturally maintains his well-known + principles, the work has a peculiar interest as indicating + the temper and visions of the opening revolution.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Royalty was abolished by the National Convention on the + first day of its meeting, September 21, 1792, the + revolutionary Calendar beginning next day. Paine was chosen + by his fellow-deputies of Calais to congratulate the + Convention, and did so in a brief address, dated October 27, + which was loaned by M. Charavay to the Historical Exposition + of the Revolution at Paris, 1889, where I made the subjoined + translation: "folly of oar ancestor;, who have placed us + under the necessity of treating gravely (solennellement) the + abolition of a phantom (fanttme).—Thomas Paine, Deputy."— + <i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Amid the joy inspired by this event, one cannot forbear some pain at the + some who clap their hands do not sufficiently understand the condition + they are leaving or that which they are assuming. + </p> + <p> + The perjuries of Louis, the conspiracies of his court, the wildness of his + worthy brothers, have filled every Frenchman with horror, and this race + was dethroned in their hearts before its fall by legal decree. But it is + little to throw down an idol; it is the pedestal that above all must be + broken down; it is the regal office rather than the incumbent that is + murderous. All do not realize this. + </p> + <p> + Why is Royalty an absurd and detestable government? Why is the Republic a + government accordant with nature and reason? At the present time a + Frenchman should put himself in a position to answer these two questions + clearly. For, in fine, if you are free and contented it is yet needful + that you should know why. + </p> + <p> + Let us first discuss Royalty or Monarchy. Although one often wishes to + distinguish between these names, common usage gives them the same sense. + </p> + <p> + ROYALTY. + </p> + <p> + Bands of brigands unite to subvert a country, place it under tribute, + seize its lands, enslave its inhabitants. The expedition completed, the + chieftain of the robbers adopts the title of monarch or king. Such is the + origin of Royalty among all tribes—huntsmen, agriculturists, + shepherds. + </p> + <p> + A second brigand arrives who finds it equitable to take away by force what + was conquered by violence: he dispossesses the first; he chains him, kills + him, reigns in his place. Ere long time effaces the memory of this origin; + the successors rule under a new form; they do a little good, from policy; + they corrupt all who surround them; they invent fictitious genealogies to + make their families sacred (1); the knavery of priests comes to their aid; + they take Religion for a life-guard: thenceforth tyranny becomes immortal, + the usurped power becomes an hereditary right. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The Boston Investigator's compilation of Paine's Works + contains the following as supposed to be Mr. Paine's: + + "Royal Pedigree.—George the Third, who was the grandson of + George the Second, who was the son of George the First, who + was the son of the Princess Sophia, who was the cousin of + Anne, who was the sister of William and Mary, who were the + daughter and son-in-law of James the Second, who was the son + of Charles the First, who was a traitor to his country and + decapitated as such, who was the son of James the First, who + was the son of Mary, who was the sister of Edward the Sixth, + who was the son of Henry the Eighth, who was the coldblooded + murderer of his wives, and the promoter of the Protestant + religion, who was the son of Henry the Seventh, who slew + Richard the Third, who smothered his nephew Edward the + Fifth, who was the son of Edward the Fourth, who with bloody + Richard slew Henry the Sixth, who succeeded Henry the Fifth, + who was the son of Henry the Fourth, who was the cousin of + Richard the Second, who was the son of Edward the Third, who + was the son of Richard the Second, who was the son of Edward + the First, who was the son of Henry the Third, who was the + son of John, who was the brother of Richard the First, who + was the son of Henry the Second, who was the son of Matilda, + who was the daughter of Henry the First, who was the brother + of William Rufus, who was the son of William the Conqueror, + who was the son of a whore."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + The effects of Royalty have been entirely harmonious with its origin. What + scenes of horror, what refinements of iniquity, do the annals of + monarchies present! If we should paint human nature with a baseness of + heart, an hypocrisy, from which all must recoil and humanity disavow, it + would be the portraiture of kings, their ministers and courtiers. + </p> + <p> + And why should it not be so? What should such a monstrosity produce but + miseries and crimes? What is monarchy? It has been finely disguised, and + the people familiarized with the odious title: in its real sense the word + signifies <i>the absolute power of one single individual</i>, who may with + impunity be stupid, treacherous, tyrannical, etc. Is it not an insult to + nations to wish them so governed? + </p> + <p> + Government by a single individual is vicious in itself, independently of + the individual's vices. For however little a State, the prince is nearly + always too small: where is the proportion between one man and the affairs + of a whole nation? + </p> + <p> + True, some men of genius have been seen under the diadem; but the evil is + then even greater: the ambition of such a man impels him to conquest and + despotism, his subjects soon have to lament his glory, and sing their <i>Te-deums</i> + while perishing with hunger. Such is the history of Louis XIV. and so many + others. + </p> + <p> + But if ordinary men in power repay you with incapacity or with princely + vices? But those who come to the front in monarchies are frequently mere + mean mischief-makers, commonplace knaves, petty intriguers, whose small + wits, which in courts reach large places, serve only to display their + ineptitude in public, as soon as they appear. (*) In short, monarchs do + nothing, and their ministers do evil: this is the history of all + monarchies. + </p> + <p> + But if Royalty as such is baneful, as hereditary succession it is equally + revolting and ridiculous. What! there exists among my kind a man who + pretends that he is born to govern me? Whence derived he such right? From + his and my ancestors, says he. But how could they transmit to him a right + they did not possess? Man has no authority over generations unborn. I + cannot be the slave of the dead, more than of the living. Suppose that + instead of our posterity, it was we who should succeed ourselves: we + should not to-day be able to despoil ourselves of the rights which would + belong to us in our second life: for a stronger reason we cannot so + despoil others. + </p> + <p> + An hereditary crown! A transmissible throne! What a notion! With even a + little reflexion, can any one tolerate it? Should human beings then be the + property of certain individuals, born or to be born? Are we then to treat + our descendants in advance as cattle, who shall have neither will nor + rights of their own? To inherit government is to inherit peoples, as if + they were herds. It is the basest, the most shameful fantasy that ever + degraded mankind. + </p> + <p> + It is wrong to reproach kings with their ferocity, their brutal + indifference, the oppressions of the people, and molestations of citizens: + it is hereditary succession that makes them what they are: this breeds + monsters as a marsh breeds vipers. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * J. J. Rousseau, Contrat Social.—Author. +</pre> + <p> + The logic on which the hereditary prince rests is in effect this: I derive + my power from my birth; I derive my birth from God; therefore I owe + nothing to men. It is little that he has at hand a complacent minister, he + continues to indulge, conscientiously, in all the crimes of tyranny. This + has been seen in all times and countries. + </p> + <p> + Tell me, then, what is there in common between him who is master of a + people, and the people of whom he is master? Are these masters really of + their kind? It is by sympathy that we are good and human: with whom does a + monarch sympathize? When my neighbor suffers I pity, because I put myself + in his place: a monarch pities none, because he has never been, can never + be, in any other place than his own. + </p> + <p> + A monarch is an egoist by nature, the <i>egoist par excellence</i>. A + thousand traits show that this kind of men have no point of contact with + the rest of humanity. There was demanded of Charles II. the punishment of + Lauderdale, his favorite, who had infamously oppressed the Scotch. "Yes," + said Charles coolly, "this man has done much against the Scotch, but I + cannot see that he has done anything against my interests." Louis XIV. + often said: "If I follow the wishes of the people, I cannot act the king." + Even such phrases as "misfortunes of the State," "safety of the State," + filled Louis XIV. with wrath. + </p> + <p> + Could nature make a law which should assure virtue and wisdom invariably + in these privileged castes that perpetuate themselves on thrones, there + would be no objection to their hereditary succession. But let us pass + Europe in review: all of its monarchs are the meanest of men. This one a + tyrant, that one an imbecile, another a traitor, the next a debauchee, + while some muster all the vices. It looks as if fate and nature had aimed + to show our epoch, and all nations, the absurdity and enormity of Royalty. + </p> + <p> + But I mistake: this epoch has nothing peculiar. For, such is the essential + vice of this royal succession by animal filiation, the peoples have not + even the chances of nature,—they cannot even hope for a good prince + as an alternative. All things conspire to deprive of reason and justice an + individual reared to command others. The word of young Dionysius was very + sensible: his father, reproaching him for a shameful action, said, "Have I + given thee such example?" "Ah," answered the youth, "thy father was not a + king!" + </p> + <p> + In truth, were laughter on such a subject permissible, nothing would + suggest ideas more burlesque than this fantastic institution of hereditary + kings. Would it not be believed, to look at them, that there really exist + particular lineages possessing certain qualities which enter the blood of + the embryo prince, and adapt him physically for royalty, as a horse for + the racecourse? But then, in this wild supposition, it yet becomes + necessary to assure the genuine family descent of the heir presumptive. To + perpetuate the noble race of Andalusian chargers, the circumstances pass + before witnesses, and similar precautions seem necessary, however + indecent, to make sure that the trickeries of queens shall not supply + thrones with bastards, and that the kings, like the horses, shall always + be thoroughbreds. + </p> + <p> + Whether one jests or reasons, there is found in this idea of hereditary + royalty only folly and shame. What then is this office, which may be + filled by infants or idiots? Some talent is required to be a simple + workman; to be a king there is need to have only the human shape, to be a + living automaton. We are astonished when reading that the Egyptians placed + on the throne a flint, and called it their king. We smile at the dog + Barkouf, sent by an Asiatic despot to govern one of his provinces.(*) But + mon-archs of this kind are less mischievous and less absurd than those + before whom whole peoples prostrate themselves. The flint and the dog at + least imposed on nobody. None ascribed to them qualities or characters + they did not possess. They were not styled 'Father of the People,'—though + this were hardly more ridiculous than to give that title to a rattle-head + whom inheritance crowns at eighteen. Better a mute than an animate idol. + Why, there can hardly be cited an instance of a great man having children + worthy of him, yet you will have the royal function pass from father to + son! As well declare that a wise man's son will be wise. A king is an + administrator, and an hereditary administrator is as absurd as an author + by birthright. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * See the first year of La Feuille Villageoise, No. 42.— + Author. [Cf. Montaigne's Essays, chap. xii.—<i>Editor.</i>] +</pre> + <p> + Royalty is thus as contrary to common sense as to com-mon right. But it + would be a plague even if no more than an absurdity; for a people who can + bow down in honor of a silly thing is a debased people. Can they be fit + for great affairs who render equal homage to vice and virtue, and yield + the same submission to ignorance and wisdom? Of all institutions, none has + caused more intellectual degeneracy. This explains the often-remarked + abjectness of character under monarchies. + </p> + <p> + Such is also the effect of this contagious institution that it renders + equality impossible, and draws in its train the presumption and the evils + of "Nobility." If you admit inheritance of an office, why not that of a + distinction? The Nobility's heritage asks only homage, that of the Crown + commands submission. When a man says to me, 'I am born illustrious,' I + merely smile; when he says 'I am born your master,' I set my foot on him. + </p> + <p> + When the Convention pronounced the abolition of Royalty none rose for the + defence that was expected. On this subject a philosopher, who thought + discussion should always precede enactment, proposed a singular thing; he + desired that the Convention should nominate an orator commissioned to + plead before it the cause of Royalty, so that the pitiful arguments by + which it has in all ages been justified might appear in broad daylight. + Judges give one accused, however certain his guilt, an official defender. + In the ancient Senate of Venice there existed a public officer whose + function was to contest all propositions, however incontestible, or + however perfect their evidence. For the rest, pleaders for Royalty are not + rare: let us open them, and see what the most specious of royalist + reasoners have said. + </p> + <p> + 1. <i>A king is necessary to preserve a people from the tyranny of + powerful men</i>. + </p> + <p> + Establish the Rights of Man(1); enthrone Equality; form a good + Constitution; divide well its powers; let there be no privileges, no + distinctions of birth, no monopolies; make safe the liberty of industry + and of trade, the equal distribution of [family] inheritances, publicity + of administration, freedom of the press: these things all established, you + will be assured of good laws, and need not fear the powerful men. + Willingly or unwillingly, all citizens will be under the Law. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The reader should bear in mind that this phrase, now used + vaguely, had for Paine and his political school a special + significance; it implied a fundamental Declaration of + individual rights, of supreme force and authority, invasion + which, either by legislatures, law courts, majorities, or + administrators, was to be regarded as the worst treason and + despotism.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + 2. <i>The Legislature might usurp authority, and a king is needed to + restrain it</i>. + </p> + <p> + With representatives, frequently renewed, who neither administer nor + judge, whose functions are determined by the laws; with national + conventions, with primary assemblies, which can be convoked any moment; + with a people knowing how to read, and how to defend itself; with good + journals, guns, and pikes; a Legislature would have a good deal of trouble + in enjoying any months of tyranny. Let us not suppose an evil for the sake + of its remedy. + </p> + <p> + 3. <i>A king is needed to give force to executive power</i>. + </p> + <p> + This might be said while there existed nobles, a priesthood, parliaments, + the privileged of every kind. But at present who can resist the Law, which + is the will of all, whose execution is the interest of all? On the + contrary the existence of an hereditary prince inspires perpetual distrust + among the friends of liberty; his authority is odious to them; in checking + despotism they constantly obstruct the action of government. Observe how + feeble the executive power was found, after our recent pretence of + marrying Royalty with Liberty. + </p> + <p> + Take note, for the rest, that those who talk in this way are men who + believe that the King and the Executive Power are only one and the same + thing: readers of <i>La Feuille Villageoise</i> are more advanced.(*) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * See No. 50.—<i>Author</i> +</pre> + <p> + Others use this bad reasoning: "Were there no hereditary chief there would + be an elective chief: the citizens would side with this man or that, and + there would be a civil war at every election." In the first place, it is + certain that hereditary succession alone has produced the civil wars of + France and England; and that beyond this are the pre-tended rights, of + royal families which have twenty times drawn on these nations the scourge + of foreign wars. It is, in fine, the heredity of crowns that has caused + the troubles of Regency, which Thomas Paine calls Monarchy at nurse. + </p> + <p> + But above all it must be said, that if there be an elective chief, that + chief will not be a king surrounded by courtiers, burdened with pomp, + inflated by idolatries, and endowed with thirty millions of money; also, + that no citizen will be tempted to injure himself by placing another + citizen, his equal, for some years in an office without limited income and + circumscribed power. + </p> + <p> + In a word, whoever demands a king demands an aristocracy, and thirty + millions of taxes. See why Franklin described Royalism as <i>a crime like + poisoning</i>. + </p> + <p> + Royalty, its fanatical eclat, its superstitious idolatry, the delusive + assumption of its necessity, all these fictions have been invented only to + obtain from men excessive taxes and voluntary servitude. Royalty and + Popery have had the same aim, have sustained themselves by the same + artifices, and crumble under the same Light. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0013" id="Dlink2H_4_0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XII. TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, ON THE PROSECUTION AGAINST THE SECOND PART + </h2> + <p> + OF RIGHTS OF MAN.(1) + </p> + <p> + Paris, 11th of November, 1st Year of the Republic. [1792.] + </p> + <p> + Mr. Attorney General: + </p> + <p> + Sir,—As there can be no personal resentment between two strangers, I + write this letter to you, as to a man against whom I have no animosity. + </p> + <p> + You have, as Attorney General, commenced a prosecution against me, as the + author of Rights of Man. Had not my duty, in consequence of my being + elected a member of the National Convention of France, called me from + England, I should have staid to have contested the injustice of that + prosecution; not upon my own account, for I cared not about the + prosecution, but to have defended the principles I had advanced in the + work. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Read to the Jury by the Attorney General, Sir Archibald + Macdonald, at the trial of Paine, December 18, 1792, which + resulted in his outlawry.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + The duty I am now engaged in is of too much importance to permit me to + trouble myself about your prosecution: when I have leisure, I shall have + no objection to meet you on that ground; but, as I now stand, whether you + go on with the prosecution, or whether you do not, or whether you obtain a + verdict, or not, is a matter of the most perfect indifference to me as an + individual. If you obtain one, (which you are welcome to if you can get + it,) it cannot affect me either in person, property, or reputation, + otherwise than to increase the latter; and with respect to yourself, it is + as consistent that you obtain a verdict against the Man in the Moon as + against me; neither do I see how you can continue the prosecution against + me as you would have done against one <i>your own people, who</i> had + absented himself because he was prosecuted; what passed at Dover proves + that my departure from England was no secret. (1) + </p> + <p> + My necessary absence from your country affords the opportunity of knowing + whether the prosecution was intended against Thomas Paine, or against the + Right of the People of England to investigate systems and principles of + government; for as I cannot now be the object of the prosecution, the + going on with the prosecution will shew that something else was the + object, and that something else can be no other than the People of + England, for it is against <i>their Rights</i>, and not against me, that a + verdict or sentence can operate, if it can operate at all. Be then so + candid as to tell the Jury, (if you choose to continue the process,) whom + it is you are prosecuting, and on whom it is that the verdict is to + fall.(2) + </p> + <p> + But I have other reasons than those I have mentioned for writing you this + letter; and, however you may choose to interpret them, they proceed from a + good heart. The time, Sir, is becoming too serious to play with Court + prosecutions, and sport with national rights. The terrible examples that + have taken place here, upon men who, less than a year ago, thought + themselves as secure as any prosecuting Judge, Jury, or Attorney General, + now can in England, ought to have some weight with men in your situation. + That the government of England is as great, if not the greatest, + perfection of fraud and corruption that ever took place since governments + began, is what you cannot be a stranger to, unless the constant habit of + seeing it has blinded your senses; but though you may not chuse to see it, + the people are seeing it very fast, and the progress is beyond what you + may chuse to believe. Is it possible that you, or I, can believe, or that + reason can make any other man believe, that the capacity of such a man as + Mr. Guelph, or any of his profligate sons, is necessary to the government + of a nation? I speak to you as one man ought to speak to another; and I + know also that I speak what other people are beginning to think. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See Chapter VIII. of this volume.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 In reading the letter in court the Attorney General said + at this point: "Gentlemen, I certainly will comply with + this request. I am prosecuting both him and his work; and + if I succeed in this prosecution, he shall never return to + this country otherwise than <i>in vintulis</i>, for I will outlaw + him."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + That you cannot obtain a verdict (and if you do, it will signify nothing) + <i>without packing a Jury</i>, (and we <i>both</i> know that such tricks + are practised,) is what I have very good reason to believe, I have gone + into coffee-houses, and places where I was unknown, on purpose to learn + the currency of opinion, and I never yet saw any company of twelve men + that condemned the book; but I have often found a greater number than + twelve approving it, and this I think is <i>a fair way of collecting the + natural currency of opinion</i>. Do not then, Sir, be the instrument of + drawing twelve men into a situation that may be <i>injurious</i> to them + afterwards. I do not speak this from policy, but from benevolence; but if + you chuse to go on with the process, I make it my request to you that you + will read this letter in Court, after which the Judge and the Jury may do + as they please. As I do not consider myself the object of the prosecution, + neither can I be affected by the issue, one way or the other, I shall, + though a foreigner in your country, subscribe as much money as any other + man towards supporting the right of the nation against the prosecution; + and it is for this purpose only that I shall do it.(1) + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + As I have not time to copy letters, you will excuse the corrections. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In reading this letter at the trial the Attorney + interspersed comments. At the phrase, "Mr. Guelph and his + profligate sons," he exclaimed: "This passage is + contemptuous, scandalous, false, cruel. Why, gentlemen, is + Mr. Paine, in addition to the political doctrines he is + teaching us in this country, to teach us the morality and + religion of implacability? Is he to teach human creatures, + whose moments of existence depend upon the permission of a + Being, merciful, long-suffering, and of great goodness, that + those youthful errors from which even royalty is not + exempted, are to be treasured up in a vindictive memory, and + are to receive sentence of irremissible sin at His hands.... + If giving me pain was his object he has that hellish + gratification." Erskine, Fame's counsel, protested in + advance against the reading of this letter (of which he had + heard), as containing matter likely to divert the Jury from + the subject of prosecution (the book). Lord Kenyon admitted + the letter.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + P. S. I intended, had I staid in England, to have published the + information, with my remarks upon it, before the trial came on; but as I + am otherwise engaged, I reserve myself till the trial is over, when I + shall reply fully to every thing you shall advance. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0014" id="Dlink2H_4_0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XIII. ON THE PROPRIETY OF BRINGING LOUIS XVI. TO TRIAL.(1) + </h2> + <h3> + Read to the Convention, November 21, 1792. + </h3> + <p> + Paris, Nov. 20, 1792. + </p> + <p> + Citizen President, + </p> + <p> + As I do not know precisely what day the Convention will resume the + discussion on the trial of Louis XVI., and, on account of my inability to + express myself in French, I cannot speak at the tribune, I request + permission to deposit in your hands the enclosed paper, which contains my + opinion on that subject. I make this demand with so much more eagerness, + because circumstances will prove how much it imports to France, that Louis + XVI. should continue to enjoy good health. I should be happy if the + Convention would have the goodness to hear this paper read this morning, + as I propose sending a copy of it to London, to be printed in the English + journals.(2) + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This address, which has suffered by alterations in all + editions is here revised and completed by aid of the + official document: "Opinion de Thomas Payne, Depute du + Dipartement de la Somme [error], concernant le jugement de + Louis XVI. Pricidi par sa lettre d'envoi au Prisident de la + Convention. Imprimi par ordre de la Convention Nationale. @ + Paris. De l'Imprimerie Nationale." Lamartine has censured + Paine for this speech; but the trial of the King was a + foregone conclusion, and it will be noted that Paine was + already trying to avert popular wrath from the individual + man by directing it against the general league of monarchs, + and the monarchal system. Nor would his plea for the King's + life have been listened to but for this previous address.— + <i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Of course no English journal could then venture to print + it.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + A Secretary read the opinion of Thomas Paine. I think it necessary that + Louis XVI. should be tried; not that this advice is suggested by a spirit + of vengeance, but because this measure appears to me just, lawful, and + conformable to sound policy. If Louis is innocent, let us put him to prove + his innocence; if he is guilty, let the national will determine whether he + shall be pardoned or punished. + </p> + <p> + But besides the motives personal to Louis XVI., there are others which + make his trial necessary. I am about to develope these motives, in the + language which I think expresses them, and no other. I forbid myself the + use of equivocal expression or of mere ceremony. There was formed among + the crowned brigands of Europe a conspiracy which threatened not only + French liberty, but likewise that of all nations. Every thing tends to the + belief that Louis XVI. was the partner of this horde of conspirators. You + have this man in your power, and he is at present the only one of the band + of whom you can make sure. I consider Louis XVI. in the same point of view + as the two first robbers taken up in the affair of the Store Room; their + trial led to discovery of the gang to which they belonged. We have seen + the unhappy soldiers of Austria, of Prussia, and the other powers which + declared themselves our enemies, torn from their fire-sides, and drawn to + butchery like wretched animals, to sustain, at the cost of their blood, + the common cause of these crowned brigands. They loaded the inhabitants of + those regions with taxes to support the expenses of the war. All this was + not done solely for Louis XVI. Some of the conspirators have acted openly: + but there is reason to presume that this conspiracy is composed of two + classes of brigands; those who have taken up arms, and those who have lent + to their cause secret encouragement and clandestine assistance. Now it is + indispensable to let France and the whole world know all these + accomplices. + </p> + <p> + A little time after the National Convention was constituted, the Minister + for Foreign Affairs presented the picture of all the governments of + Europe,—those whose hostilities were public, and those that acted + with a mysterious circumspection. This picture supplied grounds for just + suspicions of the part the latter were disposed to take, and since then + various circumstances have occurred to confirm those suspicions. We have + already penetrated into some part of the conduct of Mr. Guelph, Elector of + Hanover, and strong presumptions involve the same man, his court and + ministers, in quality of king of England. M. Calonne has constantly been + favoured with a friendly reception at that court.(1) The arrival of Mr. + Smith, secretary to Mr. Pitt, at Coblentz, when the emigrants were + assembling there; the recall of the English ambassador; the extravagant + joy manifested by the court of St. James' at the false report of the + defeat of Dumouriez, when it was communicated by Lord Elgin, then Minister + of Great Britain at Brussels—all these circumstances render him + [George III.] extremely suspicious; the trial of Louis XVI. will probably + furnish more decisive proofs. + </p> + <p> + The long subsisting fear of a revolution in England, would alone, I + believe, prevent that court from manifesting as much publicity in its + operations as Austria and Prussia. Another reason could be added to this: + the inevitable decrease of credit, by means of which alone all the old + governments could obtain fresh loans, in proportion as the probability of + revolutions increased. Whoever invests in the new loans of such + governments must expect to lose his stock. + </p> + <p> + Every body knows that the Landgrave of Hesse fights only as far as he is + paid. He has been for many years in the pay of the court of London. If the + trial of Louis XVI. could bring it to light, that this detestable dealer + in human flesh has been paid with the produce of the taxes imposed on the + English people, it would be justice to that nation to disclose that fact. + It would at the same time give to France an exact knowledge of the + character of that court, which has not ceased to be the most intriguing in + Europe, ever since its connexion with Germany. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Calonne (1734-1802), made Controller General of the + Treasury in 1783, lavished the public money on the Queen, on + courtiers, and on himself (purchasing St. Cloud and + Rambouillet), borrowing vast sums and deceiving the King as + to the emptiness of the Treasury, the annual deficit having + risen in 1787 to 115 millions of francs. He was then + banished to Lorraine, whence he proceeded to England, where + he married the wealthy widow Haveley. By his agency for the + Coblentz party he lost his fortune. In 1802 Napoleon brought + him back from London to Paris, where he died the same year. + —<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Louis XVI., considered as an individual, is an object beneath the notice + of the Republic; but when he is looked upon as a part of that band of + conspirators, as an accused man whose trial may lead all nations in the + world to know and detest the disastrous system of monarchy, and the plots + and intrigues of their own courts, he ought to be tried. + </p> + <p> + If the crimes for which Louis XVI. is arraigned were absolutely personal + to him, without reference to general conspiracies, and confined to the + affairs of France, the plea of inviolability, that folly of the moment, + might have been urged in his behalf with some appearance of reason; but he + is arraigned not only for treasons against France, but for having + conspired against all Europe, and if France is to be just to all Europe we + ought to use every means in our power to discover the whole extent of that + conspiracy. France is now a republic; she has completed her revolution; + but she cannot earn all its advantages so long as she is surrounded with + despotic governments. Their armies and their marine oblige her also to + keep troops and ships in readiness. It is therefore her immediate interest + that all nations shall be as free as herself; that revolutions shall be + universal; and since the trial of Louis XVI. can serve to prove to the + world the flagitiousness of governments in general, and the necessity of + revolutions, she ought not to let slip so precious an opportunity. + </p> + <p> + The despots of Europe have formed alliances to preserve their respective + authority, and to perpetuate the oppression of peoples. This is the end + they proposed to themselves in their invasion of French territory. They + dread the effect of the French revolution in the bosom of their own + countries; and in hopes of preventing it, they are come to attempt the + destruction of this revolution before it should attain its perfect + maturity. Their attempt has not been attended with success. France has + already vanquished their armies; but it remains for her to sound the + particulars of the conspiracy, to discover, to expose to the eyes of the + world, those despots who had the infamy to take part in it; and the world + expects from her that act of justice. + </p> + <p> + These are my motives for demanding that Louis XVI. be judged; and it is in + this sole point of view that his trial appears to me of sufficient + importance to receive the attention of the Republic. + </p> + <p> + As to "inviolability," I would not have such a word mentioned. If, seeing + in Louis XVI. only a weak and narrow-minded man, badly reared, like all + his kind, given, as it is said, to frequent excesses of drunkenness—a + man whom the National Assembly imprudently raised again on a throne for + which he was not made—he is shown hereafter some compassion, it + shall be the result of the national magnanimity, and not the burlesque + notion of a pretended "inviolability." + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0015" id="Dlink2H_4_0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XIV. REASONS FOR PRESERVING THE LIFE OF LOUIS CAPET, + </h2> + <h3> + As Delivered to the National Convention, January 15, 1703.(1) + </h3> + <p> + Citizen President, + </p> + <p> + My hatred and abhorrence of monarchy are sufficiently known: they + originate in principles of reason and conviction, nor, except with life, + can they ever be extirpated; but my compassion for the unfortunate, + whether friend or enemy, is equally lively and sincere. + </p> + <p> + I voted that Louis should be tried, because it was necessary to afford + proofs to the world of the perfidy, corruption, and abomination of the + monarchical system. The infinity of evidence that has been produced + exposes them in the most glaring and hideous colours; thence it results + that monarchy, whatever form it may assume, arbitrary or otherwise, + becomes necessarily a centre round which are united every species of + corruption, and the kingly trade is no less destructive of all morality in + the human breast, than the trade of an executioner is destructive of its + sensibility. I remember, during my residence in another country, that I + was exceedingly struck with a sentence of M. Autheine, at the Jacobins + [Club], which corresponds exactly with my own idea,—"Make me a king + to-day," said he, "and I shall be a robber to-morrow." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Printed in Paris (Hartley, Adlard & Son) and published in + London with the addition of D. I. Eaton's name, in 1796. + While Paine was in prison, he was accused in England and + America of having helped to bring Louis XVI. to the + scaffold. The English pamphlet has a brief preface in which + it is presented "as a burnt offering to Truth, in behalf of + the most zealous friend and advocate of the Rights of Man; + to protect him against the barbarous shafts of scandal and + delusion, and as a reply to all the horrors which despots of + every description have, with such unrelenting malice, + attempted to fix on his conduct. But truth in the end must + triumph: cease then such calumnies: all your efforts are + in vain —you bite a file."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Nevertheless, I am inclined to believe that if Louis Capet had been born + in obscure condition, had he lived within the circle of an amiable and + respectable neighbourhood, at liberty to practice the duties of domestic + life, had he been thus situated, I cannot believe that he would have shewn + himself destitute of social virtues: we are, in a moment of fermentation + like this, naturally little indulgent to his vices, or rather to those of + his government; we regard them with additional horror and indignation; not + that they are more heinous than those of his predecessors, but because our + eyes are now open, and the veil of delusion at length withdrawn; yet the + lamentable, degraded state to which he is actually reduced, is surely far + less imputable to him than to the Constituent Assembly, which, of its own + authority, without consent or advice of the people, restored him to the + throne. + </p> + <p> + I was in Paris at the time of the flight, or abdication of Louis XVI., and + when he was taken and brought back. The proposal of restoring him to + supreme power struck me with amazement; and although at that time I was + not a French citizen, yet as a citizen of the world I employed all the + efforts that depended on me to prevent it. + </p> + <p> + A small society, composed only of five persons, two of whom are now + members of the Convention,(1) took at that time the name of the Republican + Club (Sociiti Ripublicaine). This society opposed the restoration of + Louis, not so much on account of his personal offences, as in order to + overthrow the monarchy, and to erect on its ruins the republican system + and an equal representation. + </p> + <p> + With this design, I traced out in the English language certain + propositions, which were translated with some trifling alterations, and + signed by Achille Duchbtelet, now Lieutenant-General in the army of the + French republic, and at that time one of the five members which composed + our little party: the law requiring the signature of a citizen at the + bottom of each printed paper. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Condorect and Paine; the other members were Achille + Duchitelet, and probably Nicolas de Bonneville and + Lanthenas,—translator of Paine's "Works."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + The paper was indignantly torn by Malouet; and brought forth in this very + room as an article of accusation against the person who had signed it, the + author and their adherents; but such is the revolution of events, that + this paper is now received and brought forth for a very opposite purpose—to + remind the nation of the errors of that unfortunate day, that fatal error + of not having then banished Louis XVI. from its bosom, and to plead this + day in favour of his exile, preferable to his death. + </p> + <p> + The paper in question, was conceived in the following terms: + </p> + <p> + [The address constitutes the first chapter of the present volume.] + </p> + <p> + Having thus explained the principles and the exertions of the republicans + at that fatal period, when Louis was rein-stated in full possession of the + executive power which by his flight had been suspended, I return to the + subject, and to the deplorable situation in which the man is now actually + involved. + </p> + <p> + What was neglected at the time of which I have been speaking, has been + since brought about by the force of necessity. The wilful, treacherous + defects in the former constitution have been brought to light; the + continual alarm of treason and conspiracy aroused the nation, and produced + eventually a second revolution. The people have beat down royalty, never, + never to rise again; they have brought Louis Capet to the bar, and + demonstrated in the face of the whole world, the intrigues, the cabals, + the falsehood, corruption, and rooted depravity, the inevitable effects of + monarchical government. There remains then only one question to be + considered, what is to be done with this man? + </p> + <p> + For myself I seriously confess, that when I reflect on the unaccountable + folly that restored the executive power to his hands, all covered as he + was with perjuries and treason, I am far more ready to condemn the + Constituent Assembly than the unfortunate prisoner Louis Capet. + </p> + <p> + But abstracted from every other consideration, there is one circumstance + in his life which ought to cover or at least to palliate a great number of + his transgressions, and this very circumstance affords to the French + nation a blessed occasion of extricating itself from the yoke of kings, + without defiling itself in the impurities of their blood. + </p> + <p> + It is to France alone, I know, that the United States of America owe that + support which enabled them to shake off the unjust and tyrannical yoke of + Britain. The ardour and zeal which she displayed to provide both men and + money, were the natural consequence of a thirst for liberty. But as the + nation at that time, restrained by the shackles of her own government, + could only act by the means of a monarchical organ, this organ—whatever + in other respects the object might be—certainly performed a good, a + great action. + </p> + <p> + Let then those United States be the safeguard and asylum of Louis Capet. + There, hereafter, far removed from the miseries and crimes of royalty, he + may learn, from the constant aspect of public prosperity, that the true + system of government consists not in kings, but in fair, equal, and + honourable representation. + </p> + <p> + In relating this circumstance, and in submitting this proposition, I + consider myself as a citizen of both countries. I submit it as a citizen + of America, who feels the debt of gratitude which he owes to every + Frenchman. I submit it also as a man, who, although the enemy of kings, + cannot forget that they are subject to human frailties. I support my + proposition as a citizen of the French republic, because it appears to me + the best, the most politic measure that can be adopted. + </p> + <p> + As far as my experience in public life extends, I have ever observed, that + the great mass of the people are invariably just, both in their intentions + and in their objects; but the true method of accomplishing an effect does + not always shew itself in the first instance. For example: the English + nation had groaned under the despotism of the Stuarts. Hence Charles I. + lost his life; yet Charles II. was restored to all the plenitude of power, + which his father had lost. Forty years had not expired when the same + family strove to reestablish their ancient oppression; so the nation then + banished from its territories the whole race. The remedy was effectual. + The Stuart family sank into obscurity, confounded itself with the + multitude, and is at length extinct. + </p> + <p> + The French nation has carried her measures of government to a greater + length. France is not satisfied with exposing the guilt of the monarch. + She has penetrated into the vices and horrors of the monarchy. She has + shown them clear as daylight, and forever crushed that system; and he, + whoever he may be, that should ever dare to reclaim those rights would be + regarded not as a pretender, but punished as a traitor. + </p> + <p> + Two brothers of Louis Capet have banished themselves from the country; but + they are obliged to comply with the spirit and etiquette of the courts + where they reside. They can advance no pretensions on their own account, + so long as Louis Capet shall live. + </p> + <p> + Monarchy, in France, was a system pregnant with crime and murders, + cancelling all natural ties, even those by which brothers are united. We + know how often they have assassinated each other to pave a way to power. + As those hopes which the emigrants had reposed in Louis XVI. are fled, the + last that remains rests upon his death, and their situation inclines them + to desire this catastrophe, that they may once again rally around a more + active chief, and try one further effort under the fortune of the + ci-devant Monsieur and d'Artois. That such an enterprize would precipitate + them into a new abyss of calamity and disgrace, it is not difficult to + foresee; yet it might be attended with mutual loss, and it is our duty as + legislators not to spill a drop of blood when our purpose may be + effectually accomplished without it. + </p> + <p> + It has already been proposed to abolish the punishment of death, and it is + with infinite satisfaction that I recollect the humane and excellent + oration pronounced by Robespierre on that subject in the Constituent + Assembly. This cause must find its advocates in every corner where + enlightened politicians and lovers of humanity exist, and it ought above + all to find them in this assembly. + </p> + <p> + Monarchical governments have trained the human race, and inured it to the + sanguinary arts and refinements of punishment; and it is exactly the same + punishment which has so long shocked the sight and tormented the patience + of the people, that now, in their turn, they practice in revenge upon + their oppressors. But it becomes us to be strictly on our guard against + the abomination and perversity of monarchical examples: as France has been + the first of European nations to abolish royalty, let her also be the + first to abolish the punishment of death, and to find out a milder and + more effectual substitute. + </p> + <p> + In the particular case now under consideration, I submit the following + propositions: 1st, That the National Convention shall pronounce sentence + of banishment on Louis and his family. 2d, That Louis Capet shall be + detained in prison till the end of the war, and at that epoch the sentence + of banishment to be executed. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0016" id="Dlink2H_4_0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XV. SHALL LOUIS XVI. HAVE RESPITE? + </h2> + <h3> + SPEECH IN THE CONVENTION, JANUARY 19, 1793.(1) + </h3> + <p> + (Read in French by Deputy Bancal,) + </p> + <p> + Very sincerely do I regret the Convention's vote of yesterday for death. + </p> + <p> + Marat [<i>interrupting</i>]: I submit that Thomas Paine is incompetent to + vote on this question; being a Quaker his religious principles are opposed + to capital punishment. [<i>Much confusion, quieted by cries for "freedom + of speech" on which Bancal proceeds with Paine's speech</i>.] + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Not included in any previous edition of Paine's "Works." + It is here printed from contemporary French reports, + modified only by Paine's own quotations of a few sentences + in his Memorial to Monroe (xxi.).—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + I have the advantage of some experience; it is near twenty years that I + have been engaged in the cause of liberty, having contributed something to + it in the revolution of the United States of America, My language has + always been that of liberty <i>and</i> humanity, and I know that nothing + so exalts a nation as the union of these two principles, under all + circumstances. I know that the public mind of France, and particularly + that of Paris, has been heated and irritated by the dangers to which they + have been exposed; but could we carry our thoughts into the future, when + the dangers are ended and the irritations forgotten, what to-day seems an + act of justice may then appear an act of vengeance. [<i>Murmurs</i>.] My + anxiety for the cause of France has become for the moment concern for her + honor. If, on my return to America, I should employ myself on a history of + the French Revolution, I had rather record a thousand errors on the side + of mercy, than be obliged to tell one act of severe justice. I voted + against an appeal to the people, because it appeared to me that the + Convention was needlessly wearied on that point; but I so voted in the + hope that this Assembly would pronounce against death, and for the same + punishment that the nation would have voted, at least in my opinion, that + is for reclusion during the war, and banishment thereafter.(1) That is the + punishment most efficacious, because it includes the whole family at once, + and none other can so operate. I am still against the appeal to the + primary assemblies, because there is a better method. This Convention has + been elected to form a Constitution, which will be submitted to the + primary assemblies. After its acceptance a necessary consequence will be + an election and another assembly. We cannot suppose that the present + Convention will last more than five or six months. The choice of new + deputies will express the national opinion, on the propriety or + impropriety of your sentence, with as much efficacy as if those primary + assemblies had been consulted on it. As the duration of our functions here + cannot be long, it is a part of our duty to consider the interests of + those who shall replace us. If by any act of ours the number of the + nation's enemies shall be needlessly increased, and that of its friends + diminished,—at a time when the finances may be more strained than + to-day,—we should not be justifiable for having thus unnecessarily + heaped obstacles in the path of our successors. Let us therefore not be + precipitate in our decisions. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 It is possible that the course of the debate may have + produced some reaction among the people, but when Paine + voted against submitting the king's fate to the popular vote + it was believed by the king and his friends that it would be + fatal. The American Minister, Gouverneur Morris, who had + long been acting for the king, wrote to President + Washington, Jan. 6, 1793: "The king's fate is to be decided + next Monday, the 14th. That unhappy man, conversing with one + of his Council on his own fate, calmly summed up the motives + of every kind, and concluded that a majority of the Council + would vote for referring his case to the people, and that in + consequence he should be massacred." Writing to Washington + on Dec. 28, 1792, Morris mentions having heard from Paine + that he was to move the king's banishment to America, and he + may then have informed Paine that the king believed + reference of his case to popular vote would be fatal. + Genet was to have conducted the royal family to America.— + <i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + France has but one ally—the United States of America. That is the + only nation that can furnish France with naval provisions, for the + kingdoms of northern Europe are, or soon will be, at war with her. It + unfortunately happens that the person now under discussion is considered + by the Americans as having been the friend of their revolution. His + execution will be an affliction to them, and it is in your power not to + wound the feelings of your ally. Could I speak the French language I would + descend to your bar, and in their name become your petitioner to respite + the execution of the sentence on Louis. + </p> + <p> + Thuriot: This is not the language of Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Marat: I denounce the interpreter. I maintain that it is not Thomas + Paine's opinion. It is an untrue translation. + </p> + <p> + Garran: I have read the original, and the translation is correct.(1) + </p> + <p> + [<i>Prolonged uproar. Paine, still standing in the tribune beside his + interpreter, Deputy Bancal, declared the sentiments to be his.</i>] + </p> + <p> + Your Executive Committee will nominate an ambassador to Philadelphia; my + sincere wish is that he may announce to America that the National + Convention of France, out of pure friendship to America, has consented to + respite Louis. That people, by my vote, ask you to delay the execution. + </p> + <p> + Ah, citizens, give not the tyrant of England the triumph of seeing the man + perish on the scaffold who had aided my much-loved America to break his + chains! + </p> + <p> + Marat ["<i>launching himself into the middle of the hall</i>"]: Paine + voted against the punishment of death because he is a Quaker. + </p> + <p> + Paine: I voted against it from both moral motives and motives of public + policy. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See Guizot, "Hist, of France," vi., p. 136. "Hist. + Parliamentair," vol. ii., p. 350. Louis Blanc says that + Paine's appeal was so effective that Marat interrupted + mainly in order to destroy its effect.—"Hist, de la Rev.," + tome vii, 396.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0017" id="Dlink2H_4_0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XVI. DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.(1) + </h2> + <p> + The object of all union of men in society being maintenance of their + natural rights, civil and political, these rights are the basis of the + social pact: their recognition and their declaration ought to precede the + Constitution which assures their guarantee. + </p> + <p> + 1. The natural rights of men, civil and political, are liberty, equality, + security, property, social protection, and resistance to oppression. + </p> + <p> + 2. Liberty consists in the right to do whatever is not contrary to the + rights of others: thus, exercise of the natural rights of each individual + has no limits other than those which secure to other members of society + enjoyment of the same rights. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In his appeal from prison to the Convention (August 7, + 1794) Paine states that he had, as a member of the Committee + for framing the Constitution, prepared a Plan, which was in + the hands of Barhre, also of that Committee. I have not yet + succeeded in finding Paine's Constitution, but it is certain + that the work of framing the Constitution of 1793 was mainly + entrusted to Paine and Condorcet. + + Dr. John Moore, in his work on the French Revolution, + describes the two at their work; and it is asserted that he + "assisted in drawing up the French Declaration of Rights," + by "Juvencus," author of an able "Essay on the Life and + Genius of Thomas Paine," whose information came from a + personal friend of Paine. ("Aphorisms, Opinions, and + Reflections of Thomas Paine," etc., London, 1826. Pp. 3, + 14.) A translation of the Declaration and Constitution + appeared in England (Debrett, Picadilly, 1793), but with + some faults. The present translation is from "Oeuvres + Complhtes de Condorcet," tome xviii. The Committee reported + their Constitution February 15th, and April 15th was set for + its discussion, Robespierre then demanded separate + discussion of the Declaration of Rights, to which he + objected that it made no mention of the Supreme Being, and + that its extreme principles of freedom would shield illicit + traffic. Paine and Jefferson were troubled that the United + States Constitution contained no Declaration of Rights, it + being a fundamental principle in Paine's theory of + government that such a Declaration was the main safeguard of + the individual against the despotism of numbers. See + supra, vol. ii.t pp. 138, 139.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + 3. The preservation of liberty depends on submission to the Law, which is + the expression of the general will. Nothing unforbidden by law can be + hindered, and none may be forced to do what the law does not command. + </p> + <p> + 4. Every man is free to make known his thoughts and opinions. + </p> + <p> + 5. Freedom of the press, and every other means of publishing one's + opinion, cannot be interdicted, suspended, or limited. + </p> + <p> + 6. Every citizen shall be free in the exercise of his religion (<i>culte</i>). + </p> + <p> + 7. Equality consists in the enjoyment by every one of the same rights. + </p> + <p> + 8. The law should be equal for all, whether it rewards or punishes, + protects or represses. + </p> + <p> + 9. All citizens are admissible to all public positions, employments, and + functions. Free nations recognize no grounds of preference save talents + and virtues. + </p> + <p> + 10. Security consists in the protection accorded by society to every + citizen for the preservation of his person, property, and rights. + </p> + <p> + 11. None should be sued, accused, arrested, or detained, save in cases + determined by the law, and in accordance with forms prescribed by it. + Every other act against a citizen is arbitrary and null. + </p> + <p> + 12. Those who solicit, further, sign, execute, or cause to be executed, + such arbitrary acts are culpable, and should be punished. + </p> + <p> + 13. Citizens against whom the execution of such acts is attempted have the + right to repel force by force; but every citizen summoned or arrested by + authority of the Law, and in the forms by it prescribed, should instantly + obey: he renders himself guilty by resistance. + </p> + <p> + 14. Every man being presumed innocent until legally pronounced guilty, + should his arrest be deemed indispensable, all rigor not necessary to + secure his person should be severely represssed by law. + </p> + <p> + 15. None should be punished save in virtue of a law formally enacted, + promulgated anterior to the offence, and legally applied. + </p> + <p> + 16. Any law that should punish offences committed before its existence + would be an arbitrary act. Retroactive effect given to the law is a crime. + </p> + <p> + 17. The law should award only penalties strictly and evidently necessary + to the general safety. Penalties should be proportioned to offences, and + useful to society. + </p> + <p> + 18. The right of property consists in every man's being master in the + disposal, at his will, of his goods, capital, income, and industry. + </p> + <p> + 19. No kind of labor, commerce, or culture, can be prohibited to any one: + he may make, sell, and transport every species of production. + </p> + <p> + 20. Every man may engage his services and his time; but he cannot sell + himself; his person is not an alienable property. + </p> + <p> + 21. No one can be deprived of the least portion of his property without + his consent, unless evidently required by public necessity, legally + determined, and under the condition of a just indemnity in advance. + </p> + <p> + 22. No tax shall be imposed except for the general welfare, and to meet + public needs. All citizens have the right to unite personally, or by their + representatives, in the fixing of imposts. + </p> + <p> + 23. Instruction is the need of all, and society owes it to all its members + equally. + </p> + <p> + 24. Public succours are a sacred debt of society; it is for the law to + determine their extent and application. + </p> + <p> + 25. The social guarantee of the rights of man rests on the national + sovereignty. + </p> + <p> + 26. This sovereignty is one, indivisible, imprescriptible, and + inalienable. + </p> + <p> + 27. It resides essentially in the whole people, and every citizen has an + equal right to unite in its exercise. + </p> + <p> + 28. No partial assemblage of citizens, and no individual, may attribute to + themselves sovereignty, or exercise any authority, or discharge any public + function, without formal delegation thereto by the law. + </p> + <p> + 29. The social guarantee cannot exist if the limits of public + administration are not clearly determined by law, and if the + responsibility of all public functionaries is not assured. + </p> + <p> + 30. All citizens are bound to unite in this guarantee, and in enforcing + the law when summoned in its name. + </p> + <p> + 31. Men united in society should have legal means of resisting oppression. + </p> + <p> + 32. There is oppression when any law violates the natural rights, civil + and political, which it should guarantee. + </p> + <p> + There is oppression when the law is violated by public officials in its + application to individual cases. + </p> + <p> + There is oppression when arbitrary actions violate the rights of citizen + against the express purpose (<i>expression</i>) of the law. + </p> + <p> + In a free government the mode of resisting these different acts of + oppression should be regulated by the Constitution. + </p> + <p> + 33. A people possesses always the right to reform and alter its + Constitution. A generation has no right to subject a future generation to + its laws; and all heredity in offices is absurd and tyrannical. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0018" id="Dlink2H_4_0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XVII. PRIVATE LETTERS TO JEFFERSON. + </h2> + <p> + Paris, 20 April, 1793. + </p> + <p> + My dear Friend,—The gentleman (Dr. Romer) to whom I entrust this + letter is an intimate acquaintance of Lavater; but I have not had the + opportunity of seeing him, as he had set off for Havre prior to my writing + this letter, which I forward to him under cover from one of his friends, + who is also an acquaintance of mine. + </p> + <p> + We are now in an extraordinary crisis, and it is not altogether without + some considerable faults here. Dumouriez, partly from having no fixed + principles of his own, and partly from the continual persecution of the + Jacobins, who act without either prudence or morality, has gone off to the + Enemy, and taken a considerable part of the Army with him. The expedition + to Holland has totally failed, and all Brabant is again in the hands of + the Austrians. + </p> + <p> + You may suppose the consternation which such a sudden reverse of fortune + has occasioned, but it has been without commotion. Dumouriez threatened to + be in Paris in three weeks. It is now three weeks ago; he is still on the + frontier near to Mons with the Enemy, who do not make any progress. + Dumouriez has proposed to re-establish the former Constitution in which + plan the Austrians act with him. But if France and the National Convention + act prudently this project will not succeed. In the first place there is a + popular disposition against it, and there is force sufficient to prevent + it. In the next place, a great deal is to be taken into the calculation + with respect to the Enemy. There are now so many persons accidentally + jumbled together as to render it exceedingly difficult to them to agree + upon any common object. + </p> + <p> + The first object, that of restoring the old Monarchy, is evidently given + up by the proposal to re-establish the late Constitution. The object of + England and Prussia was to preserve Holland, and the object of Austria was + to recover Brabant; while those separate objects lasted, each party having + one, the Confederation could hold together, each helping the other; but + after this I see not how a common object is to be formed. To all this is + to be added the probable disputes about opportunity, the expence, and the + projects of reimbursements. The Enemy has once adventured into France, and + they had the permission or the good fortune to get back again. On every + military calculation it is a hazardous adventure, and armies are not much + disposed to try a second time the ground upon which they have been + defeated. + </p> + <p> + Had this revolution been conducted consistently with its principles, there + was once a good prospect of extending liberty through the greatest part of + Europe; but I now relinquish that hope. Should the Enemy by venturing into + France put themselves again in a condition of being captured, the hope + will revive; but this is a risk I do not wish to see tried, lest it should + fail. + </p> + <p> + As the prospect of a general freedom is now much shortened, I begin to + contemplate returning home. I shall await the event of the proposed + Constitution, and then take my final leave of Europe. I have not written + to the President, as I have nothing to communicate more than in this + letter. Please to present him my affection and compliments, and remember + me among the circle of my friends. + </p> + <p> + Your sincere and affectionate friend, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + P. S. I just now received a letter from General Lewis Morris, who tells me + that the house and Barn on my farm at New Rochelle are burnt down. I + assure you I shall not bring money enough to build another. + </p> + <p> + Paris, 20 Oct., 1793. + </p> + <p> + I wrote you by Captain Dominick who was to sail from Havre about the 20th + of this month. This will probably be brought you by Mr. Barlow or Col. + Oswald. Since my letter by Dominick I am every day more convinced and + impressed with the propriety of Congress sending Commissioners to Europe + to confer with the Ministers of the Jesuitical Powers on the means of + terminating the War. The enclosed printed paper will shew there are a + variety of subjects to be taken into consideration which did not appear at + first, all of which have some tendency to put an end to the War. I see not + how this War is to terminate if some intermediate power does not step + forward. There is now no prospect that France can carry revolutions into + Europe on the one hand, or that the combined powers can conquer France on + the other hand. It is a sort of defensive War on both sides. This being + the case, how is the War to close? Neither side will ask for peace though + each may wish it. I believe that England and Holland are tired of the War. + Their Commerce and Manufactures have suffered most exceedingly,—besides + this, it is for them a War without an object. Russia keeps herself at a + distance. + </p> + <p> + I cannot help repeating my wish that Congress would send Commissioners, + and I wish also that yourself would venture once more across the ocean, as + one of them. If the Commissioners rendezvous at Holland they would know + what steps to take. They could call Mr. Pinckney [Gen. Thomas Pinckney, + American Minister in England] to their councils, and it would be of use, + on many accounts, that one of them should come over from Holland to + France. Perhaps a long truce, were it proposed by the neutral powers, + would have all the effects of a Peace, without the difficulties attending + the adjustment of all the forms of Peace. + </p> + <p> + Yours affectionately, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0019" id="Dlink2H_4_0019"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XVIII. LETTER TO DANTON.(1) + </h2> + <h3> + Paris, May 6, 2nd year of the Republic [1793.] + </h3> + <p> + Citoyen Danton: As you read English, I write this letter to you without + passing it through the hands of a translator. I am exceedingly disturbed + at the distractions, jealousies, discontents and uneasiness that reign + among us, and which, if they continue, will bring ruin and disgrace on the + Republic. When I left America in the year 1787, it was my intention to + return the year following, but the French Revolution, and the prospect it + afforded of extending the principles of liberty and fraternity through the + greater part of Europe, have induced me to prolong my stay upwards of six + years. I now despair of seeing the great object of European liberty + accomplished, and my despair arises not from the combined foreign powers, + not from the intrigues of aristocracy and priestcraft, but from the + tumultuous misconduct with which the internal affairs of the present + revolution are conducted. + </p> + <p> + All that now can be hoped for is limited to France only, and I agree with + your motion of not interfering in the government of any foreign country, + nor permitting any foreign country to interfere in the government of + France. This decree was necessary as a preliminary toward terminating the + war. But while these internal contentions continue, while the hope remains + to the enemy of seeing the Republic fall to pieces, while not only the + representatives of the departments but representation itself is publicly + insulted, as it has lately been and now is by the people of Paris, or at + least by the tribunes, the enemy will be encouraged to hang about the + frontiers and await the issue of circumstances. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This admirable letter was brought to light by the late M. + Taine, and first published in full by Taine's translator, + John Durand ("New Materials for the History of the American + Revolution," 1889). The letter to Marat mentioned by Paine + has not been discovered. Danton followed Paine to prison, + and on meeting him there said: "That which you did for the + happiness and liberty of your country I tried to do for + mine. I have been less fortunate, but not less innocent. + They will send me to the scaffold; very well, my friend, I + will go gaily." M. Taine in La Rivolution (vol. ii., pp. + 382, 413, 414) refers to this letter of Paine, and says: + "Compared with the speeches and writings of the time, it + produces the strangest effect by its practical good sense." + —<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + I observe that the confederated powers have not yet recognized Monsieur, + or D'Artois, as regent, nor made any proclamation in favour of any of the + Bourbons; but this negative conduct admits of two different conclusions. + The one is that of abandoning the Bourbons and the war together; the other + is that of changing the object of the war and substituting a partition + scheme in the place of their first object, as they have done by Poland. If + this should be their object, the internal contentions that now rage will + favour that object far more than it favoured their former object. The + danger every day increases of a rupture between Paris and the departments. + The departments did not send their deputies to Paris to be insulted, and + every insult shown to them is an insult to the departments that elected + and sent them. I see but one effectual plan to prevent this rupture taking + place, and that is to fix the residence of the Convention, and of the + future assemblies, at a distance from Paris. + </p> + <p> + I saw, during the American Revolution, the exceeding inconvenience that + arose by having the government of Congress within the limits of any + Municipal Jurisdiction. Congress first resided in Philadelphia, and after + a residence of four years it found it necessary to leave it. It then + adjourned to the State of Jersey. It afterwards removed to New York; it + again removed from New York to Philadelphia, and after experiencing in + every one of these places the great inconvenience of a government, it + formed the project of building a Town, not within the limits of any + municipal jurisdiction, for the future residence of Congress. In any one + of the places where Congress resided, the municipal authority privately or + openly opposed itself to the authority of Congress, and the people of each + of these places expected more attention from Congress than their equal + share with the other States amounted to. The same thing now takes place in + France, but in a far greater excess. + </p> + <p> + I see also another embarrassing circumstance arising in Paris of which we + have had full experience in America. I mean that of fixing the price of + provisions. But if this measure is to be attempted it ought to be done by + the Municipality. The Convention has nothing to do with regulations of + this kind; neither can they be carried into practice. The people of Paris + may say they will not give more than a certain price for provisions, but + as they cannot compel the country people to bring provisions to market the + consequence will be directly contrary to their expectations, and they will + find dearness and famine instead of plenty and cheapness. They may force + the price down upon the stock in hand, but after that the market will be + empty. + </p> + <p> + I will give you an example. In Philadelphia we undertook, among other + regulations of this kind, to regulate the price of Salt; the consequence + was that no Salt was brought to market, and the price rose to thirty-six + shillings sterling per Bushel. The price before the war was only one + shilling and sixpence per Bushel; and we regulated the price of flour + (farina) till there was none in the market, and the people were glad to + procure it at any price. + </p> + <p> + There is also a circumstance to be taken into the account which is not + much attended to. The assignats are not of the same value they were a year + ago, and as the quantity increases the value of them will diminish. This + gives the appearance of things being dear when they are not so in fact, + for in the same proportion that any kind of money falls in value articles + rise in price. If it were not for this the quantity of assignats would be + too great to be circulated. Paper money in America fell so much in value + from this excessive quantity of it, that in the year 1781 I gave three + hundred paper dollars for one pair of worsted stockings. What I write you + upon this subject is experience, and not merely opinion. I have no + personal interest in any of these matters, nor in any party disputes. I + attend only to general principles. + </p> + <p> + As soon as a constitution shall be established I shall return to America; + and be the future prosperity of France ever so great, I shall enjoy no + other part of it than the happiness of knowing it. In the mean time I am + distressed to see matters so badly conducted, and so little attention paid + to moral principles. It is these things that injure the character of the + Revolution and discourage the progress of liberty all over the world. When + I began this letter I did not intend making it so lengthy, but since I + have gone thus far I will fill up the remainder of the sheet with such + matters as occur to me. + </p> + <p> + There ought to be some regulation with respect to the spirit of + denunciation that now prevails. If every individual is to indulge his + private malignancy or his private ambition, to denounce at random and + without any kind of proof, all confidence will be undermined and all + authority be destroyed. Calumny is a species of Treachery that ought to be + punished as well as any other kind of Treachery. It is a private vice + productive of public evils; because it is possible to irritate men into + disaffection by continual calumny who never intended to be disaffected. It + is therefore, equally as necessary to guard against the evils of unfounded + or malignant suspicion as against the evils of blind confidence. It is + equally as necessary to protect the characters of public officers from + calumny as it is to punish them for treachery or misconduct. For my own + part I shall hold it a matter of doubt, until better evidence arises than + is known at present, whether Dumouriez has been a traitor from policy or + resentment. There was certainly a time when he acted well, but it is not + every man whose mind is strong enough to bear up against ingratitude, and + I think he experienced a great deal of this before he revolted. Calumny + becomes harmless and defeats itself, when it attempts to act upon too + large a scale. Thus the denunciation of the Sections [of Paris] against + the twenty-two deputies [Girondists] falls to the ground. The departments + that elected them are better judges of their moral and political + characters than those who have denounced them. This denunciation will + injure Paris in the opinion of the departments because it has the + appearance of dictating to them what sort of deputies they shall elect. + Most of the acquaintances that I have in the Convention are among those + who are in that list, and I know there are not better men nor better + patriots than what they are. + </p> + <p> + I have written a letter to Marat of the same date as this but not on the + same subject. He may show it to you if he chuse. + </p> + <p> + Votre Ami, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Citoyen Danton. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0020" id="Dlink2H_4_0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XIX. A CITIZEN OF AMERICA TO THE CITIZENS OF EUROPE (1) + </h2> + <p> + 18th Year of Independence. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 State Archives, Paris: Itats Unis, vol. 38, fol. 90. This + pamphlet is in English, without indication of authorship or + of the place of publication. It is accompanied by a French + translation (MS.) inscribed "Par Thomas Payne." In the + printed pamphlet the date (18th Year, etc) is preceded by + the French words (printed): "Philadelphie 28 Juillet 1793." + It was no doubt the pamphlet sent by Paine to Monroe, with + various documents relating to his imprisonment, describing + it as "a Letter which I had printed here as an American + letter, some copies of which I sent to Mr. Jefferson." A + considerable portion of the pamphlet embodies, with + occasional changes of phraseology, a manuscript (Itats Unis, + vol. 37, Do. 39) endorsed: "January 1793. Thorn. Payne. + Copie. Observations on the situation of the Powers joined + against France." This opens with the following paragraph: + "It is always useful to know the position and the designs of + one's enemies. It is much easier to do so by combining and + comparing the events, and by examining the consequences + which result from them, than by forming one's judgment by + letters found or intercepted. These letters could be + fabricated with the intention of deceiving, but events or + circumstances have a character which is proper to them. If + in the course of our political operations we mistake the + designs of our enemy, it leads us to do precisely that which + he desires we should do, and it happens by the fact, but + against our intentions, that we work for him." That the date + written on this MS. is erroneous appears by an allusion to + the defeat of the Duke of York at Dunkirk in the closing + paragraph: "There are three distinct parties in England at + this moment: the government party, the revolutionary party, + and an intermedial party,—which is only opposed to the war + on account of the expense it entails, and the harm it does + commerce and manufactures. I am speaking of the People, and + not of the Parliament. The latter is divided into two + parties: the Ministerial, and the Anti-ministerial. The + revolutionary party, the intermedial party, and the anti- + ministerial party, will all rejoice, publicly or privately, + at the defeat of the Duke of York at Dunkirk." The two + paragraphs quoted represent the only actual additions to the + pamphlet. I have a clipping from the London Morning + Chronicle of Friday, April 25, 1794, containing the part of + the pamphlet headed "Of the present state of Europe and the + Confederacy," signed "Thomas Paine, Author of Common Sense, + etc." On February 1,1793, the Convention having declared + war, appointed Paine, Barhre, Condorcet and Faber, a + Committee to draft an address to the English people. It was + never done, but these fragments may represent notes written + by Paine with reference to that task. The pamphlet + probably appeared late in September, 1793.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + Understanding that a proposal is intended to be made at the ensuing + meeting of the Congress of the United States of America "to send + commissioners to Europe to confer with the Ministers of all the Neutral + Powers for the purpose of negotiating preliminaries of peace," I address + this letter to you on that subject, and on the several matters connected + therewith. + </p> + <p> + In order to discuss this subject through all its circumstances, it will be + necessary to take a review of the state of Europe, prior to the French + revolution. It will from thence appear, that the powers leagued against + France are fighting to attain an object, which, were it possible to be + attained, would be injurious to themselves. + </p> + <p> + This is not an uncommon error in the history of wars and governments, of + which the conduct of the English government in the war against America is + a striking instance. She commenced that war for the avowed purpose of + subjugating America; and after wasting upwards of one hundred millions + sterling, and then abandoning the object, she discovered, in the course of + three or four years, that the prosperity of England was increased, instead + of being diminished, by the independence of America. In short, every + circumstance is pregnant with some natural effect, upon which intentions + and opinions have no influence; and the political error lies in misjudging + what the effect will be. England misjudged it in the American war, and the + reasons I shall now offer will shew, that she misjudges it in the present + war. In discussing this subject, I leave out of the question everything + respecting forms and systems of government; for as all the governments of + Europe differ from each other, there is no reason that the government of + France should not differ from the rest. + </p> + <p> + The clamours continually raised in all the countries of Europe were, that + the family of the Bourbons was become too powerful; that the intrigues of + the court of France endangered the peace of Europe. Austria saw with a + jealous eye the connection of France with Prussia; and Prussia, in her + turn became jealous of the connection of France with Austria; England had + wasted millions unsuccessfully in attempting to prevent the family compact + with Spain; Russia disliked the alliance between France and Turkey; and + Turkey became apprehensive of the inclination of France towards an + alliance with Russia. Sometimes the quadruple alliance alarmed some of the + powers, and at other times a contrary system alarmed others, and in all + those cases the charge was always made against the intrigues of the + Bourbons. + </p> + <p> + Admitting those matters to be true, the only thing that could have quieted + the apprehensions of all those powers with respect to the interference of + France, would have been her entire NEUTRALITY in Europe; but this was + impossible to be obtained, or if obtained was impossible to be secured, + because the genius of her government was repugnant to all such + restrictions. + </p> + <p> + It now happens that by entirely changing the genius of her government, + which France has done for herself, this neutrality, which neither wars + could accomplish nor treaties secure, arises naturally of itself, and + becomes the ground upon which the war should terminate. It is the thing + that approaches the nearest of all others to what ought to be the + political views of all the European powers; and there is nothing that can + so effectually secure this neutrality, as that the genius of the French + government should be different from the rest of Europe. + </p> + <p> + But if their object is to restore the Bourbons and monarchy together, they + will unavoidably restore with it all the evils of which they have + complained; and the first question of discord will be, whose ally is that + monarchy to be? + </p> + <p> + Will England agree to the restoration of the family compact against which + she has been fighting and scheming ever since it existed? Will Prussia + agree to restore the alliance between France and Austria, or will Austria + agree to restore the former connection between France and Prussia, formed + on purpose to oppose herself; or will Spain or Russia, or any of the + maritime powers, agree that France and her navy should be allied to + England? In fine, will any of the powers agree to strengthen the hands of + the other against itself? Yet all these cases involve themselves in the + original question of the restoration of the Bourbons; and on the other + hand, all of them disappear by the neutrality of France. + </p> + <p> + If their object is not to restore the Bourbons, it must be the + impracticable project of a partition of the country. The Bourbons will + then be out of the question, or, more properly speaking, they will be put + in a worse condition; for as the preservation of the Bourbons made a part + of the first object, the extirpation of them makes a part of the second. + Their pretended friends will then become interested in their destruction, + because it is favourable to the purpose of partition that none of the + nominal claimants should be left in existence. + </p> + <p> + But however the project of a partition may at first blind the eyes of the + confederacy, or however each of them may hope to outwit the other in the + progress or in the end, the embarrassments that will arise are + insurmountable. But even were the object attainable, it would not be of + such general advantage to the parties as the neutrality of France, which + costs them nothing, and to obtain which they would formerly have gone to + war. + </p> + <p> + OF THE PRESENT STATE OF EUROPE, AND THE CONFEDERACY. + </p> + <p> + In the first place the confederacy is not of that kind that forms itself + originally by concert and consent. It has been forced together by chance—a + heterogeneous mass, held only by the accident of the moment; and the + instant that accident ceases to operate, the parties will retire to their + former rivalships. + </p> + <p> + I will now, independently of the impracticability of a partition project, + trace out some of the embarrassments which will arise among the + confederated parties; for it is contrary to the interest of a majority of + them that such a project should succeed. + </p> + <p> + To understand this part of the subject it is necessary, in the first + place, to cast an eye over the map of Europe, and observe the geographical + situation of the several parts of the confederacy; for however strongly + the passionate politics of the moment may operate, the politics that arise + from geographical situation are the most certain, and will in all cases + finally prevail. + </p> + <p> + The world has been long amused with what is called the "<i>balance of + power</i>." But it is not upon armies only that this balance depends. + Armies have but a small circle of action. Their progress is slow and + limited. But when we take maritime power into the calculation, the scale + extends universally. It comprehends all the interests connected with + commerce. + </p> + <p> + The two great maritime powers are England and France. Destroy either of + those, and the balance of naval power is destroyed. The whole world of + commerce that passes on the Ocean would then lie at the mercy of the + other, and the ports of any nation in Europe might be blocked up. + </p> + <p> + The geographical situation of those two maritime powers comes next under + consideration. Each of them occupies one entire side of the channel from + the straits of Dover and Calais to the opening into the Atlantic. The + commerce of all the northern nations, from Holland to Russia, must pass + the straits of Dover and Calais, and along the Channel, to arrive at the + Atlantic. + </p> + <p> + This being the case, the systematical politics of all the nations, + northward of the straits of Dover and Calais, can be ascertained from + their geographical situation; for it is necessary to the safety of their + commerce that the two sides of the Channel, either in whole or in part, + should not be in the possession either of England or France. While one + nation possesses the whole of one side, and the other nation the other + side, the northern nations cannot help seeing that in any situation of + things their commerce will always find protection on one side or the + other. It may sometimes be that of England and sometimes that of France. + </p> + <p> + Again, while the English navy continues in its present condition, it is + necessary that another navy should exist to controul the universal sway + the former would otherwise have over the commerce of all nations. France + is the only nation in Europe where this balance can be placed. The navies + of the North, were they sufficiently powerful, could not be sufficiently + operative. They are blocked up by the ice six months in the year. Spain + lies too remote; besides which, it is only for the sake of her American + mines that she keeps up her navy. + </p> + <p> + Applying these cases to the project of a partition of France, it will + appear, that the project involves with it a DESTRUCTION OF THE BALANCE OF + MARITIME POWER; because it is only by keeping France entire and + indivisible that the balance can be kept up. This is a case that at first + sight lies remote and almost hidden. But it interests all the maritime and + commercial nations in Europe in as great a degree as any case that has + ever come before them.—In short, it is with war as it is with law. + In law, the first merits of the case become lost in the multitude of + arguments; and in war they become lost in the variety of events. New + objects arise that take the lead of all that went before, and everything + assumes a new aspect. This was the case in the last great confederacy in + what is called the succession war, and most probably will be the case in + the present. + </p> + <p> + I have now thrown together such thoughts as occurred to me on the several + subjects connected with the confederacy against France, and interwoven + with the interest of the neutral powers. Should a conference of the + neutral powers take place, these observations will, at least, serve to + generate others. The whole matter will then undergo a more extensive + investigation than it is in my power to give; and the evils attending upon + either of the projects, that of restoring the Bourbons, or of attempting a + partition of France, will have the calm opportunity of being fully + discussed. + </p> + <p> + On the part of England, it is very extraordinary that she should have + engaged in a former confederacy, and a long expensive war, to <i>prevent</i> + the family compact, and now engage in another confederacy to <i>preserve</i> + it. And on the part of the other powers, it is as inconsistent that they + should engage in a partition project, which, could it be executed, would + immediately destroy the balance of maritime power in Europe, and would + probably produce a second war, to remedy the political errors of the + first. + </p> + <p> + A Citizen of the United States of America. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0021" id="Dlink2H_4_0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XX. APPEAL TO THE CONVENTION.(1) + </h2> + <p> + Citizens Representatives: If I should not express myself with the energy I + used formerly to do, you will attribute it to the very dangerous illness I + have suffered in the prison of the Luxembourg. For several days I was + insensible of my own existence; and though I am much recovered, it is with + exceeding great difficulty that I find power to write you this letter. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Written in Luxembourg prison, August 7, 1794. Robespierre + having fallen July 29th, those who had been imprisoned under + his authority were nearly all at once released, but Paine + remained. There were still three conspirators against him on + the Committee of Public Safety, and to that Committee this + appeal was unfortunately confided; consequently it never + reached the Convention. The circumstances are related at + length infra, in the introduction to the Memorial to Monroe + (XXI.). It will also be seen that Paine was mistaken in his + belief that his imprisonment was due to the enmity of + Robespierre, and this he vaguely suspected when his + imprisonment was prolonged three months after Robespierre's + death.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But before I proceed further, I request the Convention to observe: that + this is the first line that has come from me, either to the Convention or + to any of the Committees, since my imprisonment,—which is + approaching to eight months. —Ah, my friends, eight months' loss of + liberty seems almost a life-time to a man who has been, as I have been, + the unceasing defender of Liberty for twenty years. + </p> + <p> + I have now to inform the Convention of the reason of my not having written + before. It is a year ago that I had strong reason to believe that + Robespierre was my inveterate enemy, as he was the enemy of every man of + virtue and humanity. The address that was sent to the Convention some time + about last August from Arras, the native town of Robespierre, I have + always been informed was the work of that hypocrite and the partizans he + had in the place. The intention of that address was to prepare the way for + destroying me, by making the people declare (though without assigning any + reason) that I had lost their confidence; the Address, however, failed of + success, as it was immediately opposed by a counter-address from St. Omer, + which declared the direct contrary. But the strange power that + Robespierre, by the most consummate hypocrisy and the most hardened + cruelties, had obtained, rendered any attempt on my part to obtain justice + not only useless but dangerous; for it is the nature of Tyranny always to + strike a deeper blow when any attempt has been made to repel a former one. + This being my situation, I submitted with patience to the hardness of my + fate and waited the event of brighter days. I hope they are now arrived to + the nation and to me. + </p> + <p> + Citizens, when I left the United States in the year 1787 I promised to all + my friends that I would return to them the next year; but the hope of + seeing a revolution happily established in France, that might serve as a + model to the rest of Europe,(1) and the earnest and disinterested desire + of rendering every service in my power to promote it, induced me to defer + my return to that country, and to the society of my friends, for more than + seven years. This long sacrifice of private tranquillity, especially after + having gone through the fatigues and dangers of the American Revolution + which continued almost eight years, deserved a better fate than the long + imprisonment I have silently suffered. But it is not the nation but a + faction that has done me this injustice. Parties and Factions, various and + numerous as they have been, I have always avoided. My heart was devoted to + all France, and the object to which I applied myself was the Constitution. + The Plan which I proposed to the Committee, of which I was a member, is + now in the hands of Barhre, and it will speak for itself. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Revolutions have now acquired such sanguinary associations + that it is important to bear in mind that by "revolution" + Paine always means simply a change or reformation of + government, which might be and ought to be bloodless. See + "Rights of Man" Part II., vol. ii. of this work, pp. 513, + 523.—:<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + It is perhaps proper that I inform you of the cause as-assigned in the + order for my imprisonment. It is that I am 'a Foreigner'; whereas, the <i>Foreigner</i> + thus imprisoned was invited into France by a decree of the late National + Assembly, and that in the hour of her greatest danger, when invaded by + Austrians and Prussians. He was, moreover, a citizen of the United States + of America, an ally of France, and not a subject of any country in Europe, + and consequently not within the intentions of any decree concerning + Foreigners. But any excuse can be made to serve the purpose of malignity + when in power. + </p> + <p> + I will not intrude on your time by offering any apology for the broken and + imperfect manner in which I have expressed myself. I request you to accept + it with the sincerity with which it comes from my heart; and I conclude + with wishing Fraternity and prosperity to France, and union and happiness + to her representatives. + </p> + <p> + Citizens, I have now stated to you my situation, and I can have no doubt + but your justice will restore me to the Liberty of which I have been + deprived. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Luxembourg, Thermidor 19, 2nd Year of the French Republic, one and + indivisible. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0022" id="Dlink2H_4_0022"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXI. THE MEMORIAL TO MONROE. + </h2> + <h3> + EDITOR'S historical introduction: + </h3> + <p> + The Memorial is here printed from the manuscript of Paine now among the + Morrison Papers, in the British Museum,—no doubt the identical + document penned in Luxembourg prison. The paper in the United States State + Department (vol. vii., Monroe Papers) is accompanied by a note by Monroe: + "Mr. Paine, Luxembourg, on my arrival in France, 1794. My answer was after + the receipt of his second letter. It is thought necessary to print only + those parts of his that relate directly to his confinement, and to omit + all between the parentheses in each." The paper thus inscribed seems to + have been a wrapper for all of Paine's letters. An examination of the MS. + at Washington does not show any such "parentheses," indicating omissions, + whereas that in the British Museum has such marks, and has evidently been + prepared for the press,—being indeed accompanied by the long title + of the French pamphlet. There are other indications that the British + Museum MS. is the original Memorial from which was printed in Paris the + pamphlet entitled: + </p> + <p> + "Mimoire de Thomas Payne, autographe et signi de sa main: addressi ` M. + Monroe, ministre des Itats-unis en france, pour riclamer sa mise en + liberti comme citoyen Amiricain, 10 Sept 1794. Robespierre avait fait + arrjter Th. Payne, en 1793—il fut conduit au Luxembourg oy le glaive + fut longtemps suspendu sur sa tjte. Aprhs onze mois de captiviti, il + recouvra la liberti, sur la riclamation du ministre Amiricain—c'itait + aprhs la chute de Robespierre—il reprit sa place ` la convention, le + 8 dicembre 1794. (18 frimaire an iii.) Ce Mimoire contient des renseigne + mens curieux sur la conduite politique de Th. Payne en france, pendant la + Rivolution, et ` l'ipoque du prochs de Louis XVI. Ce n'est point, dit il, + comme Quaker, qu'il ne vota pas La Mort du Roi mais par un sentiment + d'humaniti, qui ne tenait point ` ses principes religieux. Villenave." + </p> + <p> + No date is given, but the pamphlet probably appeared early in 1795. + Matthieu Gillaume Thirhse Villenave (b. 1762, d. 1846) was a journalist, + and it will be noticed that he, or the translator, modifies Paine's answer + to Marat about his Quakerism. There are some loose translations in the + cheap French pamphlet, but it is the only publication which has given + Paine's Memorial with any fulness. Nearly ten pages of the manuscript were + omitted from the Memorial when it appeared as an Appendix to the pamphlet + entitled "Letter to George Washington, President of the United States of + America, on Affairs public and private." By Thomas Paine, Author of the + Works entitled, Common Sense, Rights of Man, Age of Reason, &c. + Philadelphia: Printed by Benj. Franklin Bache, No. 112 Market Street. + 1796. [Entered according to law.] This much-abridged copy of the Memorial + has been followed in all subsequent editions, so that the real document + has not hitherto appeared.(1) + </p> + <p> + In appending the Memorial to his "Letter to Washington," Paine would + naturally omit passages rendered unimportant by his release, but his + friend Bache may have suppressed others that might have embarrassed + American partisans of France, such as the scene at the king's trial. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Bache's pamphlet reproduces the portrait engraved in + Villenave, where it is underlined: "Peint par Ped [Peale] ` + Philadelphie, Dessini par F. Bonneville, Gravi par Sandoz." + In Bache it is: "Bolt sc. 1793 "; and beneath this the + curious inscription: "Thomas Paine. Secretair d. Americ: + Congr: 1780. Mitgl: d. fr. Nat. Convents. 1793." The + portrait is a variant of that now in Independence Hall, and + one of two painted by C. W. Peale. The other (in which the + chin is supported by the hand) was for religious reasons + refused by the Boston Museum when it purchased the + collection of "American Heroes" from Rembrandt Peale. It was + bought by John McDonough, whose brother sold it to Mr. + Joseph Jefferson, the eminent actor, and perished when his + house was burned at Buzzard's Bay. Mr. Jefferson writes me + that he meant to give the portrait to the Paine Memorial + Society, Boston; "but the cruel fire roasted the splendid + <i>Infidel</i>, so I presume the saints are satisfied." +</pre> + <p> + This description, however, and a large proportion of the suppressed pages, + are historically among the most interesting parts of the Memorial, and + their restoration renders it necessary to transfer the document from its + place as an appendix to that of a preliminary to the "Letter to + Washington." + </p> + <p> + Paine's Letter to Washington burdens his reputation today more, probably, + than any other production of his pen. The traditional judgment was formed + in the absence of many materials necessary for a just verdict. The editor + feels under the necessity of introducing at this point an historical + episode; he cannot regard it as fair to the memory of either Paine or + Washington that these two chapters should be printed without a full + statement of the circumstances, the most important of which, but recently + discovered, were unknown to either of those men. In the editor's "Life of + Thomas Paine" (ii., pp. 77-180) newly discovered facts and documents + bearing on the subject are given, which may be referred to by those who + desire to investigate critically such statements as may here appear + insufficiently supported. Considerations of space require that the history + in that work should be only summarized here, especially as important new + details must be added. + </p> + <p> + Paine was imprisoned (December 28, 1793) through the hostility of + Gouverneur Morris, the American Minister in Paris. The fact that the + United States, after kindling revolution in France by its example, was + then represented in that country by a Minister of vehement royalist + opinions, and one who literally entered into the service of the King to + defeat the Republic, has been shown by that Minister's own biographers. + Some light is cast on the events that led to this strange situation by a + letter written to M. de Mont-morin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, by a + French Chargi d'Affaires, Louis Otto, dated Philadelphia, 10 March, 1792. + Otto, a nobleman who married into the Livingston family, was an astute + diplomatist, and enjoyed the intimacy of the Secretary of State, + Jefferson, and of his friends. At the close of a long interview Jefferson + tells him that "The secresy with which the Senate covers its deliberations + serves to veil personal interest, which reigns therein in all its + strength." Otto explains this as referring to the speculative operations + of Senators, and to the commercial connections some of them have with + England, making them unfriendly to French interests. + </p> + <p> + "Among the latter the most remarkable is Mr. Robert Morris, of English + birth, formerly Superintendent of Finance, a man of greatest talent, whose + mercantile speculations are as unlimited as his ambition. He directs the + Senate as he once did the American finances in making it keep step with + his policy and his business.... About two years ago Mr. Robert Morris sent + to France Mr. Gouverneur Morris to negotiate a loan in his name, and for + different other personal matters.... During his sojourn in France, Mr. + Rob. Morris thought he could make him more useful for his aims by inducing + the President of the United States to entrust him with a negotiation with + England relative to the Commerce of the two countries. M. Gouv. Morris + acquitted himself in this as an adroit man, and with his customary zeal, + but despite his address (insinuation) obtained only the vague hope of an + advantageous commercial treaty on condition of an <i>Alliance resembling + that between France and the United States</i>.... [Mr. Robert Morris] is + himself English, and interested in all the large speculations founded in + this country for Great Britain.... His great services as Superintendent of + Finance during the Revolution have assured him the esteem and + consideration of General Washington, who, however, is far from adopting + his views about France. The warmth with which Mr. Rob. Morris opposed in + the Senate the exemption of French <i>armateurs</i> from tonnage, demanded + by His Majesty, undoubtedly had for its object to induce the king, by this + bad behavior, to break the treaty, in order to facilitate hereafter the + negotiations begun with England to form an alliance. As for Mr. Gouv. + Morris he is entirely devoted to his correspondent, with whom he has been + constantly connected in business and opinion. His great talents are + recognized, and his extreme quickness in conceiving new schemes and + gaining others to them. He is perhaps the most eloquent and ingenious man + of his country, but his countrymen themselves distrust his talents. They + admire but fear him." (1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Archives of the State Department, Paris, Itats Unis., + vol. 35, fol. 301. +</pre> + <p> + The Commission given to Gouverneur Morris by Washington, to which Otto + refers, was in his own handwriting, dated October 13, 1789, and authorized + him "in the capacity of private agent, and in the credit of this letter, + to converse with His Britannic Majesty's ministers on these points, viz. + whether there be any, and what objection to performing those articles of + the treaty which remained to be performed on his part; and whether they + incline to a treaty of commerce on any and what terms. This communication + ought regularly to be made to you by the Secretary of State; but, that + office not being at present filled, my desire of avoiding delays induces + me to make it under my own hand."(1) + </p> + <p> + The President could hardly have assumed the authority of secretly + appointing a virtual ambassador had there not been a tremendous object in + view: this, as he explains in an accompanying letter, was to secure the + evacuation by Great Britain of the frontier posts. This all-absorbing + purpose of Washington is the key to his administration. Gouverneur Morris + paved the way for Jay's treaty, and he was paid for it with the French + mission. The Senate would not have tolerated his appointment to England, + and only by a majority of four could the President secure his confirmation + as Minister to France (January 12, 1792). The President wrote Gouverneur + Morris (January 28th) a friendly lecture about the objections made to him, + chiefly that he favored the aristocracy and was unfriendly to the + revolution, and expressed "the fullest confidence" that, supposing the + allegations founded, he would "effect a change." But Gouverneur Morris + remained the agent of Senator Robert Morris, and still held Washington's + mission to England, and he knew only as "conspirators" the rulers who + succeeded Louis XVI. Even while utilizing them, he was an agent of Great + Britain in its war against the country to which he was officially + commissioned. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Ford's "Writings of George Washington" vol. xi., p. 440. +</pre> + <p> + Lafayette wrote to Washington ("Paris, March 15,1792") the following + appeal: + </p> + <p> + "Permit me, my dear General, to make an observation for yourself alone, on + the recent selection of an American ambassador. Personally I am a friend + of Gouverneur Morris, and have always been, in private, quite content with + him; but the aristocratic and really contra-revolutionary principles which + he has avowed render him little fit to represent the only government + resembling ours.... I cannot repress the desire that American and French + principles should be in the heart and on the lips of the ambassador of the + United States in France." (1) + </p> + <p> + In addition to this; two successive Ministers from France, after the fall + of the Monarchy, conveyed to the American Government the most earnest + remonstrances against the continuance of Gouverneur Morris in their + country, one of them reciting the particular offences of which he was + guilty. The President's disregard of all these protests and entreaties, + unexampled perhaps in history, had the effect of giving Gouverneur Morris + enormous power over the country against which he was intriguing. He was + recognized as the Irremovable. He represented Washington's fixed and + unalterable determination, and this at a moment when the main purpose of + the revolutionary leaders was to preserve the alliance with America. + Robespierre at that time ( 1793) had special charge of diplomatic affairs, + and it is shown by the French historian, Fridiric Masson, that he was very + anxious to recover for the republic the initiative of the American + alliance credited to the king; and "although their Minister, Gouverneur + Morris, was justly suspected, and the American republic was at that time + aiming only to utilize the condition of its ally, the French republic + cleared it at a cheap rate of its debts contracted with the King."(2) + Morris adroitly held this doubt, whether the alliance of his government + with Louis XVI. would be continued to that King's executioners, over the + head of the revolutionists, as a suspended sword. Under that menace, and + with the authentication of being Washington's irremovable mouthpiece, this + Minister had only to speak and it was done. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 "Mimoire;, etc., du General Lafayette," Bruxelles, 1837, + tome ii., pp. 484,485. + + 2 "Le Dipartement des Affaires Itranghres pendant la + Rivolution," p. 395. +</pre> + <p> + Meanwhile Gouverneur Morris was steadily working in France for the aim + which he held in common with Robert Morris, namely to transfer the + alliance from France to England. These two nations being at war, it was + impossible for France to fulfil all the terms of the alliance; it could + not permit English ships alone to seize American provisions on the seas, + and it was compelled to prevent American vessels from leaving French ports + with cargoes certain of capture by British cruisers. In this way a large + number of American Captains with their ships were detained in France, to + their distress, but to their Minister's satisfaction. He did not fail to + note and magnify all "infractions" of the treaty, with the hope that they + might be the means of annulling it in favor of England, and he did nothing + to mitigate sufferings which were counts in his indictment of the Treaty. + </p> + <p> + It was at this point that Paine came in the American Minister's way. He + had been on good terms with Gouverneur Morris, who in 1790 (May 29th) + wrote from London to the President: + </p> + <p> + "On the 17th Mr. Paine called to tell me that he had conversed on the same + subject [impressment of American seamen] with Mr. Burke, who had asked him + if there was any minister, consul, or other agent of the United States who + could properly make application to the Government: to which he had replied + in the negative; but said that I was here, who had been a member of + Congress, and was therefore the fittest person to step forward. In + consequence of what passed thereupon between them he [Paine] urged me to + take the matter up, which I promised to do. On the 18th I wrote to the + Duke of Leeds requesting an interview." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Force's "American State Papers, For. Rel.," vol. i. +</pre> + <p> + At that time (1790) Paine was as yet a lion in London, thus able to give + Morris a lift. He told Morris, in 1792 that he considered his appointment + to France a mistake. This was only on the ground of his anti-republican + opinions; he never dreamed of the secret commissions to England. He could + not have supposed that the Minister who had so promptly presented the case + of impressed seamen in England would not equally attend to the distressed + Captains in France; but these, neglected by their Minister, appealed to + Paine. Paine went to see Morris, with whom he had an angry interview, + during which he asked Morris "if he did not feel ashamed to take the money + of the country and do nothing for it." Paine thus incurred the personal + enmity of Gouverneur Morris. By his next step he endangered this + Minister's scheme for increasing the friction between France and America; + for Paine advised the Americans to appeal directly to the Convention, and + introduced them to that body, which at once heeded their application, + Morris being left out of the matter altogether. This was August 22d, and + Morris was very angry. It is probable that the Americans in Paris felt + from that time that Paine was in danger, for on September 13th a memorial, + evidently concocted by them, was sent to the French government proposing + that they should send Commissioners to the United States to forestall the + intrigues of England, and that Paine should go with them, and set forth + their case in the journals, as he "has great influence with the people." + This looks like a design to get Paine safely out of the country, but it + probably sealed his fate. Had Paine gone to America and reported there + Morris's treacheries to France and to his own country, and his + licentiousness, notorious in Paris, which his diary has recently revealed + to the world, the career of the Minister would have swiftly terminated. + Gouverneur Morris wrote to Robert Morris that Paine was intriguing for his + removal, and intimates that he (Paine) was ambitious of taking his place + in Paris. Paine's return to America must be prevented. + </p> + <p> + Had the American Minister not been well known as an enemy of the republic + it might have been easy to carry Paine from the Convention to the + guillotine; but under the conditions the case required all of the + ingenuity even of a diplomatist so adroit as Gouverneur Morris. But fate + had played into his hand. It so happened that Louis Otto, whose letter + from Philadelphia has been quoted, had become chief secretary to the + Minister of Foreign Affairs in Paris, M. Deforgues. This Minister and his + Secretary, apprehending the fate that presently overtook both, were + anxious to be appointed to America. No one knew better than Otto the + commanding influence of Gouverneur Morris, as Washington's "irremovable" + representative, both in France and America, and this desire of the two + frightened officials to get out of France was confided to him.(1) By hope + of his aid, and by this compromising confidence, Deforgues came under the + power of a giant who used it like a giant. Morris at once hinted that + Paine was fomenting the troubles given by Genjt to Washington in America, + and thus set in motion the procedure by which Paine was ultimately lodged + in prison. + </p> + <p> + There being no charge against Paine in France, and no ill-will felt + towards him by Robespierre, compliance with the supposed will of + Washington was in this case difficult. Six months before, a law had been + passed to imprison aliens of hostile nationality, which could not affect + Paine, he being a member of the Convention and an American. But a decree + was passed, evidently to reach Paine, "that no foreigner should be + admitted to represent the French people"; by this he was excluded from the + Convention, and the Committee of General Surety enabled to take the final + step of assuming that he was an Englishman, and thus under the decree + against aliens of hostile nations.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Letter of Gouverneur Morris to Washington, Oct 19, 1793. + Sparks's "Life of Gouverneur Morris," vol. ii., p. 375. + + 2 Although, as I have said, there was no charge against + Paine in France, and none assigned in any document connected + with his arrest, some kind of insinuation had to be made in + the Convention to cover proceedings against a Deputy, and + Bourdon de l'Oise said, "I know that he has intrigued with a + former agent of the bureau of Foreign Affairs." It will be + seen by the third addendum to the Memorial to Monroe that + Paine supposed this to refer to Louis Otto, who had been his + interpreter in an interview requested by Barhre, of the + Committee of Public Safety. But as Otto was then, early in + September, 1793, Secretary in the Foreign Office, and Barhre + a fellow-terrorist of Bourdon, there could be no accusation + based on an interview which, had it been probed, would have + put Paine's enemies to confusion. It is doubtful, however, + if Paine was right in his conjecture. The reference of + Bourdon was probably to the collusion between Paine and + Genjt suggested by Morris. +</pre> + <p> + Paine was thus lodged in prison simply to please Washington, to whom it + was left to decide whether he had been rightly represented by his Minister + in the case. When the large number of Americans in Paris hastened in a + body to the Convention to demand his release, the President (Vadier) + extolled Paine, but said his birth in England brought him under the + measures of safety, and referred them to the Committees. There they were + told that "their reclamation was only the act of individuals, without any + authority from the American Government." Unfortunately the American + petitioners, not understanding by this a reference to the President, + unsuspiciously repaired to Morris, as also did Paine by letter. The + Minister pretended compliance, thereby preventing their direct appeal to + the President. Knowing, however, that America would never agree that + nativity under the British flag made Paine any more than other Americans a + citizen of England, the American Minister came from Sain-port, where he + resided, to Paris, and secured from the obedient Deforgues a certificate + that he had reclaimed Paine as an American citizen, but that he was held + as a <i>French</i> citizen. This ingeniously prepared certificate which + was sent to the Secretary of State (Jefferson), and Morris's pretended + "reclamation," <i>which was never sent to America</i>, are translated in + my "Life of Paine," and here given in the original. + </p> + <p> + @ Paris le 14 fivrier 1794, 26 pluvitse. + </p> + <p> + Le Minisire plinipotentiaire des Itats Unis de l'Amirique prhs la + Ripublique frangaise au Ministre des Affaires Itranghres. + </p> + <p> + Monsieur: + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine vient de s'adresser ` moi pour que je le riclame comme + Citoyen des Itats Unis. Voici (je crois) les Faits que le regardent. Il + est ni en Angleterre. Devenu ensuite Citoyen des Itats Unis il s'y est + acquise une grande cilibriti par des Icrits rivolutionnaires. En + consequence il f{t adopti Citoyen frangais et ensuite ilu membre de la + Convention. Sa conduite depuis cette ipoque n'est pas de mon ressort. + J'ignore la cause de sa Ditention actuelle dans la prison du Luxembourg, + mais je vous prie Monsieur (si des raisons que ne me sont pas connues + s'opposent ` sa liberation) de vouloir bien m'en instruire pour que je + puisse les communiquer au Gouvernement des Itats Unis. J'ai l'honneur + d'jtre, Monsieur, + </p> + <p> + Votre trhs humble Serviteur + </p> + <p> + Gouv. Morris. + </p> + <p> + Paris, i Venttse l'An ad. de la Ripublique une et indivisible. + </p> + <p> + Le Ministre des Affaires Itranghres au Ministre Plinipotentiaire des Itats + Unis de V Amirique prhs la Ripublique Frangaise. + </p> + <p> + Par votre lettre du 26 du mois dernier, vous riclamez la liberti de Thomas + Faine, comme Citoyen amiricain. Ni en Angleterre, cet ex-deputi est devenu + successivement Citoyen Amiricain et Citoyen frangais. En acceptant ce + dernier titre et en remplissant une place dans le Corps Ligislatif, il est + soumis aux lob de la Ripublique et il a renonci de fait ` la protection + que le droit des gens et les traitis conclus avec les Itats Unis auraient + pu lui assurer. + </p> + <p> + J'ignore les motifs de sa ditention mais je dois prisumer q{ils bien + fondis. Je vois nianmoins soumettre au Comiti de Salut Public la dimande + que vous m'avez adressie et je m'empresserai de vous faire connantre sa + dicision. + </p> + <p> + Dir ORGUBS. (1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Archives of the Foreign Office, Paris, "Itats Unis," vol. + xl. Translations:—Morris: "Sir,—Thomas Paine has just + applied to me to claim him as a citizen of the United + States. Here (I believe) are the facts relating to him. He + was born in England. Having afterwards become a citizen of + the United States, he acquired great celebrity there by his + revolutionary writings. In consequence he was adopted a + French citizen and then elected Member of the Convention. + His conduct since this epoch is out of my jurisdiction. I am + ignorant of the reason for his present detention in the + Luxembourg prison, but I beg you, sir (if reasons unknown to + me prevent his liberation), be so good as to inform me, that + I may communicate them to the government of the United + States." Deporgurs: "By your letter of the 36th of last + month you reclaim the liberty of Thomas Paine as an American + citizen. Born in England, this ex-deputy has become + successively an American and a French citizen. In accepting + this last title, and in occupying a place in the Corps + Ligislatif he submitted himself to the laws of the Republic, + and has certainly renounced the protection which the law of + nations, and treaties concluded with the United States, + could have assured him. I am ignorant of the motives of his + detention, but I must presume they are well founded. I shall + nevertheless submit to the Committee of Public Safety the + demand you have addressed to me, and I shall lose no time in + letting you know its decision." +</pre> + <p> + It will be seen that Deforgues begins his letter with a falsehood: "You + reclaim the liberty of Paine as an American citizen." Morris's letter had + declared him a French citizen out of his (the American Minister's) + "jurisdiction." Morris states for Deforgues his case, and it is obediently + adopted, though quite discordant with the decree, which imprisoned Paine + as a foreigner. Deforgues also makes Paine a member of a non-existent + body, the "Corps Ligislatif," which might suggest in Philadelphia previous + connection with the defunct Assembly. No such inquiries as Deforgues + promised, nor any, were ever made, and of course none were intended. + Morris had got from Deforgues the certificate he needed to show in + Philadelphia and to Americans in Paris. His pretended "reclamation" was of + course withheld: no copy of it ever reached America till brought from + French archives by the present writer. Morris does not appear to have + ventured even to keep a copy of it himself. The draft (presumably in + English), found among his papers by Sparks, alters the fatal sentence + which deprived Paine of his American citizenship and of protection. + "Res-sort"—jurisdiction—which has a definite technical meaning + in the mouth of a Minister, is changed to "cognizance"; the sentence is + made to read, "his conduct from that time has not come under my + cognizance." (Sparks's "Life of Gouverneur Morris," i., p. 401). Even as + it stands in his book, Sparks says: "The application, it must be + confessed, was neither pressing in its terms, nor cogent in its + arguments." + </p> + <p> + The American Minister, armed with this French missive, dictated by + himself, enclosed it to the Secretary of State, whom he supposed to be + still Jefferson, with a letter stating that he had reclaimed Paine as an + American, that he (Paine) was held to answer for "crimes," and that any + further attempt to release him would probably be fatal to the prisoner. By + these falsehoods, secured from detection by the profound secrecy of the + Foreign Offices in both countries, Morris paralyzed all interference from + America, as Washington could not of course intervene in behalf of an + American charged with "crimes" committed in a foreign country, except to + demand his trial. But it was important also to paralyze further action by + Americans in Paris, and to them, too, was shown the French certificate of + a reclamation never made. A copy was also sent to Paine, who returned to + Morris an argument which he entreated him to embody in a further appeal to + the French Minister. This document was of course buried away among the + papers of Morris, who never again mentioned Paine in any communication to + the French government, but contented himself with personal slanders of his + victim in private letters to Washington's friend, Robert Morris, and no + doubt others. I quote Sparks's summary of the argument unsuspectingly sent + by Paine to Morris: + </p> + <p> + "He first proves himself to have been an American citizen, a character of + which he affirms no subsequent act had deprived him. The title of French + citizen was a mere nominal and honorary one, which the Convention chose to + confer, when they asked him to help them in making a Constitution. But let + the nature or honor of the title be what it might, the Convention had + taken it away of their own accord. 'He was excluded from the Convention on + the motion for excluding <i>foreigners</i>. Consequently he was no longer + under the law of the Republic as a <i>citizen</i>, but under the + protection of the Treaty of Alliance, as fully and effectually as any + other citizen of America. It was therefore the duty of the American + Minister to demand his release.'" + </p> + <p> + To this Sparks adds: + </p> + <p> + "Such is the drift of Paine's argument, and it would seem indeed that he + could not be a foreigner and a citizen at the same time. It was hard that + his only privilege of citizenship should be that of imprisonment. But this + logic was a little too refined for the revolutionary tribunals of the + Jacobins in Paris, and Mr. Morris well knew it was not worth while to + preach it to them. He did not believe there was any serious design at that + time against the life of the prisoner, and he considered his best chance + of safety to be in preserving silence for the present. Here the matter + rested, and Paine was left undisturbed till the arrival of Mr. Monroe, who + procured his discharge from confinement." ("Life of Gouverneur Morris," + i., p. 417.)l + </p> + <p> + Sparks takes the gracious view of the man whose Life he was writing, but + the facts now known turn his words to sarcasm. The Terror by which Paine + suffered was that of Morris, who warned him and his friends, both in Paris + and America, that if his case was stirred the knife would fall on him. + Paine declares (see xx.) that this danger kept him silent till after the + fall of Robespierre. None knew so well as Morris that there were no + charges against Paine for offences in France, and that Robespierre was + awaiting that action by Washington which he (Morris) had rendered + impossible. Having thus suspended the knife over Paine for six months, + Robespierre interpreted the President's silence, and that of Congress, as + confirmation of Morris's story, and resolved on the execution of Paine "in + the interests of America as well as of France"; in other words to + conciliate Washington to the endangered alliance with France. + </p> + <p> + Paine escaped the guillotine by the strange accident related in a further + chapter. The fall of Robespierre did not of course end his imprisonment, + for he was not Robespierre's but Washington's prisoner. Morris remained + Minister in France nearly a month after Robespierre's death, but the word + needed to open Paine's prison was not spoken. After his recall, had Monroe + been able at once to liberate Paine, an investigation must have followed, + and Morris would probably have taken his prisoner's place in the + Luxembourg. But Morris would not present his letters of recall, and + refused to present his successor, thus keeping Monroe out of his office + four weeks. In this he was aided by Bourdon de l'Oise (afterwards banished + as a royalist conspirator, but now a commissioner to decide on prisoners); + also by tools of Robespierre who had managed to continue on the Committee + of Public Safety by laying their crimes on the dead scapegoat—Robespierre. + Against Barhre (who had signed Paine's death-warrant), Billaud-Varennes, + and Colloit d'Her-bois, Paine, if liberated, would have been a terrible + witness. The Committee ruled by them had suppressed Paine's appeal to the + Convention, as they presently suppressed Monroe's first appeal. Paine, + knowing that Monroe had arrived, but never dreaming that the manoeuvres of + Morris were keeping him out of office, wrote him from prison the following + letters, hitherto unpublished. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 There is no need to delay the reader here with any + argument about Paine's unquestionable citizenship, that + point having been settled by his release as an American, and + the sanction of Monroe's action by his government. There was + no genuineness in any challenge of Paine's citizenship, but + a mere desire to do him an injury. In this it had marvellous + success. Ten years after Paine had been reclaimed by Monroe, + with the sanction of Washington, as an American citizen, his + vote was refused at New Rochelle, New York, by the + supervisor, Elisha Ward, on the ground that Washington and + Morris had refused to Declaim him. Under his picture of the + dead Paine, Jarvis, the artist, wrote: "A man who devoted + his whole life to the attainment of two objects—rights of + man, and freedom of conscience—had his vote denied when + living, and was denied a grave when dead."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + August 17th, 1794. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Sir: As I believe none of the public papers have announced your + name right I am unable to address you by it, but a <i>new</i> minister + from America is joy to me and will be so to every American in France. + </p> + <p> + Eight months I have been imprisoned, and I know not for what, except that + the order says that I am a Foreigner. The Illness I have suffered in this + place (and from which I am but just recovering) had nearly put an end to + my existence. My life is but of little value to me in this situation tho' + I have borne it with a firmness of patience and fortitude. + </p> + <p> + I enclose you a copy of a letter, (as well the translation as the English)—which + I sent to the Convention after the fall of the Monster Robespierre—for + I was determined not to write a line during the time of his detestable + influence. I sent also a copy to the Committee of public safety—but + I have not heard any thing respecting it. I have now no expectation of + delivery but by your means—<i>Morris has been my inveterate enemy</i> + and I think he has permitted something of the national Character of + America to suffer by quietly letting a Citizen of that Country remain + almost eight months in prison without making every official exertion to + procure him justice,—for every act of violence offered to a + foreigner is offered also to the Nation to which he belongs. + </p> + <p> + The gentleman, Mr. Beresford, who will present you this has been very + friendly to me.(1) Wishing you happiness in your appointment, I am your + affectionate friend and humble servant. + </p> + <p> + August 18th, 1794. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir: In addition to my letter of yesterday (sent to Mr. Beresford to + be conveyed to you but which is delayed on account of his being at St. + Germain) I send the following memoranda. + </p> + <p> + I was in London at the time I was elected a member of this Convention. I + was elected a Deputi in four different departments without my knowing any + thing of the matter, or having the least idea of it. The intention of + electing the Convention before the time of the former Legislature expired, + was for the purpose of reforming the Constitution or rather for forming a + new one. As the former Legislature shewed a disposition that I should + assist in this business of the new Constitution, they prepared the way by + voting me a French Citoyen (they conferred the same title on General + Washington and certainly I had no more idea than he had of vacating any + part of my real Citizenship of America for a nominal one in France, + especially at a time when she did not know whether she would be a Nation + or not, and had it not even in her power to promise me protection). I was + elected (the second person in number of Votes, the Abbi Sieves being + first) a member for forming the Constitution, and every American in Paris + as well as my other acquaintance knew that it was my intention to return + to America as soon as the Constitution should be established. The violence + of Party soon began to shew itself in the Convention, but it was + impossible for me to see upon what principle they differed—unless it + was a contention for power. I acted however as I did in America, I + connected myself with no Party, but considered myself altogether a + National Man—but the case with Parties generally is that when you + are not with one you are supposed to be with the other. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 A friendly lamp-lighter, alluded to in the Letter to + Washington, conveyed this letter to Mr. Beresford.— + <i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + I was taken out of bed between three and four in the morning on the 28 of + December last, and brought to the Luxembourg—without any other + accusation inserted in the order than that I was a foreigner; a motion + having been made two days before in the Convention to expel Foreigners + therefrom. I certainly then remained, even upon their own tactics, what I + was before, a Citizen of America. + </p> + <p> + About three weeks after my imprisonment the Americans that were in Paris + went to the bar of the Convention to reclaim me, but contrary to my + advice, they made their address into a Petition, and it miscarried. I then + applied to G. Morris, to reclaim me as an official part of his duty, which + he found it necessary to do, and here the matter stopt.(1) I have not + heard a single line or word from any American since, which is now seven + months. I rested altogether on the hope that a new Minister would arrive + from America. I have escaped with life from more dangers than one. Had it + not been for the fall of Roberspierre and your timely arrival I know not + what fate might have yet attended me. There seemed to be a determination + to destroy all the Prisoners without regard to merit, character, or any + thing else. During the time I laid at the height of my illness they took, + in one night only, 169 persons out of this prison and executed all but + eight. The distress that I have suffered at being obliged to exist in the + midst of such horrors, exclusive of my own precarious situation, suspended + as it were by the single thread of accident, is greater than it is + possible you can conceive—but thank God times are at last changed, + and I hope that your Authority will release me from this unjust + imprisonment. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The falsehood told Paine, accompanied by an intimation of + danger in pursuing the pretended reclamation, was of course + meant to stop any farther action by Paine or his friends.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + August 25, 1794. + </p> + <p> + My Dear Sir: Having nothing to do but to sit and think, I will write to + pass away time, and to say that I am still here. I have received two notes + from Mr. Beresford which are encouraging (as the generality of notes and + letters are that arrive to persons here) but they contain nothing explicit + or decisive with respect to my liberation, and <i>I shall be very glad to + receive a line from yourself to inform me in what condition the matter + stands</i>. If I only glide out of prison by a sort of accident America + gains no credit by my liberation, neither can my attachment to her be + increased by such a circumstance. She has had the services of my best + days, she has my allegiance, she receives my portion of Taxes for my house + in Borden Town and my farm at New Rochelle, and she owes me protection + both at home and thro' her Ministers abroad, yet I remain in prison, in + the face of her Minister, at the arbitrary will of a committee. + </p> + <p> + Excluded as I am from the knowledge of everything and left to a random of + ideas, I know not what to think or how to act. Before there was any + Minister here (for I consider Morris as none) and while the Robespierrian + faction lasted, I had nothing to do but to keep my mind tranquil and + expect the fate that was every day inflicted upon my comrades, not + individually but by scores. Many a man whom I have passed an hour with in + conversation I have seen marching to his destruction the next hour, or + heard of it the next morning; for what rendered the scene more horrible + was that they were generally taken away at midnight, so that every man + went to bed with the apprehension of never seeing his friends or the world + again. + </p> + <p> + I wish to impress upon you that all the changes that have taken place in + Paris have been sudden. There is now a moment of calm, but if thro' any + over complaisance to the persons you converse with on the subject of my + liberation, you omit procuring it for me <i>now</i>, you may have to + lament the fate of your friend when its too late. The loss of a Battle to + the Northward or other possible accident may happen to bring this about. I + am not out of danger till I am out of Prison. + </p> + <p> + Yours affectionately. + </p> + <p> + P. S.—I am now entirely without money. The Convention owes me 1800 + livres salary which I know not how to get while I am here, nor do I know + how to draw for money on the rent of my farm in America. It is under the + care of my good friend General Lewis Morris. I have received no rent since + I have been in Europe. + </p> + <p> + [Addressed] Minister Plenipotentiary from America, Maison des Itrangers, + Rue de la Loi, Rue Richelieu. + </p> + <p> + Such was the sufficiently cruel situation when there reached Paine in + prison, September 4th, the letter of Peter Whiteside which caused him to + write his Memorial. Whiteside was a Philadelphian whose bankruptcy in + London had swallowed up some of Paine's means. His letter, reporting to + Paine that he was not regarded by the American Government or people as an + American citizen, and that no American Minister could interfere in his + behalf, was evidently inspired by Morris who was still in Paris, the + authorities being unwilling to give him a passport to Switzerland, as they + knew he was going in that direction to join the conspirators against + France. This Whiteside letter put Paine, and through him Monroe, on a + false scent by suggesting that the difficulty of his case lay in a <i>bona + fide</i> question of citizenship, whereas there never had been really any + such question. The knot by which Morris had bound Paine was thus + concealed, and Monroe was appealing to polite wolves in the interest of + their victim. There were thus more delays, inexplicable alike to Monroe + and to Paine, eliciting from the latter some heartbroken letters, not + hitherto printed, which I add at the end of the Memorial. To add to the + difficulties and dangers, Paris was beginning to be agitated by + well-founded rumors of Jay's injurious negotiations in England, and a + coldness towards Monroe was setting in. Had Paine's release been delayed + much longer an American Minister's friendship might even have proved + fatal. Of all this nothing could be known to Paine, who suffered agonies + he had not known during the Reign of Terror. The other prisoners of + Robespierre's time had departed; he alone paced the solitary corridors of + the Luxembourg, chilled by the autumn winds, his cell tireless, unlit by + any candle, insufficiently nourished, an abscess forming in his side; all + this still less cruel than the feeling that he was abandoned, not only by + Washington but by all America. + </p> + <p> + This is the man of whom Washington wrote to Madison nine years before: + "Must the merits and services of 'Common Sense' continue to glide down the + stream of time unrewarded by this country?" This, then, is his reward. To + his old comrade in the battle-fields of Liberty, George Washington, Paine + owed his ten months of imprisonment, at the end of which Monroe found him + a wreck, and took him (November 4) to his own house, where he and his wife + nursed him back into life. But it was not for some months supposed that + Paine could recover; it was only after several relapses; and it was under + the shadow of death that he wrote the letter to Washington so much and so + ignorantly condemned. Those who have followed the foregoing narrative will + know that Paine's grievances were genuine, that his infamous treatment + stains American history; but they will also know that they lay chiefly at + the door of a treacherous and unscrupulous American Minister. + </p> + <p> + Yet it is difficult to find an excuse for the retention of that Minister + in France by Washington. On Monroe's return to America in 1797, he wrote a + pamphlet concerning the mission from which he had been curtly recalled, in + which he said: + </p> + <p> + "I was persuaded from Mr. Morris's known political character and + principles, that his appointment, and especially at a period when the + French nation was in a course of revolution from an arbitrary to a free + government, would tend to discountenance the republican cause there and at + home, and otherwise weaken, and greatly to our prejudice, the connexion + subsisting between the two countries." + </p> + <p> + In a copy of this pamphlet found at Mount Vernon, Washington wrote on the + margin of this sentence: + </p> + <p> + "Mr. Morris was known to be a man of first rate abilities; and his + integrity and honor had never been impeached. Besides, Mr. Morris was sent + whilst the kingly government was in existence, ye end of 91 or beginning + of 92." (1) + </p> + <p> + But this does not explain why Gouverneur Morris was persistently kept in + France after monarchy was abolished (September 21, 1792), or even after + Lafayette's request for his removal, already quoted. To that letter of + Lafayette no reply has been discovered. After the monarchy was abolished, + Ternant and Genjt successively carried to America protests from their + Foreign Office against the continuance of a Minister in France, who was + known in Paris, and is now known to all acquainted with his published + papers, to have all along made his office the headquarters of British + intrigue against France, American interests being quite subordinated. + Washington did not know this, but he might have known it, and his + disregard of French complaints can hardly be ascribed to any other cause + than his delusion that Morris was deeply occupied with the treaty + negotiations confided to him. It must be remembered that Washington + believed such a treaty with England to be the alternative of war.(2) On + that apprehension the British party in America, and British agents, played + to the utmost, and under such influences Washington sacrificed many old + friendships,—with Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Edmund Randolph, + Paine,—and also the confidence of his own State, Virginia. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Washington's marginal notes on Monroe's "View, etc.," + were first fully given in Ford's "Writings of Washington," + vol. xiii., p. 452, seq. + + 2 Ibid., p. 453. +</pre> + <p> + There is a traditional impression that Paine's angry letter to Washington + was caused by the President's failure to inter-pose for his relief from + prison. But Paine believed that the American Minister (Morris) had + reclaimed him in some feeble fashion, as an American citizen, and he knew + that the President had officially approved Monroe's action in securing his + release. His grievance was that Washington, whose letters of friendship he + cherished, who had extolled his services to America, should have + manifested no concern personally, made no use of his commanding influence + to rescue him from daily impending death, sent to his prison no word of + kindness or inquiry, and sent over their mutual friend Monroe without any + instructions concerning him; and finally, that his private letter, asking + explanation, remained unanswered. No doubt this silence of Washington + concerning the fate of Paine, whom he acknowledged to be an American + citizen, was mainly due to his fear of offending England, which had + proclaimed Paine. The "outlaw's" imprisonment in Paris caused jubilations + among the English gentry, and went on simultaneously with Jay's + negotiations in London, when any expression by Washington of sympathy with + Paine (certain of publication) might have imperilled the Treaty, regarded + by the President as vital. + </p> + <p> + So anxious was the President about this, that what he supposed had been + done for Paine by Morris, and what had really been done by Monroe, was + kept in such profound secrecy, that even his Secretary of State, + Pickering, knew nothing of it. This astounding fact I recently discovered + in the manuscripts of that Secretary.(1) Colonel Pickering, while + flattering enough to the President in public, despised his intellect, and + among his papers is a memorandum concluding as follows: + </p> + <p> + "But when the hazards of the Revolutionary War had ended, by the + establishment of our Independence, why was the knowledge of General + Washington's comparatively defective mental powers not freely divulged? + Why, even by the enemies of his civil administration were his abilities + very tenderly glanced at? —Because there were few, if any men, who + did not revere him for his distinguished virtues; his modesty—his + unblemished integrity, his pure and disinterested patriotism. These + virtues, of infinitely more value than exalted abilities without them, + secured to him the veneration and love of his fellow citizens at large. + Thus immensely popular, no man was willing to publish, under his hand, + even the simple truth. The only exception, that I recollect, was the + infamous Tom Paine; and this when in France, after he had escaped the + guillotine of Robespierre; and in resentment, because, after he had + participated in the French Revolution, President Washington seemed not to + have thought him so very important a character in the world, as officially + to interpose for his relief from the fangs of the French ephemeral Rulers. + In a word, no man, however well informed, was willing to hazard his own + popularity by exhibiting the real intellectual character of the immensely + popular Washington." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. 11., p. 171. +</pre> + <p> + How can this ignorance of an astute man, Secretary of State under + Washington and Adams, be explained? Had Washington hidden the letters + showing on their face that he <i>had</i> "officially interposed" for Paine + by two Ministers? + </p> + <p> + Madison, writing to Monroe, April 7, 1796, says that Pickering had spoken + to him "in harsh terms" of a letter written by Paine to the President. + This was a private letter of September 20, 1795, afterwards printed in + Paine's public Letter to Washington. The Secretary certainly read that + letter on its arrival, January 18, 1796, and yet Washington does not + appear to have told him of what had been officially done in Paine's case! + Such being the secrecy which Washington had carried from the camp to the + cabinet, and the morbid extent of it while the British Treaty was in + negotiation and discussion, one can hardly wonder at his silence under + Paine's private appeal and public reproach. + </p> + <p> + Much as Pickering hated Paine, he declares him the only man who ever told + the simple truth about Washington. In the lapse of time historical + research, while removing the sacred halo of Washington, has revealed + beneath it a stronger brain than was then known to any one. Paine + published what many whispered, while they were fawning on Washington for + office, or utilizing his power for partisan ends. Washington, during his + second administration, when his mental decline was remarked by himself, by + Jefferson, and others, was regarded by many of his eminent contemporaries + as fallen under the sway of small partisans. Not only was the influence of + Jefferson, Madison, Randolph, Monroe, Livingston, alienated, but the + counsels of Hamilton were neutralized by Wolcott and Pickering, who + apparently agreed about the President's "mental powers." Had not Paine + previously incurred the <i>odium theologicum</i>, his pamphlet concerning + Washington would have been more damaging; even as it was, the verdict was + by no means generally favorable to the President, especially as the + replies to Paine assumed that Washington had indeed failed to try and + rescue him from impending death.(1) A pamphlet written by Bache, printed + anonymously (1797), Remarks occasioned by the late conduct of Mr. + Washington, indicates the belief of those who raised Washington to power, + that both Randolph and Paine had been sacrificed to please Great Britain. + </p> + <p> + The <i>Bien-informi</i> (Paris, November 12, 1797) published a letter from + Philadelphia, which may find translation here as part of the history of + the pamphlet: + </p> + <p> + "The letter of Thomas Paine to General Washington is read here with + avidity. We gather from the English papers that the Cabinet of St James + has been unable to stop the circulation of that pamphlet in England, since + it is allowable to reprint there any English work already published + elsewhere, however disagreeable to Messrs. Pitt and Dundas. We read in the + letter to Washington that Robespierre had declared to the Committee of + Public Safety that it was desirable in the interests of both France and + America that Thomas Paine, who, for seven or eight months had been kept a + prisoner in the Luxembourg, should forthwith be brought up for judgment + before the revolutionary tribunal. The proof of this fact is found in + Robespierre's papers, and gives ground for strange suspicions." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The principal ones were "A Letter to Thomas Paine. By an + American Citizen. New York, 1797," and "A Letter to the + infamous Tom Paine, in answer to his Letter to General + Washington. December 1796. By Peter Porcupine" (Cobbett). + Writing to David Stuart, January 8,1797, Washington, + speaking of himself in the third person, says: "Although + he is soon to become a private citizen, his opinions are to + be knocked down, and his character traduced as low as they + are capable of sinking it, even by resorting to absolute + falsehoods. As an evidence whereof, and of the plan they are + pursuing, I send you a letter of Mr. Paine to me, printed in + this city and disseminated with great industry. Enclosed you + will receive also a production of Peter Porcupine, alias + William Cobbett. Making allowances for the asperity of an + Englishman, for some of his strong and coarse expressions, + and a want of official information as to many facts, it is + not a bad thing." The "many facts" were, of course, the + action of Monroe, and the supposed action of Morris in + Paris, but not even to one so intimate as Stuart are these + disclosed. +</pre> + <p> + "It was long believed that Paine had returned to America with his friend + James Monroe, and the lovers of freedom [there] congratulated themselves + on being able to embrace that illustrious champion of the Rights of Man. + Their hopes have been frustrated. We know positively that Thomas Paine is + still living in France. The partizans of the late presidency [in America] + also know it well, yet they have spread a rumor that after actually + arriving he found his (really popular) <i>principles no longer the order + of the day</i>, and thought best to re-embark. + </p> + <p> + "The English journals, while repeating this idle rumor, observed that it + was unfounded, and that Paine had not left France. Some French journals + have copied these London paragraphs, but without comments; so that at the + very moment when Thomas Paine's Letter on the 18th. Fructidor is + published, <i>La Clef du Cabinet</i> says that this citizen is suffering + unpleasantness in America." + </p> + <p> + Paine had intended to return with Monroe, in the spring of 1797, but, + suspecting the Captain and a British cruiser in the distance, returned + from Havre to Paris. The packet was indeed searched by the cruiser for + Paine, and, had he been captured, England would have executed the sentence + pronounced by Robespierre to please Washington. + </p> + <p> + MEMORIAL ADDRESSED TO JAMES MONROE, MINISTER FROM THE UNITED STATES OF + AMERICA TO THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. + </p> + <p> + Prison of the Luxembourg, Sept. 10th, 1794. + </p> + <p> + I address this memorial to you, in consequence of a letter I received from + a friend, 18 Fructidor (September 4th,) in which he says, "Mr. Monroe has + told me, that he has no orders [meaning from the American government] + respecting you; but I am sure he will leave nothing undone to liberate + you; but, from what I can learn, from all the late Americans, you are not + considered either by the Government, or by the individuals, as an American + citizen. You have been made a french Citizen, which you have accepted, and + you have further made yourself a servant of the french Republic; and, + therefore, it would be out of character for an American Minister to + interfere in their internal concerns. You must therefore either be + liberated out of Compliment to America, or stand your trial, which you + have a right to demand." + </p> + <p> + This information was so unexpected by me, that I am at a loss how to + answer it. I know not on what principle it originates; whether from an + idea that I had voluntarily abandoned my Citizenship of America for that + of France, or from any article of the American Constitution applied to me. + The first is untrue with respect to any intention on my part; and the + second is without foundation, as I shall shew in the course of this + memorial. + </p> + <p> + The idea of conferring honor of Citizenship upon foreigners, who had + distinguished themselves in propagating the principles of liberty and + humanity, in opposition to despotism, war, and bloodshed, was first + proposed by me to La Fayette, at the commencement of the french + revolution, when his heart appeared to be warmed with those principles. My + motive in making this proposal, was to render the people of different + nations more fraternal than they had been, or then were. I observed that + almost every branch of Science had possessed itself of the exercise of + this right, so far as it regarded its own institution. Most of the + Academies and Societies in Europe, and also those of America, conferred + the rank of honorary member, upon foreigners eminent in knowledge, and + made them, in fact, citizens of their literary or scientific republic, + without affecting or anyways diminishing their rights of citizenship in + their own country or in other societies: and why the Science of Government + should not have the same advantage, or why the people of one nation should + not, by their representatives, exercise the right of conferring the honor + of Citizenship upon individuals eminent in another nation, without + affecting <i>their</i> rights of citizenship, is a problem yet to be + solved. + </p> + <p> + I now proceed to remark on that part of the letter, in which the writer + says, that, <i>from what he can learn from all the late Americans, I am + not considered in America, either by the Government or by the individuals, + as an American citizen</i>. + </p> + <p> + In the first place I wish to ask, what is here meant by the Government of + America? The members who compose the Government are only individuals, when + in conversation, and who, most probably, hold very different opinions upon + the subject. Have Congress as a body made any declaration respecting me, + that they now no longer consider me as a citizen? If they have not, + anything they otherwise say is no more than the opinion of individuals, + and consequently is not legal authority, nor anyways sufficient authority + to deprive any man of his Citizenship. Besides, whether a man has + forfeited his rights of Citizenship, is a question not determinable by + Congress, but by a Court of Judicature and a Jury; and must depend upon + evidence, and the application of some law or article of the Constitution + to the case. No such proceeding has yet been had, and consequently I + remain a Citizen until it be had, be that decision what it may; for there + can be no such thing as a suspension of rights in the interim. + </p> + <p> + I am very well aware, and always was, of the article of the Constitution + which says, as nearly as I can recollect the words, that "any citizen of + the United States, who shall accept any title, place, or office, from any + foreign king, prince, or state, shall forfeit and lose his right of + Citizenship of the United States." + </p> + <p> + Had the Article said, that <i>any citizen of the United States, who shall + be a member of any foreign convention, for the purpose of forming a free + constitution, shall forfeit and lose the right of citizenship of the + United States</i>, the article had been directly applicable to me; but the + idea of such an article never could have entered the mind of the American + Convention, and the present article <i>is</i> altogether foreign to the + case with respect to me. It supposes a Government in active existence, and + not a Government dissolved; and it supposes a citizen of America accepting + titles and offices under that Government, and not a citizen of America who + gives his assistance in a Convention chosen by the people, for the purpose + of forming a Government <i>de nouveau</i> founded on their authority. + </p> + <p> + The late Constitution and Government of France was dissolved the 10th of + August, 1792. The National legislative Assembly then in being, supposed + itself without sufficient authority to continue its sittings, and it + proposed to the departments to elect not another legislative Assembly, but + a Convention for the express purpose of forming a new Constitution. When + the Assembly were discoursing on this matter, some of the members said, + that they wished to gain all the assistance possible upon the subject of + free constitutions; and expressed a wish to elect and invite foreigners of + any Nation to the Convention, who had distinguished themselves in + defending, explaining, and propagating the principles of liberty. It was + on this occasion that my name was mentioned in the Assembly. (I was then + in England.) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In the American pamphlet a footnote, probably added by + Bache, here says: "Even this article does not exist in the + manner here stated." It is a pity Paine did not have in his + prison the article, which says: "No person holding any + office of profit or trust under them [the United States] + shall, without the consent of Congress, accept of any + present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, + from any king, prince, or foreign State."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + After this, a deputation from a body of the french people, in order to + remove any objection that might be made against my assisting at the + proposed Convention, requested the Assembly, as their representatives, to + give me the title of French Citizen; after which, I was elected a member + of the Convention, in four different departments, as is already known.(1) + </p> + <p> + The case, therefore, is, that I accepted nothing from any king, prince, or + state, nor from any Government: for France was without any Government, + except what arose from common consent, and the necessity of the case. + Neither did I <i>make myself a servant of the french Republic</i>, as the + letter alluded to expresses; for at that time France was not a republic, + not even in name. She was altogether a people in a state of revolution. + </p> + <p> + It was not until the Convention met that France was declared a republic, + and monarchy abolished; soon after which a committee was elected, of which + I was a member,(2) to form a Constitution, which was presented to the + Convention [and read by Condorcet, who was also a member] the 15th and + 16th of February following, but was not to be taken into consideration + till after the expiration of two months,(3) and if approved of by the + Convention, was then to be referred to the people for their acceptance, + with such additions or amendments as the Convention should make. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The deputation referred to was described as the + "Commission Extraordinaire," in whose name M. Guadet moved + that the title of French Citizen be conferred on Priestley, + Paine, Bentham, Wilberforce, Clarkson, Mackintosh, David + Williams, Cormelle, Paw, Pestalozzi, Washington, Madison, + Hamilton, Klopstock, Koscinsko, Gorani, Campe, Anacharsis + Clootz, Gilleers. This was on August 26, and Paine was + elected by Calais on September 6,1792; and in the same week + by Oise, Somme, and Puy-de-Dome.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Sieves, Paine, Brissot, Pition, Vergniaud, Gensonne, + Barhre, Danton, Condorcet.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 3 The remainder of this sentence is replaced in the American + pamphlet by the following: "The disorders and the + revolutionary government that took place after this put a + stop to any further progress upon the case."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + In thus employing myself upon the formation of a Constitution, I certainly + did nothing inconsistent with the American Constitution. I took no oath of + allegiance to France, or any other oath whatever. I considered the + Citizenship they had presented me with as an honorary mark of respect paid + to me not only as a friend to liberty, but as an American Citizen. My + acceptance of that, or of the deputyship, not conferred on me by any king, + prince, or state, but by a people in a state of revolution and contending + for liberty, required no transfer of my allegiance or of my citizenship + from America to France. There I was a real citizen, paying Taxes; here, I + was a voluntary friend, employing myself on a temporary service. Every + American in Paris knew that it was my constant intention to return to + America, as soon as a constitution should be established, and that I + anxiously waited for that event. + </p> + <p> + I know not what opinions have been circulated in America. It may have been + supposed there that I had voluntarily and intentionally abandoned America, + and that my citizenship had ceased by my own choice. I can easily + [believe] there are those in that country who would take such a proceeding + on my part somewhat in disgust. The idea of forsaking old friendships for + new acquaintances is not agreeable. I am a little warranted in making this + supposition by a letter I received some time ago from the wife of one of + the Georgia delegates in which she says "Your friends on this side the + water cannot be reconciled to the idea of your abandoning America." + </p> + <p> + I have never abandoned her in thought, word or deed; and I feel it + incumbent upon me to give this assurance to the friends I have in that + country and with whom I have always intended and am determined, if the + possibility exists, to close the scene of my life. It is there that I have + made myself a home. It is there that I have given the services of my best + days. America never saw me flinch from her cause in the most gloomy and + perilous of her situations; and I know there are those in that country who + will not flinch from me. If I have enemies (and every man has some) I + leave them to the enjoyment of their ingratitude.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * I subjoin in a note, for the sake of wasting the solitude + of a prison, the answer that I gave to the part of the + letter above mentioned. It is not inapplacable to the + subject of this Memorial; but it contain! somewhat of a + melancholy idea, a little predictive, that I hope is not + becoming true so soon. +</pre> + <p> + It is somewhat extraordinary that the idea of my not being a citizen of + America should have arisen only at the time that I am imprisoned in France + because, or on the pretence that, I am a foreigner. The case involves a + strange contradiction of ideas. None of the Americans who came to France + whilst I was in liberty had conceived any such idea or circulated any such + opinion; and why it should arise now is a matter yet to be explained. + However discordant the late American Minister G. M. [Gouverneur Morris] + and the late French Committee of Public Safety were, it suited the purpose + of both that I should be continued in arrestation. The former wished to + prevent my return to America, that I should not expose his misconduct; and + the latter, lest I should publish to the world the history of its + wickedness. Whilst that Minister and the Committee continued I had no + expectation of liberty. I speak here of the Committee of which Robespierre + was member.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "You touch me on a very tender point when you say that my + friends on your side the water cannot be reconciled to the + idea of my abandoning America. They are right. I had rather + see my horse Button eating the grass of Borden-Town or + Morrisania than see all the pomp and show of Europe. + + "A thousand years hence (for I must indulge a few thoughts) + perhaps in less, America may be what Europe now is. The + innocence of her character, that won the hearts of all + nations in her favour, may sound like a romance and her + inimitable virtue as if it had never been. The ruin of that + liberty which thousands bled for or struggled to obtain may + just furnish materials for a village tale or extort a sigh + from rustic sensibility, whilst the fashionable of that day, + enveloped in dissipation, shall deride the principle and + deny the fact. + + "When we contemplate the fall of Empires and the extinction + of the nations of the Ancient World, we see but little to + excite our regret than the mouldering ruins of pompous + palaces, magnificent museums, lofty pyramids and walls and + towers of the most costly workmanship; but when the Empire + of America shall fall, the subject for contemplative sorrow + will be infinitely greater than crumbling brass and marble + can inspire. It will not then be said, here stood a temple + of vast antiquity; here rose a babel of invisible height; + or there a palace of sumptuous extravagance; but here, Ah, + painful thought! the noblest work of human wisdom, the + grandest scene of human glory, the fair cause of Freedom + rose and fell. Read this, and then ask if I forget + America."—Author. +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This letter, quoted also in Paine's Letter to Washington, + was written from London, Jan. 6, 1789, to the wife of Col. + Few, nie Kate Nicholson. It is given in full in my "Life of + Paine," i., p. 247.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + THE MEMORIAL TO MONROE. + </p> + <p> + I ever must deny, that the article of the American constitution already + mentioned, can be applied either verbally, intentionally, or + constructively, to me. It undoubtedly was the intention of the Convention + that framed it, to preserve the purity of the American republic from being + debased by foreign and foppish customs; but it never could be its + intention to act against the principles of liberty, by forbidding its + citizens to assist in promoting those principles in foreign Countries; + neither could it be its intention to act against the principles of + gratitude.(1) France had aided America in the establishment of her + revolution, when invaded and oppressed by England and her auxiliaries. + France in her turn was invaded and oppressed by a combination of foreign + despots. In this situation, I conceived it an act of gratitude in me, as a + citizen of America, to render her in return the best services I could + perform. I came to France (for I was in England when I received the + invitation) not to enjoy ease, emoluments, and foppish honours, as the + article supposes; but to encounter difficulties and dangers in defence of + liberty; and I much question whether those who now malignantly seek (for + some I believe do) to turn this to my injury, would have had courage to + have done the same thing. I am sure Gouverneur Morris would not. He told + me the second day after my arrival, (in Paris,) that the Austrians and + Prussians, who were then at Verdun, would be in Paris in a fortnight. I + have no idea, said he, that seventy thousand disciplined troops can be + stopped in their march by any power in France. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This and the two preceding paragraphs, including the + footnote, are entirely omitted from the American pamphlet. + It will be seen that Paine had now a suspicion of the + conspiracy between Gouverneur Morris and those by whom he + was imprisoned. Soon after his imprisonment he had applied + to Morris, who replied that he had reclaimed him, and + enclosed the letter of Deforgues quoted in my Introduction + to this chapter, of course withholding his own letter to the + Minister. Paine answered (Feb. 14, 1793): "You must not + leave me in the situation in which this letter places me. + You know I do not deserve it, and you see the unpleasant + situation in which I am thrown. I have made an answer to the + Minister's letter, which I wish you to make ground of a + reply to him. They have nothing against me—except that they + do not choose I should lie in a state of freedom to write my + mind freely upon things I have seen. Though you and I are + not on terms of the best harmony, I apply to you as the + Minister of America, and you may add to that service + whatever you think my integrity deserves. At any rate I + expect you to make Congress acquainted with my situation, + and to send them copies of the letters that have passed on + the subject. A reply to the Minister's letter is absolutely + necessary, were it only to continue the reclamation. + Otherwise your silence will be a sort of consent to his + observations." Deforgues' "observations" having been + dictated by Morris himself, no reply was sent to him, and no + word to Congress.—<i>Editor</i>. + + 2 In the pamphlet this last clause of the sentence is + omitted.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Besides the reasons I have already given for accepting the invitations to + the Convention, I had another that has reference particularly to America, + and which I mentioned to Mr. Pinckney the night before I left London to + come to Paris: "That it was to the interest of America that the system of + European governments should be changed and placed on the same principle + with her own." Mr. Pinckney agreed fully in the same opinion. I have done + my part towards it.(1) + </p> + <p> + It is certain that governments upon similar systems agree better together + than those that are founded on principles discordant with each other; and + the same rule holds good with respect to the people living under them. In + the latter case they offend each other by pity, or by reproach; and the + discordancy carries itself to matters of commerce. I am not an ambitious + man, but perhaps I have been an ambitious American. I have wished to see + America the <i>Mother Church</i> of government, and I have done my utmost + to exalt her character and her condition. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In the American pamphlet the name of Pinckney (American + Minister in England) is left blank in this paragraph, and + the two concluding sentences are omitted from both the + French and American pamphlets.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + I have now stated sufficient matter, to shew that the Article in question + is not applicable to me; and that any such application to my injury, as + well in circumstances as in Rights, is contrary both to the letter and + intention of that Article, and is illegal and unconstitutional. Neither do + I believe that any Jury in America, when they are informed of the whole of + the case, would give a verdict to deprive me of my Rights upon that + Article. The citizens of America, I believe, are not very fond of + permitting forced and indirect explanations to be put upon matters of this + kind. I know not what were the merits of the case with respect to the + person who was prosecuted for acting as prize master to a french + privateer, but I know that the jury gave a verdict against the + prosecution. The Rights I have acquired are dear to me. They have been + acquired by honourable means, and by dangerous service in the worst of + times, and I cannot passively permit them to be wrested from me. I + conceive it my duty to defend them, as the case involves a constitutional + and public question, which is, how far the power of the federal government + (1) extends, in depriving any citizen of his Rights of Citizenship, or of + suspending them. + </p> + <p> + That the explanation of National Treaties belongs to Congress is strictly + constitutional; but not the explanation of the Constitution itself, any + more than the explanation of Law in the case of individual citizens. These + are altogether Judiciary questions. It is, however, worth observing, that + Congress, in explaining the Article of the Treaty with respect to french + prizes and french privateers, confined itself strictly to the letter of + the Article. Let them explain the Article of the Constitution with respect + to me in the same manner, and the decision, did it appertain to them, + could not deprive me of my Rights of Citizenship, or suspend them, for I + have accepted nothing from any king, prince, state, or Government. + </p> + <p> + You will please to observe, that I speak as if the federal Government had + made some declaration upon the subject of my Citizenship; whereas the fact + is otherwise; and your saying that you have no order respecting me is a + proof of it. Those therefore who propagate the report of my not being + considered as a Citizen of America by Government, do it to the + prolongation of my imprisonment, and without authority; for Congress, <i>as + a government</i>, has neither decided upon it, nor yet taken the matter + into consideration; and I request you to caution such persons against + spreading such reports. But be these matters as they may, I cannot have a + doubt that you find and feel the case very different, since you have heard + what I have to say, and known what my situation is [better] than you did + before your arrival. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In the pamphlet occurs here a significant parenthesis by + Bache: "it should have been said in this case, how far the + Executive."—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But it was not the Americans only, but the Convention also, that knew what + my intentions were upon that subject. In my last discourse delivered at + the Tribune of the Convention, January 19,1793, on the motion for + suspending the execution of Louis 16th, I said (the Deputy Bancal read the + translation in French): "It unfortunately happens that the person who is + the subject of the present discussion, is considered by the Americans as + having been the friend of their revolution. His execution will be an + affliction to them, and it is in your power not to wound the feelings of + your ally. Could I speak the french language I would descend to your bar, + and in their name become your petitioner to respite the execution of the + sentence/"—"As the convention was elected for the express purpose of + forming a Constitution, its continuance cannot be longer than four or five + months more at furthest; and if, after my <i>return to America</i>, I + should employ myself in writing the history of the french Revolution, I + had rather record a thousand errors on the side of mercy, than be obliged + to tell one act of severe Justice."—"Ah Citizens! give not the + tyrant of England the triumph of seeing the man perish on a scaffold who + had aided my much-loved America." + </p> + <p> + Does this look as if I had abandoned America? But if she abandons me in + the situation I am in, to gratify the enemies of humanity, let that + disgrace be to herself. But I know the people of America better than to + believe it,(1) tho' I undertake not to answer for every individual. + </p> + <p> + When this discourse was pronounced, Marat launched himself into the middle + of the hall and said that "I voted against the punishment of death because + I was a quaker." I replied that "I voted against it both morally and + politically." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In the French pamphlet: "pour jamais lui prjter du tels + sentiments." +</pre> + <p> + I certainly went a great way, considering the rage of the times, in + endeavouring to prevent that execution. I had many reasons for so doing. I + judged, and events have shewn that I judged rightly, that if they once + began shedding blood, there was no knowing where it would end; and as to + what the world might call <i>honour</i> the execution would appear like a + nation killing a mouse; and in a political view, would serve to transfer + the hereditary claim to some more formidable Enemy. The man could do no + more mischief; and that which he had done was not only from the vice of + his education, but was as much the fault of the Nation in restoring him + after he had absconded June 21st, 1791, as it was his. I made the proposal + for imprisonment until the end of the war and perpetual banishment after + the war, instead of the punishment of death. Upwards of three hundred + members voted for that proposal. The sentence for absolute death (for some + members had voted the punishment of death conditionally) was carried by a + majority of twenty-five out of more than seven hundred. + </p> + <p> + I return from this digression to the proper subject of my memorial.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This and the preceding five paragraphs, and five following + the nest, are omitted from the American pamphlet.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Painful as the want of liberty may be, it is a consolation to me to + believe, that my imprisonment proves to the world, that I had no share in + the murderous system that then reigned. That I was an enemy to it, both + morally and politically, is known to all who had any knowledge of me; and + could I have written french as well as I can English, I would publicly + have exposed its wickedness and shewn the ruin with which it was pregnant. + They who have esteemed me on former occasions, whether in America or in + Europe will, I know, feel no cause to abate that esteem, when they + reflect, that <i>imprisonment with preservation of character is preferable + to liberty with disgrace</i>. + </p> + <p> + I here close my Memorial and proceed to offer you a proposal that appears + to me suited to all the circumstances of the case; which is, that you + reclaim me conditionally, until the opinion of Congress can be obtained on + the subject of my citizenship of America; and that I remain in liberty + under your protection during that time. + </p> + <p> + I found this proposal upon the following grounds. + </p> + <p> + First, you say you have no orders respecting me; consequently, you have no + orders <i>not</i> to reclaim me; and in this case you are left + discretionary judge whether to reclaim or not. My proposal therefore + unites a consideration of your situation with my own. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, I am put in arrestation because I am a foreigner. It is + therefore necessary to determine to what country I belong. The right of + determining this question cannot appertain exclusively to the Committee of + Public Safety or General Surety; because I appeal to the Minister of the + United States, and show that my citizenship of that country is good and + valid, referring at the same time, thro' the agency of the Minister, my + claim of right to the opinion of Congress. It being a matter between two + Governments. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly. France does not claim me fora citizen; neither do I set up any + claim of citizenship in France. The question is simply, whether I am or am + not a citizen of America. I am imprisoned here on the decree for + imprisoning foreigners, because, say they, I was born in England. I say in + answer that, though born in England, I am not a subject of the English + Government any more than any other American who was born, as they all + were, under the same Government, or than the Citizens of France are + subjects of the French Monarchy under which they were born. I have twice + taken the oath of abjuration to the British King and Government and of + Allegiance to America,—once as a citizen of the State of + Pennsylvania in 1776, and again before Congress, administered to me by the + President, Mr. Hancock, when I was appointed Secretary in the Office of + Foreign Affairs in 1777. + </p> + <p> + The letter before quoted in the first page of this memorial, says, "It + would be out of character for an American minister to interfere in the + internal affairs of France." This goes on the idea that I am a citizen of + France, and a member of the Convention, which is not the fact. The + Convention have declared me to be a foreigner; and consequently the + citizenship and the election are null and void.(1) It also has the + appearance of a Decision, that the article of the Constitution, respecting + grants made to American Citizens by foreign kings, princes, or states, is + applicable to me; which is the very point in question, and against the + application of which I contend. I state evidence to the Minister, to shew + that I am not within the letter or meaning of that Article; that it cannot + operate against me; and I apply to him for the protection that I conceive + I have a right to ask and to receive. The internal affairs of France are + out of the question with respect to my application or his interference. I + ask it not as a citizen of France, for I am not one: I ask it not as a + member of the Convention, for I am not one; both these, as before said, + have been rendered null and void; I ask it not as a man against whom there + is any accusation, for there is none; I ask it not as an exile from + America, whose liberties I have honourably and generously contributed to + establish; I ask it as a Citizen of America, deprived of his liberty in + France, under the plea of being a foreigner; and I ask it because I + conceive I am entitled to it, upon every principle of Constitutional + Justice and National honour.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In the pamphlet: "The Convention included me in the vote + for dismissing foreigners from the Convention, and the + Committees imprisoned me as a foreigner."—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 All previous editions of the pamphlet end with this + word.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + But tho' I thus positively assert my claim because I believe I have a + right to do so, it is perhaps most eligible, in the present situation of + things, to put that claim upon the footing I have already mentioned; that + is, that the Minister reclaims me conditionally until the opinion of + Congress can be obtained on the subject of my citizenship of America, and + that I remain in liberty under the protection of the Minister during that + interval. + </p> + <p> + N. B. I should have added that as Gouverneur Morris could not inform + Congress of the cause of my arrestation, as he knew it not himself, it is + to be supposed that Congress was not enough acquainted with the case to + give any directions respecting me when you came away. + </p> + <p> + T.P. ADDENDA. + </p> + <p> + Letters, hitherto unpublished, written by Paine to Monroe before his + release on November 4., 1794. + </p> + <p> + 1. Luxembourg Mem Vendemaire, Old Style Oct 4th 1794 + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir: I thank you for your very friendly and affectionate letter of + the 18th September which I did not receive till this morning.(1) It has + relieved my mind from a load of disquietude. You will easily suppose that + if the information I received had been exact, my situation was without + hope. I had in that case neither section, department nor Country, to + reclaim me; but that is not all, I felt a poignancy of grief, in having + the least reason to suppose that America had so soon forgotten me who had + never forgotten her. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Labonadaire, in a note of yesterday, directed me to write to the + Convention. As I suppose this measure has been taken in concert with you, + I have requested him to shew you the letter, of which he will make a + translation to accompany the original. + </p> + <p> + (I cannot see what motive can induce them to keep me in prison. It will + gratify the English Government and afflict the friends I have in America. + The supporters of the system of Terror might apprehend that if I was in + liberty and in America I should publish the history of their crimes, but + the present persons who have overset that immoral System ought to have no + such apprehension. On the contrary, they ought to consider me as one of + themselves, at least as one of their friends. Had I been an insignificant + character I had not been in arrestation. It was the literary and + philosophical reputation I had gained, in the world, that made them my + Enemies; and I am the victim of the principles, and if I may be permitted + to say it, of the talents, that procured me the esteem of America. My + character is the <i>secret</i> of my arrestation.) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Printed in the letter to Washington, chap. XXII. The delay + of sixteen days in Monroe's letter was probably due to the + manouvres of Paine's enemies on the Committee of Public + Safety. He was released only after their removal from the + Committee, and the departure of Gouverneur Morris.— + <i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + If the letter I have written be not covered by other authority than my own + it will have no effect, for they already know all that I can say. On what + ground do they pretend to deprive America of the service of any of her + citizens without assigning a cause, or only the flimsy one of my being + born in England? Gates, were he here, might be arrested on the same + pretence, and he and Burgoyne be confounded together. + </p> + <p> + It is difficult for me to give an opinion, but among other things that + occur to me, I think that if you were to say that, as it will be necessary + to you to inform the Government of America of my situation, you require an + explanation with the Committee upon that subject; that you are induced to + make this proposal not only out of esteem for the character of the person + who is the personal object of it, but because you know that his + arrestation will distress the Americans, and the more so as it will appear + to them to be contrary to their ideas of civil and national justice, it + might perhaps have some effect. If the Committee [of Public Safety] will + do nothing, it will be necessary to bring this matter openly before the + Convention, for I do most sincerely assure you, from the observations that + I hear, and I suppose the same are made in other places, that the + character of America lies under some reproach. All the world knows that I + have served her, and they see that I am still in prison; and you know that + when people can form a conclusion upon a simple fact, they trouble not + themselves about reasons. I had rather that America cleared herself of all + suspicion of ingratitude, though I were to be the victim. + </p> + <p> + You advise me to have patience, but I am fully persuaded that the longer I + continue in prison the more difficult will be my liberation. There are two + reasons for this: the one is that the present Committee, by continuing so + long my imprisonment, will naturally suppose that my mind will be soured + against them, as it was against those who put me in, and they will + continue my imprisonment from the same apprehensions as the former + Committee did; the other reason is, that it is now about two months since + your arrival, and I am still in prison. They will explain this into an + indifference upon my fate that will encourage them to continue my + imprisonment. When I hear some people say that it is the Government of + America that now keeps me in prison by not reclaiming me, and then pour + forth a volley of execrations against her, I know not how to answer them + otherwise than by a direct denial which they do not appear to believe. You + will easily conclude that whatever relates to imprisonments and + liberations makes a topic of prison conversation; and as I am now the + oldest inhabitant within these walls, except two or three, I am often the + subject of their remarks, because from the continuance of my imprisonment + they auger ill to themselves. You see I write you every thing that occurs + to me, and I conclude with thanking you again for your very friendly and + affectionate letter, and am with great respect, + </p> + <p> + Your's affectionately, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + (To day is the anniversary of the action at German Town. [October 4, + 1777.] Your letter has enabled me to contradict the observations before + mentioned.) + </p> + <p> + 2. Oct 13, 1794 Dear Sir: On the 28th of this Month (October) I shall have + suffered ten months imprisonment, to the dishonour of America as well as + of myself, and I speak to you very honestly when I say that my patience is + exhausted. It is only my actual liberation that can make me believe it. + Had any person told me that I should remain in prison two months after the + arrival of a new Minister, I should have supposed that he meant to affront + me as an American. By the friendship and sympathy you express in your + letter you seem to consider my imprisonment as having connection only with + myself, but I am certain that the inferences that follow from it have + relation also to the National character of America, I already feel this in + myself, for I no longer speak with pride of being a citizen of that + country. Is it possible Sir that I should, when I am suffering unjust + imprisonment under the very eye of her new Minister? + </p> + <p> + While there was no Minister here (for I consider Morris as none) nobody + wondered at my imprisonment, but now everybody wonders. The continuance of + it under a change of diplomatic circumstances, subjects me to the + suspicion of having merited it, and also to the suspicion of having + forfeited my reputation with America; and it subjects her at the same time + to the suspicion of ingratitude, or to the reproach of wanting national or + diplomatic importance. The language that some Americans have held of my + not being considered as an American citizen, tho' contradicted by + yourself, proceeds, I believe, from no other motive, than the shame and + dishonour they feel at the imprisonment of a fellow-citizen, and they + adopt this apology, at my expence, to get rid of that disgrace. Is it not + enough that I suffer imprisonment, but my mind also must be wounded and + tortured with subjects of this kind? Did I reason from personal + considerations only, independent of principles and the pride of having + practiced those principles honourably, I should be tempted to curse the + day I knew America. By contributing to her liberty I have lost my own, and + yet her Government beholds my situation in silence. Wonder not, Sir, at + the ideas I express or the language in which I express them. If I have a + heart to feel for others I can feel also for myself, and if I have anxiety + for my own honour, I have it also for a country whose suffering infancy I + endeavoured to nourish and to which I have been enthusiastically attached. + As to patience I have practiced it long—as long as it was honorable + to do so, and when it goes beyond that point it becomes meanness. + </p> + <p> + I am inclined to believe that you have attended to my imprisonment more as + a friend than as a Minister. As a friend I thank you for your affectionate + attachment. As a Minister you have to look beyond me to the honour and + reputation of your Government; and your Countrymen, who have accustomed + themselves to consider any subject in one line of thinking only, more + especially if it makes a strong [impression] upon them, as I believe my + situation has made upon you, do not immediately see the matters that have + relation to it in another line; and it is to bring these two into one + point that I offer you these observations. A citizen and his country, in a + case like mine, are so closely connected that the case of one is the case + of both. + </p> + <p> + When you first arrived the path you had to pursue with respect to my + liberation was simple. I was imprisoned as a foreigner; you knew that + foreigner to be a citizen of America, and you knew also his character, and + as such you should immediately have reclaimed him. You could lose nothing + by taking strong ground, but you might lose much by taking an inferior + one; but instead of this, which I conceive would have been the right line + of acting, you left me in their hands on the loose intimation that my + liberation would take place without your direct interference, and you + strongly recommended it to me to wait the issue. This is more than seven + weeks ago and I am still in prison. I suspect these people are trifling + with you, and if they once believe they can do that, you will not easily + get any business done except what they wish to have done. + </p> + <p> + When I take a review of my whole situation—my circumstances ruined, + my health half destroyed, my person imprisoned, and the prospect of + imprisonment still staring me in the face, can you wonder at the agony of + my feelings? You lie down in safety and rise to plenty; it is otherwise + with me; I am deprived of more than half the common necessaries of life; I + have not a candle to burn and cannot get one. Fuel can be procured only in + small quantities and that with great difficulty and very dear, and to add + to the rest, I am fallen into a relapse and am again on the sick list. Did + you feel the whole force of what I suffer, and the disgrace put upon + America by this injustice done to one of her best and most affectionate + citizens, you would not, either as a friend or Minister, rest a day till + you had procured my liberation. It is the work of two or three hours when + you set heartily about it, that is, when you demand me as an American + citizen, or propose a conference with the Committee upon that subject; or + you may make it the work of a twelve-month and not succeed. I know these + people better than you do. + </p> + <p> + You desire me to believe that "you are placed here on a difficult Theatre + with many important objects to attend to, and with but few to consult + with, and that it becomes you in pursuit of these to regulate your conduct + with respect to each, as to manner and time, as will in your judgment be + best calculated to accomplish the whole." As I know not what these objects + are I can say nothing to that point. But I have always been taught to + believe that the liberty of a Citizen was the first object of all free + Governments, and that it ought not to give preference to, or be blended + with, any other. It is that public object that all the world can see, and + which obtains an influence upon public opinion more than any other. This + is not the case with the objects you allude to. But be those objects what + they may, can you suppose you will accomplish them the easier by holding + me in the back-ground, or making me only an accident in the negotiation? + Those with whom you confer will conclude from thence that you do not feel + yourself very strong upon those points, and that you politically keep me + out of sight in the meantime to make your approach the easier. + </p> + <p> + There is one part in your letter that is equally as proper should be + communicated to the Committee as to me, and which I conceive you are under + some diplomatic obligation to do. It is that part which you conclude by + saying that "<i>to the welfare of Thomas Paine the Americans are not and + cannot be indifferent</i>." As it is impossible the Americans can preserve + their esteem for me and for my oppressors at the same time, the injustice + to me strikes at the popular part of the Treaty of Alliance. If it be the + wish of the Committee to reduce the treaty to a mere skeleton of + Government forms, they are taking the right method to do it, and it is not + improbable they will blame you afterwards for not in-forming them upon the + subject. The disposition to retort has been so notorious here, that you + ought to be guarded against it at all points. + </p> + <p> + You say in your letter that you doubt whether the gentleman who informed + me of the language held by some Americans respecting my citizenship of + America conveyed even his own ideas clearly upon the subject.(1) I know + not how this may be, but I believe he told me the truth. I received a + letter a few days ago from a friend and former comrade of mine in which he + tells me, that all the Americans he converses with, say, that I should + have been in liberty long ago if the Minister could have reclaimed me as + an American citizen. When I compare this with the counter-declarations in + your letter I can explain the case no otherwise than I have already done, + that it is an apology to get rid of the shame and dishonour they feel at + the imprisonment of an American citizen, and because they are not willing + it should be supposed there is want of influence in the American Embassy. + But they ought to see that this language is injurious to me. + </p> + <p> + On the 2d of this month Vendemaire I received a line from Mr. Beresford in + which he tells me I shall be in liberty in two or three days, and that he + has this from good authority. On the 12th I received a note from Mr. + Labonadaire, written at the Bureau of the Concierge, in which he tells me + of the interest you take in procuring my liberation, and that after the + steps that had been already taken that I ought to write to the Convention + to demand my liberty <i>purely and simply</i> as a citizen of the United + States of America. He advised me to send the letter to him, and he would + translate it. I sent the letter inclosing at the same time a letter to + you. I have heard nothing since of the letter to the Convention. On the + 17th I received a letter from my former comrade Vanhuele, in which he says + "I am just come from Mr. Russell who had yesterday a conversation with + your Minister and your liberation is certain—you will be in liberty + to-morrow." Vanhuele also adds, "I find the advice of Mr. Labonadaire + good, for tho' you have some enemies in the Convention, the strongest and + best part are in your favour." But the case is, and I felt it whilst I was + writing the letter to the Convention, that there is an awkwardness in my + appearing, you being present; for every foreigner should apply thro' his + Minister, or rather his Minister for him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The letter of Peter Whiteside, quoted at the beginning of + the Memorial. See introduction to the Memorial. It would + seem from this whole letter that it was not known by + Americans in Paris that Monroe had been kept ont of his + office by Morris for nearly a month after his arrival in + Paris.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + When I thus see day after day and month after month, and promise after + promise, pass away without effect, what can I conclude but that either the + Committees are secretly determined not to let me go, or that the measures + you take are not pursued with the vigor necessary to give them effect; or + that the American National character is without sufficient importance in + the French Republic? The latter will be gratifying to the English + Government. In short, Sir, the case is now arrived to that crisis, that + for the sake of your own reputation as a Minister you ought to require a + positive answer from the Committee. As to myself, it is more agreeable to + me now to contemplate an honourable destruction, and to perish in the act + of protesting against the injustice I suffer, and to caution the people of + America against confiding too much in the Treaty of Alliance, violated as + it has been in every principle, and in my imprisonment though an American + Citizen, than remain in the wretched condition I am. I am no longer of any + use to the world or to myself. + </p> + <p> + There was a time when I beheld the Revolution of the 10th. Thermidor [the + fall of Robespierre] with enthusiasm. It was the first news my comrade + Vanhuele communicated to me during my illness, and it contributed to my + recovery. But there is still something rotten at the Center, and the + Enemies that I have, though perhaps not numerous, are more active than my + friends. If I form a wrong opinion of men or things it is to you I must + look to set me right. You are in possession of the secret. I know nothing + of it. But that I may be guarded against as many wants as possible I shall + set about writing a memorial to Congress, another to the State of + Pennsylvania, and an address to the people of America; but it will be + difficult for me to finish these until I know from yourself what + applications you have made for my liberation, and what answers you have + received. + </p> + <p> + Ah, Sir, you would have gotten a load of trouble and difficulties off your + hands that I fear will multiply every day, had you made it a point to + procure my liberty when you first arrived, and not left me floating on the + promises of men whom you did not know. You were then a new character. You + had come in consequence of their own request that Morris should be + recalled; and had you then, before you opened any subject of negociation + that might arise into controversy, demanded my liberty either as a + Civility or as a Right I see not how they could have refused it. + </p> + <p> + I have already said that after all the promises that have been made I am + still in prison. I am in the dark upon all the matters that relate to + myself. I know not if it be to the Convention, to the Committee of Public + Safety, of General Surety, or to the deputies who come sometimes to the + Luxembourg to examine and put persons in liberty, that applications have + been made for my liberation. But be it to whom it may, my earnest and + pressing request to you as Minister is that you will bring this matter to + a conclusion by reclaiming me as an American citizen imprisoned in France + under the plea of being a foreigner born in England; that I may know the + result, and how to prepare the Memorials I have mentioned, should there be + occasion for them. The right of determining who are American citizens can + belong only to America. The Convention have declared I am not a French + Citizen because she has declared me to be a foreigner, and have by that + declaration cancelled and annulled the vote of the former assembly that + conferred the Title of Citizen upon Citizens or subjects of other + Countries. I should not be honest to you nor to myself were I not to + express myself as I have done in this letter, and I confide and request + you will accept it in that sense and in no other. + </p> + <p> + I am, with great respect, your suffering fellow-citizen, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + P. S.—If my imprisonment is to continue, and I indulge very little + hope to the contrary, I shall be under the absolute necessity of applying + to you for a supply of several articles. Every person here have their + families or friends upon the spot who make provision for them. This is not + the case with me; I have no person I can apply to but the American + Minister, and I can have no doubt that if events should prevent my + repaying the expence Congress or the State of Pennsylvania will discharge + it for me. + </p> + <p> + To day is 22 Vendemaire Monday October 13, but you will not receive this + letter till the 14th. I will send the bearer to you again on the 15th, + Wednesday, and I will be obliged to you to send me for the present, three + or four candles, a little sugar of any kind, and some soap for shaving; + and I should be glad at the same time to receive a line from you and a + memorandum of the articles. Were I in your place I would order a Hogshead + of Sugar, some boxes of Candles and Soap from America, for they will + become still more scarce. Perhaps the best method for you to procure them + at present is by applying to the American Consuls at Bordeaux and Havre, + and have them up by the diligence. + </p> + <p> + 3. [Undated.] + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir: As I have not yet received any answer to my last, I have amused + myself with writing you the inclosed memoranda. Though you recommend + patience to me I cannot but feel very pointedly the uncomfortableness of + my situation, and among other reflections that occur to me I cannot think + that America receives any credit from the long imprisonment that I suffer. + It has the appearance of neglecting her citizens and her friends and of + encouraging the insults of foreign nations upon them, and upon her + commerce. My imprisonment is as well and perhaps more known in England + than in France, and they (the English) will not be intimidated from + molesting an American ship when they see that one of her best citizens + (for I have a right to call myself so) can be imprisoned in another + country at the mere discretion of a Committee, because he is a foreigner. + </p> + <p> + When you first arrived every body congratulated me that I should soon, if + not immediately, be in liberty. Since that time about two hundred have + been set free from this prison on the applications of their sections or of + individuals—and I am continually hurt by the observations that are + made—"that a section in Paris has more influence than America." + </p> + <p> + It is right that I furnish you with these circumstances. It is the effect + of my anxiety that the character of America suffer no reproach; for the + world knows that I have acted a generous duty by her. I am the third + American that has been imprisoned. Griffiths nine weeks, Haskins about + five, and myself eight [months] and yet in prison. With respect to the two + former there was then no Minister, for I consider Morris as none; and they + were liberated on the applications of the Americans in Paris. As to myself + I had rather be publicly and honorably reclaimed, tho' the reclamation was + refused, than remain in the uncertain situation that I am. Though my + health has suffered my spirits are not broken. I have nothing to fear + unless innocence and fortitude be crimes. America, whatever may be my + fate, will have no cause to blush for me as a citizen; I hope I shall have + none to blush for her as a country. If, my dear Sir, there is any-thing in + the perplexity of ideas I have mistaken, only suppose yourself in my + situation, and you will easily find an excuse for it. I need not say how + much I shall rejoice to pay my respects to you without-side the walls of + this prison, and to enquire after my American friends. But I know that + nothing can be accomplished here but by unceasing perseverance and + application. Yours affectionately. + </p> + <p> + 4. October 20, 1794. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir: I recd. your friendly letter of the 26 Vendemaire on the day it + was written, and I thank you for communicating to me your opinion upon my + case. Ideas serve to beget ideas, and as it is from a review of every + thing that can be said upon a subject, or is any ways connected with it, + that the best judgment can be formed how to proceed, I present you with + such ideas as occur to me. I am sure of one thing, which is that you will + give them a patient and attentive perusal. + </p> + <p> + You say in your letter that "I must be sensible that although I am an + American citizen, yet if you interfere in my behalf as the Minister of my + country you must demand my liberation only in case there be no charge + against me; and that if there is I must be brought to trial previously, + since no person in a <i>private</i> character can be exempt from the laws + of the country in which he resides."—This is what I have twice + attempted to do. I wrote a letter on the 3d Sans Culottodi(1) to the + Deputies, members of the Committee of Surety General, who came to the + Luxembourg to examine the persons detained. The letter was as follows:—"Citizens + Representatives: I offer myself for examination. Justice is due to every + Man. It is Justice only that I ask.—Thomas Paine." + </p> + <p> + As I was not called for examination, nor heard anything in consequence of + my letter the first time of sending it, I sent a duplicate of it a few + days after. It was carried to them by my good friend and comrade Vanhuele, + who was then going in liberty, having been examined the day before. + Vanhuele wrote me on the next day and said: "Bourdon de l'Oise [who was + one of the examining Deputies] is the most inveterate enemy you can have. + The answer he gave me when I presented your letter put me in such a + passion with him that I expected I should be sent back again to prison." I + then wrote a third letter but had not an opportunity of sending it, as + Bourdon did not come any more till after I received Mr. Labonadaire's + letter advising me to write to the Convention. The letter was as follows:—"Citizens, + I have twice offered myself for examination, and I chose to do this while + Bourdon de l'Oise was one of the Commissioners. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Festival of Labour, September 19, 1794.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + This Deputy has said in the Convention that I intrigued with an ancient + agent of the Bureau of Foreign Affairs. My examination therefore while he + is present will give him an opportunity of proving his charge or of + convincing himself of his error. If Bourdon de l'Oise is an honest man he + will examine me, but lest he should not I subjoin the following. That + which B[ourdon] calls an intrigue was at the request of a member of the + former Committee of Salut Public, last August was a twelvemonth. I met the + member on the Boulevard. He asked me something in French which I did not + understand and we went together to the Bureau of Foreign Affairs which was + near at hand. The Agent (Otto, whom you probably knew in America) served + as interpreter, The member (it was Barhre) then asked me 1st, If I could + furnish him with the plan of Constitution I had presented to the Committee + of Constitution of which I was member with himself, because, he said, it + contained several things which he wished had been adopted: 2dly, He asked + me my opinion upon sending Commissioners to the United States of America: + 3dly, If fifty or an hundred ship loads of flour could be procured from + America. As verbal interpretation was tedious, it was agreed that I should + give him my opinion in writing, and that the Agent [Otto] should translate + it, which he did. I answered the first question by sending him the plan + [of a Constitution] which he still has. To the second, I replied that I + thought it would be proper to send Commissioners, because that in + Revolutions circumstances change so fast that it was often necessary to + send a better supply of information to an Ally than could be communicated + by writing; and that Congress had done the same thing during the American + War; and I gave him some information that the Commissioners would find + useful on their arrival. I answered the third question by sending him a + list of American exports two years before, distinguishing the several + articles by which he would see that the supply he mentioned could be + obtained. I sent him also the plan of Paul Jones, giving it as his, for + procuring salt-petre, which was to send a squadron (it did not require a + large one) to take possession of the Island of St. Helen's, to keep the + English flag flying at the port, that the English East India ships coming + from the East Indies, and that ballast with salt-petre, might be induced + to enter as usual; And that it would be a considerable time before the + English Government could know of what had happened at St. Helen's. See + here what Bourdon de l'Oise has called an intrigue.—If it was an + intrigue it was between a Committee of Salut Public and myself, for the + Agent was no more than the interpreter and translator, and the object of + the intrigue was to furnish France with flour and salt-petre."—I + suppose Bourdon had heard that the agent and I were seen together talking + English, and this was enough for <i>him</i> to found his charge upon.(1) + </p> + <p> + You next say that "I must likewise be sensible that although I am an + American citizen that it is likewise believed there [in America] that I am + become a citizen of France, and that in consequence this latter character + has so far [illegible] the former as to weaken if not destroy any claim + you might have to interpose in my behalf." I am sorry I cannot add any new + arguments to those I have already advanced on this part of the subject. + But I cannot help asking myself, and I wish you would ask the Committee, + if it could possibly be the intention of France to <i>kidnap</i> citizens + from America under the pretence of dubbing them with the title of French + citizens, and then, after inviting or rather enveigling them into France, + make it a pretence for detaining them? If it was, (which I am sure it was + not, tho' they now act as if it was) the insult was to America, tho' the + injury was to me, and the treachery was to both. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The communications of Paine to Barhre are given in my + "Life of Paine," vol. ii-i PP. 73, 87. Otto was Secretary to + the Minister of Foreign Affairs when he acted as interpreter + between Paine and Barhre. There was never any charge at all + made against Paine, as the Archives of France now prove, + save that he was a "foreigner." Paine was of coarse ignorant + of the conspiracy between Morris and Deforgues which had + imprisoned him. Bourdon de l'Oise, one of the most cruel + Jacobins and Terrorists, afterwards conspired with Pichegru + to overthrow the Republic, and was with him banished (1797) + to Sinamari, South America, where he died soon after his + arrival.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Did they mean to kidnap General Washington, Mr. Madison, and several other + Americans whom they dubbed with the same title as well as me? Let any man + look at the condition of France when I arrived in it,—invaded by + Austrians and Prussians and declared to be in danger,—and then ask + if any man who had a home and a country to go to, as I had in America, + would have come amongst them from any other motive than of assisting them. + If I could possibly have supposed them capable of treachery I certainly + would not have trusted myself in their power. Instead therefore of your + being unwilling or apprehensive of meeting the question of French + citizenship, they ought to be ashamed of advancing it, and this will be + the case unless you admit their arguments or objections too passively. It + is a case on their part fit only for the continuations of Robespierre to + set up. As to the name of French citizen, I never considered it in any + other light, so far as regarded myself, than as a token of honorary + respect. I never made them any promise nor took any oath of allegiance or + of citizenship, nor bound myself by an act or means whatever to the + performance of any thing. I acted altogether as a friend invited among + them as I supposed on honorable terms. I did not come to join myself to a + Government already formed, but to assist in forming one <i>de nouveau</i>, + which was afterwards to be submitted to the people whether they would + accept it or not, and this any foreigner might do. And strictly speaking + there are no citizens before this is a government. They are all of the + People. The Americans were not called citizens till after Government was + established, and not even then until they had taken the oath of + allegiance. This was the case in Pennsylvania. But be this French + citizenship more or less, the Convention have swept it away by declaring + me to be a foreigner, and imprisoning me as such; and this is a short + answer to all those who affect to say or to believe that I am French + Citizen. A Citizen without Citizenship is a term non-descript. + </p> + <p> + After the two preceeding paragraphs you ask—"If it be my wish that + you should embark in this controversy (meaning that of reclaiming me) and + risque the consequences with respect to myself and the good understanding + subsisting between the two countries, or, without relinquishing any point + of right, and which might be insisted on in case of extremities, pursue + according to your best judgment and with the light before you, the object + of my liberation?" + </p> + <p> + As I believe from the apparent obstinacy of the Committees that + circumstances will grow towards the extremity you mention, unless + prevented beforehand, I will endeavour to throw into your hands all the + lights I can upon the subject. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, reclamation may mean two distinct things. All the + reclamations that are made by the sections in behalf of persons detained + as <i>suspect</i> are made on the ground that the persons so detained are + patriots, and the reclamation is good against the charge of "suspect" + because it proves the contrary. But my situation includes another + circumstance. I am imprisoned on the charge (if it can be called one) of + being a foreigner born in England. You know that foreigner to be a citizen + of the United States of America, and that he has been such since the 4th + of July 1776, the political birthday of the United States, and of every + American citizen, for before that period all were British subjects, and + the States, then provinces, were British dominions.—Your reclamation + of me therefore as a citizen of the United States (all other + considerations apart) is good against the pretence for imprisoning me, or + that pretence is equally good against every American citizen born in + England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, or Holland, and you know this + description of men compose a very great part of the population of the + three States of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and make also a + part of Congress, and of the State Legislatures. + </p> + <p> + Every politician ought to know, and every civilian does know, that the Law + of Treaty of Alliance, and also that of Amity and Commerce knows no + distinction of American Citizens on account of the place of their birth, + but recognizes all to be Citizens whom the Constitution and laws of the + United States of America recognize as such; and if I recollect rightly + there is an article in the Treaty of Commerce particular to this point. + The law therefore which they have here, to put all persons in arrestation + born in any of the Countries at war with France, is, when applied to + Citizens of America born in England, Ireland, Scotland, Germany, or + holland, a violation of the treaties of Alliance and of Commerce, because + it assumes to make a distinction of Citizens which those Treaties and the + Constitution of America know nothing of. This is a subject that officially + comes under your cognizance as Minister, and it would be consistent that + you expostulated with them upon the Case. That foolish old man Vadier, who + was president of the Convention and of the Committee of Surety general + when the Americans then in Paris went to the Bar of the Convention to + reclaim me, gave them for answer that my being born in England was cause + sufficient for imprisoning me. It happened that at least half those who + went up with that address were in the same case with myself. + </p> + <p> + As to reclamations on the ground of Patriotism it is difficult to know + what is to be understood by Patriotism here. There is not a vice, and + scarcely a virtue, that has not as the fashion of the moment suited been + called by the name of Patriotism. The wretches who composed the + revolutionary tribunal of Nantz were the Patriots of that day and the + criminals of this. The Jacobins called themselves Patriots of the first + order, men up to the height of the circumstances, and they are now + considered as an antidote to Patriotism. But if we give to Patriotism a + fixed idea consistent with that of a Republic, it would signify a strict + adherence to the principles of Moral Justice, to the equality of civil and + political Rights, to the System of representative Government, and an + opposition to every hereditary claim to govern; and of this species of + Patriotism you know my character. But, Sir, there are men on the Committee + who have changed their Party but not their principles. Their aim is to + hold power as long as possible by preventing the establishment of a + Constitution, and these men are and will be my Enemies, and seek to hold + me in prison as long as they can. I am too good a Patriot for them. It is + not improbable that they have heard of the strange language held by some + Americans that I am not considered in America as an American citizen, and + they may also have heard say, that you had no orders respecting me, and it + is not improbable that they interpret that language and that silence into + a connivance at my imprisonment. If they had not some ideas of this kind + would they resist so long the civil efforts you make for my liberation, or + would they attach so much importance to the imprisonment of an Individual + as <i>to risque</i> (as you say to me) <i>the good understanding that + exists between the two Countries?</i>You also say that <i>it is impossible + for any person to do more than you have done without adopting the other + means</i>, meaning that of reclaiming me. How then can you account for the + want of success after so many efforts, and such a length of time, upwards + of ten weeks, without supposing that they fortify themselves in the + interpretation I have just mentioned? I can admit that it was not + necessary to give orders, and that it was difficult to give direct orders, + for I much question if Morris had informed Congress or the President of + the whole of the case, or had sent copies of my letters to him as I had + desired him to do. You would find the case here when you came, and you + could not fully understand it till you did come, and as Minister you would + have authority to act upon it. But as you inform me that you know what the + wishes of the President are, you will see also that his reputation is + exposed to some risque, admitting there to be ground for the supposition I + have made. It will not add to his popularity to have it believed in + America, as I am inclined to think the Committee believe here, that he + connives at my imprisonment. You say also that <i>it is known to everybody + that you wish my liberation</i>. It is, Sir, because they know your wishes + that they misinterpret the means you use. They suppose that those mild + means arise from a restriction that you cannot use others, or from a + consciousness of some defect on my part of which you are unwilling to + provoke the enquiry. + </p> + <p> + But as you ask me if it be my wish that you should embark in this + controversy and risque the consequences with respect to myself, I will + answer this part of the question by marking out precisely the part I wish + you to take. What I mean is a sort of middle line above what you have yet + gone, and not up to the full extremity of the case, which will still lie + in reserve. It is to write a letter to the Committee that shall in the + first place defeat by anticipation all the objections they might make to a + simple reclamation, and at the same time make the ground good for that + object. But, instead of sending the letter immediately, to invite some of + the Committee to your house and to make that invitation the opportunity of + shewing them the letter, expressing at the same time a wish that you had + done this, from a hope that the business might be settled in an amicable + manner without your being forced into an official interference, that would + excite the observations of the Enemies of both Countries, and probably + interrupt the harmony that subsisted between the two republics. But as I + can not convey the ideas I wish you to use by any means so concisely or so + well as to suppose myself the writer of the letter I shall adopt this + method and you will make use of such parts or such ideas of it as you + please if you approve the plan. Here follows the supposed letter: + </p> + <p> + Citizens: When I first arrived amongst you as Minister from the United + States of America I was given to understand that the liberation of Thomas + Paine would take place without any official interference on my part. This + was the more agreeable to me as it would not only supercede the necessity + of that interference, but would leave to yourselves the whole opportunity + of doing justice to a man who as far as I have been able to learn has + suffered much cruel treatment under what you have denominated the system + of Terror. But as I find my expectations have not been fulfilled I am + under the official necessity of being more explicit upon the subject than + I have hitherto been. + </p> + <p> + Permit me, in the first place, to observe that as it is impossible for me + to suppose that it could have been the intention of France to seduce any + citizens of America from their allegiance to their proper country by + offering them the title of French citizen, so must I be compelled to + believe, that the title of French citizen conferred on Thomas Paine was + intended only as a mark of honorary respect towards a man who had so + eminently distinguished himself in defence of liberty, and on no occasion + more so than in promoting and defending your own revolution. For a proof + of this I refer you to his two works entitled <i>Rights of Man</i>. Those + works have procured to him an addition of esteem in America, and I am + sorry they have been so ill rewarded in France. But be this title of + French Citizen more or less, it is now entirely swept away by the vote of + the Convention which declares him to be a foreigner, and which supercedes + the vote of the Assembly that conferred that title upon him, consequently + upon the case superceded with it. + </p> + <p> + In consequence of this vote of the Convention declaring him to be a + foreigner the former Committees have imprisoned him. It is therefore + become my official duty to declare to you that the foreigner thus + imprisoned is a citizen of the United States of America as fully, as + legally, as constitutionally as myself, and that he is moreover one of the + principal founders of the American Republic. + </p> + <p> + I have been informed of a law or decree of the Convention which subjects + foreigners born in any of the countries at war with France to arrestation + and imprisonment. This law when applied to citizens of America born in + England is an infraction of the Treaty of Alliance and of Amity and + Commerce, which knows no distinction of American citizens on account of + the place of their birth, but recognizes all to be citizens whom the + Constitution and laws of America recognize as such. The circumstances + under which America has been peopled requires this guard on her Treaties, + because the mass of her citizens are composed not of natives only but also + of the natives of almost all the countries of Europe who have sought an + asylum there from the persecutions they experienced in their own + countries. After this intimation you will without doubt see the propriety + of modelling that law to the principles of the Treaty, because the law of + Treaty in cases where it applies is the governing law to both parties + alike, and it cannot be infracted without hazarding the existence of the + Treaty. + </p> + <p> + Of the Patriotism of Thomas Paine I can speak fully, if we agree to give + to patriotism a fixed idea consistent with that of a republic. It would + then signify a strict adherence to Moral Justice, to the equality of civil + and political rights, to the system of representative government, and an + opposition to all hereditary claims to govern. Admitting patriotism to + consist in these principles, I know of no man who has gone beyond Thomas + Paine in promulgating and defending them, and that for almost twenty years + past. + </p> + <p> + I have now spoken to you on the principal matters concerned in the case of + Thomas Paine. The title of French citizen which you had enforced upon him, + you have since taken away by declaring him to be a foreigner, and + consequently this part of the subject ceases of itself. I have declared to + you that this foreigner is a citizen of the United States of America, and + have assured you of his patriotism. + </p> + <p> + I cannot help at the same time repeating to you my wish that his + liberation had taken place without my being obliged to go thus far into + the subject, because it is the mutual interest of both republics to avoid + as much as possible all subjects of controversy, especially those from + which no possible good can flow. I still hope that you will save me the + unpleasant task of proceeding any farther by sending me an order for his + liberation, which the injured state of his health absolutely requires. I + shall be happy to receive such an order from you and happy in presenting + it to him, for to the welfare of Thomas Paine the Americans are not and + cannot be indifferent. + </p> + <p> + This is the sort of letter I wish you to write, for I have no idea that + you will succeed by any measures that can, by any kind of construction, be + interpreted into a want of confidence or an apprehension of consequences. + It is themselves that ought to be apprehensive of consequences if any are + to be apprehended. They, I mean the Committees, are not certain that the + Convention or the nation would support them in forcing any question to + extremity that might interrupt the good understanding subsisting between + the two countries; and I know of no question [so likely] to do this as + that which involves the rights and liberty of a citizen. + </p> + <p> + You will please to observe that I have put the case of French citizenship + in a point of view that ought not only to preclude, but to make them + ashamed to advance any thing upon this subject; and this is better than to + have to answer their counter-reclamation afterwards. Either the + Citizenship was intended as a token of honorary respect, or it was + in-tended to deprive America of a citizen or to seduce him from his + allegiance to his proper country. If it was intended as an honour they + must act consistently with the principle of honour. But if they make a + pretence for detaining me, they convict themselves of the act of + seduction. Had America singled out any particular French citizen, + complimented him with the title of Citizen of America, which he without + suspecting any fraudulent intention might accept, and then after having + invited or rather inveigled him into America made his acceptance of that + Title a pretence for seducing or forcing him from his allegiance to + France, would not France have just cause to be offended at America? And + ought not America to have the same right to be offended at France? And + will the Committees take upon themselves to answer for the dishonour they + bring upon the National Character of their Country? If these arguments are + stated beforehand they will prevent the Committees going into the subject + of French Citizenship. They must be ashamed of it. But after all the case + comes to this, that this French Citizenship appertains no longer to me + because the Convention, as I have already said, have swept it away by + declaring me to be foreigner, and it is not in the power of the Committees + to reverse it. But if I am to be citizen and foreigner, and citizen again, + just when and how and for any purpose they please, they take the + Government of America into their own hands and make her only a Cypher in + their system. + </p> + <p> + Though these ideas have been long with me they have been more particularly + matured by reading your last Communication, and I have many reasons to + wish you had opened that Communication sooner. I am best acquainted with + the persons you have to deal with and the circumstances of my own case. If + you chuse to adopt the letter as it is, I send you a translation for the + sake of expediting the business. I have endeavoured to conceive your own + manner of expression as well as I could, and the civility of language you + would use, but the matter of the letter is essential to me. + </p> + <p> + If you chuse to confer with some of the members of the Committee at your + own house on the subject of the letter it may render the sending it + unnecessary; but in either case I must request and press you not to give + away to evasion and delay, and that you will fix positively with them that + they shall give you an answer in three or four days whether they will + liberate me on the representation you have made in the letter, or whether + you must be forced to go further into the subject. The state of my health + will not admit of delay, and besides the tortured state of my mind wears + me down. If they talk of bringing me to trial (and I well know there is no + accusation against me and that they can bring none) I certainly summons + you as an Evidence to my Character. This you may mention to them either as + what I intend to do or what you intend to do voluntarily for me. + </p> + <p> + I am anxious that you undertake this business without losing time, because + if I am not liberated in the course of this decade, I intend, if in case + the seventy-one detained deputies are liberated, to follow the same track + that they have done, and publish my own case myself.(1) I cannot rest any + longer in this state of miserable suspense, be the consequences what they + may. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Those deputies, imprisoned for having protested against + the overthrow of the Girondin government, May 31,1793, when + the Convention was invaded and overawed by the armed + communes of Paris. These deputies were liberated and + recalled to the Convention, December 8, 1794. Paine was + invited to resume his seat the day before, by a special act + of the Convention, after an eloquent speech by Thibaudeau.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Dear Sir: I need not mention to you the happiness I received from the + information you sent me by Mr. Beresford. I easily guess the persons you + have conversed with on the subject of my liberation—but matters and + even promises that pass in conversation are not quite so strictly attended + to here as in the Country you come from. I am not, my Dear Sir, impatient + from any thing in my disposition, but the state of my health requires + liberty and a better air; and besides this, the rules of the prison do not + permit me, though I have all the indulgences the Concierge can give, to + procure the things necessary to my recovery, which is slow as to strength. + I have a tolerable appetite but the allowance of provision is scanty. We + are not allowed a knife to cut our victuals with, nor a razor to shave; + but they have lately allowed some barbers that are here to shave. The room + where I am lodged is a ground floor level with the earth in the garden and + floored with brick, and is so wet after every rain that I cannot guard + against taking colds that continually cheat my recovery. If you could, + without interfering with or deranging the mode proposed for my liberation, + inform the Committee that the state of my health requires liberty and air, + it would be good ground to hasten my liberation. The length of my + imprisonment is also a reason, for I am now almost the oldest inhabitant + of this uncomfortable mansion, and I see twenty, thirty and sometimes + forty persons a day put in liberty who have not been so long confined as + myself. Their liberation is a happiness to me; but I feel sometimes, a + little mortification that I am thus left behind. I leave it entirely to + you to arrange this matter. The messenger waits. Your's affectionately, + </p> + <p> + T. P. + </p> + <p> + I hope and wish much to see you. I have much to say. I have had the + attendance of Dr. Graham (Physician to Genl. O'Hara, who is prisoner here) + and of Dr. Makouski, house physician, who has been most exceedingly kind + to me. After I am at liberty I shall be glad to introduce him to you. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This letter, written in a feeble handwriting, is not + dated, but Monroe's endorsement, "2d. Luxembourg," + indicates November 2, two days before Paine's liberation.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0023" id="Dlink2H_4_0023"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXII. LETTER TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. + </h2> + <h3> + Paris, July 30, 1796. + </h3> + <p> + As censure is but awkwardly softened by apology. I shall offer you no + apology for this letter. The eventful crisis to which your double politics + have conducted the affairs of your country, requires an investigation + uncramped by ceremony. + </p> + <p> + There was a time when the fame of America, moral and political, stood fair + and high in the world. The lustre of her revolution extended itself to + every individual; and to be a citizen of America gave a title to respect + in Europe. Neither meanness nor ingratitude had been mingled in the + composition of her character. Her resistance to the attempted tyranny of + England left her unsuspected of the one, and her open acknowledgment of + the aid she received from France precluded all suspicion of the other. The + Washington of politics had not then appeared. + </p> + <p> + At the time I left America (April 1787) the Continental Convention, that + formed the federal Constitution was on the point of meeting. Since that + time new schemes of politics, and new distinctions of parties, have + arisen. The term <i>Antifederalist</i> has been applied to all those who + combated the defects of that constitution, or opposed the measures of your + administration. It was only to the absolute necessity of establishing some + federal authority, extending equally over all the States, that an + instrument so inconsistent as the present federal Constitution is, + obtained a suffrage. I would have voted for it myself, had I been in + America, or even for a worse, rather than have had none, provided it + contained the means of remedying its defects by the same appeal to the + people by which it was to be established. It is always better policy to + leave removeable errors to expose themselves, than to hazard too much in + contending against them theoretically. I have introduced these + observations, not only to mark the general difference between + Antifederalist and Anti-constitutionalist, but to preclude the effect, and + even the application, of the former of these terms to myself. I declare + myself opposed to several matters in the Constitution, particularly to the + manner in which what is called the Executive is formed, and to the long + duration of the Senate; and if I live to return to America, I will use all + my endeavours to have them altered.(*) I also declare myself opposed to + almost the whole of your administration; for I know it to have been + deceitful, if not perfidious, as I shall shew in the course of this + letter. But as to the point of consolidating the States into a Federal + Government, it so happens, that the proposition for that purpose came + originally from myself. I proposed it in a letter to Chancellor Livingston + in the spring of 1782, while that gentleman was Minister for Foreign + Affairs. The five per cent, duty recommended by Congress had then fallen + through, having been adopted by some of the States, altered by others, + rejected by Rhode Island, and repealed by Virginia after it had been + consented to. The proposal in the letter I allude to, was to get over the + whole difficulty at once, by annexing a continental legislative body to + Congress; for in order to have any law of the Union uniform, the case + could only be, that either Congress, as it then stood, must frame the law, + and the States severally adopt it without alteration, or the States must + erect a Continental Legislature for the purpose. Chancellor Livingston, + Robert Morris, Gouverneur Morris, and myself, had a meeting at the house + of Robert Morris on the subject of that letter. There was no diversity of + opinion on the proposition for a Continental Legislature: the only + difficulty was on the manner of bringing the proposition forward. For my + own part, as I considered it as a remedy in reserve, that could be applied + at any time <i>when the States saw themselves wrong enough to be put right</i>, + (which did not appear to be the case at that time) I did not see the + propriety of urging it precipitately, and declined being the publisher of + it myself. After this account of a fact, the leaders of your party will + scarcely have the hardiness to apply to me the term of Antifederalist. But + I can go to a date and to a fact beyond this; for the proposition for + electing a continental convention to form the Continental Government is + one of the subjects treated of in the pamphlet <i>Common Sense</i>.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * I have always been opposed to the mode of refining + Government up to an individual, or what is called a single + Executive. Such a man will always be the chief of a party. A + plurality is far better: It combines the mass of a nation + better together: And besides this, it is necessary to the + manly mind of a republic that it loses the debasing idea of + obeying an individual.—<i>Author</i>. +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See vol. i. of this work, pp. 97, 98, 109, no.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Having thus cleared away a little of the rubbish that might otherwise have + lain in my way, I return to the point of time at which the present Federal + Constitution and your administration began. It was very well said by an + anonymous writer in Philadelphia, about a year before that period, that "<i>thirteen + staves and ne'er a hoop will not make a barrel</i>" and as any kind of + hooping the barrel, however defectively executed, would be better than + none, it was scarcely possible but that considerable advantages must arise + from the federal hooping of the States. It was with pleasure that every + sincere friend of America beheld, as the natural effect of union, her + rising prosperity; and it was with grief they saw that prosperity mixed, + even in the blossom, with the germ of corruption. Monopolies of every kind + marked your administration almost in the moment of its commencement. The + lands obtained by the revolution were lavished upon partisans; the + interest of the disbanded soldier was sold to the speculator; injustice + was acted under the pretence of faith; and the chief of the army became + the patron of the fraud.(2) From such a beginning what else could be + expected, than what has happened? A mean and servile submission to the + insults of one nation; treachery and ingratitude to another. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 2 The history of the Scioto Company, by which so many + Frenchmen as well as Americans were ruined, warranted an + even stronger statement. Though Washington did not know what + was going on, he cannot be acquitted of a lack of due + precaution in patronizing leading agents of these + speculations, and introducing them in France.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Some vices make their approach with such a splendid appearance, that we + scarcely know to what class of moral distinctions they belong. They are + rather virtues corrupted than vices, originally. But meanness and + ingratitude have nothing equivocal in their character. There is not a + trait in them that renders them doubtful. They are so originally vice, + that they are generated in the dung of other vices, and crawl into + existence with the filth upon their back. The fugitives have found + protection in you, and the levee-room is their place of rendezvous. + </p> + <p> + As the Federal Constitution is a copy, though not quite so base as the + original, of the form of the British Government, an imitation of its vices + was naturally to be expected. So intimate is the connection between <i>form + and practice</i>, that to adopt the one is to invite the other. Imitation + is naturally progressive, and is rapidly so in matters that are vicious. + </p> + <p> + Soon after the Federal Constitution arrived in England, I received a + letter from a female literary correspondent (a native of New York) very + well mixed with friendship, sentiment, and politics. In my answer to that + letter, I permitted myself to ramble into the wilderness of imagination, + and to anticipate what might hereafter be the condition of America. I had + no idea that the picture I then drew was realizing so fast, and still less + that Mr. Washington was hurrying it on. As the extract I allude to is + congenial with the subject I am upon, I here transcribe it: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + [<i>The extract is the same as that given in a footnote, in + the Memorial to Monroe, p. 180</i>.] +</pre> + <p> + Impressed, as I was, with apprehensions of this kind, I had America + constantly in my mind in all the publications I afterwards made. The + First, and still more the Second, Part of the Rights of Man, bear evident + marks of this watchfulness; and the Dissertation on First Principles of + Government [XXIV.] goes more directly to the point than either of the + former. I now pass on to other subjects. + </p> + <p> + It will be supposed by those into whose hands this letter may fall, that I + have some personal resentment against you; I will therefore settle this + point before I proceed further. + </p> + <p> + If I have any resentment, you must acknowledge that I have not been hasty + in declaring it; neither would it now be declared (for what are private + resentments to the public) if the cause of it did not unite itself as well + with your public as with your private character, and with the motives of + your political conduct. + </p> + <p> + The part I acted in the American revolution is well known; I shall not + here repeat it. I know also that had it not been for the aid received from + France, in men, money and ships, that your cold and unmilitary conduct (as + I shall shew in the course of this letter) would in all probability have + lost America; at least she would not have been the independent nation she + now is. You slept away your time in the field, till the finances of the + country were completely exhausted, and you have but little share in the + glory of the final event. It is time, sir, to speak the undisguised + language of historical truth. + </p> + <p> + Elevated to the chair of the Presidency, you assumed the merit of every + thing to yourself, and the natural ingratitude of your constitution began + to appear. You commenced your Presidential career by encouraging and + swallowing the grossest adulation, and you travelled America from one end + to the other to put yourself in the way of receiving it. You have as many + addresses in your chest as James the II. As to what were your views, for + if you are not great enough to have ambition you are little enough to have + vanity, they cannot be directly inferred from expressions of your own; but + the partizans of your politics have divulged the secret. + </p> + <p> + John Adams has said, (and John it is known was always a speller after + places and offices, and never thought his little services were highly + enough paid,)—John has said, that as Mr. Washington had no child, + the Presidency should be made hereditary in the family of Lund Washington. + John might then have counted upon some sinecure himself, and a provision + for his descendants. He did not go so far as to say, also, that the + Vice-Presidency should be hereditary in the family of John Adams. He + prudently left that to stand on the ground that one good turn deserves + another.(*) + </p> + <p> + John Adams is one of those men who never contemplated the origin of + government, or comprehended any thing of first principles. If he had, he + might have seen, that the right to set up and establish hereditary + government, never did, and never can, exist in any generation at any time + whatever; that it is of the nature of treason; because it is an attempt to + take away the rights of all the minors living at that time, and of all + succeeding generations. It is of a degree beyond common treason. It is a + sin against nature. The equal right of every generation is a right fixed + in the nature of things. It belongs to the son when of age, as it belonged + to the father before him. John Adams would himself deny the right that any + former deceased generation could have to decree authoritatively a + succession of governors over him, or over his children; and yet he assumes + the pretended right, treasonable as it is, of acting it himself. His + ignorance is his best excuse. + </p> + <p> + John Jay has said,(**) (and this John was always the sycophant of every + thing in power, from Mr. Girard in America, to Grenville in England,)—John + Jay has said, that the Senate should have been appointed for life. He + would then have been sure of never wanting a lucrative appointment for + himself, and have had no fears about impeachment. These are the disguised + traitors that call themselves Federalists.(**) + </p> + <p> + Could I have known to what degree of corruption and perfidy the + administrative part of the government of America had descended, I could + have been at no loss to have understood the reservedness of Mr. Washington + towards me, during my imprisonment in the Luxembourg. There are cases in + which silence is a loud language. I will here explain the cause of that + imprisonment, and return to Mr. Washington afterwards. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Two persons to whom John Adams said this, told me of it. + The secretary of Mr. Jay was present when it was told to + me.—<i>Author</i>. + + ** If Mr. John Jay desires to know on what authority I say + this, I will give that authority publicly when he chooses to + call for it—<i>Author</i>. +</pre> + <p> + In the course of that rage, terror and suspicion, which the brutal letter + of the Duke of Brunswick first started into existence in France, it + happened that almost every man who was opposed to violence, or who was not + violent himself, became suspected. I had constantly been opposed to every + thing which was of the nature or of the appearance of violence; but as I + had always done it in a manner that shewed it to be a principle founded in + my heart, and not a political manouvre, it precluded the pretence of + accusing me. I was reached, however, under another pretence. + </p> + <p> + A decree was passed to imprison all persons born in England; but as I was + a member of the Convention, and had been complimented with the honorary + style of Citizen of France, as Mr. Washington and some other Americans had + been, this decree fell short of reaching me. A motion was afterwards made + and carried, supported chiefly by Bourdon de l'Oise, for expelling + foreigners from the Convention. My expulsion being thus effected, the two + committees of Public Safety and of General Surety, of which Robespierre + was the dictator, put me in arrestation under the former decree for + imprisoning persons born in England. Having thus shewn under what pretence + the imprisonment was effected, I come to speak of such parts of the case + as apply between me and Mr. Washington, either as a President or as an + individual. + </p> + <p> + I have always considered that a foreigner, such as I was in fact, with + respect to France, might be a member of a Convention for framing a + Constitution, without affecting his right of citizenship in the country to + which he belongs, but not a member of a government after a Constitution is + formed; and I have uniformly acted upon this distinction; To be a member + of a government requires that a person be in allegiance to that government + and to the country locally. But a Constitution, being a thing of + principle, and not of action, and which, after it is formed, is to be + referred to the people for their approbation or rejection, does not + require allegiance in the persons forming and proposing it; and besides + this, it is only to the thing after it be formed and established, and to + the country after its governmental character is fixed by the adoption of a + constitution, that the allegiance can be given. No oath of allegiance or + of citizenship was required of the members who composed the Convention: + there was nothing existing in form to swear allegiance to. If any such + condition had been required, I could not, as Citizen of America in fact, + though Citizen of France by compliment, have accepted a seat in the + Convention. + </p> + <p> + As my citizenship in America was not altered or diminished by any thing I + had done in Europe, (on the contrary, it ought to be considered as + strengthened, for it was the American principle of government that I was + endeavouring to spread in Europe,) and as it is the duty of every + govern-ment to charge itself with the care of any of its citizens who may + happen to fall under an arbitrary persecution abroad, and is also one of + the reasons for which ambassadors or ministers are appointed,—it was + the duty of the Executive department in America, to have made (at least) + some enquiries about me, as soon as it heard of my imprisonment. But if + this had not been the case, that government owed it to me on every ground + and principle of honour and gratitude. Mr. Washington owed it to me on + every score of private acquaintance, I will not now say, friendship; for + it has some time been known by those who know him, that he has no + friendships; that he is incapable of forming any; he can serve or desert a + man, or a cause, with constitutional indifference; and it is this cold + hermaphrodite faculty that imposed itself upon the world, and was credited + for a while by enemies as by friends, for prudence, moderation and + impartiality.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 "L'on pent dire qu'il [Washington] jouit de tous les + avantages possibles a l'exception des douceurs de + l'amitii."—Louis Otto, Chargi d'Affaires (at New York) to + his government, 13 June, 1790. French Archives, vol. 35, No. + 32.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + Soon after I was put into arrestation, and imprisoned in the Luxembourg, + the Americans who were then in Paris went in a body to the bar of the + Convention to reclaim me. They were answered by the then President Vadier, + who has since absconded, that <i>I was born in England</i>, and it was + signified to them, by some of the Committee of <i>General Surety</i>, to + whom they were referred (I have been told it was Billaud Varennes,) that + their reclamation of me was only the act of individuals, without any + authority from the American government. + </p> + <p> + A few days after this, all communications from persons imprisoned to any + person without the prison was cut off by an order of the Police. I neither + saw, nor heard from, any body for six months; and the only hope that + remained to me was, that a new Minister would arrive from America to + supercede Morris, and that he would be authorized to enquire into the + cause of my imprisonment. But even this hope, in the state to which + matters were daily arriving, was too remote to have any consolatory + effect, and I contented myself with the thought, that I might be + remembered when it would be too late. There is perhaps no condition from + which a man conscious of his own uprightness cannot derive consolation; + for it is in itself a consolation for him to find, that he can bear that + condition with calmness and fortitude. + </p> + <p> + From about the middle of March (1794) to the fall of Robespierre July 29, + (9th of Thermidor,) the state of things in the prisons was a continued + scene of horror. No man could count upon life for twenty-four hours. To + such a pitch of rage and suspicion were Robespierre and his Committee + arrived, that it seemed as if they feared to leave a man living. Scarcely + a night passed in which ten, twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, or more, were + not taken out of the prison, carried before a pretended tribunal in the + morning, and guillotined before night. One hundred and sixty-nine were + taken out of the Luxembourg one night, in the month of July, and one + hundred and sixty of them guillotined. A list of two hundred more, + according to the report in the prison, was preparing a few days before + Robespierre fell. In this last list I have good reason to believe I was + included. A memorandum in the hand-writing of Robespierre was afterwards + produced in the Convention, by the committee to whom the papers of + Robespierre were referred, in these words: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Demander que Thomas "I Demand that Thomas Paine + "Payne soit dicriti d'ac- be decreed of accusation + "cusation pour les inti- for the interests of America + "rttsde l'Amirique,autant as well as of France." + "que de la France." +</pre> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In reading this the Committee added, "Why Thomas Payne + more than another? Because He helped to establish the + liberty of both worlds."—<i>Editor</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I had then been imprisoned seven months, and the silence of the Executive + part of the government of America (Mr. Washington) upon the case, and upon + every thing respecting me, was explanation enough to Robespierre that he + might proceed to extremities. + </p> + <p> + A violent fever which had nearly terminated my existence, was, I believe, + the circumstance that preserved it. I was not in a condition to be + removed, or to know of what was passing, or of what had passed, for more + than a month. It makes a blank in my remembrance of life. The first thing + I was informed of was the fall of Robespierre. + </p> + <p> + About a week after this, Mr. Monroe arrived to supercede Gouverneur + Morris, and as soon as I was able to write a note legible enough to be + read, I found a way to convey one to him by means of the man who lighted + the lamps in the prison; and whose unabated friendship to me, from whom he + had never received any service, and with difficulty accepted any + recompense, puts the character of Mr. Washington to shame. + </p> + <p> + In a few days I received a message from Mr. Monroe, conveyed to me in a + note from an intermediate person, with assurance of his friendship, and + expressing a desire that I would rest the case in his hands. After a + fortnight or more had passed, and hearing nothing farther, I wrote to a + friend who was then in Paris, a citizen of Philadelphia, requesting him to + inform me what was the true situation of things with respect to me. I was + sure that something was the matter; I began to have hard thoughts of Mr. + Washington, but I was unwilling to encourage them. + </p> + <p> + In about ten days, I received an answer to my letter, in which the writer + says, "Mr. Monroe has told me that he has no order [meaning from the + President, Mr. Washington] respecting you, but that he (Mr. Monroe) will + do every thing in his power to liberate you; but, from what I learn from + the Americans lately arrived in Paris, you are not considered, either by + the American government, or by the individuals, as an American citizen." + </p> + <p> + I was now at no loss to understand Mr. Washington and his new fangled + faction, and that their policy was silently to leave me to fall in France. + They were rushing as fast as they could venture, without awakening the + jealousy of America, into all the vices and corruptions of the British + government; and it was no more consistent with the policy of Mr. + Washington, and those who immediately surrounded him, than it was with + that of Robespierre or of Pitt, that I should survive. They have, however, + missed the mark, and the reaction is upon themselves. + </p> + <p> + Upon the receipt of the letter just alluded to, I sent a memorial to Mr. + Monroe, which the reader will find in the appendix, and I received from + him the following answer.(1) It is dated the 18th of September, but did + not come to hand till about the 4th of October. I was then failing into a + relapse, the weather was becoming damp and cold, fuel was not to be had, + and the abscess in my side, the consequence of these things, and of the + want of air and exercise, was beginning to form, and which has continued + immoveable ever since. Here follows Mr. Monroe's letter. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The appendix consisted of an abridgment of the Memorial, + which forms the preceding chapter (XXI.) in this volume.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Paris, September 18th, 1794. "Dear Sir, + </p> + <p> + "I was favoured soon after my arrival here with several letters from you, + and more latterly with one in the character of memorial upon the subject + of your confinement; and should have answered them at the times they were + respectively written had I not concluded you would have calculated with + certainty upon the deep interest I take in your welfare, and the pleasure + with which I shall embrace every opportunity in my power to serve you. I + should still pursue the same course, and for reasons which must obviously + occur, if I did not find that you are disquieted with apprehensions upon + interesting points, and which justice to you and our country equally + forbid you should entertain. You mention that you have been informed you + are not considered as an American citizen by the Americans, and that you + have likewise heard that I had no instructions respecting you by the + government. I doubt not the person who gave you the information meant + well, but I suspect he did not even convey accurately his own ideas on the + first point: for I presume the most he could say is, that you had likewise + become a French citizen, and which by no means deprived you of being an + American one. Even this, however, may be doubted, I mean the acquisition + of citizenship in France, and I confess you have said much to show that it + has not been made. I really suspect that this was all that the gentleman + who wrote to you, and those Americans he heard speak upon the subject + meant. It becomes my duty, however, to declare to you, that I consider you + as an American citizen, and that you are considered universally in that + character by the people of America. As such you are entitled to my + attention; and so far as it can be given consistently with those + obligations which are mutual between every government and even a transient + passenger, you shall receive it. + </p> + <p> + "The Congress have never decided upon the subject of citizenship in a + manner to regard the present case. By being with us through the revolution + you are of our country as absolutely as if you had been born there, and + you are no more of England, than every native American is. This is the + true doctrine in the present case, so far as it becomes complicated with + any other consideration. I have mentioned it to make you easy upon the + only point which could give you any disquietude. + </p> + <p> + "Is it necessary for me to tell you how much all your countrymen, I speak + of the great mass of the people, are interested in your welfare? They have + not forgotten the history of their own revolution and the difficult scenes + through which they passed; nor do they review its several stages without + reviving in their bosoms a due sensibility of the merits of those who + served them in that great and arduous conflict. The crime of ingratitude + has not yet stained, and I trust never will stain, our national character. + You are considered by them as not only having rendered important service + in our own revolution, but as being, on a more extensive scale, the friend + of human rights, and a distinguished and able advocate in favour of public + liberty. To the welfare of Thomas Paine, the Americans are not, nor can + they be, indifferent. + </p> + <p> + "Of the sense which the President has always entertained of your merits, + and of his friendly disposition towards you, you are too well assured to + require any declaration of it from me. That I forward his wishes in + seeking your safety is what I well know, and this will form an additional + obligation on me to perform what I should otherwise consider as a duty. + </p> + <p> + "You are, in my opinion, at present menaced by no kind of danger. To + liberate you, will be an object of my endeavours, and as soon as possible. + But you must, until that event shall be accomplished, bear your situation + with patience and fortitude. You will likewise have the justice to + recollect, that I am placed here upon a difficult theatre* many important + objects to attend to, with few to consult It becomes me in pursuit of + those to regulate my conduct in respect to each, as to the manner and the + time, as will, in my judgment, be best calculated to accomplish the whole. + </p> + <p> + "With great esteem and respect consider me personally your friend, + </p> + <p> + "James Monroe." + </p> + <p> + The part in Mr. Monroe's letter, in which he speaks of the President, (Mr. + Washington,) is put in soft language. Mr. Monroe knew what Mr. Washington + had said formerly, and he was willing to keep that in view. But the fact + is, not only that Mr. Washington had given no orders to Mr. Monroe, as the + letter [of Whiteside] stated, but he did not so much as say to him, + enquire if Mr. Paine be dead or alive, in prison or out, or see if there + be any assistance we can give him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + This I presume alludes to the embarrassments which the + strange conduct of Gouverneur Morris had occasioned, and + which, I well know, had created suspicions of the sincerity + of Mr. Washington.—<i>Author</i>. voi. m—ij +</pre> + <p> + While these matters were passing, the liberations from the prisons were + numerous; from twenty to forty in the course of almost every twenty-four + hours. The continuance of my imprisonment after a new Minister had arrived + immediately from America, which was now more than two months, was a matter + so obviously strange, that I found the character of the American + government spoken of in very unqualified terms of reproach; not only by + those who still remained in prison, but by those who were liberated, and + by persons who had access to the prison from without. Under these + circumstances I wrote again to Mr. Monroe, and found occasion, among other + things, to say: "It will not add to the popularity of Mr. Washington to + have it believed in America, as it is believed here, that he connives at + my imprisonment." + </p> + <p> + The case, so far as it respected Mr. Monroe, was, that having to get over + the difficulties, which the strange conduct of Gouverneur Morris had + thrown in the way of a successor, and having no authority from the + American government to speak officially upon any thing relating to me, he + found himself obliged to proceed by unofficial means with individual + members; for though Robespierre was overthrown, the Robespierrian members + of the Committee of Public Safety still remained in considerable force, + and had they found out that Mr. Monroe had no official authority upon the + case, they would have paid little or no regard to his reclamation of me. + In the mean time my health was suffering exceedingly, the dreary prospect + of winter was coming on, and imprisonment was still a thing of danger. + After the Robespierrian members of the Committee were removed by the + expiration of their time of serving, Mr. Monroe reclaimed me, and I was + liberated the 4th of November. Mr. Monroe arrived in Paris the beginning + of August before. All that period of my imprisonment, at least, I owe not + to Robespierre, but to his colleague in projects, George Washington. + Immediately upon my liberation, Mr. Monroe invited me to his house, where + I remained more than a year and a half; and I speak of his aid and + friendship, as an open-hearted man will always do in such a case, with + respect and gratitude. + </p> + <p> + Soon after my liberation, the Convention passed an unanimous vote, to + invite me to return to my seat among them. The times were still unsettled + and dangerous, as well from without as within, for the coalition was + unbroken, and the constitution not settled. I chose, however, to accept + the invitation: for as I undertake nothing but what I believe to be right, + I abandon nothing that I undertake; and I was willing also to shew, that, + as I was not of a cast of mind to be deterred by prospects or retrospects + of danger, so neither were my principles to be weakened by misfortune or + perverted by disgust. + </p> + <p> + Being now once more abroad in the world, I began to find that I was not + the only one who had conceived an unfavourable opinion of Mr. Washington; + it was evident that his character was on the decline as well among + Americans as among foreigners of different nations. From being the chief + of the government, he had made himself the chief of a party; and his + integrity was questioned, for his politics had a doubtful appearance. The + mission of Mr. Jay to London, notwithstanding there was an American + Minister there already, had then taken place, and was beginning to be + talked of. It appeared to others, as it did to me, to be enveloped in + mystery, which every day served either to increase or to explain into + matter of suspicion. + </p> + <p> + In the year 1790, or about that time, Mr. Washington, as President, had + sent Gouverneur Morris to London, as his secret agent to have some + communication with the British Ministry. To cover the agency of Morris it + was given out, I know not by whom, that he went as an agent from Robert + Morris to borrow money in Europe, and the report was permitted to pass + uncontradicted. The event of Morris's negociation was, that Mr. Hammond + was sent Minister from England to America, Pinckney from America to + England, and himself Minister to France. If, while Morris was Minister in + France, he was not a emissary of the British Ministry and the coalesced + powers, he gave strong reasons to suspect him of it. No one who saw his + conduct, and heard his conversation, could doubt his being in their + interest; and had he not got off the time he did, after his recall, he + would have been in arrestation. Some letters of his had fallen into the + hands of the Committee of Public Safety, and enquiry was making after him. + </p> + <p> + A great bustle had been made by Mr. Washington about the conduct of Genet + in America, while that of his own Minister, Morris, in France, was + infinitely more reproachable. If Genet was imprudent or rash, he was not + treacherous; but Morris was all three. He was the enemy of the French + revolution, in every stage of it. But notwithstanding this conduct on the + part of Morris, and the known profligacy of his character, Mr. Washington + in a letter he wrote to him at the time of recalling him on the complaint + and request of the Committee of Public Safety, assures him, that though he + had complied with that request, he still retained the same esteem and + friendship for him as before. This letter Morris was foolish enough to + tell of; and, as his own char-acter and conduct were notorious, the + telling of it could have but one effect, which was that of implicating the + character of the writer.(1) Morris still loiters in Europe, chiefly in + England; and Mr. Washington is still in correspondence with him. Mr. + Washington ought, therefore, to expect, especially since his conduct in + the affairs of Jay's treaty, that France must consider Morris and + Washington as men of the same description. The chief difference, however, + between the two is, (for in politics there is none,) that the one is + profligate enough to profess an indifference about <i>moral</i> + principles, and the other is prudent enough to conceal the want of them. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Washington wrote to Morris, June 19,1794, "my confidence + in and friendship for you remain undiminished." It was not + "foolish" but sagacious to show this one sentence, without + which Morris might not have escaped out of France. The + letter reveals Washington's mental decline. He says "until + then [Fauchet's demand for recall of Morris, early 1794] I + had supposed you stood well with the powers that were." + Lafayette had pleaded for Morris's removal, and two French + Ministers before Fauchet, Ternant and Genet, had expressed + their Government's dissatisfaction with him. See Ford's + Writings of Washington, vii., p. 453; also Editor's + Introduction to XXI.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + About three months after I was at liberty, the official note of Jay to + Grenville on the subject of the capture of American vessels by the British + cruisers, appeared in the American papers that arrived at Paris. Every + thing was of a-piece. Every thing was mean. The same kind of character + went to all circumstances public or private. Disgusted at this national + degradation, as well as at the particular conduct of Mr. Washington to me, + I wrote to him (Mr. Washington) on the 22d of February (1795) under cover + to the then Secretary of State, (Mr. Randolph,) and entrusted the letter + to Mr. Le-tombe, who was appointed French consul to Philadelphia, and was + on the point of taking his departure. When I supposed Mr. Letombe had + sailed, I mentioned the letter to Mr. Monroe, and as I was then in his + house, I shewed it to him. He expressed a wish that I would recall it, + which he supposed might be done, as he had learnt that Mr. Letombe had not + then sailed. I agreed to do so, and it was returned by Mr. Letombe under + cover to Mr. Monroe. + </p> + <p> + The letter, however, will now reach Mr. Washington publicly in the course + of this work. + </p> + <p> + About the month of September following, I had a severe relapse which gave + occasion to the report of my death. I had felt it coming on a considerable + time before, which occasioned me to hasten the work I had then in hand, + the <i>Second part of the Age of Reason</i>. When I had finished that + work, I bestowed another letter on Mr. Washington, which I sent under + cover to Mr. Benj. Franklin Bache of Philadelphia. The letter is as + follows: + </p> + <p> + "Paris, September 20th, 1795. + </p> + <p> + "Sir, + </p> + <p> + "I had written you a letter by Mr. Letombe, French consul, but, at the + request of Mr. Monroe, I withdrew it, and the letter is still by me. I was + the more easily prevailed upon to do this, as it was then my intention to + have returned to America the latter end of the present year, 1795; but the + illness I now suffer prevents me. In case I had come, I should have + applied to you for such parts of your official letters (and of your + private ones, if you had chosen to give them) as contained any + instructions or directions either to Mr. Monroe, or to Mr. Morris, or to + any other person respecting me; for after you were informed of my + imprisonment in France, it was incumbent on you to have made some enquiry + into the cause, as you might very well conclude that I had not the + opportunity of informing you of it. I cannot understand your silence upon + this subject upon any other ground, than as <i>connivance</i> at my + imprisonment; and this is the manner it is understood here, and will be + understood in America, unless you give me authority for contradicting it. + I therefore write you this letter, to propose to you to send me copies of + any letters you have written, that may remove that suspicion. In the + preface to the second part of the Age of Reason, I have given a memorandum + from the hand-writing of Robespierre, in which he proposed a decree of + accusation against me, '<i>for the interests of America as well as of + France!</i>' He could have no cause for putting America in the case, but + by interpreting the silence of the American government into connivance and + consent. I was imprisoned on the ground of being born in England; and your + silence in not enquiring into the cause of that imprisonment, and + reclaiming me against it, was tacitly giving me up. I ought not to have + suspected you of treachery; but whether I recover from the illness I now + suffer or not, I shall continue to think you treacherous, till you give me + cause to think otherwise. I am sure you would have found yourself more at + your ease, had you acted by me as you ought; for whether your desertion of + me was intended to gratify the English Government, or to let me fall into + destruction in France that you might exclaim the louder against the French + Revolution, or whether you hoped by my extinction to meet with less + opposition in mounting up the American government—either of these + will involve you in reproach you will not easily shake off. + </p> + <p> + "THOMAS Paine." + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Washington Papers in State Department. Endorsed by Bache: + "Jan. 18, 1796. Enclosed to Benj. Franklin Bache, and by him + forwarded immediately upon receipt."—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Here follows the letter above alluded to, which I had stopped in + complaisance to Mr. Monroe. + </p> + <p> + "Paris, February aad, 1795. + </p> + <p> + "Sir, + </p> + <p> + "As it is always painful to reproach those one would wish to respect, it + is not without some difficulty that I have taken the resolution to write + to you. The dangers to which I have been exposed cannot have been unknown + to you, and the guarded silence you have observed upon that circumstance + is what I ought not to have expected from you, either as a friend or as + President of the United States. + </p> + <p> + "You knew enough of my character to be assured that I could not have + deserved imprisonment in France; and, without knowing any thing more than + this, you had sufficient ground to have taken some interest for my safety. + Every motive arising from recollection of times past, ought to have + suggested to you the propriety of such a measure. But I cannot find that + you have so much as directed any enquiry to be made whether I was in + prison or at liberty, dead or alive; what the cause of that imprisonment + was, or whether there was any service or assistance you could render. Is + this what I ought to have expected from America, after the part I had + acted towards her, or will it redound to her honour or to yours, that I + tell the story? I do not hesitate to say, that you have not served America + with more disinterestedness, or greater zeal, or more fidelity, than + myself, and I know not if with better effect. After the revolution of + America was established I ventured into new scenes of difficulties to + extend the principles which that revolution had produced, and you rested + at home to partake of the advantages. In the progress of events, you + beheld yourself a President in America, and me a prisoner in France. You + folded your arms, forgot your friend, and became silent. + </p> + <p> + "As every thing I have been doing in Europe was connected with my wishes + for the prosperity of America, I ought to be the more surprised at this + conduct on the part of her government. It leaves me but one mode of + explanation, which is, <i>that every thing is not as it ought to be + amongst you</i>, and that the presence of a man who might disapprove, and + who had credit enough with the country to be heard and believed, was not + wished for. This was the operating motive with the despotic faction that + imprisoned me in France, (though the pretence was, that I was a + foreigner,) and those that have been silent and inactive towards me in + America, appear to me to have acted from the same motive. It is impossible + for me to discover any other.(1) + </p> + <p> + "After the part I have taken in the revolution of America, it is natural + that I feel interested in whatever relates to her character and + prosperity. Though I am not on the spot to see what is immediately acting + there, I see some part of what she is acting in Europe. For your own sake, + as well as for that of America, I was both surprised and concerned at the + appointment of Gouverneur Morris to be Minister to France. His conduct has + proved that the opinion I had formed of that appointment was well founded. + I wrote that opinion to Mr. Jefferson at the time, and I was frank enough + to say the same thing to Morris—<i>that it was an unfortunate + appointment?</i> His prating, insignificant pomposity, rendered him at + once offensive, suspected, and ridiculous; and his total neglect of all + business had so disgusted the Americans, that they proposed drawing up a + protest against him. He carried this neglect to such an extreme, that it + was necessary to inform him of it; and I asked him one day, if he did not + feel himself ashamed to take the money of the country, and do nothing for + it?' But Morris is so fond of profit and voluptousness, that he cares + nothing about character. Had he not been removed at the time he was, I + think his conduct would have precipitated the two countries into a + rupture; and in this case, hated <i>systematically</i> as America is and + ever will be by the British government, and at the same time suspected by + France, the commerce of America would have fallen a prey to both + countries. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This paragraph of the original letter was omitted from the + American pamphlet, probably by the prudence of Mr. Bache.— + <i>Editor.</i> + + 2 "I have just heard of Gouverneur Morris's appointment. It + is a most unfortunate one; and, as I shall mention the same + thing to him when I see him, I do not express it to you with + the injunction of confidence."—Paine to Jefferson, Feb. + 13,1792.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 3 Paine could not of course know that Morris was willing + that the Americans, to whom he alludes, captains of captured + vessels, should suffer, in order that there might be a case + against France of violation of treaty, which would leave the + United States free to transfer the alliance to England. See + Introduction to XXI.. also my "Life of Paine," ii., p. + 83.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + "If the inconsistent conduct of Morris exposed the interest of America to + some hazard in France, the pusillanimous conduct of Mr. Jay in England has + rendered the American government contemptible in Europe. Is it possible + that any man who has contributed to the independence of Amer-ica, and to + free her from the tyranny and injustice of the British government, can + read without shame and indignation the note of Jay to Grenville? It is a + satire upon the declaration of Independence, and an encouragement to the + British government to treat America with contempt. At the time this + Minister of Petitions was acting this miserable part, he had every means + in his hands to enable him to have done his business as he ought. The + success or failure of his mission depended upon the success or failure of + the French arms. Had France failed, Mr. Jay might have put his humble + petition in his pocket, and gone home. The case happened to be otherwise, + and he has sacrificed the honour and perhaps all the advantages of it, by + turning petitioner. I take it for granted, that he was sent over to demand + indemnification for the captured property; and, in this case, if he + thought he wanted a preamble to his demand, he might have said, + </p> + <p> + 'That, tho' the government of England might suppose itself under the + necessity of seizing American property bound to France, yet that supposed + necessity could not preclude indemnification to the proprietors, who, + acting under the authority of their own government, were not accountable + to any other.' + </p> + <p> + "But Mr. Jay sets out with an implied recognition of the right of the + British government to seize and condemn: for he enters his complaint + against the <i>irregularity</i> of the seizures and the condemnation, as + if they were reprehensible only by not being <i>conformable</i> to the <i>terms</i> + of the proclamation under which they were seized. Instead of being the + Envoy of a government, he goes over like a lawyer to demand a new trial. I + can hardly help thinking that Grenville wrote that note himself and Jay + signed it; for the style of it is domestic and not diplomatic. The term, + <i>His</i> Majesty, used without any descriptive epithet, always signifies + the King whom the Minister that speaks represents. If this sinking of the + demand into a petition was a juggle between Grenville and Jay, to cover + the indemnification, I think it will end in another juggle, that of never + paying the money, and be made use of afterwards to preclude the right of + demanding it: for Mr. Jay has virtually disowned the right <i>by appealing + to the magnanimity of his Majesty against the capturers</i>. He has made + this magnanimous Majesty the umpire in the case, and the government of the + United States must abide by the decision. If, Sir, I turn some part of + this business into ridicule, it is to avoid the unpleasant sensation of + serious indignation. + </p> + <p> + "Among other things which I confess I do not understand, is the + proclamation of neutrality. This has always appeared to me as an + assumption on the part of the executive not warranted by the Constitution. + But passing this over, as a disputable case, and considering it only as + political, the consequence has been that of sustaining the losses of war, + without the balance of reprisals. When the profession of neutrality, on + the part of America, was answered by hostilities on the part of Britain, + the object and intention of that neutrality existed no longer; and to + maintain it after this, was not only to encourage farther insults and + depredations, but was an informal breach of neutrality towards France, by + passively contributing to the aid of her enemy. That the government of + England considered the American government as pusillanimous, is evident + from the encreasing insolence of the conduct of the former towards the + latter, till the affair of General Wayne. She then saw that it might be + possible to kick a government into some degree of spirit.(1) So far as the + proclamation of neutrality was intended to prevent a dissolute spirit of + privateering in America under foreign colors, it was undoubtedly laudable; + but to continue it as a government neutrality, after the commerce of + America was made war upon, was submission and not neutrality. I have heard + so much about this thing called neutrality, that I know not if the + ungenerous and dishonorable silence (for I must call it such,) that has + been observed by your part of the government towards me, during my + imprisonment, has not in some measure arisen from that policy. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Wayne's success against the Indians of the Six Nations, + 1794, was regarded by Washington also as a check on England. + Writing to Pendleton, Jan. 22, 1795, he says: "There is + reason to believe that the Indians....<i>together with their + abettors</i>; begin to see things in a different point of + view." (Italics mine).—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + "Tho' I have written you this letter, you ought not to suppose it has been + an agreeable undertaking to me. On the contrary, I assure you, it has + caused me some disquietude. I am sorry you have given me cause to do it; + for, as I have always remembered your former friendship with pleasure, I + suffer a loss by your depriving me of that sentiment. + </p> + <p> + "Thomas Paine." + </p> + <p> + That this letter was not written in very good temper, is very evident; but + it was just such a letter as his conduct appeared to me to merit, and + every thing on his part since has served to confirm that opinion. Had I + wanted a commentary on his silence, with respect to my imprisonment in + France, some of his faction have furnished me with it. What I here allude + to, is a publication in a Philadelphia paper, copied afterwards into a New + York paper, both under the patronage of the Washington faction, in which + the writer, still supposing me in prison in France, wonders at my lengthy + respite from the scaffold; and he marks his politics still farther, by + saying: + </p> + <p> + "It appears, moreover, that the people of England did not relish his + (Thomas Paine's) opinions quite so well as he expected, and that for one + of his last pieces, as destructive to the peace and happiness of their + country, (meaning, I suppose, the <i>Rights of Man</i>,) they threatened + our knight-errant with such serious vengeance, that, to avoid a trip to + Botany Bay, he fled over to France, as a less dangerous voyage." + </p> + <p> + I am not refuting or contradicting the falsehood of this publication, for + it is sufficiently notorious; neither am I censuring the writer: on the + contrary, I thank him for the explanation he has incautiously given of the + principles of the Washington faction. Insignificant, however, as the piece + is, it was capable of having some ill effects, had it arrived in France + during my imprisonment, and in the time of Robespierre; and I am not + uncharitable in supposing that this was one of the intentions of the + writer.(*) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * I know not who the writer of the piece is, but some of the + Americans say it is Phineas Bond, an American refugee, but + now a British consul; and that he writes under the + signature of Peter Skunk or Peter Porcupine, or some such + signature.—Author. + + This footnote probably added to the gall of Porcupine's + (Cobbett's) "Letter to the Infamous Tom Paine, in Answer to + his Letter to General Washington" (Polit. Censor, Dec., + 1796), of which he (Cobbett) afterwards repented. Phineas + Bond had nothing to do with it.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + I have now done with Mr. Washington on the score of private affairs. It + would have been far more agreeable to me, had his conduct been such as not + to have merited these reproaches. Errors or caprices of the temper can be + pardoned and forgotten; but a cold deliberate crime of the heart, such as + Mr. Washington is capable of acting, is not to be washed away. I now + proceed to other matter. + </p> + <p> + After Jay's note to Grenville arrived in Paris from America, the character + of every thing that was to follow might be easily foreseen; and it was + upon this anticipation that <i>my</i> letter of February the 22d was + founded. The event has proved that I was not mistaken, except that it has + been much worse than I expected. + </p> + <p> + It would naturally occur to Mr. Washington, that the secrecy of Jay's + mission to England, where there was already an American Minister, could + not but create some suspicion in the French government; especially as the + conduct of Morris had been notorious, and the intimacy of Mr. Washington + with Morris was known. + </p> + <p> + The character which Mr. Washington has attempted to act in the world, is a + sort of non-describable, camelion-colored thing, called <i>prudence</i>. + It is, in many cases, a substitute for principle, and is so nearly allied + to hypocrisy that it easily slides into it. His genius for prudence + furnished him in this instance with an expedient that served, as is the + natural and general character of all expedients, to diminish the + embarrassments of the moment and multiply them afterwards; for he + authorized it to be made known to the French government, as a confidential + matter, (Mr. Washington should recollect that I was a member of the + Convention, and had the means of knowing what I here state) he authorized + it, I say, to be announced, and that for the purpose of preventing any + uneasiness to France on the score of Mr. Jay's mission to England, that + the object of that mission, and of Mr. Jay's authority, was restricted to + that of demanding the surrender of the western posts, and indemnification + for the cargoes captured in American vessels. Mr. Washington knows that + this was untrue; and knowing this, he had good reason to himself for + refusing to furnish the House of Representatives with copies of the + instructions given to Jay, as he might suspect, among other things, that + he should also be called upon for copies of instructions given to other + Ministers, and that, in the contradiction of instructions, his want of + integrity would be detected.(1) Mr. Washington may now, perhaps, learn, + when it is too late to be of any use to him, that a man will pass better + through the world with a thousand open errors upon his back, than in being + detected in <i>one</i> sly falsehood. When one is detected, a thousand are + suspected. + </p> + <p> + The first account that arrived in Paris of a treaty being negotiated by + Mr. Jay, (for nobody suspected any,) came in an English newspaper, which + announced that a treaty <i>offensive and defensive</i> had been concluded + between the United States of America and England. This was immediately + denied by every American in Paris, as an impossible thing; and though it + was disbelieved by the French, it imprinted a suspicion that some + underhand business was going forward.(*) At length the treaty itself + arrived, and every well-affected American blushed with shame. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 When the British treaty had been ratified by the Senate + (with one stipulation) and signed by the President, the + House of Representatives, required to supply the means for + carrying into effect, believed that its power over the + supplies authorized it to check what a large majority + considered an outrage on the country and on France. This was + the opinion of Edmund Randolph (the first Attorney General), + of Jefferson, Madison, and other eminent men. The House + having respectfully requested the President to send them + such papers on the treaty as would not affect any existing + negotiations, he refused in a message (March 30, 1796), + whose tenor Madison described as "improper and indelicate." + He said "the assent of the House of Representatives is not + necessary to the validity of a treaty." The House regarded + the message as menacing a serious conflict, and receded.— + <i>Editor.</i> + + * It was the embarrassment into which the affairs and credit + of America were thrown at this instant by the report above + alluded to, that made it necessary to contradict it, and + that by every means arising from opinion or founded upon + authority. The Committee of Public Safety, existing at that + time, had agreed to the full execution, on their part, of + the treaty between America and France, notwithstanding some + equivocal conduct on the part of the American government, + not very consistent with the good faith of an ally; but they + were not in a disposition to be imposed upon by a counter- + treaty. That Jay had no instructions beyond the points above + stated, or none that could possibly be construed to extend + to the length the British treaty goes, was a matter believed + in America, in England, and in France; and without going to + any other source it followed naturally from the message of + the President to Congress, when he nominated Jay upon that + mission. The secretary of Mr. Jay came to Paris soon after + the treaty with England had been concluded, and brought with + him a copy of Mr. Jay's instructions, which he offered to + shew to me as <i>justification of Jay</i>. I advised him, as a + friend, not to shew them to anybody, and did not permit him + to shew them to me. "Who is it," said I to him, "that you + intend to implicate as censureable by shewing those + instructions? Perhaps that implication may fall upon your + own government." Though I did not see the instructions, I + could not be at a loss to understand that the American + administration had been playing a double game.—Author. + + That there was a "double game" in this business, from first + to last, is now a fact of history. Jay was confirmed by the + Senate on a declaration of the President in which no + faintest hint of a treaty was given, but only the + "adjustment of our complaints," "vindication of our rights," + and cultivation of "peace." Only after the Envoy's + confirmation did the Cabinet add the main thing, his + authority to negotiate a commercial treaty. This was done + against the protest of the only lawyer among them, Edmund + Randolph, Secretary of State, who said the exercise of such + a power by Jay would be an abridgment of the rights of the + Senate and of the nation. See my "Life of Randolph," p. 220. + For Jay's Instructions, etc., see I. Am. State Papers, + Foreign Relations.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + It is curious to observe, how the appearance of characters will change, + whilst the root that produces them remains the same. The Washington + faction having waded through the slough of negociation, and whilst it + amused France with professions of friendship contrived to injure her, + immediately throws off the hypocrite, and assumes the swaggering air of a + bravado. The party papers of that imbecile administration were on this + occasion filled with paragraphs about <i>Sovereignty</i>. A paltroon may + boast of his sovereign right to let another kick him, and this is the only + kind of sovereignty shewn in the treaty with England. But those daring + paragraphs, as Timothy Pickering(1) well knows, were intended for France; + without whose assistance, in men, money, and ships, Mr. Washington would + have cut but a poor figure in the American war. But of his military + talents I shall speak hereafter. + </p> + <p> + I mean not to enter into any discussion of any article of Jay's treaty; I + shall speak only upon the whole of it. It is attempted to be justified on + the ground of its not being a violation of any article or articles of the + treaty pre-existing with France. But the sovereign right of explanation + does not lie with George Washington and his man Timothy; France, on her + part, has, at least, an equal right: and when nations dispute, it is not + so much about words as about things. + </p> + <p> + A man, such as the world calls a sharper, and versed as Jay must be + supposed to be in the quibbles of the law, may find a way to enter into + engagements, and make bargains, in such a manner as to cheat some other + party, without that party being able, as the phrase is, <i>to take the law + of him</i>. This often happens in the cabalistical circle of what is + called law. But when this is attempted to be acted on the national scale + of treaties, it is too despicable to be defended, or to be permitted to + exist. Yet this is the trick upon which Jay's treaty is founded, so far as + it has relation to the treaty pre-existing with France. It is a + counter-treaty to that treaty, and perverts all the great articles of that + treaty to the injury of France, and makes them operate as a bounty to + England, with whom France is at war. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Secretary of State.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + The Washington administration shews great desire that the treaty between + France and the United States be preserved. Nobody can doubt their + sincerity upon this matter. There is not a British Minister, a British + merchant, or a British agent or sailor in America, that does not anxiously + wish the same thing. The treaty with France serves now as a passport to + supply England with naval stores and other articles of American produce, + whilst the same articles, when coming to France, are made contraband or + seizable by Jay's treaty with England. The treaty with France says, that + neutral ships make neutral property, and thereby gives protection to + English property on board American ships; and Jay's treaty delivers up + French property on board American ships to be seized by the English. It is + too paltry to talk of faith, of national honour, and of the preservation + of treaties, whilst such a bare-faced treachery as this stares the world + in the face. + </p> + <p> + The Washington administration may save itself the trouble of proving to + the French government its <i>most faithful</i> intentions of preserving + the treaty with France; for France has now no desire that it should be + preserved. She had nominated an Envoy extraordinary to America, to make + Mr. Washington and his government a present of the treaty, and to have no + more to do with <i>that</i>, or with <i>him</i>. It was at the same time + officially declared to the American Minister at Paris, <i>that the French + Republic had rather have the American government for an open enemy than a + treacherous friend</i>. This, sir, together with the internal distractions + caused in America, and the loss of character in the world, is the <i>eventful + crisis</i>, alluded to in the beginning of this letter, to which your + double politics have brought the affairs of your country. It is time that + the eyes of America be opened upon you. + </p> + <p> + How France would have conducted herself towards America and American + commerce, after all treaty stipulations had ceased, and under the sense of + services rendered and injuries received, I know not. It is, however, an + unpleasant reflection, that in all national quarrels, the innocent, and + even the friendly part of the community, become involved with the culpable + and the unfriendly; and as the accounts that arrived from America + continued to manifest an invariable attachment in the general mass of the + people to their original ally, in opposition to the new-fangled Washington + faction,—the resolutions that had been taken in France were + suspended. It happened also, fortunately enough, that Gouverneur Morris + was not Minister at this time. + </p> + <p> + There is, however, one point that still remains in embryo, and which, + among other things, serves to shew the ignorance of Washington + treaty-makers, and their inattention to preexisting treaties, when they + were employing themselves in framing or ratifying the new treaty with + England. + </p> + <p> + The second article of the treaty of commerce between the United States and + France says: + </p> + <p> + "The most christian king and the United States engage mutually, not to + grant any particular favour to other nations in respect of commerce and + navigation that shall not immediately become common to the other party, + who shall enjoy the same favour freely, if the concession was freely made, + or on allowing the same compensation if the concession was conditional." + </p> + <p> + All the concessions, therefore, made to England by Jay's treaty are, + through the medium of this second article in the pre-existing treaty, made + to France, and become engrafted into the treaty with France, and can be + exercised by her as a matter of right, the same as by England. + </p> + <p> + Jay's treaty makes a concession to England, and that unconditionally, of + seizing naval stores in American ships, and condemning them as contraband. + It makes also a concession to England to seize provisions and <i>other + articles</i> in American ships. <i>Other articles are all other articles</i>, + and none but an ignoramus, or something worse, would have put such a + phrase into a treaty. The condition annexed in this case is, that the + provisions and other articles so seized, are to be paid for at a price to + be agreed upon. Mr. Washington, as President, ratified this treaty after + he knew the British Government had recommended an indiscriminate seizure + of provisions and all other articles in American ships; and it is now + known that those seizures were made to fit out the expedition going to + Quiberon Bay, and it was known before hand that they would be made. The + evidence goes also a good way to prove that Jay and Grenville understood + each other upon that subject. Mr. Pinckney,(1) when he passed through + France on his way to Spain, spoke of the recommencement of the seizures as + a thing that would take place. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Gen. Thomas Pinckney, U. S. Minister to England.— + <i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + The French government had by some means received information from London + to the same purpose, with the addition, that the recommencement of the + seizures would cause no misunderstanding between the British and American + governments. Grenville, in defending himself against the opposition in + Parliament, on account of the scarcity of corn, said (see his speech at + the opening of the Parliament that met October 29, 1795) that <i>the + supplies for the Quiberon expedition were furnished out of the American + ships</i>, and all the accounts received at that time from England stated + that those seizures were made under the treaty. After the supplies for the + Quiberon expedition had been procured, and the expected success had + failed, the seizures were countermanded; and had the French seized + provision vessels going to England, it is probable that the Quiberon + expedition could not have been attempted. + </p> + <p> + In one point of view, the treaty with England operates as a loan to the + English government. It gives permission to that government to take + American property at sea, to any amount, and pay for it when it suits her; + and besides this, the treaty is in every point of view a surrender of the + rights of American commerce and navigation, and a refusal to France of the + rights of neutrality. The American flag is not now a neutral flag to + France; Jay's treaty of surrender gives a monopoly of it to England. + </p> + <p> + On the contrary, the treaty of commerce between America and France was + formed on the most liberal principles, and calculated to give the greatest + encouragement to the infant commerce of America. France was neither a + carrier nor an exporter of naval stores or of provisions. Those articles + belonged wholly to America, and they had all the protection in that treaty + which a treaty could give. But so much has that treaty been perverted, + that the liberality of it on the part of France, has served to encourage + Jay to form a counter-treaty with England; for he must have supposed the + hands of France tied up by her treaty with America, when he was making + such large concessions in favour of England. The injury which Mr. + Washington's administration has done to the character as well as to the + commerce of America, is too great to be repaired by him. Foreign nations + will be shy of making treaties with a government that has given the + faithless example of perverting the liberality of a former treaty to the + injury of the party with whom it was made.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 For an analysis of the British Treaty see Wharton's + "Digest of the International Law of the United States," vol. + it, ' 150 a. Paine's analysis is perfectly correct.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + In what a fraudulent light must Mr. Washington's character appear in the + world, when his declarations and his conduct are compared together! Here + follows the letter he wrote to the Committee of Public Safety, while Jay + was negotiating in profound secrecy this treacherous treaty: + </p> + <p> + "George Washington, President of the United States of America, to the + Representatives of the French people, members of the Committee of Public + Safety of the French Republic, the great and good friend and ally of the + United States. + </p> + <p> + "On the intimation of the wish of the French republic that ` new Minister + should be sent from the United States, I resolved to manifest my sense of + the readiness with which <i>my</i> request was fulfilled, [that of + recalling Genet,] by immediately fulfilling the request of your + government, [that of recalling Morris]. + </p> + <p> + "It was some time before a character could be obtained, worthy of the high + office of expressing the attachment of the United States to the happiness + of our allies, <i>and drawing closer the bonds of our friendship</i>. I + have now made choice of James Monroe, one of our distinguished citizens, + to reside near the French republic, in quality of Minister Plenipotentiary + of the United States of America. He is instructed to bear to you our <i>sincere + solicitude for your welfare, and to cultivate with teal the cordiality so + happily subsisting between us</i>. From a knowledge of his fidelity, + probity, and good conduct, I have entire confidence that he will render + himself acceptable to you, and give effect to your desire of preserving + and <i>advancing, on all occasions, the interest and connection of the two + nations</i>. I beseech you, therefore, to give full credence to whatever + he shall say to you on the part of the United States, and <i>most of all, + when he shall assure you that your prosperity is an object of our + affection</i>. + </p> + <p> + "And I pray God to have the French Republic in his holy keeping. + </p> + <p> + "G. Washington." + </p> + <p> + Was it by entering into a treaty with England to surrender French property + on board American ships to be seized by the English, while English + property on board American ships was declared by the French treaty not to + be seizable, <i>that the bonds of friendship between America and France + were to be drawn the closer?</i> Was it by declaring naval stores + contraband when coming to France, whilst by the French treaty they were + not contraband when going to England, that the <i>connection between + France and America was to be advanced?</i> Was it by opening the American + ports to the British navy in the present war, from which ports the same + navy had been expelled by the aid solicited from France in the American + war (and that aid gratuitously given) (2) that the gratitude of America + was to be shewn, and the <i>solicitude</i> spoken of in the letter + demonstrated? + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The italics are Paine's. Paine's free use of this document + suggests that he possessed the confidence of the French + Directory.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 It is notable that Paine adheres to his old contention in + his controversy with Deane. See vol. i., ch. aa of this work; + and vol. i., ch. 9 of my "Life of Paine."—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + As the letter was addressed to the Committee of Public Safety, Mr. + Washington did not expect it would get abroad in the world, or be seen by + any other eye than that of Robespierre, or be heard by any other ear than + that of the Committee; that it would pass as a whisper across the + Atlantic, from one dark chamber to the other, and there terminate. It was + calculated to remove from the mind of the Committee all suspicion upon + Jay's mission to England, and, in this point of view, it was suited to the + circumstances of the movement then passing; but as the event of that + mission has proved the letter to be hypocritical, it serves no other + purpose of the present moment than to shew that the writer is not to be + credited. Two circumstances serve to make the reading of the letter + necessary in the Convention. The one was, that they who succeeded on the + fall of Robespierre, found it most proper to act with publicity; the + other, to extinguish the suspicions which the strange conduct of Morris + had occasioned in France. + </p> + <p> + When the British treaty, and the ratification of it by Mr. Washington, was + known in France, all further declarations from him of his good disposition + as an ally and friend, passed for so many cyphers; but still it appeared + necessary to him to keep up the farce of declarations. It is stipulated in + the British treaty, that commissioners are to report at the end of two + years, on the case of <i>neutral ships making neutral property</i>. In the + mean time, neutral ships do <i>not</i> make neutral property, according to + the British treaty, and they <i>do</i> according to the French treaty. The + preservation, therefore, of the French treaty became of great importance + to England, as by that means she can employ American ships as carriers, + whilst the same advantage is denied to France. Whether the French treaty + could exist as a matter of right after this clandestine perversion of it, + could not but give some apprehensions to the partizans of the British + treaty, and it became necessary to them to make up, by fine words, what + was wanting in good actions. + </p> + <p> + An opportunity offered to that purpose. The Convention, on the public + reception of Mr. Monroe, ordered the American flag and the French flags to + be displayed unitedly in the hall of the Convention. Mr. Monroe made a + present of an American flag for the purpose. The Convention returned this + compliment by sending a French flag to America, to be presented by their + Minister, Mr. Adet, to the American government. This resolution passed + long before Jay's treaty was known or suspected: it passed in the days of + confidence; but the flag was not presented by Mr. Adet till several months + after the treaty had been ratified. Mr. Washington made this the occasion + of saying some fine things to the French Minister; and the better to get + himself into tune to do this, he began by saying the finest things of + himself. + </p> + <p> + "Born, sir (said he) in a land of liberty; <i>having</i> early learned its + value; <i>having</i> engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; <i>having</i>, + in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent + establishment in my own country; <i>my</i> anxious recollections, my + sympathetic feelings, and <i>my</i> best wishes are irresistibly excited, + whenever, in any country, I see an oppressed people unfurl the banner of + freedom." + </p> + <p> + Mr. Washington, having expended so many fine phrases upon himself, was + obliged to invent a new one for the French, and he calls them "wonderful + people!" The coalesced powers acknowledged as much. + </p> + <p> + It is laughable to hear Mr. Washington talk of his <i>sympathetic feelings</i>, + who has always been remarked, even among his friends, for not having any. + He has, however, given no proofs of any to me. As to the pompous encomiums + he so liberally pays to himself, on the score of the American revolution, + the reality of them may be questioned; and since he has forced them so + much into notice, it is fair to examine his pretensions. + </p> + <p> + A stranger might be led to suppose, from the egotism with which Mr. + Washington speaks, that himself, and himself only, had generated, + conducted, compleated, and established the revolution: In fine, that it + was all his own doing. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, as to the political part, he had no share in it; and, + therefore, the whole of <i>that</i> is out of the question with respect to + him. There remains, then, only the military part; and it would have been + prudent in Mr. Washington not to have awakened enquiry upon that subject. + Fame then was cheap; he enjoyed it cheaply; and nobody was disposed to + take away the laurels that, whether they were <i>acquired</i> or not, had + been <i>given</i>. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Washington's merit consisted in constancy. But constancy was the + common virtue of the revolution. Who was there that was inconstant? I know + but of one military defection, that of Arnold; and I know of no political + defection, among those who made themselves eminent when the revolution was + formed by the declaration of independence. Even Silas Deane, though he + attempted to defraud, did not betray.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This generous judgment by Deane's old adversary has become + questionable under recent investigations.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But when we speak of military character, something more is to be + understood than constancy; and something more <i>ought</i> to be + understood than the Fabian system of <i>doing nothing</i>. The <i>nothing</i> + part can be done by any body. Old Mrs. Thompson, the housekeeper of head + quarters, (who threatened to make the sun and the wind shine through + Rivington of New York,) 'could have done it as well as Mr. Washington. + Deborah would have been as good as Barak. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Washington had the nominal rank of Commander in Chief, but he was not + so in fact. He had, in reality, only a separate command. He had no + controul over, or direction of, the army to the northward under Gates, + that captured Burgoyne; nor of that to the south under [Nathaniel] Greene, + that recovered the southern States.(2) The nominal rank, however, of + Commander in Chief, served to throw upon him the lustre of those actions, + and to make him appear as the soul and centre of all military operations + in America. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The Tory publisher of New York City, whose press was + destroyed in 1775 by a mob of Connecticut soldiers.— + <i>Editor.</i> + + 2 See Mr. Winterbotham's valuable History of America, lately + published.—Author. [The "History of the Establishment of + Independence" is contained in the first of Mr. + Winterbotham's four volumes (London, 1795).—<i>Editor.</i>.] +</pre> + <p> + He commenced his command June, 1775, during the time the Massachusetts + army lay before Boston, and after the affair of Bunker-hill. The + commencement of his command was the commencement of inactivity. Nothing + was afterwards done, or attempted to be done, during the nine months he + remained before Boston. If we may judge from the resistance made at + Concord, and afterwards at Bunker-hill, there was a spirit of enterprise + at that time, which the presence of Mr. Washington chilled into cold + defence. By the advantage of a good exterior he attracts respect, which + his habitual silence tends to preserve; but he has not the talent of + inspiring ardour in an army. The enemy removed from Boston in March 1776, + to wait for reinforcements from Europe, and to take a more advantageous + position at New York. + </p> + <p> + The inactivity of the campaign of 1775, on the part of General Washington, + when the enemy had a less force than in any other future period of the + war, and the injudicious choice of positions taken by him in the campaign + of 1776, when the enemy had its greatest force, necessarily produced the + losses and misfortunes that marked that gloomy campaign. The positions + taken were either islands or necks of land. In the former, the enemy, by + the aid of their ships, could bring their whole force against apart of + General Washington's, as in the affair of Long Island; and in the latter, + he might be shut up as in the bottom of a bag. This had nearly been the + case at New York, and it was so in part; it was actually the case at Fort + Washington; and it would have been the case at Fort Lee, if General Greene + had not moved precipitately off, leaving every thing behind, and by + gaining Hackinsack bridge, got out of the bag of Bergen Neck. How far Mr. + Washington, as General, is blameable for these matters, I am not + undertaking to determine; but they are evidently defects in military + geography. The successful skirmishes at the close of that campaign, + (matters that would scarcely be noticed in a better state of things,) make + the brilliant exploits of General Washington's seven campaigns. No wonder + we see so much pusillanimity in the President, when we see so little + enterprise in the General! + </p> + <p> + The campaign of 1777 became famous, not by anything on the part of General + Washington, but by the capture of General Burgoyne, and the army under his + command, by the Northern army at Saratoga, under General Gates. So totally + distinct and unconnected were the two armies of Washington and Gates, and + so independent was the latter of the authority of the nominal Commander in + Chief, that the two Generals did not so much as correspond, and it was + only by a letter of General (since Governor) Clinton, that General + Washington was informed of that event. The British took possession of + Philadelphia this year, which they evacuated the next, just time enough to + save their heavy baggage and fleet of transports from capture by the + French Admiral d'Estaing, who arrived at the mouth of the Delaware soon + after. + </p> + <p> + The capture of Burgoyne gave an eclat in Europe to the American arms, and + facilitated the alliance with France. The eclat, however, was not kept up + by any thing on the part of General Washington. The same unfortunate + languor that marked his entrance into the field, continued always. + Discontent began to prevail strongly against him, and a party was formed + in Congress, whilst sitting at York-town, in Pennsylvania, for removing + him from the command of the army. The hope, however, of better times, the + news of the alliance with France, and the unwillingness of shewing + discontent, dissipated the matter. + </p> + <p> + Nothing was done in the campaigns of 1778, 1779, 1780, in the part where + General Washington commanded, except the taking of Stony Point by General + Wayne. The Southern States in the mean time were over-run by the enemy. + They were afterwards recovered by General Greene, who had in a very great + measure created the army that accomplished that recovery. In all this + General Washington had no share. The Fabian system of war, followed by + him, began now to unfold itself with all its evils; but what is Fabian war + without Fabian means to support it? The finances of Congress depending + wholly on emissions of paper money, were exhausted. Its credit was gone. + The continental treasury was not able to pay the expense of a brigade of + waggons to transport the necessary stores to the army, and yet the sole + object, the establishment of the revolution, was a thing of remote + distance. The time I am now speaking of is in the latter end of the year + 1780. + </p> + <p> + In this situation of things it was found not only expedient, but + absolutely necessary, for Congress to state the whole case to its ally. I + knew more of this matter, (before it came into Congress or was known to + General Washington) of its progress, and its issue, than I chuse to state + in this letter. Colonel John Laurens was sent to France as an Envoy + Extraordinary on this occasion, and by a private agreement between him and + me I accompanied him. We sailed from Boston in the Alliance frigate, + February 11th, 1781. France had already done much in accepting and paying + bills drawn by Congress. She was now called upon to do more. The event of + Colonel Laurens's mission, with the aid of the venerable Minister, + Franklin, was, that France gave in money, as a present, six millions of + livres, and ten millions more as a loan, and agreed to send a fleet of not + less than thirty sail of the line, at her own expense, as an aid to + America. Colonel Laurens and myself returned from Brest the 1st of June + following, taking with us two millions and a half of livres (upwards of + one hundred thousand pounds sterling) of the money given, and convoying + two ships with stores. + </p> + <p> + We arrived at Boston the 25th of August following. De Grasse arrived with + the French fleet in the Chesapeak at the same time, and was afterwards + joined by that of Barras, making 31 sail of the line. The money was + transported in waggons from Boston to the Bank at Philadelphia, of which + Mr. Thomas Willing, who has since put himself at the head of the list of + petitioners in favour of the British treaty, was then President. And it + was by the aid of this money, and this fleet, and of Rochambeau's army, + that Cornwallis was taken; the laurels of which have been unjustly given + to Mr. Washington. His merit in that affair was no more than that of any + other American officer. + </p> + <p> + I have had, and still have, as much pride in the American revolution as + any man, or as Mr. Washington has a right to have; but that pride has + never made me forgetful whence the great aid came that compleated the + business. Foreign aid (that of France) was calculated upon at the + commencement of the revolution. It is one of the subjects treated of in + the pamphlet <i>Common Sense</i>, but as a matter that could not be hoped + for, unless independence was declared.1 The aid, however, was greater than + could have been expected. + </p> + <p> + It is as well the ingratitude as the pusillanimity of Mr. Washington, and + the Washington faction, that has brought upon America the loss of + character she now suffers in the world, and the numerous evils her + commerce has undergone, and to which it is yet exposed. The British + Ministry soon found out what sort of men they had to deal with, and they + dealt with them accordingly; and if further explanation was wanting, it + has been fully given since, in the snivelling address of the New York + Chamber of Commerce to the President, and in that of sundry merchants of + Philadelphia, which was not much better. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See vol. i. of this work, p. ixx. Paine was sharply taken + to task on this point by "Cato." Ib.% pp. 145-147.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + When the revolution of America was finally established by the termination + of the war, the world gave her credit for great character; and she had + nothing to do but to stand firm upon that ground. The British ministry had + their hands too full of trouble to have provoked a rupture with her, had + she shown a proper resolution to defend her rights. But encouraged as they + were by the submissive character of the American administration, they + proceeded from insult to insult, till none more were left to be offered. + The proposals made by Sweden and Denmark to the American administration + were disregarded. I know not if so much as an answer has been returned to + them. The minister penitentiary, (as some of the British prints called + him,) Mr. Jay, was sent on a pilgrimage to London, to make up all by + penance and petition. In the mean time the lengthy and drowsy writer of + the pieces signed <i>Camillas</i> held himself in reserve to vindicate + every thing; and to sound in America the tocsin of terror upon the + inexhaustible resources of England. Her resources, says he, are greater + than those of all the other powers. This man is so intoxicated with fear + and finance, that he knows not the difference between <i>plus</i> and <i>minus</i>—between + a hundred pounds in hand, and a hundred pounds worse than nothing. + </p> + <p> + The commerce of America, so far as it had been established by all the + treaties that had been formed prior to that by Jay, was free, and the + principles upon which it was established were good. That ground ought + never to have been departed from. It was the justifiable ground of right, + and no temporary difficulties ought to have induced an abandonment of it. + The case is now otherwise. The ground, the scene, the pretensions, the + everything, are changed. The commerce of America is, by Jay's treaty, put + under foreign dominion. The sea is not free for her. Her right to navigate + it is reduced to the right of escaping; that is, until some ship of + England or France stops her vessels, and carries them into port. Every + article of American produce, whether from the sea or the sand, fish, + flesh, vegetable, or manufacture, is, by Jay's treaty, made either + contraband or seizable. Nothing is exempt. In all other treaties of + commerce, the article which enumerates the contraband articles, such as + fire arms, gunpowder, &c, is followed by another article which + enumerates the articles not contraband: but it is not so in Jay's treaty. + There is no exempting article. Its place is supplied by the article for + seizing and carrying into port; and the sweeping phrase of "provisions and + <i>other articles </i>" includes every thing. There never was such a base + and servile treaty of surrender since treaties began to exist. + </p> + <p> + This is the ground upon which America now stands. All her rights of + commerce and navigation are to begin anew, and that with loss of character + to begin with. If there is sense enough left in the heart to call a blush + into the cheek, the Washington administration must be ashamed to appear.—And + as to you, Sir, treacherous in private friendship (for so you have been to + me, and that in the day of danger) and a hypocrite in public life, the + world will be puzzled to decide whether you are an apostate or an + impostor; whether you have abandoned good principles, or whether you ever + had any. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0024" id="Dlink2H_4_0024"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXIII. OBSERVATIONS.(1) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 State Archives, Paris, Itats Unis, vol. 43, fol. 100. + Undated, but evidently written early in the year 1795, when + Jay's Treaty was as yet unknown. Paine was then staying in + the house of the American Minister, Monroe.—' Editor, +</pre> + <p> + The United States of America are negociating with Spain respecting the + free Navigation of the Mississippi, and the territorial limits of this + large river, in conformity with the Treaty of Peace with England dated + 30th November, 1782. As the brilliant successes of the French Republic + have forced England to grant us, what was in all justice our due, so the + continuation of the prosperity of the Republic, will force Spain to make a + Treaty with us on the points in controversy. + </p> + <p> + Since it is certain that all that we shall obtain from Spain will be due + to the victories of France, and as the inhabitants of the western part of + the United States (which part contains or covers more than half the United + States), have decided to claim their rights to the free navigation of the + Mississippi, would it not be a wiser policy for the Republican Government + (who have only to command to obtain) to arrogate all the merit, by making + our demands to Spain, one of the conditions, of France, to consent to + restore peace to the Castilians. They have only to declare, they will not + make Peace, or that they will support with all their might, the just + reclamations of their allies against these Powers,—against England + for the surrender of the frontier posts, and for the indemnities due + through their depredations on our Trade, and against Spain for our + territorial limits, and the free navigation of the Mississippi. This + declaration would certainly not prolong the War a single day more, nor + cost the Republic an obole, whilst it would assure all the merit of + success to France, and besides produce all the good effects mentioned + above. + </p> + <p> + It may perhaps be observed that the Negociation is already finished with + England, and perhaps in a manner which will not be approved of by France. + That may be, (though the terms of this arrangement may not be known); but + as to Spain, the negociation is still pending, and it is evident that if + France makes the above <i>Declaration</i> as to this Power (which + declaration would be a demonstrative proof of what she would have done in + the other case if circumstances had required it), she would receive the + same credit as if the Declaration had been made relatively to the two + Powers. In fact the Decree or resolution (and perhaps this last would be + preferable) can be worded in terms which would declare that in case the + arrangement with England were not satisfactory, France will nevertheless, + maintain the just demands of America against that Power. A like + Declaration, in case Mr. Jay should do anything reprehensible, and which + might even be approved of in America, would certainly raise the reputation + of the French Republic to the most eminent degree of splendour, and lower + in proportion that of her enemies. + </p> + <p> + It is very certain that France cannot better favour the views of the + British party in America, and wound in a most sensible manner the + Republican Government of this country, than by adopting a strict and + oppressive policy with regard to us. Every one knows that the injustices + committed by the privateers and other ships belonging to the French + Republic against our navigation, were causes of exultation and joy to this + party, even when their own properties were subjected to these + depredations, whilst the friends of France and the Revolution were vexed + and most confused about it. It follows then, that a generous policy would + produce quite opposite effects—it would acquire for France the merit + that is her due; it would discourage the hopes of her adversaries, and + furnish the friends of humanity and liberty with the means of acting + against the intrigues of England, and cement the Union, and contribute + towards the true interests of the two republics. + </p> + <p> + So sublime and generous a manner of acting, which would not cost anything + to France, would cement in a stronger way the ties between the two + republics. The effect of such an event, would confound and annihilate in + an irrevocable manner all the partisans for the British in America. There + are nineteen twentieths of our nation attached through inclination and + gratitude to France, and the small number who seek uselessly all sorts of + pretexts to magnify the small occasions of complaint which might have + subsisted previously will find itself reduced to silence, or have to join + their expressions of gratitude to ours.—The results of this event + cannot be doubted, though not reckoned on: all the American hearts will be + French, and England will be afflicted. + </p> + <p> + An American. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0025" id="Dlink2H_4_0025"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXIV. DISSERTATION ON FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. (1) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Printed from the first edition, whose title is as above, + with the addition: "By Thomas Paine, Author of Common Sense; + Rights of Man; Age of Reason. Paris, Printed at the + English Press, me de Vaugerard, No. 970. Third year of the + French Republic." The pamphlet seems to have appeared early + in July (perhaps the Fourth), 1795, and was meant to + influence the decision of the National Convention on the + Constitution then under discussion. This Constitution, + adopted September 23d, presently swept away by Napoleon, + contained some features which appeared to Paine reactionary. + Those to which he most objected are quoted by him in his + speech in the Convention, which is bound up in the same + pamphlet, and follows this "Dissertation" in the present + volume. In the Constitution as adopted Paine's preference + for a plural Executive was established, and though the + bicameral organization (the Council of Five Hundred and the + Council of Ancients) was not such as he desired, his chief + objection was based on his principle of manhood suffrage. + But in regard to this see Paine's "Dissertations on + Government," written nine years before (vol. ii., ch. vi. of + this work), and especially p. 138 seq. of that volume, where + he indicates the method of restraining the despotism of + numbers.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + There is no subject more interesting to every man than the subject of + government. His security, be he rich or poor, and in a great measure his + prosperity, are connected therewith; it is therefore his interest as well + as his duty to make himself acquainted with its principles, and what the + practice ought to be. + </p> + <p> + Every art and science, however imperfectly known at first, has been + studied, improved, and brought to what we call perfection by the + progressive labours of succeeding generations; but the science of + government has stood still. No improvement has been made in the principle + and scarcely any in the practice till the American revolution began. In + all the countries of Europe (except in France) the same forms and systems + that were erected in the remote ages of ignorance still continue, and + their antiquity is put in the place of principle; it is forbidden to + investigate their origin, or by what right they exist. If it be asked how + has this happened, the answer is easy: they are established on a principle + that is false, and they employ their power to prevent detection. + </p> + <p> + Notwithstanding the mystery with which the science of government has been + enveloped, for the purpose of enslaving, plundering, and imposing upon + mankind, it is of all things the least mysterious and the most easy to be + understood. The meanest capacity cannot be at a loss, if it begins its + enquiries at the right point. Every art and science has some point, or + alphabet, at which the study of that art or science begins, and by the + assistance of which the progress is facilitated. The same method ought to + be observed with respect to the science of government. + </p> + <p> + Instead then of embarrassing the subject in the outset with the numerous + subdivisions under which different forms of government have been classed, + such as aristocracy, democracy, oligarchy, monarchy, &c. the better + method will be to begin with what may be called primary divisions, or + those under which all the several subdivisions will be comprehended. + </p> + <p> + The primary divisions are but two: + </p> + <p> + First, government by election and representation. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, government by hereditary succession. + </p> + <p> + All the several forms and systems of government, however numerous or + diversified, class themselves under one or other of those primary + divisions; for either they are on the system of representation, or on that + of hereditary succession. As to that equivocal thing called mixed + government, such as the late government of Holland, and the present + government of England, it does not make an exception to the general rule, + because the parts separately considered are either representative or + hereditary. + </p> + <p> + Beginning then our enquiries at this point, we have first to examine into + the nature of those two primary divisions. + </p> + <p> + If they are equally right in principle, it is mere matter of opinion which + we prefer. If the one be demonstratively better than the other, that + difference directs our choice; but if one of them should be so absolutely + false as not to have a right to existence, the matter settles itself at + once; because a negative proved on one thing, where two only are offered, + and one must be accepted, amounts to an affirmative on the other. + </p> + <p> + The revolutions that are now spreading themselves in the world have their + origin in this state of the case, and the present war is a conflict + between the representative system founded on the rights of the people, and + the hereditary system founded in usurpation. As to what are called + Monarchy, Royalty, and Aristocracy, they do not, either as things or as + terms, sufficiently describe the hereditary system; they are but secondary + things or signs of the hereditary system, and which fall of themselves if + that system has not a right to exist. Were there no such terms as + Monarchy, Royalty, and Aristocracy, or were other terms substituted in + their place, the hereditary system, if it continued, would not be altered + thereby. It would be the same system under any other titulary name as it + is now. + </p> + <p> + The character therefore of the revolutions of the present day + distinguishes itself most definitively by grounding itself on the system + of representative government, in opposition to the hereditary. No other + distinction reaches the whole of the principle. + </p> + <p> + Having thus opened the case generally, I proceed, in the first place, to + examine the hereditary system, because it has the priority in point of + time. The representative system is the invention of the modern world; and, + that no doubt may arise as to my own opinion, I declare it before hand, + which is, <i>that there is not a problem in Euclid more mathematically + true, than that hereditary government has not a right to exist. When + therefore we take from any man the exercise of hereditary power, we take + away that which he never had the right to possess, and which no law or + custom could, or ever can, give him a title to</i>. + </p> + <p> + The arguments that have hitherto been employed against the hereditary + system have been chiefly founded upon the absurdity of it, and its + incompetency to the purpose of good government. Nothing can present to our + judgment, or to our imagination, a figure of greater absurdity, than that + of seeing the government of a nation fall, as it frequently does, into the + hands of a lad necessarily destitute of experience, and often little + better than a fool. It is an insult to every man of years, of character, + and of talents, in a country. The moment we begin to reason upon the + hereditary system, it falls into derision; let but a single idea begin, + and a thousand will soon follow. Insignificance, imbecility, childhood, + dotage, want of moral character; in fine, every defect serious or + laughable unite to hold up the hereditary system as a figure of ridicule. + Leaving, however, the ridiculousness of the thing to the reflections of + the reader, I proceed to the more important part of the question, namely, + whether such a system has a right to exist. + </p> + <p> + To be satisfied of the right of a thing to exist, we must be satisfied + that it had a right to begin. If it had not a right to begin, it has not a + right to continue. By what right then did the hereditary system begin? Let + a man but ask himself this question, and he will find that he cannot + satisfy himself with an answer. + </p> + <p> + The right which any man or any family had to set itself up at first to + govern a nation, and to establish itself hereditarily, was no other than + the right which Robespierre had to do the same thing in France. If he had + none, they had none. If they had any, he had as much; for it is impossible + to discover superiority of right in any family, by virtue of which + hereditary government could begin. The Capets, the Guelphs, the + Robespierres, the Marats, are all on the same standing as to the question + of right. It belongs exclusively to none. + </p> + <p> + It is one step towards liberty, to perceive that hereditary government + could not begin as an exclusive right in any family. The next point will + be, whether, having once begun, it could grow into a right by the + influence of time. + </p> + <p> + This would be supposing an absurdity; for either it is putting time in the + place of principle, or making it superior to principle; whereas time has + no more connection with, or influence upon principle, than principle has + upon time. The wrong which began a thousand years ago, is as much a wrong + as if it began to-day; and the right which originates to-day, is as much a + right as if it had the sanction of a thousand years. Time with respect to + principles is an eternal now: it has no operation upon them: it changes + nothing of their nature and qualities. But what have we to do with a + thousand years? Our life-time is but a short portion of that period, and + if we find the wrong in existence as soon as we begin to live, that is the + point of time at which it begins to us; and our right to resist it is the + same as if it never existed before. + </p> + <p> + As hereditary government could not begin as a natural right in any family, + nor derive after its commencement any right from time, we have only to + examine whether there exist in a nation a right to set it up, and + establish it by what is called law, as has been done in England. I answer + NO; and that any law or any constitution made for that purpose is an act + of treason against the right of every minor in the nation, at the time it + is made, and against the rights of all succeeding generations. I shall + speak upon each of those cases. First, of the minor at the time such law + is made. Secondly, of the generations that are to follow. + </p> + <p> + A nation, in a collective sense, comprehends all the individuals of + whatever age, from just born to just dying. Of these, one part will be + minors, and the other aged. The average of life is not exactly the same in + every climate and country, but in general, the minority in years are the + majority in numbers; that is, the number of persons under twenty-one + years, is greater than the number of persons above that age. This + difference in number is not necessary to the establishment of the + principle I mean to lay down, but it serves to shew the justice of it more + strongly. The principle would be equally as good, if the majority in years + were also the majority in numbers. + </p> + <p> + The rights of minors are as sacred as the rights of the aged. The + difference is altogether in the different age of the two parties, and + nothing in the nature of the rights; the rights are the same rights; and + are to be preserved inviolate for the inheritance of the minors when they + shall come of age. During the minority of minors their rights are under + the sacred guardianship of the aged. The minor cannot surrender them; the + guardian cannot dispossess him; consequently, the aged part of a nation, + who are the law-makers for the time being, and who, in the march of life + are but a few years ahead of those who are yet minors, and to whom they + must shortly give place, have not and cannot have the right to make a law + to set up and establish hereditary government, or, to speak more + distinctly, <i>an hereditary succession of governors</i>; because it is an + attempt to deprive every minor in the nation, at the time such a law is + made, of his inheritance of rights when he shall come of age, and to + subjugate him to a system of government to which, during his minority, he + could neither consent nor object. + </p> + <p> + If a person who is a minor at the time such a law is proposed, had + happened to have been born a few years sooner, so as to be of the age of + twenty-one years at the time of proposing it, his right to have objected + against it, to have exposed the injustice and tyrannical principles of it, + and to have voted against it, will be admitted on all sides. If, + therefore, the law operates to prevent his exercising the same rights + after he comes of age as he would have had a right to exercise had he been + of age at the time, it is undeniably a law to take away and annul the + rights of every person in the nation who shall be a minor at the time of + making such a law, and consequently the right to make it cannot exist. + </p> + <p> + I come now to speak of government by hereditary succession, as it applies + to succeeding generations; and to shew that in this case, as in the case + of minors, there does not exist in a nation a right to set it up. + </p> + <p> + A nation, though continually existing, is continually in a state of + renewal and succession. It is never stationary. + </p> + <p> + Every day produces new births, carries minors forward to maturity, and old + persons from the stage. In this ever running flood of generations there is + no part superior in authority to another. Could we conceive an idea of + superiority in any, at what point of time, or in what century of the + world, are we to fix it? To what cause are we to ascribe it? By what + evidence are we to prove it? By what criterion are we to know it? A single + reflection will teach us that our ancestors, like ourselves, were but + tenants for life in the great freehold of rights. The fee-absolute was not + in them, it is not in us, it belongs to the whole family of man, thro* all + ages. If we think otherwise than this, we think either as slaves or as + tyrants. As slaves, if we think that any former generation had a right to + bind us; as tyrants, if we think that we have authority to bind the + generations that are to follow. + </p> + <p> + It may not be inapplicable to the subject, to endeavour to define what is + to be understood by a generation, in the sense the word is here used. + </p> + <p> + As a natural term its meaning is sufficiently clear. The father, the son, + the grandson, are so many distinct generations. But when we speak of a + generation as describing the persons in whom legal authority resides, as + distinct from another generation of the same description who are to + succeed them, it comprehends all those who are above the age of twenty-one + years, at the time that we count from; and a generation of this kind will + continue in authority between fourteen and twenty-one years, that is, + until the number of minors, who shall have arrived at age, shall be + greater than the number of persons remaining of the former stock. + </p> + <p> + For example: if France, at this or any other moment, contains twenty-four + millions of souls, twelve millions will be males, and twelve females. Of + the twelve millions of males, six millions will be of the age of + twenty-one years, and six will be under, and the authority to govern will + reside in the first six. But every day will make some alteration, and in + twenty-one years every one of those minors who survives will have arrived + at age, and the greater part of the former stock will be gone: the + majority of persons then living, in whom the legal authority resides, will + be composed of those who, twenty-one years before, had no legal existence. + Those will be fathers and grandfathers in their turn, and, in the next + twenty-one years, (or less) another race of minors, arrived at age, will + succeed them, and so on. + </p> + <p> + As this is ever the case, and as every generation is equal in rights to + another, it consequently follows, that there cannot be a right in any to + establish government by hereditary succession, because it would be + supposing itself possessed of a right superior to the rest, namely, that + of commanding by its own authority how the world shall be hereafter + governed and who shall govern it. Every age and generation is, and must + be, (as a matter of right,) as free to act for itself in all cases, as the + age and generation that preceded it. The vanity and presumption of + governing beyond the grave is the most ridiculous and insolent of all + tyrannies. Man has no property in man, neither has one generation a + property in the generations that are to follow. + </p> + <p> + In the first part of the Rights of Man I have spoken of government by + hereditary succession; and I will here close the subject with an extract + from that work, which states it under the two following heads. (1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The quotation, here omitted, will be found in vol. ii. of + this work, beginning with p. 364, and continuing, with a few + omissions, to the 15th line of p. 366. This "Dissertation" + was originally written for circulation in Holland, where + Paine's "Rights of Man" was not well known.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <hr /> + <p> + The history of the English parliament furnishes an example of this kind; + and which merits to be recorded, as being the greatest instance of + legislative ignorance and want of principle that is to be found in any + country. The case is as follows: + </p> + <p> + The English parliament of 1688, imported a man and his wife from Holland, + <i>William and Mary</i>, and made them king and queen of England. (2) + Having done this, the said parliament made a law to convey the government + of the country to the heirs of William and Mary, in the following words: + "We, the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, do, in the name of the + people of England, most humbly and faithfully submit <i>ourselves, our + heirs, and posterities</i>, to William and Mary, <i>their heirs and + posterities</i>, for ever." And in a subsequent law, as quoted by Edmund + Burke, the said parliament, in the name of the people of England then + living, <i>binds the said people, their heirs and posterities, to William + and Mary, their heirs and posterities, to the end of time</i>. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 2 "The Bill of Rights (temp. William III.) shows that the + Lords and Commons met not in Parliament but in convention, + that they declared against James II., and in favour of + William III. The latter was accepted as sovereign, and, when + monarch. Acta of Parliament were passed confirming what had + been done."—Joseph Fisher in Notes and Queries (London), + May 2,1874. This does not affect Paine's argument, as a + Convention could have no more right to bind the future than + a Parliament.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + It is not sufficient that we laugh at the ignorance of such law-makers; it + is necessary that we reprobate their want of principle. The constituent + assembly of France, 1789, fell into the same vice as the parliament of + England had done, and assumed to establish an hereditary succession in the + family of the Capets, as an act of the constitution of that year. That + every nation, <i>for the time being</i>, has a right to govern itself as + it pleases, must always be admitted; but government by hereditary + succession is government for another race of people, and not for itself; + and as those on whom it is to operate are not yet in existence, or are + minors, so neither is the right in existence to set it up for them, and to + assume such a right is treason against the right of posterity. + </p> + <p> + I here close the arguments on the first head, that of government by + hereditary succession; and proceed to the second, that of government by + election and representation; or, as it may be concisely expressed, <i>representative + government</i>, in contra-distinction to <i>hereditary government</i>. + </p> + <p> + Reasoning by exclusion, if <i>hereditary government</i> has not a right to + exist, and that it has not is proveable, <i>representative government</i> + is admitted of course. + </p> + <p> + In contemplating government by election and representation, we amuse not + ourselves in enquiring when or how, or by what right, it began. Its origin + is ever in view. Man is himself the origin and the evidence of the right. + It appertains to him in right of his existence, and his person is the + title deed.(1) + </p> + <p> + The true and only true basis of representative government is equality of + Rights. Every man has a right to one vote, and no more, in the choice of + representatives. The rich have no more right to exclude the poor from the + right of voting, or of electing and being elected, than the poor have to + exclude the rich; and wherever it is attempted, or proposed, on either + side, it is a question of force and not of right. Who is he that would + exclude another? That other has a right to exclude him. + </p> + <p> + That which is now called aristocracy implies an inequality of rights; but + who are the persons that have a right to establish this inequality? Will + the rich exclude themselves? No. Will the poor exclude themselves? No. By + what right then can any be excluded? It would be a question, if any man or + class of men have a right to exclude themselves; but, be this as it may, + they cannot have the right to exclude another. The poor will not delegate + such a right to the rich, nor the rich to the poor, and to assume it is + not only to assume arbitrary power, but to assume a right to commit + robbery. Personal rights, of which the right of voting for representatives + is one, are a species of property of the most sacred kind: and he that + would employ his pecuniary property, or presume upon the influence it + gives him, to dispossess or rob another of his property of rights, uses + that pecuniary property as he would use fire-arms, and merits to have it + taken from him. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 "The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rummaged for + among old parchments or musty records. They are written as + with a sunbeam in the whole volume of human nature by the + hand of Divinity itself, and can never be erased or obscured + by mortal power."—Alexander Hamilton, 1775. (Cf. Rights of + Man, Toi. ii., p. 304): "Portions of antiquity by proving + everything establish nothing. It is authority against + authority all the way, till we come to the divine origin of + the rights of man at the creation."—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Inequality of rights is created by a combination in one part of the + community to exclude another part from its rights. Whenever it be made an + article of a constitution, or a law, that the right of voting, or of + electing and being elected, shall appertain exclusively to persons + possessing a certain quantity of property, be it little or much, it is a + combination of the persons possessing that quantity to exclude those who + do not possess the same quantity. It is investing themselves with powers + as a self-created part of society, to the exclusion of the rest. + </p> + <p> + It is always to be taken for granted, that those who oppose an equality of + rights never mean the exclusion should take place on themselves; and in + this view of the case, pardoning the vanity of the thing, aristocracy is a + subject of laughter. This self-soothing vanity is encouraged by another + idea not less selfish, which is, that the opposers conceive they are + playing a safe game, in which there is a chance to gain and none to lose; + that at any rate the doctrine of equality includes <i>them</i>, and that + if they cannot get more rights than those whom they oppose and would + exclude, they shall not have less. This opinion has already been fatal to + thousands, who, not contented with <i>equal rights</i>, have sought more + till they lost all, and experienced in themselves the degrading <i>inequality</i> + they endeavoured to fix upon others. + </p> + <p> + In any view of the case it is dangerous and impolitic, sometimes + ridiculous, and always unjust, to make property the criterion of the right + of voting. If the sum or value of the property upon which the right is to + take place be considerable, it will exclude a majority of the people, and + unite them in a common interest against the government and against those + who support it; and as the power is always with the majority, they can + overturn such a government and its supporters whenever they please. + </p> + <p> + If, in order to avoid this danger, a small quantity of property be fixed, + as the criterion of the right, it exhibits liberty in disgrace, by putting + it in competition with accident and insignificance. When a brood-mare + shall fortunately produce a foal or a mule that, by being worth the sum in + question, shall convey to its owner the right of voting, or by its death + take it from him, in whom does the origin of such a right exist? Is it in + the man, or in the mule? When we consider how many ways property may be + acquired without merit, and lost without a crime, we ought to spurn the + idea of making it a criterion of rights. + </p> + <p> + But the offensive part of the case is, that this exclusion from the right + of voting implies a stigma on the moral char* acter of the persons + excluded; and this is what no part of the community has a right to + pronounce upon another part. No external circumstance can justify it: + wealth is no proof of moral character; nor poverty of the want of it. On + the contrary, wealth is often the presumptive evidence of dishonesty; and + poverty the negative evidence of innocence. If therefore property, whether + little or much, be made a criterion, the means by which that property has + been acquired ought to be made a criterion also. + </p> + <p> + The only ground upon which exclusion from the right of voting is + consistent with justice, would be to inflict it as a punishment for a + certain time upon those who should propose to take away that right from + others. The right of voting for representatives is the primary right by + which other rights are protected. To take away this right is to reduce a + man to slavery, for slavery consists in being subject to the will of + another, and he that has not a vote in the election of representatives is + in this case. The proposal therefore to disfranchise any class of men is + as criminal as the proposal to take away property. When we speak of right, + we ought always to unite with it the idea of duties: rights become duties + by reciprocity. The right which I enjoy becomes my duty to guarantee it to + another, and he to me; and those who violate the duty justly incur a + forfeiture of the right. + </p> + <p> + In a political view of the case, the strength and permanent security of + government is in proportion to the number of people interested in + supporting it. The true policy therefore is to interest the whole by an + equality of rights, for the danger arises from exclusions. It is possible + to exclude men from the right of voting, but it is impossible to exclude + them from the right of rebelling against that exclusion; and when all + other rights are taken away, the right of rebellion is made perfect. + </p> + <p> + While men could be persuaded they had no rights, or that rights + appertained only to a certain class of men, or that government was a thing + existing in right of itself, it was not difficult to govern them + authoritatively. The ignorance in which they were held, and the + superstition in which they were instructed, furnished the means of doing + it. But when the ignorance is gone, and the superstition with it; when + they perceive the imposition that has been acted upon them; when they + reflect that the cultivator and the manufacturer are the primary means of + all the wealth that exists in the world, beyond what nature spontaneously + produces; when they begin to feel their consequence by their usefulness, + and their right as members of society, it is then no longer possible to + govern them as before. The fraud once detected cannot be re-acted. To + attempt it is to provoke derision, or invite destruction. + </p> + <p> + That property will ever be unequal is certain. Industry, superiority of + talents, dexterity of management, extreme frugality, fortunate + opportunities, or the opposite, or the means of those things, will ever + produce that effect, without having recourse to the harsh, ill sounding + names of avarice and oppression; and besides this, there are some men who, + though they do not despise wealth, will not stoop to the drudgery or the + means of acquiring it, nor will be troubled with it beyond their wants or + their independence; whilst in others there is an avidity to obtain it by + every means not punishable; it makes the sole business of their lives, and + they follow it as a religion. All that is required with respect to + property is to obtain it honestly, and not employ it criminally; but it is + always criminally employed when it is made a criterion for exclusive + rights. + </p> + <p> + In institutions that are purely pecuniary, such as that of a bank or a + commercial company, the rights of the members composing that company are + wholly created by the property they invest therein; and no other rights + are represented in the government of that company, than what arise out of + that property; neither has that government cognizance of <i>any thing but + property</i>. + </p> + <p> + But the case is totally different with respect to the institution of civil + government, organized on the system of representation. Such a government + has cognizance of every thing, and of <i>every man</i> as a member of the + national society, whether he has property or not; and, therefore, the + principle requires that <i>every man</i>, and <i>every kind of right</i>, + be represented, of which the right to acquire and to hold property is but + one, and that not of the most essential kind. The protection of a man's + person is more sacred than the protection of property; and besides this, + the faculty of performing any kind of work or services by which he + acquires a livelihood, or maintaining his family, is of the nature of + property. It is property to him; he has acquired it; and it is as much the + object of his protection as exterior property, possessed without that + faculty, can be the object of protection in another person. + </p> + <p> + I have always believed that the best security for property, be it much or + little, is to remove from every part of the community, as far as can + possibly be done, every cause of complaint, and every motive to violence; + and this can only be done by an equality of rights. When rights are + secure, property is secure in consequence. But when property is made a + pretence for unequal or exclusive rights, it weakens the right to hold the + property, and provokes indignation and tumult; for it is unnatural to + believe that property can be secure under the guarantee of a society + injured in its rights by the influence of that property. + </p> + <p> + Next to the injustice and ill-policy of making property a pretence for + exclusive rights, is the unaccountable absurdity of giving to mere <i>sound</i> + the idea of property, and annexing to it certain rights; for what else is + a <i>title</i> but sound? Nature is often giving to the world some + extraordinary men who arrive at fame by merit and universal consent, such + as Aristotle, Socrates, Plato, &c. They were truly great or noble. + </p> + <p> + But when government sets up a manufactory of nobles, it is as absurd as if + she undertook to manufacture wise men. Her nobles are all counterfeits. + </p> + <p> + This wax-work order has assumed the name of aristocracy; and the disgrace + of it would be lessened if it could be considered only as childish + imbecility. We pardon foppery because of its insignificance; and on the + same ground we might pardon the foppery of Titles. But the origin of + aristocracy was worse than foppery. It was robbery. The first aristocrats + in all countries were brigands. Those of later times, sycophants. + </p> + <p> + It is very well known that in England, (and the same will be found in + other countries) the great landed estates now held in descent were + plundered from the quiet inhabitants at the conquest. The possibility did + not exist of acquiring such estates honestly. If it be asked how they + could have been acquired, no answer but that of robbery can be given. That + they were not acquired by trade, by commerce, by manufactures, by + agriculture, or by any reputable employment, is certain. How then were + they acquired? Blush, aristocracy, to hear your origin, for your + progenitors were Thieves. They were the Robespierres and the Jacobins of + that day. When they had committed the robbery, they endeavoured to lose + the disgrace of it by sinking their real names under fictitious ones, + which they called Titles. It is ever the practice of Felons to act in this + manner. They never pass by their real names.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This and the preceding paragraph have been omitted from + some editions.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + As property, honestly obtained, is best secured by an equality of Rights, + so ill-gotten property depends for protection on a monopoly of rights. He + who has robbed another of his property, will next endeavour to disarm him + of his rights, to secure that property; for when the robber becomes the + legislator he believes himself secure. That part of the government of + England that is called the house of lords, was originally composed of + persons who had committed the robberies of which I have been speaking. It + was an association for the protection of the property they had stolen. + </p> + <p> + But besides the criminality of the origin of aristocracy, it has an + injurious effect on the moral and physical character of man. Like slavery + it debilitates the human faculties; for as the mind bowed down by slavery + loses in silence its elastic powers, so, in the contrary extreme, when it + is buoyed up by folly, it becomes incapable of exerting them, and dwindles + into imbecility. It is impossible that a mind employed upon ribbands and + titles can ever be great. The childishness of the objects consumes the + man. + </p> + <p> + It is at all times necessary, and more particularly so during the progress + of a revolution, and until right ideas confirm themselves by habit, that + we frequently refresh our patriotism by reference to first principles. It + is by tracing things to their origin that we learn to understand them: and + it is by keeping that line and that origin always in view that we never + forget them. + </p> + <p> + An enquiry into the origin of Rights will demonstrate to us that <i>rights</i> + are not <i>gifts</i> from one man to another, nor from one class of men to + another; for who is he who could be the first giver, or by what principle, + or on what authority, could he possess the right of giving? A declaration + of rights is not a creation of them, nor a donation of them. It is a + manifest of the principle by which they exist, followed by a detail of + what the rights are; for every civil right has a natural right for its + foundation, and it includes the principle of a reciprocal guarantee of + those rights from man to man. As, therefore, it is impossible to discover + any origin of rights otherwise than in the origin of man, it consequently + follows, that rights appertain to man in right of his existence only, and + must therefore be equal to every man. The principle of an <i>equality of + rights</i> is clear and simple. Every man can understand it, and it is by + understanding his rights that he learns his duties; for where the rights + of men are equal, every man must finally see the necessity of protecting + the rights of others as the most effectual security for his own. But if, + in the formation of a constitution, we depart from the principle of equal + rights, or attempt any modification of it, we plunge into a labyrinth of + difficulties from which there is no way out but by retreating. Where are + we to stop? Or by what principle are we to find out the point to stop at, + that shall discriminate between men of the same country, part of whom + shall be free, and the rest not? If property is to be made the criterion, + it is a total departure from every moral principle of liberty, because it + is attaching rights to mere matter, and making man the agent of that + matter. It is, moreover, holding up property as an apple of discord, and + not only exciting but justifying war against it; for I maintain the + principle, that when property is used as an instrument to take away the + rights of those who may happen not to possess property, it is used to an + unlawful purpose, as fire-arms would be in a similar case. + </p> + <p> + In a state of nature all men are equal in rights, but they are not equal + in power; the weak cannot protect themselves against the strong. This + being the case, the institution of civil society is for the purpose of + making an equalization of powers that shall be parallel to, and a + guarantee of, the equality of rights. The laws of a country, when properly + constructed, apply to this purpose. Every man takes the arm of the law for + his protection as more effectual than his own; and therefore every man has + an equal right in the formation of the government, and of the laws by + which he is to be governed and judged. In extensive countries and + societies, such as America and France, this right in the individual can + only be exercised by delegation, that is, by election and representation; + and hence it is that the institution of representative government arises. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto, I have confined myself to matters of principle only. First, that + hereditary government has not a right to exist; that it cannot be + established on any principle of right; and that it is a violation of all + principle. Secondly, that government by election and representation has + its origin in the natural and eternal rights of man; for whether a man be + his own lawgiver, as he would be in a state of nature; or whether he + exercises his portion of legislative sovereignty in his own person, as + might be the case in small democracies where all could assemble for the + formation of the laws by which they were to be governed; or whether he + exercises it in the choice of persons to represent him in a national + assembly of representatives, the origin of the right is the same in all + cases. The first, as is before observed, is defective in power; the + second, is practicable only in democracies of small extent; the third, is + the greatest scale upon which human government can be instituted. + </p> + <p> + Next to matters of <i>principle</i> are matters of <i>opinion</i>, and it + is necessary to distinguish between the two. Whether the rights of men + shall be equal is not a matter of opinion but of right, and consequently + of principle; for men do not hold their rights as grants from each other, + but each one in right of himself. Society is the guardian but not the + giver. And as in extensive societies, such as America and France, the + right of the individual in matters of government cannot be exercised but + by election and representation, it consequently follows that the only + system of government consistent with principle, where simple democracy is + impracticable, is the representative system. But as to the organical part, + or the manner in which the several parts of government shall be arranged + and composed, it is altogether <i>matter of opinion</i>, It is necessary + that all the parts be conformable with the <i>principle of equal rights</i>; + and so long as this principle be religiously adhered to, no very material + error can take place, neither can any error continue long in that part + which falls within the province of opinion. + </p> + <p> + In all matters of opinion, the social compact, or the principle by which + society is held together, requires that the majority of opinions becomes + the rule for the whole, and that the minority yields practical obedience + thereto. This is perfectly conformable to the principle of equal rights: + for, in the first place, every man has a <i>right to give an opinion</i> + but no man has a right that his opinion should <i>govern the rest</i>. In + the second place, it is not supposed to be known beforehand on which side + of any question, whether for or against, any man's opinion will fall. He + may happen to be in a majority upon some questions, and in a minority upon + others; and by the same rule that he expects obedience in the one case, he + must yield it in the other. All the disorders that have arisen in France, + during the progress of the revolution, have had their origin, not in the + <i>principle of equal rights</i>, but in the violation of that principle. + The principle of equal rights has been repeatedly violated, and that not + by the majority but by the minority, and <i>that minority has been + composed of men possessing property as well as of men without property; + property, therefore, even upon the experience already had, is no more a + criterion of character than it is of rights</i>. It will sometimes happen + that the minority are right, and the majority are wrong, but as soon as + experience proves this to be the case, the minority will increase to a + majority, and the error will reform itself by the tranquil operation of + freedom of opinion and equality of rights. Nothing, therefore, can justify + an insurrection, neither can it ever be necessary where rights are equal + and opinions free. + </p> + <p> + Taking then the principle of equal rights as the foundation of the + revolution, and consequently of the constitution, the organical part, or + the manner in which the several parts of the government shall be arranged + in the constitution, will, as is already said, fall within the province of + opinion. + </p> + <p> + Various methods will present themselves upon a question of this kind, and + tho' experience is yet wanting to determine which is the best, it has, I + think, sufficiently decided which is the worst. That is the worst, which + in its deliberations and decisions is subject to the precipitancy and + passion of an individual; and when the whole legislature is crowded into + one body it is an individual in mass. In all cases of deliberation it is + necessary to have a corps of reserve, and it would be better to divide the + representation by lot into two parts, and let them revise and correct each + other, than that the whole should sit together, and debate at once. + </p> + <p> + Representative government is not necessarily confined to any one + particular form. The principle is the same in all the forms under which it + can be arranged. The equal rights of the people is the root from which the + whole springs, and the branches may be arranged as present opinion or + future experience shall best direct. As to that <i>hospital of incurables</i> + (as Chesterfield calls it), the British house of peers, it is an + excrescence growing out of corruption; and there is no more affinity or + resemblance between any of the branches of a legislative body originating + from the right of the people, and the aforesaid house of peers, than + between a regular member of the human body and an ulcerated wen. + </p> + <p> + As to that part of government that is called the <i>executive</i>, it is + necessary in the first place to fix a precise meaning to the word. + </p> + <p> + There are but two divisions into which power can be arranged. First, that + of willing or decreeing the laws; secondly, that of executing or putting + them in practice. The former corresponds to the intellectual faculties of + the human mind, which reasons and determines what shall be done; the + second, to the mechanical powers of the human body, that puts that + determination into practice.(1) If the former decides, and the latter does + not perform, it is a state of imbecility; and if the latter acts without + the predetermination of the former, it is a state of lunacy. The executive + department therefore is official, and is subordinate to the legislative, + as the body is to the mind, in a state of health; for it is impossible to + conceive the idea of two sovereignties, a sovereignty to <i>will</i>, and + a sovereignty to <i>act</i>. The executive is not invested with the power + of deliberating whether it shall act or not; it has no discretionary + authority in the case; for it can <i>act no other thing</i> than what the + laws decree, and it is <i>obliged</i> to act conformably thereto; and in + this view of the case, the executive is made up of all the official + departments that execute the laws, of which that which is called the + judiciary is the chief. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine may have had in mind the five senses, with reference + to the proposed five members of the Directory.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But mankind have conceived an idea that <i>some kind of authority</i> is + necessary to <i>superintend</i> the execution of the laws and to see that + they are faithfully performed; and it is by confounding this + superintending authority with the official execution that we get + embarrassed about the term <i>executive power</i>. All the parts in the + governments of the United States of America that are called THE EXECUTIVE, + are no other than authorities to superintend the execution of the laws; + and they are so far independent of the legislative, that they know the + legislative only thro' the laws, and cannot be controuled or directed by + it through any other medium. + </p> + <p> + In what manner this superintending authority shall be appointed, or + composed, is a matter that falls within the province of opinion. Some may + prefer one method and some another; and in all cases, where opinion only + and not principle is concerned, the majority of opinions forms the rule + for all. There are however some things deducible from reason, and + evidenced by experience, that serve to guide our decision upon the case. + The one is, never to invest any individual with extraordinary power; for + besides his being tempted to misuse it, it will excite contention and + commotion in the nation for the office. Secondly, never to invest power + long in the hands of any number of individuals. The inconveniences that + may be supposed to accompany frequent changes are less to be feared than + the danger that arises from long continuance. + </p> + <p> + I shall conclude this discourse with offering some observations on the + means of <i>preserving liberty</i>; for it is not only necessary that we + establish it, but that we preserve it. + </p> + <p> + It is, in the first place, necessary that we distinguish between the means + made use of to overthrow despotism, in order to prepare the way for the + establishment of liberty, and the means to be used after the despotism is + overthrown. + </p> + <p> + The means made use of in the first case are justified by necessity. Those + means are, in general, insurrections; for whilst the established + government of despotism continues in any country it is scarcely possible + that any other means can be used. It is also certain that in the + commencement of a revolution, the revolutionary party permit to themselves + a <i>discretionary exercise of power</i> regulated more by circumstances + than by principle, which, were the practice to continue, liberty would + never be established, or if established would soon be overthrown. It is + never to be expected in a revolution that every man is to change his + opinion at the same moment. There never yet was any truth or any principle + so irresistibly obvious, that all men believed it at once. Time and reason + must co-operate with each other to the final establishment of any + principle; and therefore those who may happen to be first convinced have + not a right to persecute others, on whom conviction operates more slowly. + The moral principle of revolutions is to instruct, not to destroy. + </p> + <p> + Had a constitution been established two years ago, (as ought to have been + done,) the violences that have since desolated France and injured the + character of the revolution, would, in my opinion, have been prevented.(1) + The nation would then have had a bond of union, and every individual would + have known the line of conduct he was to follow. But, instead of this, a + revolutionary government, a thing without either principle or authority, + was substituted in its place; virtue and crime depended upon accident; and + that which was patriotism one day, became treason the next. All these + things have followed from the want of a constitution; for it is the nature + and intention of a constitution to <i>prevent governing by party</i>, by + establishing a common principle that shall limit and control the power and + impulse of party, and that says to all parties, <i>thus far shalt thou go + and no further</i>. But in the absence of a constitution, men look + entirely to party; and instead of principle governing party, party governs + principle. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The Constitution adopted August 10, 1793, was by the + determination of "The Mountain," suspended during the war + against France. The revolutionary government was thus made + chronic—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + An avidity to punish is always dangerous to liberty. It leads men to + stretch, to misinterpret, and to misapply even the best of laws. He that + would make his own liberty secure, must guard even his enemy from + oppression; for if he violates this duty, he establishes a precedent that + will reach to himself. Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Paris, July, 1795. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0026" id="Dlink2H_4_0026"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXV. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1795. + </h2> + <p> + SPEECH IN THE FRENCH NATIONAL CONVENTION, JULY 7, 1795. + </p> + <p> + On the motion of Lanthenas, "That permission be granted to Thomas Paine, + to deliver his sentiments on the declaration of rights and the + constitution," Thomas Paine ascended the Tribune; and no opposition being + made to the motion, one of the Secretaries, who stood by Mr. Paine, read + his speech, of which the following is a literal translation: + </p> + <p> + Citizens: + </p> + <p> + The effects of a malignant fever, with which I was afflicted during a + rigorous confinement in the Luxembourg, have thus long prevented me from + attending at my post in the bosom of the Convention, and the magnitude of + the subject under discussion, and no other consideration on earth, could + induce me now to repair to my station. + </p> + <p> + A recurrence to the vicissitudes I have experienced, and the critical + situations in which I have been placed in consequence of the French + Revolution, will throw upon what I now propose to submit to the Convention + the most unequivocal proofs of my integrity, and the rectitude of those + principles which have uniformly influenced my conduct. + </p> + <p> + In England I was proscribed for having vindicated the French Revolution, + and I have suffered a rigorous imprisonment in France for having pursued a + similar mode of conduct. During the reign of terrorism, I was a close + prisoner for eight long months, and remained so above three months after + the era of the 10th Thermidor.(1) I ought, however, to state, that I was + not persecuted by the <i>people</i> either of England or France. The + proceedings in both countries were the effects of the despotism existing + in their respective governments. But, even if my persecution had + originated in the people at large, my principles and conduct would still + have remained the same. Principles which are influenced and subject to the + controul of tyranny, have not their foundation in the heart. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 By the French republican calendar this was nearly the + time. Paine's imprisonment lasted from December 28, 1793, to + November 4, 1794. He was by a unanimous vote recalled to the + Convention, Dec 7, 1794, but his first appearance there was + on July 7, 1795.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + A few days ago, I transmitted to you by the ordinary mode of distribution, + a short Treatise, entitled "Dissertation on the First Principles of + Government." This little work I did intend to have dedicated to the people + of Holland, who, about the time I began to write it, were determined to + accomplish a Revolution in their Government, rather than to the people of + France, who had long before effected that glorious object. But there are, + in the Constitution which is about to be ratified by the Convention + certain articles, and in the report which preceded it certain points, so + repugnant to reason, and incompatible with the true principles of liberty, + as to render this Treatise, drawn up for another purpose, applicable to + the present occasion, and under this impression I presumed to submit it to + your consideration. + </p> + <p> + If there be faults in the Constitution, it were better to expunge them + now, than to abide the event of their mischievous tendency; for certain it + is, that the plan of the Constitution which has been presented to you is + not consistent with the grand object of the Revolution, nor congenial to + the sentiments of the individuals who accomplished it. + </p> + <p> + To deprive half the people in a nation of their rights as citizens, is an + easy matter in theory or on paper: but it is a most dangerous experiment, + and rarely practicable in the execution. + </p> + <p> + I shall now proceed to the observations I have to offer on this important + subject; and I pledge myself that they shall be neither numerous nor + diffusive. + </p> + <p> + In my apprehension, a constitution embraces two distinct parts or objects, + the <i>Principle</i> and the <i>Practice</i>; and it is not only an + essential but an indispensable provision that the practice should emanate + from, and accord with, the principle. Now I maintain, that the reverse of + this proposition is the case in the plan of the Constitution under + discussion. The first article, for instance, of the <i>political state</i> + of citizens, (v. Title ii. of the Constitution,) says: + </p> + <p> + "Every man born and resident in France, who, being twenty-one years of + age, has inscribed his name on the Civic Register of his Canton, and who + has lived afterwards one year on the territory of the Republic, and who + pays any direct contribution whatever, real or personal, is a French + citizen." (1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The article as ultimately adopted substituted "person" for + "man," and for "has inscribed his name" (a slight + educational test) inserted "whose name is inscribed."— + <i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + I might here ask, if those only who come under the above description are + to be considered as citizens, what designation do you mean to give the + rest of the people? I allude to that portion of the people on whom the + principal part of the labour falls, and on whom the weight of indirect + taxation will in the event chiefly press. In the structure of the social + fabric, this class of people are infinitely superior to that privileged + order whose only qualification is their wealth or territorial possessions. + For what is trade without merchants? What is land without cultivation? And + what is the produce of the land without manufactures? But to return to the + subject. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, this article is incompatible with the three first + articles of the Declaration of Rights, which precede the Constitutional + Act. + </p> + <p> + The first article of the Declaration of Rights says: + </p> + <p> + "The end of society is the public good; and the institution of government + is to secure to every individual the enjoyment of his rights." + </p> + <p> + But the article of the Constitution to which I have just adverted proposes + as the object of society, not the public good, or in other words, the good + of <i>all</i>, but a partial good; or the good only of a <i>few</i>; and + the Constitution provides solely for the rights of this few, to the + exclusion of the many. + </p> + <p> + The second article of the Declaration of Rights says: + </p> + <p> + "The Rights of Man in society are Liberty, Equality, Security of his + person and property." + </p> + <p> + But the article alluded to in the Constitution has a direct tendency to + establish the reverse of this position, inasmuch as the persons excluded + by this <i>inequality</i> can neither be said to possess liberty, nor + security against oppression. They are consigned totally to the caprice and + tyranny of the rest. + </p> + <p> + The third article of the Declaration of Rights says: + </p> + <p> + "Liberty consists in such acts of volition as are not injurious to + others." + </p> + <p> + But the article of the Constitution, on which I have observed, breaks down + this barrier. It enables the liberty of one part of society to destroy the + freedom of the other. + </p> + <p> + Having thus pointed out the inconsistency of this article to the + Declaration of Rights, I shall proceed to comment on that of the same + article which makes a direct contribution a necessary qualification to the + right of citizenship. + </p> + <p> + A modern refinement on the object of public revenue has divided the taxes, + or contributions, into two classes, the <i>direct</i> and the<i> indirect</i>, + without being able to define precisely the distinction or difference + between them, because the effect of both is the same. + </p> + <p> + Those are designated indirect taxes which fall upon the consumers of + certain articles, on which the tax is imposed, because, the tax being + included in the price, the consumer pays it without taking notice of it. + </p> + <p> + The same observation is applicable to the territorial tax. The land + proprietors, in order to reimburse themselves, will rack-rent their + tenants: the farmer, of course, will transfer the obligation to the + miller, by enhancing the price of grain; the miller to the baker, by + increasing the price of flour; and the baker to the consumer, by raising + the price of bread. The territorial tax, therefore, though called <i>direct</i>, + is, in its consequences, <i>indirect</i>. + </p> + <p> + To this tax the land proprietor contributes only in proportion to the + quantity of bread and other provisions that are consumed in his own + family. The deficit is furnished by the great mass of the community, which + comprehends every individual of the nation. + </p> + <p> + From the logical distinction between the direct and in-direct taxation, + some emolument may result, I allow, to auditors of public accounts, &c., + but to the people at large I deny that such a distinction (which by the by + is without a difference) can be productive of any practical benefit. It + ought not, therefore, to be admitted as a principle in the constitution. + </p> + <p> + Besides this objection, the provision in question does not affect to + define, secure, or establish the right of citizenship. It consigns to the + caprice or discretion of the legislature the power of pronouncing who + shall, or shall not, exercise the functions of a citizen; and this may be + done effectually, either by the imposition of a <i>direct or indirect</i> + tax, according to the selfish views of the legislators, or by the mode of + collecting the taxes so imposed. + </p> + <p> + Neither a tenant who occupies an extensive farm, nor a merchant or + manufacturer who may have embarked a large capital in their respective + pursuits, can ever, according to this system, attain the preemption of a + citizen. On the other hand, any upstart, who has, by succession or + management, got possession of a few acres of land or a miserable tenement, + may exultingly exercise the functions of a citizen, although perhaps + neither possesses a hundredth part of the worth or property of a simple + mechanic, nor contributes in any proportion to the exigencies of the + State. + </p> + <p> + The contempt in which the old government held mercantile pursuits, and the + obloquy that attached on merchants and manufacturers, contributed not a + little to its embarrassments, and its eventual subversion; and, strange to + tell, though the mischiefs arising from this mode of conduct are so + obvious, yet an article is proposed for your adoption which has a manifest + tendency to restore a defect inherent in the monarchy. + </p> + <p> + I shall now proceed to the second article of the same Title, with which I + shall conclude my remarks. + </p> + <p> + The second article says, "Every French soldier, who shall have served one + or more campaigns in the cause of liberty, is deemed a citizen of the + republic, without any respect or reference to other qualifications."(1) + </p> + <p> + It would seem, that in this Article the Committee were desirous of + extricating themselves from a dilemma into which they had been plunged by + the preceding article. When men depart from an established principle they + are compelled to resort to trick and subterfuge, always shifting their + means to preserve the unity of their objects; and as it rarely happens + that the first expedient makes amends for the prostitution of principle, + they must call in aid a second, of a more flagrant nature, to supply the + deficiency of the former. In this manner legislators go on accumulating + error upon error, and artifice upon artifice, until the mass becomes so + bulky and incongruous, and their embarrassment so desperate, that they are + compelled, as their last expedient, to resort to the very principle they + had violated. The Committee were precisely in this predicament when they + framed this article; and to me, I confess, their conduct appears specious + rather than efficacious.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This article eventually stood: "All Frenchmen who shall + have made one or more campaigns for the establishment of the + Republic, are citizens, without condition as to taxes."— + <i>Editor.</i> + + 2 The head of the Committee (eleven) was the Abbi Sieves, + whose political treachery was well known to Paine before it + became known to the world by his services to Napoleon in + overthrowing the Republic.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + It was not for himself alone, but for his family, that the French citizen, + at the dawn of the revolution, (for then indeed every man was considered a + citizen) marched soldier-like to the frontiers, and repelled a foreign + invasion. He had it not in his contemplation, that he should enjoy liberty + for the residue of his earthly career, and by his own act preclude his + offspring from that inestimable blessing. No! He wished to leave it as an + inheritance to his children, and that they might hand it down to their + latest posterity. If a Frenchman, who united in his person the character + of a Soldier and a Citizen, was now to return from the army to his + peaceful habitation, he must address his small family in this manner: + "Sorry I am, that I cannot leave to you a small portion of what I have + acquired by exposing my person to the ferocity of our enemies and + defeating their machinations. I have established the republic, and, + painful the reflection, all the laurels which I have won in the field are + blasted, and all the privileges to which my exertions have entitled me + extend not beyond the period of my own existence!" Thus the measure that + has been adopted by way of subterfuge falls short of what the framers of + it speculated upon; for in conciliating the affections of the <i>Soldier</i>, + they have subjected the <i>Father</i> to the most pungent sensations, by + obliging him to adopt a generation of Slaves. + </p> + <p> + Citizens, a great deal has been urged respecting insurrections. I am + confident that no man has a greater abhorrence of them than myself, and I + am sorry that any insinuations should have been thrown out upon me as a + promoter of violence of any kind. The whole tenor of my life and + conversation gives the lie to those calumnies, and proves me to be a + friend to order, truth and justice. + </p> + <p> + I hope you will attribute this effusion of my sentiments to my anxiety for + the honor and success of the revolution. I have no interest distinct from + that which has a tendency to meliorate the situation of mankind. The + revolution, as far as it respects myself, has been productive of more loss + and persecution than it is possible for me to describe, or for you to + indemnify. But with respect to the subject under consideration, I could + not refrain from declaring my sentiments. + </p> + <p> + In my opinion, if you subvert the basis of the revolution, if you dispense + with principles, and substitute expedients, you will extinguish that + enthusiasm and energy which have hitherto been the life and soul of the + revolution; and you will substitute in its place nothing but a cold + indifference and self-interest, which will again degenerate into intrigue, + cunning, and effeminacy. + </p> + <p> + But to discard all considerations of a personal and subordinate nature, it + is essential to the well-being of the republic that the practical or + organic part of the constitution should correspond with its principles; + and as this does not appear to be the case in the plan that has been + presented to you, it is absolutely necessary that it should be submitted + to the revision of a committee, who should be instructed to compare it + with the Declaration of Rights, in order to ascertain the difference + between the two, and to make such alterations as shall render them + perfectly consistent and compatible with each other. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0027" id="Dlink2H_4_0027"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXVI. THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ENGLISH SYSTEM OF FINANCE.(1) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "On the verge, nay even in the gulph of bankruptcy." + + 1 This pamphlet, as Paine predicts at its close (no doubt on + good grounds), was translated into all languages of Europe, + and probably hastened the gold suspension of the Bank of + England (1797), which it predicted. The British Government + entrusted its reply to Ralph Broome and George Chalmers, who + wrote pamphlets. There is in the French Archives an order + for 1000 copies, April 27, 1796, nineteen days after Paine's + pamphlet appeared. "Mr. Cobbett has made this little + pamphlet a text-book for most of his elaborate treatises on + our finances.... On the authority of a late Register of Mr. + Cobbett's I learn that the profits arising from the sale of + this pamphlet were devoted [by Paine] to the relief of the + prisoners confined in Newgate for debt."—"Life of Paine," + by Richard Carlile, 1819.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Debates in Parliament. + </p> + <p> + Nothing, they say, is more certain than death, and nothing more uncertain + than the time of dying; yet we can always fix a period beyond which man + cannot live, and within some moment of which he will die. We are enabled + to do this, not by any spirit of prophecy, or foresight into the event, + but by observation of what has happened in all cases of human or animal + existence. If then any other subject, such, for instance, as a system of + finance, exhibits in its progress a series of symptoms indicating decay, + its final dissolution is certain, and the period of it can be calculated + from the symptoms it exhibits. + </p> + <p> + Those who have hitherto written on the English system of finance, (the + funding system,) have been uniformly impressed with the idea that its + downfall would happen <i>some time or other</i>. They took, however, no + data for their opinion, but expressed it predictively,—or merely as + opinion, from a conviction that the perpetual duration of such a system + was a natural impossibility. It is in this manner that Dr. Price has + spoken of it; and Smith, in his Wealth of Nations, has spoken in the same + manner; that is, merely as opinion without data. "The progress," says + Smith, "of the enormous debts, which at present oppress, and will in the + long run <i>most probably ruin</i>, all the great nations of Europe [he + should have said <i>governments</i>] has been pretty uniform." But this + general manner of speaking, though it might make some impression, carried + with it no conviction. + </p> + <p> + It is not my intention to predict any thing; but I will show from data + already known, from symptoms and facts which the English funding system + has already exhibited publicly, that it will not continue to the end of + Mr. Pitt's life, supposing him to live the usual age of a man. How much + sooner it may fall, I leave to others to predict. + </p> + <p> + Let financiers diversify systems of credit as they will, it <i>is</i> + nevertheless true, that every system of credit is a system of paper money. + Two experiments have already been had upon paper money; the one in + America, the other in France. In both those cases the whole capital was + emitted, and that whole capital, which in America was called continental + money, and in France assignats, appeared in circulation; the consequence + of which was, that the quantity became so enormous, and so disproportioned + to the quantity of population, and to the quantity' of objects upon which + it could be employed, that the market, if I may so express it, was glutted + with it, and the value of it fell. Between five and six years determined + the fate of those experiments. The same fate would have happened to gold + and silver, could gold and silver have been issued in the same abundant + manner that paper had been, and confined within the country as paper money + always is, by having no circulation out of it; or, to speak on a larger + scale, the same thing would happen in the world, could the world be + glutted with gold and silver, as America and France have been with paper. + </p> + <p> + The English system differs from that of America and France in this one + particular, that its capital is kept out of sight; that is, it does not + appear in circulation. Were the whole capital of the national debt, which + at the time I write this is almost one hundred million pounds sterling, to + be emitted in assignats or bills, and that whole quantity put into + circulation, as was done in America and in France, those English + assignats, or bills, would soon sink in value as those of America and + France have done; and that in a greater degree, because the quantity of + them would be more disproportioned to the quantity of population in + England, than was the case in either of the other two countries. A nominal + pound sterling in such bills would not be worth one penny. + </p> + <p> + But though the English system, by thus keeping the capital out of sight, + is preserved from hasty destruction, as in the case of America and France, + it nevertheless approaches the same fate, and will arrive at it with the + same certainty, though by a slower progress. The difference is altogether + in the degree of speed by which the two systems approach their fate, + which, to speak in round numbers, is as twenty is to one; that is, the + English system, that of funding the capital instead of issuing it, + contained within itself a capacity of enduring twenty times longer than + the systems adopted by America and France; and at the end of that time it + would arrive at the same common grave, the Potter's Field of paper money. + </p> + <p> + The datum, I take for this proportion of twenty to one, is the difference + between a capital and the interest at five per cent. Twenty times the + interest is equal to the capital. The accumulation of paper money in + England is in proportion to the accumulation of the interest upon every + new loan; and therefore the progress to the dissolution is twenty times + slower than if the capital were to be emitted and put into circulation + immediately. Every twenty years in the English system is equal to one year + in the French and American systems. + </p> + <p> + Having thus stated the duration of the two systems, that of funding upon + interest, and that of emitting the whole capital without funding, to be as + twenty to one, I come to examine the symptoms of decay, approaching to + dissolution, that the English system has already exhibited, and to compare + them with similar systems in the French and American systems. + </p> + <p> + The English funding system began one hundred years ago; in which time + there have been six wars, including the war that ended in 1697. + </p> + <p> + 1. The war that ended, as I have just said, in 1697. + </p> + <p> + 2. The war that began in 1702. + </p> + <p> + 3. The war that began in 1739. + </p> + <p> + 4. The war that began in 1756. + </p> + <p> + 5. The American war, that began in 1775. + </p> + <p> + 6. The present war, that began in 1793. + </p> + <p> + The national debt, at the conclusion of the war which ended in 1697, was + twenty-one millions and an half. (See Smith's Wealth of Nations, chapter + on Public Debts.) We now see it approaching fast to four hundred millions. + If between these two extremes of twenty-one millions and four hundred + millions, embracing the several expenses of all the including wars, there + exist some common ratio that will ascertain arithmetically the amount of + the debts at the end of each war, as certainly as the fact is known to be, + that ratio will in like manner determine what the amount of the debt will + be in all future wars, and will ascertain the period within which the + funding system will expire in a bankruptcy of the government; for the + ratio I allude to, is the ratio which the nature of the thing has + established for itself. + </p> + <p> + Hitherto no idea has been entertained that any such ratio existed, or + could exist, that would determine a problem of this kind; that is, that + would ascertain, without having any knowledge of the fact, what the + expense of any former war had been, or what the expense of any future war + would be; but it is nevertheless true that such a ratio does exist, as I + shall show, and also the mode of applying it. + </p> + <p> + The ratio I allude to is not in arithmetical progression like the numbers + 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9; nor yet in geometrical progression, like the + numbers 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, 64, 128, 256; but it is in the series of one half + upon each preceding number; like the numbers 8, 12, 18, 27, 40, 60, 90, + 135. + </p> + <p> + Any person can perceive that the second number, 12, is produced by the + preceding number, 8, and half 8; and that the third number, 18, is in like + manner produced by the preceding number, 12, and half 12; and so on for + the rest. They can also see how rapidly the sums increase as the ratio + proceeds. The difference between the two first numbers is but four; but + the difference between the two last is forty-five; and from thence they + may see with what immense rapidity the national debt has increased, and + will continue to increase, till it exceeds the ordinary powers of + calculation, and loses itself in ciphers. + </p> + <p> + I come now to apply the ratio as a rule to determine in all cases. + </p> + <p> + I began with the war that ended in 1697, which was the war in which the + funding system began. The expense of that war was twenty-one millions and + an half. In order to ascertain the expense of the next war, I add to + twenty-one millions and an half, the half thereof (ten millions and three + quarters) which makes thirty-two millions and a quarter for the expense of + that war. This thirty-two millions and a quarter, added to the former debt + of twenty-one millions and an half, carries the national debt to + fifty-three millions and three quarters. Smith, in his chapter on Public + Debts, says, that the national debt was at this time fifty-three millions. + </p> + <p> + I proceed to ascertain the expense of the next war, that of 1739, by + adding, as in the former case, one half to the expense of the preceding + war. The expense of the preceding war was thirty-two millions and a + quarter; for the sake of even numbers, say, thirty-two millions; the half + of which (16) makes forty-eight millions for the expense of that war. + </p> + <p> + I proceed to ascertain the expense of the war of 1756, by adding, + according to the ratio, one half to the expense of the preceding war. The + expense of the preceding was taken at 48 millions, the half of which (24) + makes 72 millions for the expense of that war. Smith, (chapter on Public + Debts,) says, the expense of the war of 1756, was 72 millions and a + quarter. + </p> + <p> + I proceed to ascertain the expense of the American war, of 1775, by + adding, as in the former cases, one half to the expense of the preceding + war. The expense of the preceding war was 72 millions, the half of which + (36) makes 108 millions for the expense of that war. In the last edition + of Smith, (chapter on Public Debts,) he says, the expense of the American + war was <i>more than an hundred millions</i>. + </p> + <p> + I come now to ascertain the expense of the present war, supposing it to + continue as long as former wars have done, and the funding system not to + break up before that period. The expense of the preceding war was 108 + millions, the half of which (54) makes 162 millions for the expense of the + present war. It gives symptoms of going beyond this sum, supposing the + funding system not to break up; for the loans of the last year and of the + present year are twenty-two millions each, which exceeds the ratio + compared with the loans of the preceding war. It will not be from the + inability of procuring loans that the system will break up. On the + contrary, it is the facility with which loans can be procured that hastens + that event. The loans are altogether paper transactions; and it is the + excess of them that brings on, with accelerating speed, that progressive + depreciation of funded paper money that will dissolve the funding system. + </p> + <p> + I proceed to ascertain the expense of future wars, and I do this merely to + show the impossibility of the continuance of the funding system, and the + certainty of its dissolution. + </p> + <p> + The expense of the next war after the present war, according to the ratio + that has ascertained the preceding cases, will be 243 millions. + </p> + <p> + Expense of the second war 364 + </p> + <p> + ———————— third war 546 + </p> + <p> + ———————— fourth war 819 + </p> + <p> + ———— fifth war 1228 + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 3200 millions; +</pre> + <p> + which, at only four per cent. will require taxes to the nominal amount of + one hundred and twenty-eight millions to pay the annual interest, besides + the interest of the present debt, and the expenses of government, which + are not included in this account. Is there a man so mad, so stupid, as to + sup-pose this system can continue? + </p> + <p> + When I first conceived the idea of seeking for some common ratio that + should apply as a rule of measurement to all the cases of the funding + system, so far as to ascertain the several stages of its approach to + dissolution, I had no expectation that any ratio could be found that would + apply with so much exactness as this does. I was led to the idea merely by + observing that the funding system was a thing in continual progression, + and that whatever was in a state of progression might be supposed to admit + of, at least, some general ratio of measurement, that would apply without + any very great variation. But who could have supposed that falling + systems, or falling opinions, admitted of a ratio apparently as true as + the descent of falling bodies? I have not made the ratio any more than + Newton made the ratio of gravitation. I have only discovered it, and + explained the mode of applying it. + </p> + <p> + To shew at one view the rapid progression of the funding system to + destruction, and to expose the folly of those who blindly believe in its + continuance, and who artfully endeavour to impose that belief upon others, + I exhibit in the annexed table, the expense of each of the six wars since + the funding system began, as ascertained by ratio, and the expense of the + six wars yet to come, ascertained by the same ratio. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlinkimage-0004" id="Dlinkimage-0004"> + <!-- IMG --> </a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/table318.jpg" alt="Table318 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * The actual expense of the war of 1739 did not come up to + the sum ascertained by the ratio. But as that which is the + natural disposition of a thing, as it is the natural + disposition of a stream of water to descend, will, if + impeded in its course, overcome by a new effort what it had + lost by that impediment, so it was with respect to this war + and the next (1756) taken collectively; for the expense of + the war of 1756 restored the equilibrium of the ratio, as + fully as if it had not been impeded. A circumstance that + serves to prove the truth of the ratio more folly than if + the interruption had not taken place. The war of 1739 *** + languid; the efforts were below the value of money et that + time; for the ratio is the measure of the depreciation of + money in consequence of the funding system; or what comes + to the same end, it is the measure of the increase of paper. + Every additional quantity of it, whether in bank notes or + otherwise, diminishes the real, though not the nominal value + of the former quantity.—<i>Author</i> +</pre> + <p> + Those who are acquainted with the power with which even a small ratio, + acting in progression, multiplies in a long series, will see nothing to + wonder at in this table. Those who are not acquainted with that subject, + and not knowing what else to say, may be inclined to deny it. But it is + not their opinion one way, nor mine the other, that can influence the + event. The table exhibits the natural march of the funding system to its + irredeemable dissolution. Supposing the present government of England to + continue, and to go on as it has gone on since the funding system began, I + would not give twenty shillings for one hundred pounds in the funds to be + paid twenty years hence. I do not speak this predictively; I produce the + data upon which that belief is founded; and which data it is every body's + interest to know, who have any thing to do with the funds, or who are + going to bequeath property to their descendants to be paid at a future + day. + </p> + <p> + Perhaps it may be asked, that as governments or ministers proceeded by no + ratio in making loans or incurring debts, and nobody intended any ratio, + or thought of any, how does it happen that there is one? I answer, that + the ratio is founded in necessity; and I now go to explain what that + necessity is. + </p> + <p> + It will always happen, that the price of labour, or of the produce of + labour, be that produce what it may, will be in proportion to the quantity + of money in a country, admitting things to take their natural course. + Before the invention of the funding system, there was no other money than + gold and silver; and as nature gives out those metals with a sparing hand, + and in regular annual quantities from the mines, the several prices of + things were proportioned to the quantity of money at that time, and so + nearly stationary as to vary but little in any fifty or sixty years of + that period. + </p> + <p> + When the funding system began, a substitute for gold and silver began + also. That substitute was paper; and the quantity increased as the + quantity of interest increased upon accumulated loans. This appearance of + a new and additional species of money in the nation soon began to break + the relative value which money and the things it will purchase bore to + each other before. Every thing rose in price; but the rise at first was + little and slow, like the difference in units between two first numbers, 8 + and 12, compared with the two last numbers 90 and 135, in the table. It + was however sufficient to make itself considerably felt in a large + transaction. When therefore government, by engaging in a new war, required + a new loan, it was obliged to make a higher loan than the former loan, to + balance the increased price to which things had risen; and as that new + loan increased the quantity of paper in proportion to the new quantity of + interest, it carried the price of things still higher than before. The + next loan was again higher, to balance that further increased price; and + all this in the same manner, though not in the same degree, that every new + emission of continental money in America, or of assignats in France, was + greater than the preceding emission, to make head against the advance of + prices, till the combat could be maintained no longer. Herein is founded + the necessity of which I have just spoken. That necessity proceeds with + accelerating velocity, and the ratio I have laid down is the measure of + that acceleration; or, to speak the technical language of the subject, it + is the measure of the increasing depreciation of funded paper money, which + it is impossible to prevent while the quantity of that money and of bank + notes continues to multiply. What else but this can account for the + difference between one war costing 21 millions, and another war costing + 160 millions? + </p> + <p> + The difference cannot be accounted for on the score of extraordinary + efforts or extraordinary achievements. The war that cost twenty-one + millions was the war of the con-federates, historically called the grand + alliance, consisting of England, Austria, and Holland in the time of + William III. against Louis XIV. and in which the confederates were + victorious. The present is a war of a much greater confederacy—a + confederacy of England, Austria, Prussia, the German Empire, Spain, + Holland, Naples, and Sardinia, eight powers, against the French Republic + singly, and the Republic has beaten the whole confederacy.—But to + return to my subject. + </p> + <p> + It is said in England, that the value of paper keeps equal with the value + of gold and silver. But the case is not rightly stated; for the fact is, + that the paper has <i>pulled down</i> the value of gold and silver to a + level with itself. Gold and silver will not purchase so much of any + purchasable article at this day as if no paper had appeared, nor so much + as it will in any country in Europe where there is no paper. How long this + hanging together of money and paper will continue, makes a new case; + because it daily exposes the system to sudden death, independent of the + natural death it would otherwise suffer. + </p> + <p> + I consider the funding system as being now advanced into the last twenty + years of its existence. The single circumstance, were there no other, that + a war should now cost nominally one hundred and sixty millions, which when + the system began cost but twenty-one millions, or that the loan for one + year only (including the loan to the Emperor) should now be nominally + greater than the whole expense of that war, shows the state of + depreciation to which the funding system has arrived. Its depreciation is + in the proportion of eight for one, compared with the value of its money + when the system began; which is the state the French assignats stood a + year ago (March 1795) compared with gold and silver. It is therefore that + I say, that the English funding system has entered on the last twenty + years of its existence, comparing each twenty years of the English system + with every single year of the American and French systems, as before + stated. + </p> + <p> + Again, supposing the present war to close as former wars have done, and + without producing either revolution or reform in England, another war at + least must be looked for in the space of the twenty years I allude to; for + it has never yet happened that twenty years have passed off without a war, + and that more especially since the English government has dabbled in + German politics, and shown a disposition to insult the world, and the + world of commerce, with her navy. The next war will carry the national + debt to very nearly seven hundred millions, the interest of which, at four + per cent, will be twenty-eight millions besides the taxes for the (then) + expenses of government, which will increase in the same proportion, and + which will carry the taxes to at least forty millions; and if another war + only begins, it will quickly carry them to above fifty; for it is in the + last twenty years of the funding system, as in the last year of the + American and French systems without funding, that all the great shocks + begin to operate. + </p> + <p> + I have just mentioned that, paper in England has <i>pulled down</i> the + value of gold and silver to a level with itself; and that <i>this pulling + dawn</i> of gold and silver money has created the appearance of paper + money keeping up. The same thing, and the same mistake, took place in + America and in France, and continued for a considerable time after the + commencement of their system of paper; and the actual depreciation of + money was hidden under that mistake. + </p> + <p> + It was said in America, at that time, that everything was becoming <i>dear</i>; + but gold and silver could then buy those dear articles no cheaper than + paper could; and therefore it was not called depreciation. The idea of <i>dearness</i> + established itself for the idea of depreciation. The same was the case in + France. Though every thing rose in price soon after assignats appeared, + yet those dear articles could be purchased no cheaper with gold and + silver, than with paper, and it was only said that things were <i>dear</i>. + The same is still the language in England. They call it <i>deariness</i>. + But they will soon find that it is an actual depreciation, and that this + depreciation is the effect of the funding system; which, by crowding such + a continually increasing mass of paper into circulation, carries down the + value of gold and silver with it. But gold and silver, will, in the long + run, revolt against depreciation, and separate from the value of paper; + for the progress of all such systems appears to be, that the paper will + take the command in the beginning, and gold and silver in the end. + </p> + <p> + But this succession in the command of gold and silver over paper, makes a + crisis far more eventful to the funding system than to any other system + upon which paper can be issued; for, strictly speaking, it is not a crisis + of danger but a symptom of death. It is a death-stroke to the funding + system. It is a revolution in the whole of its affairs. + </p> + <p> + If paper be issued without being funded upon interest, emissions of it can + be continued after the value of it separates from gold and silver, as we + have seen in the two cases of America and France. But the funding system + rests altogether upon the value of paper being equal to gold and silver; + which will be as long as the paper can continue carrying down the value of + gold and silver to the same level to which itself descends, and no longer. + But even in this state, that of descending equally together, the minister, + whoever he may be, will find himself beset with accumulating difficulties; + because the loans and taxes voted for the service of each ensuing year + will wither in his hands before the year expires, or before they can be + applied. This will force him to have recourse to emissions of what are + called exchequer and navy bills, which, by still increasing the mass of + paper in circulation, will drive on the depreciation still more rapidly. + </p> + <p> + It ought to be known that taxes in England are not paid in gold and + silver, but in paper (bank notes). Every person who pays any considerable + quantity of taxes, such as maltsters, brewers, distillers, (I appeal for + the truth of it, to any of the collectors of excise in England, or to Mr. + White-bread,)(1) knows this to be the case. There is not gold and silver + enough in the nation to pay the taxes in coin, as I shall show; and + consequently there is not money enough in the bank to pay the notes. The + interest of the national funded debt is paid at the bank in the same kind + of paper in which the taxes are collected. When people find, as they will + find, a reservedness among each other in giving gold and silver for bank + notes, or the least preference for the former over the latter, they will + go for payment to the bank, where they have a right to go. They will do + this as a measure of prudence, each one for himself, and the truth or + delusion of the funding system will then be proved. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 An eminent Member of Parliament.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I have said in the foregoing paragraph that there is not gold and silver + enough in the nation to pay the taxes in coin, and consequently that there + cannot be enough in the bank to pay the notes. As I do not choose to rest + anything upon assertion, I appeal for the truth of this to the + publications of Mr. Eden (now called Lord Auckland) and George Chalmers, + Secretary to the Board of Trade and Plantation, of which Jenkinson (now + Lord Hawkesbury) is president.(1) (These sort of folks change their names + so often that it is as difficult to know them as it is to know a thief.) + Chalmers gives the quantity of gold and silver coin from the returns of + coinage at the Mint; and after deducting for the light gold recoined, says + that the amount of gold and silver coined is about twenty millions. He had + better not have proved this, especially if he had reflected that <i>public + credit is suspicion asleep</i>. The quantity is much too little. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Concerning Chalmers and Hawkesbury see vol. ii., p. 533. + Also, preface to my "Life of Paine", xvi., and other + passages.—-<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Of this twenty millions (which is not a fourth part of the quantity of + gold and silver there is in France, as is shown in Mr. Neckar's Treatise + on the Administration of the Finances) three millions at least must be + supposed to be in Ireland, some in Scotland, and in the West Indies, + Newfoundland, &c. The quantity therefore in England cannot be more + than sixteen millions, which is four millions less than the amount of the + taxes. But admitting that there are sixteen millions, not more than a + fourth part thereof (four millions) can be in London, when it is + considered that every city, town, village, and farm-house in the nation + must have a part of it, and that all the great manufactories, which most + require cash, are out of London. Of this four millions in London, every + banker, merchant, tradesman, in short every individual, must have some. He + must be a poor shopkeeper indeed, who has not a few guineas in his till. + The quantity of cash therefore in the bank can never, on the evidence of + circumstances, be so much as two millions; most probably not more than one + million; and on this slender twig, always liable to be broken, hangs the + whole funding system of four hundred millions, besides many millions in + bank notes. The sum in the bank is not sufficient to pay one-fourth of + only one year's interest of the national debt, were the creditors to + demand payment in cash, or demand cash for the bank notes in which the + interest is paid, a circumstance always liable to happen. + </p> + <p> + One of the amusements that has kept up the farce of the funding system is, + that the interest is regularly paid. But as the interest is always paid in + bank notes, and as bank notes can always be coined for the purpose, this + mode of payment proves nothing. The point of proof is, can the bank give + cash for the bank notes with which the interest is paid? If it cannot, and + it is evident it cannot, some millions of bank notes must go without + payment, and those holders of bank notes who apply last will be worst off. + When the present quantity of cash in the bank is paid away, it is next to + impossible to see how any new quantity is to arrive. None will arrive from + taxes, for the taxes will all be paid in bank notes; and should the + government refuse bank notes in payment of taxes, the credit of bank notes + will be gone at once. No cash will arise from the business of discounting + merchants' bills; for every merchant will pay off those bills in bank + notes, and not in cash. There is therefore no means left for the bank to + obtain a new supply of cash, after the present quantity is paid away. But + besides the impossibility of paying the interest of the funded debt in + cash, there are many thousand persons, in London and in the country, who + are holders of bank notes that came into their hands in the fair way of + trade, and who are not stockholders in the funds; and as such persons have + had no hand in increasing the demand upon the bank, as those have had who + for their own private interest, like Boyd and others, are contracting or + pretending to contract for new loans, they will conceive they have a just + right that their bank notes should be paid first. Boyd has been very sly + in France, in changing his paper into cash. He will be just as sly in + doing the same thing in London, for he has learned to calculate; and then + it is probable he will set off for America. + </p> + <p> + A stoppage of payment at the bank is not a new thing. Smith in his Wealth + of Nations, book ii. chap. 2, says, that in the year 1696, exchequer bills + fell forty, fifty, and sixty per cent; bank notes twenty per cent; and the + bank stopped payment. That which happened in 1696 may happen again in + 1796. The period in which it happened was the last year of the war of King + William. It necessarily put a stop to the further emissions of exchequer + and navy bills, and to the raising of new loans; and the peace which took + place the next year was probably hurried on by this circumstance, and + saved the bank from bankruptcy. Smith in speaking from the circumstances + of the bank, upon another occasion, says (book ii. chap. 2.) "This great + company had been reduced to the necessity of paying in sixpences." When a + bank adopts the expedient of paying in sixpences, it is a confession of + insolvency. + </p> + <p> + It is worthy of observation, that every case of failure in finances, since + the system of paper began, has produced a revolution in governments, + either total or partial. A failure in the finances of France produced the + French revolution. A failure in the finance of the assignats broke up the + revolutionary government, and produced the present French Constitution. A + failure in the finances of the Old Congress of America, and the + embarrassments it brought upon commerce, broke up the system of the old + confederation, and produced the federal Constitution. If, then, we admit + of reasoning by comparison of causes and events, the failure of the + English finances will produce some change in the government of that + country. + </p> + <p> + As to Mr. Pitt's project of paying off the national debt by applying a + million a-year for that purpose, while he continues adding more than + twenty millions a-year to it, it is like setting a man with a wooden leg + to run after a hare. The longer he runs the farther he is off. + </p> + <p> + When I said that the funding system had entered the last twenty years of + its existence, I certainly did not mean that it would continue twenty + years, and then expire as a lease would do. I meant to describe that age + of decrepitude in which death is every day to be expected, and life cannot + continue long. But the death of credit, or that state that is called + bankruptcy, is not always marked by those progressive stages of visible + decline that marked the decline of natural life. In the progression of + natural life age cannot counterfeit youth, nor conceal the departure of + juvenile abilities. But it is otherwise with respect to the death of + credit; for though all the approaches to bankruptcy may actually exist in + circumstances, they admit of being concealed by appearances. Nothing is + more common than to see the bankrupt of to-day a man in credit but the day + before; yet no sooner is the real state of his affairs known, than every + body can see he had been insolvent long before. In London, the greatest + theatre of bankruptcy in Europe, this part of the subject will be well and + feelingly understood. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Pitt continually talks of credit, and the national resources. These + are two of the feigned appearances by which the approaches to bankruptcy + are concealed. That which he calls credit may exist, as I have just shown, + in a state of insolvency, and is always what I have before described it to + be, <i>suspicion asleep</i>. + </p> + <p> + As to national resources, Mr. Pitt, like all English financiers that + preceded him since the funding system began, has uniformly mistaken the + nature of a resource; that is, they have mistaken it consistently with the + delusion of the funding system; but time is explaining the delusion. That + which he calls, and which they call, a resource, is not a resource, but is + the <i>anticipation</i> of a resource. They have anticipated what <i>would + have been</i> a resource in another generation, had not the use of it been + so anticipated. The funding system is a system of anticipation. Those who + established it an hundred years ago anticipated the resources of those who + were to live an hundred years after; for the people of the present day + have to pay the interest of the debts contracted at that time, and all + debts contracted since. But it is the last feather that breaks the horse's + back. Had the system begun an hundred years before, the amount of taxes at + this time to pay the annual interest at four per cent. (could we suppose + such a system of insanity could have continued) would be two hundred and + twenty millions annually: for the capital of the debt would be 5486 + millions, according to the ratio that ascertains the expense of the wars + for the hundred years that are past. But long before it could have reached + this period, the value of bank notes, from the immense quantity of them, + (for it is in paper only that such a nominal revenue could be collected,) + would have been as low or lower than continental paper has been in + America, or assignats in France; and as to the idea of exchanging them for + gold and silver, it is too absurd to be contradicted. + </p> + <p> + Do we not see that nature, in all her operations, disowns the visionary + basis upon which the funding system is built? She acts always by renewed + successions, and never by accumulating additions perpetually progressing. + Animals and vegetables, men and trees, have existed since the world began: + but that existence has been carried on by succession of generations, and + not by continuing the same men and the same trees in existence that + existed first; and to make room for the new she removes the old. Every + natural idiot can see this; it is the stock-jobbing idiot only that + mistakes. He has conceived that art can do what nature cannot. He is + teaching her a new system—that there is no occasion for man to die—that + the scheme of creation can be carried on upon the plan of the funding + system—that it can proceed by continual additions of new beings, + like new loans, and all live together in eternal youth. Go, count the + graves, thou idiot, and learn the folly of thy arithmetic! + </p> + <p> + But besides these things, there is something visibly farcical in the whole + operation of loaning. It is scarcely more than four years ago that such a + rot of bankruptcy spread itself over London, that the whole commercial + fabric tottered; trade and credit were at a stand; and such was the state + of things that, to prevent or suspend a general bankruptcy, the government + lent the merchants six millions in <i>government</i> paper, and now the + merchants lend the government twenty-two millions in <i>their</i> paper; + and two parties, Boyd and Morgan, men but little known, contend who shall + be the lenders. What a farce is this! It reduces the operation of loaning + to accommodation paper, in which the competitors contend, not who shall + lend, but who shall sign, because there is something to be got for + signing. + </p> + <p> + Every English stock-jobber and minister boasts of the credit of England. + Its credit, say they, is greater than that of any country in Europe. There + is a good reason for this: for there is not another country in Europe that + could be made the dupe of such a delusion. The English funding system will + remain a monument of wonder, not so much on account of the extent to which + it has been carried, as of the folly of believing in it. + </p> + <p> + Those who had formerly predicted that the funding system would break up + when the debt should amount to one hundred or one hundred and fifty + millions, erred only in not distinguishing between insolvency and actual + bankruptcy; for the insolvency commenced as soon as the government became + unable to pay the interest in cash, or to give cash for the bank notes in + which the interest was paid, whether that inability was known or not, or + whether it was suspected or not. Insolvency always takes place before + bankruptcy; for bankruptcy is nothing more than the publication of that + insolvency. In the affairs of an individual, it often happens that + insolvency exists several years before bankruptcy, and that the insolvency + is concealed and carried on till the individual is not able to pay one + shilling in the pound. A government can ward off bankruptcy longer than an + individual: but insolvency will inevitably produce bankruptcy, whether in + an individual or in a government. If then the quantity of bank notes + payable on demand, which the bank has issued, are greater than the bank + can pay off, the bank is insolvent: and when that insolvency is declared, + it is bankruptcy.(*) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Among the delusions that have been imposed upon the + nation by ministers to give a false colouring to its + affairs, and by none more than by Mr. Pitt, is a motley, + amphibious-charactered thing called the <i>balance of trade</i>. + This balance of trade, as it is called, is taken from the + custom-house books, in which entries are made of all cargoes + exported, and also of all cargoes imported, in each year; + and when the value of the exports, according to the price + set upon them by the exporter or by the custom-house, is + greater than the value of the imports, estimated in the same + manner, they say the balance of trade is much in their + favour. + + The custom-house books prove regularly enough that so many + cargoes have been exported, and so many imported; but this + is all that they prove, or were intended to prove. They have + nothing to do with the balance of profit or loss; and it is + ignorance to appeal to them upon that account: for the case + is, that the greater the loss is in any one year, the higher + will this thing called the balance of trade appear to be + according to the custom-house books. For example, nearly the + whole of the Mediterranean convoy has been taken by the + French this year; consequently those cargoes will not + appear as imports on the custom-house books, and therefore + the balance of trade, by which they mean the profits of it, + will appear to be so much the greater as the loss amounts to; + and, on the other hand, had the loss not happened, the + profits would have appeared to have been so much the less. + All the losses happening at sea to returning cargoes, by + accidents, by the elements, or by capture, make the balance + appear the higher on the side of the exports; and were they + all lost at sea, it would appear to be all profit on the + custom-house books. Also every cargo of exports that is lost + that occasions another to be sent, adds in like manner to + the side of the exports, and appears as profit. This year + the balance of trade will appear high, because the losses + have been great by capture and by storms. The ignorance of + the British Parliament in listening to this hackneyed + imposition of ministers about the balance of trade is + astonishing. It shows how little they know of national + affairs—and Mr. Grey may as well talk Greek to them, as to + make motions about the state of the nation. They understand + only fox-hunting and the game laws,—<i>Author</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I come now to show the several ways by which bank notes get into + circulation: I shall afterwards offer an estimate on the total quantity or + amount of bank notes existing at this moment. + </p> + <p> + The bank acts in three capacities. As a bank of discount; as a bank of + deposit; and as a banker for the government. + </p> + <p> + First, as a bank of discount. The bank discounts merchants' bills of + exchange for two months. When a merchant has a bill that will become due + at the end of two months, and wants payment before that time, the bank + advances that payment to him, deducting therefrom at the rate of five per + cent, per annum. The bill of exchange remains at the bank as a pledge or + pawn, and at the end of two months it must be redeemed. This transaction + is done altogether in paper; for the profits of the bank, as a bank of + discount, arise entirely from its making use of paper as money. The bank + gives bank notes to the merchant in discounting the bill of exchange, and + the redeemer of the bill pays bank notes to the bank in redeeming it. It + very seldom happens that any real money passes between them. + </p> + <p> + If the profits of a bank be, for example, two hundred thousand pounds a + year (a great sum to be made merely by exchanging one sort of paper for + another, and which shows also that the merchants of that place are pressed + for money for payments, instead of having money to spare to lend to + government,) it proves that the bank discounts to the amount of four + millions annually, or 666,666L. every two months; and as there never + remain in the bank more than two months' pledges, of the value of + 666,666L., at any one time, the amount of bank notes in circulation at any + one time should not be more than to that amount. This is sufficient to + show that the present immense quantity of bank notes, which are + distributed through every city, town, village, and farm-house in England, + cannot be accounted for on the score of discounting. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, as a bank of deposit. To deposit money at the bank means to + lodge it there for the sake of convenience, and to be drawn out at any + moment the depositor pleases, or to be paid away to his order. When the + business of discounting is great, that of depositing is necessarily small. + No man deposits and applies for discounts at the same time; for it would + be like paying interest for lending money, instead of for borrowing it. + The deposits that are now made at the bank are almost entirely in bank + notes, and consequently they add nothing to the ability of the bank to pay + off the bank notes that may be presented for payment; and besides this, + the deposits are no more the property of the bank than the cash or bank + notes in a merchant's counting-house are the property of his book-keeper. + No great increase therefore of bank notes, beyond what the discounting + business admits, can be accounted for on the score of deposits. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, the bank acts as banker for the government. This is the + connection that threatens to ruin every public bank. It is through this + connection that the credit of a bank is forced far beyond what it ought to + be, and still further beyond its ability to pay. It is through this + connection, that such an immense redundant quantity of bank notes, have + gotten into circulation; and which, instead of being issued because there + was property in the bank, have been issued because there was none. + </p> + <p> + When the treasury is empty, which happens in almost every year of every + war, its coffers at the bank are empty also. It is in this condition of + emptiness that the minister has recourse to emissions of what are called + exchequer and navy bills, which continually generates a new increase of + bank notes, and which are sported upon the public, without there being + property in the bank to pay them. These exchequer and navy bills (being, + as I have said, emitted because the treasury and its coffers at the bank + are empty, and cannot pay the demands that come in) are no other than an + acknowledgment that the bearer is entitled to receive so much money. They + may be compared to the settlement of an account, in which the debtor + acknowledges the balance he owes, and for which he gives a note of hand; + or to a note of hand given to raise money upon it. + </p> + <p> + Sometimes the bank discounts those bills as it would discount merchants' + bills of exchange; sometimes it purchases them of the holders at the + current price; and sometimes it agrees with the ministers to pay an + interest upon them to the holders, and keep them in circulation. In every + one of these cases an additional quantity of bank notes gets into + circulation, and are sported, as I have said, upon the public, without + there being property in the bank, as banker for the government, to pay + them; and besides this, the bank has now no money of its own; for the + money that was originally subscribed to begin the credit of the bank with, + at its first establishment, has been lent to government and wasted long + ago. + </p> + <p> + "The bank" (says Smith, book ii. chap. 2.) "acts not only as an ordinary + bank, but as a great engine of State; it receives and pays a greater part + of the annuities which are due to the creditors of the <i>public</i>." (It + is worth observing, that the <i>public</i>, or the <i>nation</i>, is + always put for the government, in speaking of debts.) "It circulates" + (says Smith) "exchequer bills, and it advances to government the annual + amount of the land and malt taxes, which are frequently not paid till + several years afterwards." (This advancement is also done in bank notes, + for which there is not property in the bank.) "In those different + operations" (says Smith) "<i>its duty to the public</i> may sometimes have + obliged it, without any fault of its directors, <i>to overstock the + circulation with paper money</i>."—bank notes. How its <i>duty</i> + to <i>the public</i> can induce it <i>to overstock that public</i> with + promissory bank notes which it <i>cannot pay</i>, and thereby expose the + individuals of that public to ruin, is too paradoxical to be explained; + for it is on the credit which individuals <i>give to the bank</i>, by + receiving and circulating its notes, and not upon its <i>own</i> credit or + its <i>own</i> property, for it has none, that the bank sports. If, + however, it be the duty of the bank to expose the public to this hazard, + it is at least equally the duty of the individuals of that public to get + their money and take care of themselves; and leave it to placemen, + pensioners, government contractors, Reeves' association, and the members + of both houses of Parliament, who have voted away the money at the nod of + the minister, to continue the credit if they can, and for which their + estates individually and collectively ought to answer, as far as they will + go. + </p> + <p> + There has always existed, and still exists, a mysterious, suspicious + connection, between the minister and the directors of the bank, and which + explains itself no otherways than by a continual increase in bank notes. + Without, therefore, entering into any further details of the various + contrivances by which bank notes are issued, and thrown upon the public, I + proceed, as I before mentioned, to offer an estimate on the total quantity + of bank notes in circulation. + </p> + <p> + However disposed governments may be to wring money by taxes from the + people, there is a limit to the practice established by the nature of + things. That limit is the proportion between the quantity of money in a + nation, be that quantity what it may, and the greatest quantity of taxes + that can be raised upon it. People have other uses for money besides + paying taxes; and it is only a proportional part of the money they can + spare for taxes, as it is only a proportional part they can spare for + house-rent, for clothing, or for any other particular use. These + proportions find out and establish themselves; and that with such + exactness, that if any one part exceeds its proportion, all the other + parts feel it. + </p> + <p> + Before the invention of paper money (bank notes,) there was no other money + in the nation than gold and silver, and the greatest quantity of money + that was ever raised in taxes during that period never exceeded a fourth + part of the quantity of money in the nation. It was high taxing when it + came to this point. The taxes in the time of William III. never reached to + four millions before the invention of paper, and the quantity of money in + the nation at that time was estimated to be about sixteen millions. The + same proportions established themselves in France. There was no paper + money in France before the present revolution, and the taxes were + collected in gold and silver money. The highest quantity of taxes never + exceeded twenty-two millions sterling; and the quantity of gold and silver + money in the nation at the same time, as stated by M. Neckar, from returns + of coinage at the Mint, in his Treatise on the Administration of the + Finances, was about ninety millions sterling. To go beyond this limit of a + fourth part, in England, they were obliged to introduce paper money; and + the attempt to go beyond it in France, where paper could not be + introduced, broke up the government. This proportion, therefore, of a + fourth part, is the limit which the thing establishes for itself, be the + quantity of money in a nation more or less. + </p> + <p> + The amount of taxes in England at this time is full twenty millions; and + therefore the quantity of gold and silver, and of bank notes, taken + together, amounts to eighty millions. The quantity of gold and silver, as + stated by Lord Hawkes-bury's Secretary, George Chalmers, as I have before + shown, is twenty millions; and, therefore, the total amount of bank notes + in circulation, all made payable on demand, is sixty millions. This + enormous sum will astonish the most stupid stock-jobber, and overpower the + credulity of the most thoughtless Englishman: but were it only a third + part of that sum, the bank cannot pay half a crown in the pound. + </p> + <p> + There is something curious in the movements of this modern complicated + machine, the funding system; and it is only now that it is beginning to + unfold the full extent of its movements. In the first part of its + movements it gives great powers into the hands of government, and in the + last part it takes them completely away. + </p> + <p> + The funding system set out with raising revenues under the name of loans, + by means of which government became both prodigal and powerful. The + loaners assumed the name of creditors, and though it was soon discovered + that loaning was government-jobbing, those pretended loaners, or the + persons who purchased into the funds afterwards, conceived themselves not + only to be creditors, but to be the <i>only</i> creditors. + </p> + <p> + But such has been the operation of this complicated machine, the funding + system, that it has produced, unperceived, a second generation of + creditors, more numerous and far more formidable and withal more real than + the first generation; for every holder of a bank note is a creditor, and a + real creditor, and the debt due to him is made payable on demand. The debt + therefore which the government owes to individuals is composed of two + parts; the one about four hundred millions bearing interest, the other + about sixty millions payable on demand. The one is called the funded debt, + the other is the debt due in bank notes. + </p> + <p> + The second debt (that contained in the bank notes) has, in a great + measure, been incurred to pay the interest of the first debt; so that in + fact little or no real interest has been paid by government. The whole has + been delusion and fraud. Government first contracted a debt, in the form + of loans, with one class of people, and then run clandestinely into debt + with another class, by means of bank notes, to pay the interest. + Government acted of itself in contracting the first debt, and made a + machine of the bank to contract the second. It is this second debt that + changes the seat of power and the order of things; for it puts it in the + power of even a small part of the holders of bank notes (had they no other + motives than disgust at Pitt and Grenville's sedition bills,) to control + any measure of government they found to be injurious to their interest; + and that not by popular meetings, or popular societies, but by the simple + and easy opera-tion of withholding their credit from that government; that + is, by individually demanding payment at the bank for every bank note that + comes into their hands. Why should Pitt and Grenville expect that the very + men whom they insult and injure, should, at the same time, continue to + support the measures of Pitt and Grenville, by giving credit to their + promissory notes of payment? No new emissions of bank notes could go on + while payment was demanding on the old, and the cash in the bank wasting + daily away; nor any new advances be made to government, or to the emperor, + to carry on the war; nor any new emission be made on exchequer bills. + </p> + <p> + "<i>The bank</i>" says Smith, (book ii. chap. 2) "<i>is a great engine of + state</i>." And in the same paragraph he says, "<i>The stability of the + bank is equal to that of the British government</i>;" which is the same as + to say that the stability of the government is equal to that of the bank, + and no more. If then the bank cannot pay, the <i>arch-treasurer</i> of the + holy Roman empire (S. R. I. A.*) is a bankrupt. When Folly invented + titles, she did not attend to their application; forever since the + government of England has been in the hands of <i>arch-treasurers</i>, it + has been running into bankruptcy; and as to the arch-treasurer <i>apparent</i>, + he has been a bankrupt long ago. What a miserable prospect has England + before its eyes! + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Put of the inscription on an English guinea.—<i>Author</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Before the war of 1755 there were no bank notes lower than twenty pounds. + During that war, bank notes of fifteen pounds and of ten pounds were + coined; and now, since the commencement of the present war, they are + coined as low as five pounds. These five-pound notes will circulate + chiefly among little shop-keepers, butchers, bakers, market-people, + renters of small houses, lodgers, &c. All the high departments of + commerce and the affluent stations of life were already <i>overstocked</i>, + as Smith expresses it, with the bank notes. No place remained open wherein + to crowd an additional quantity of bank notes but among the class of + people I have just mentioned, and the means of doing this could be best + effected by coining five-pound notes. This conduct has the appearance of + that of an unprincipled insolvent, who, when on the verge of bankruptcy to + the amount of many thousands, will borrow as low as five pounds of the + servants in his house, and break the next day. + </p> + <p> + But whatever momentary relief or aid the minister and his bank might + expect from this low contrivance of five-pound notes, it will increase the + inability of the bank to pay the higher notes, and hasten the destruction + of all; for even the small taxes that used to be paid in money will now be + paid in those notes, and the bank will soon find itself with scarcely any + other money than what the hair-powder guinea-tax brings in. + </p> + <p> + The bank notes make the most serious part of the business of finance: what + is called the national funded debt is but a trifle when put in comparison + with it; yet the case of the bank notes has never been touched upon. But + it certainly ought to be known upon what authority, whether that of the + minister or of the directors, and upon what foundation, such immense + quantities are issued. I have stated the amount of them at sixty millions; + I have produced data for that estimation; and besides this, the apparent + quantity of them, far beyond that of gold and silver in the nation, + corroborates the statement. But were there but a third part of sixty + millions, the bank cannot pay half a crown in the pound; for no new supply + of money, as before said, can arrive at the bank, as all the taxes will be + paid in paper. + </p> + <p> + When the funding system began, it was not doubted that the loans that had + been borrowed would be repaid. Government not only propagated that belief, + but it began paying them off. In time this profession came to be + abandoned: and it is not difficult to see that bank notes will march the + same way; for the amount of them is only another debt under another name; + and the probability is that Mr. Pitt will at last propose funding them. In + that case bank notes will not be so valuable as French assignats. The + assignats have a solid property in reserve, in the national domains; bank + notes have none; and, besides this, the English revenue must then sink + down to what the amount of it was before the funding system began—between + three and four millions; one of which the <i>arch-treasurer</i> would + require for himself, and the arch-treasurer <i>apparent</i> would require + three-quarters of a million more to pay his debts. "<i>In France</i>," + says Sterne, "<i>they order these things better</i>." + </p> + <p> + I have now exposed the English system of finance to the eyes of all + nations; for this work will be published in all languages. In doing this, + I have done an act of justice to those numerous citizens of neutral + nations who have been imposed upon by that fraudulent system, and who have + property at stake upon the event. + </p> + <p> + As an individual citizen of America, and as far as an individual can go, I + have revenged (if I may use the expression without any immoral meaning) + the piratical depredations committed on the American commerce by the + English government. I have retaliated for France on the subject of + finance: and I conclude with retorting on Mr. Pitt the expression he used + against France, and say, that the English system of finance "is on the + verge, nay even in the + </p> + <p> + GULPH OF BANKRUPTCY." + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + PARIS, 19th Germinal. 4th year of the Republic, April 8, 1796. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0028" id="Dlink2H_4_0028"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXVII. FORGETFULNESS.(1) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This undated composition, of much biographical interest, + was shown by Paine to Henry Redhead Yorke, who visited him + in Paris (1802), and was allowed to copy the only portions + now preserved. In the last of Yorke's Letters from France + (Lond., 1814), thirty-three pages are given to Paine. Under + the name "Little Corner of the World," Lady Smyth wrote + cheering letters to Paine in his prison, and he replied to + his then unknown correspondent under the name of "The Castle + in die Air." After his release he discovered in his + correspondent a lady who had appealed to him for assistance, + no doubt for her husband. With Sir Robert (an English banker + in Paris) and Lady Smyth, Paine formed a fast friendship + which continued through life. Sir Robert was born in 1744, + and married (1776) a Miss Blake of Hanover Square, London. + He died in 1802 of illness brought on by his imprisonment + under Napoleon. Several of Paine's poems were addressed to + Lady Smyth.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + FROM "THE CASTLE IN THE AIR," TO THE "LITTLE CORNER OF THE WORLD." + </p> + <p> + Memory, like a beauty that is always present to hear her-self flattered, + is flattered by every one. But the absent and silent goddess, + Forgetfulness, has no votaries, and is never thought of: yet we owe her + much. She is the goddess of ease, though not of pleasure. + </p> + <p> + When the mind is like a room hung with black, and every corner of it + crowded with the most horrid images imagination can create, this kind + speechless goddess of a maid, Forgetfulness, is following us night and day + with her opium wand, and gently touching first one, and then another, + benumbs them into rest, and at last glides them away with the silence of a + departing shadow. It is thus the tortured mind is restored to the calm + condition of ease, and fitted for happiness. + </p> + <p> + How dismal must the picture of life appear to the mind in that dreadful + moment when it resolves on darkness, and to die! One can scarcely believe + such a choice was possible. Yet how many of the young and beautiful, timid + in every thing else, and formed for delight, have shut their eyes upon the + world, and made the waters their sepulchral bed! Ah, would they in that + crisis, when life and death are before them, and each within their reach, + would they but think, or try to think, that Forgetfulness will come to + their relief, and lull them into ease, they could stay their hand, and lay + hold of life. But there is a necromancy in wretchedness that entombs the + mind, and increases the misery, by shutting out every ray of light and + hope. It makes the wretched falsely believe they will be wretched ever. It + is the most fatal of all dangerous delusions; and it is only when this + necromantic night-mare of the mind begins to vanish, by being resisted, + that it is discovered to be but a tyrannic spectre. All grief, like all + things else, will yield to the obliterating power of time. While despair + is preying on the mind, time and its effects are preying on despair; and + certain it is, the dismal vision will fade away, and Forgetfulness, with + her sister Ease, will change the scene. Then let not the wretched be rash, + but wait, painful as the struggle may be, the arrival of Forgetfulness; + for it will certainly arrive. + </p> + <p> + I have twice been present at the scene of attempted suicide. The one a + love-distracted girl in England, the other of a patriotic friend in + France; and as the circumstances of each are strongly pictured in my + memory, I will relate them to you. They will in some measure corroborate + what I have said of Forgetfulness. + </p> + <p> + About the year 1766, I was in Lincolnshire, in England, and on a visit at + the house of a widow lady, Mrs. E____, at a small village in the fens of + that county. It was in summer; and one evening after supper, Mrs. E____ + and myself went to take a turn in the garden. It was about eleven o'clock, + and to avoid the night air of the fens, we were walking in a bower, shaded + over with hazel bushes. On a sudden, she screamed out, and cried "Lord, + look, look!" I cast my eyes through the openings of the hazel bushes in + the direction she was looking, and saw a white shapeless figure, without + head or arms, moving along one of the walks at some distance from us. I + quitted Mrs. E______, and went after it. When I got into the walk where + the figure was, and was following it, it took up another walk. There was a + holly bush in the corner of the two walks, which, it being night, I did + not observe; and as I continued to step forward, the holly bush came in a + straight line between me and the figure, and I lost sight of it; and as I + passed along one walk, and the figure the other, the holly bush still + continued to intercept the view, so as to give the appearance that the + figure had vanished. When I came to the corner of the two walks, I caught + sight of it again, and coming up with it, I reached out my hand to touch + it; and in the act of doing this, the idea struck me, will my hand pass + through the air, or shall I feel any thing? Less than a moment would + decide this, and my hand rested on the shoulder of a human figure. I + spoke, but do not recollect what I said. It answered in a low voice, "Pray + let me alone." I then knew who it was. It was a young lady who was on a + visit to Mrs. E———, and who, when we sat down to supper, + said she found herself extremely ill, and would go to bed. I called to + Mrs. E———, who came, and I said to her, "It is Miss N———." + Mrs. E——— said, "My God, I hope you are not going to do + yourself any hurt;" for Mrs. E——— suspected something. + She replied with pathetic melancholy, "Life has not one pleasure for me." + We got her into the house, and Mrs. E——— took her to + sleep with her. + </p> + <p> + The case was, the man to whom she expected to be married had forsaken her, + and when she heard he was to be married to another the shock appeared to + her to be too great to be borne. She had retired, as I have said, to her + room, and when she supposed all the family were gone to bed, (which would + have been the case if Mrs. E——— and I had not walked + into the garden,) she undressed herself, and tied her apron over her head; + which, descending below her waist, gave her the shapeless figure I have + spoken of. With this and a white under petticoat and slippers, for she had + taken out her buckles and put them at the servant maid's door, I suppose + as a keepsake, and aided by the obscurity of almost midnight, she came + down stairs, and was going to drown her-self in a pond at the bottom of + the garden, towards which she was going when Mrs. E———screamed + out. We found afterwards that she had heard the scream, and that was the + cause of her changing her walk. + </p> + <p> + By gentle usage, and leading her into subjects that might, without doing + violence to her feelings, and without letting her see the direct intention + of it, steal her as it were from the horror she was in, (and I felt a + compassionate, earnest disposition to do it, for she was a good girl,) she + recovered her former cheerfulness, and was afterwards a happy wife, and + the mother of a family. + </p> + <p> + The other case, and the conclusion in my next: In Paris, in 1793, had + lodgings in the Rue Fauxbourg, St. Denis, No. 63.(1) They were the most + agreeable, for situation, of any I ever had in Paris, except that they + were too remote from the Convention, of which I was then a member. But + this was recompensed by their being also remote from the alarms and + confusion into which the interior of Paris was then often thrown. The news + of those things used to arrive to us, as if we were in a state of + tranquility in the country. The house, which was enclosed by a wall and + gateway from the street, was a good deal like an old mansion farm house, + and the court yard was like a farm-yard, stocked with fowls, ducks, + turkies, and geese; which, for amusement, we used to feed out of the + parlour window on the ground floor. There were some hutches for rabbits, + and a sty with two pigs. Beyond, was a garden of more than an acre of + ground, well laid out, and stocked with excellent fruit trees. The orange, + apricot, and green-gage plum, were the best I ever tasted; and it is the + only place where I saw the wild cucumber. The place had formerly been + occupied by some curious person.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This ancient mansion is still standing (1895).—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Madame de Pompadour, among others.—<i>Editor.</i>; +</pre> + <p> + My apartments consisted of three rooms; the first for wood, water, etc., + with an old fashioned closet chest, high enough to hang up clothes in; the + next was the bed room; and beyond it the sitting room, which looked into + the garden through a glass door; and on the outside there was a small + landing place railed in, and a flight of narrow stairs almost hidden by + the vines that grew over it, by which I could descend into the garden, + without going down stairs through the house. I am trying by description to + make you see the place in your mind, because it will assist the story I + have to tell; and which I think you can do, because you once called upon + me there on account of Sir [Robert Smyth], who was then, as I was soon + afterwards, in arrestation. But it was winter when you came, and it is a + summer scene I am describing. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + I went into my chambers to write and sign a certificate for them, which I + intended to take to the guard house to obtain their release. Just as I had + finished it a man came into my room dressed in the Parisian uniform of a + captain, and spoke to me in good English, and with a good address. He told + me that two young men, Englishmen, were arrested and detained in the guard + house, and that the section, (meaning those who represented and acted for + the section,) had sent him to ask me if I knew them, in which case they + would be liberated. This matter being soon settled between us, he talked + to me about the Revolution, and something about the "Rights of Man," which + he had read in English; and at parting offered me in a polite and civil + manner, his services. And who do you think the man was that offered me his + services? It was no other than the public executioner Samson, who + guillotined the king, and all who were guillotined in Paris; and who lived + in the same section, and in the same street with me. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + As to myself, I used to find some relief by walking alone in the garden + after dark, and cursing with hearty good will the authors of that terrible + system that had turned the character of the Revolution I had been proud to + defend. + </p> + <p> + I went but little to the Convention, and then only to make my appearance; + because I found it impossible to join in their tremendous decrees, and + useless and dangerous to oppose them. My having voted and spoken + extensively, more so than any other member, against the execution of the + king, had already fixed a mark upon me: neither dared any of my associates + in the Convention to translate and speak in French for me anything I might + have dared to have written. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Pen and ink were then of no use to me: no good could be done by writing, + and no printer dared to print; and whatever I might have written for my + private amusement, as anecdotes of the times, would have been continually + exposed to be examined, and tortured into any meaning that the rage of + party might fix upon it; and as to softer subjects, my heart was in + distress at the fate of my friends, and my harp hung upon the weeping + willows.(1) + </p> + <p> + As it was summer we spent most of our time in the garden, and passed it + away in those childish amusements that serve to keep reflection from the + mind, such as marbles, scotch-hops, battledores, etc., at which we were + all pretty expert. + </p> + <p> + In this retired manner we remained about six or seven weeks, and our + landlord went every evening into the city to bring us the news of the day + and the evening journal. + </p> + <p> + I have now, my "Little Corner of the World," led you on, step by step, to + the scene that makes the sequel to this narrative, and I will put that + scene before your eyes. You shall see it in description as I saw it in + fact. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This allusion is to the Girondins.—<i>Editor.</i>, + + 2 Yorke omits the description "from motives of personal + delicacy." The case was that of young Johnson, a wealthy + devotee of Paine in London, who had followed him to Paris + and lived in the same house with him. Hearing that Marat had + resolved on Paine's death, Johnson wrote a will bequeathing + his property to Paine, then stabbed himself, but recovered. + Paine was examined about this incident at Marat's trial. + (Moniteur, April 24, 1793.) See my "Life of Paine," vol. + ii., p. 48 seq.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <hr /> + <p> + He recovered, and being anxious to get out of France, a passage was + obtained for him and Mr. Choppin: they received it late in the evening, + and set off the next morning for Basle before four, from which place I had + a letter from them, highly pleased with their escape from France, into + which they had entered with an enthusiasm of patriotic devotion. Ah, + France! thou hast ruined the character of a Revolution virtuously begun, + and destroyed those who produced it. I might almost say like Job's + servant, "and I only am escaped." + </p> + <p> + Two days after they were gone I heard a rapping at the gate, and looking + out of the window of the bed room I saw the landlord going with the candle + to the gate, which he opened, and a guard with musquets and fixed bayonets + entered. I went to bed again, and made up my mind for prison, for I was + then the only lodger. It was a guard to take up [Johnson and Choppin], + but, I thank God, they were out of their reach. + </p> + <p> + The guard came about a month after in the night, and took away the + landlord Georgeit; and the scene in the house finished with the + arrestation of myself. This was soon after you called on me, and sorry I + was it was not in my power to render to [Sir Robert Smyth] the service + that you asked. + </p> + <p> + I have now fulfilled my engagement, and I hope your expectation, in + relating the case of [Johnson], landed back on the shore of life, by the + mistake of the pilot who was conducting him out; and preserved afterwards + from prison, perhaps a worse fate, without knowing it himself. + </p> + <p> + You say a story cannot be too melancholy for you. This is interesting and + affecting, but not melancholy. It may raise in your mind a sympathetic + sentiment in reading it; and though it may start a tear of pity, you will + not have a tear of sorrow to drop on the page. + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + Here, my contemplative correspondent, let us stop and look back upon the + scene. The matters here related being all facts, are strongly pictured in + my mind, and in this sense Forgetfulness does not apply. But facts and + feelings are distinct things, and it is against feelings that the opium + wand of Forgetfulness draws us into ease. Look back on any scene or + subject that once gave you distress, for all of us have felt some, and you + will find, that though the remembrance of the fact is not extinct in your + memory, the feeling is extinct in your mind. You can remember when you had + felt distress, but you cannot feel that distress again, and perhaps will + wonder you felt it then. It is like a shadow that loses itself by light. + </p> + <p> + It is often difficult to know what is a misfortune: that which we feel as + a great one today, may be the means of turning aside our steps into some + new path that leads to happiness yet unknown. In tracing the scenes of my + own life, I can discover that the condition I now enjoy, which is sweet to + me, and will be more so when I get to America, except by the loss of your + society, has been produced, in the first instance, in my being + disappointed in former projects. Under that impenetrable veil, futurity, + we know not what is concealed, and the day to arrive is hidden from us. + Turning then our thoughts to those cases of despair that lead to suicide, + when, "the mind," as you say, "neither sees nor hears, and holds counsel + only with itself; when the very idea of consolation would add to the + torture, and self-destruction is its only aim," what, it may be asked, is + the best advice, what the best relief? I answer, seek it not in reason, + for the mind is at war with reason, and to reason against feelings is as + vain as to reason against fire: it serves only to torture the torture, by + adding reproach to horror. All reasoning with ourselves in such cases acts + upon us like the reason of another person, which, however kindly done, + serves but to insult the misery we suffer. If reason could remove the + pain, reason would have prevented it. If she could not do the one, how is + she to perform the other? In all such cases we must look upon Reason as + dispossessed of her empire, by a revolt of the mind. She retires herself + to a distance to weep, and the ebony sceptre of Despair rules alone. All + that Reason can do is to suggest, to hint a thought, to signify a wish, to + cast now and then a kind of bewailing look, to hold up, when she can catch + the eye, the miniature-shaded portrait of Hope; and though dethroned, and + can dictate no more, to wait upon us in the humble station of a handmaid. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0029" id="Dlink2H_4_0029"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXVIII. AGRARIAN JUSTICE. + </h2> + <h3> + Editor's introduction: + </h3> + <p> + This pamphlet appeared first in Paris, 1797, with the title: "Thomas Payne + ` La Ligislature et au Directoire. Ou la Justice Agraire opposie ` la Loi + Agraire, et aux privilhges agraires. Prix 15 sols. @ Paris, chez la + citoyenne Ragouleau, prhs le Thibtre de la Ripublique, No. 229. Et chez + les Marchands de Nouveautis." A prefatory note says (translated): "The + sudden departure of Thomas Paine has pre-vented his supervising the + translation of this work, to which he attached great value. He entrusted + it to a friend. It is for the reader to decide whether the scheme here set + forth is worthy of the publicity given it." (Paine had gone to Havre early + in May with the Monroes, intending to accompany them to America, but, + rightly suspecting plans for his capture by an English cruiser, returned + to Paris.) In the same year the pamphlet was printed in English, by W. + Adlard in Paris, and in London for "T. Williams, No. 8 Little Turnstile, + Holborn." Paine's preface to the London edition contained some sentences + which the publishers, as will be seen, suppressed under asterisks, and two + sentences were omitted from the pamphlet which I have supplied from the + French. The English title adds a brief resume of Paine's scheme to the + caption—"Agrarian Justice opposed to Agrarian Law, and to Agrarian + Monopoly." The work was written in the winter of 1795-6, when Paine was + still an invalid in Monroe's house, though not published until 1797. + </p> + <p> + The prefatory Letter to the Legislature and the Directory, now for the + first time printed in English, is of much historical interest, and shows + the title of the pamphlet related to the rise of Socialism in France. The + leader of that move-ment, Frangois Noel Babeuf, a frantic and pathetic + figure of the time, had just been executed. He had named himself + "Gracchus," and called his journal "Tribune du Peuple," in homage to the + Roman Tribune, Caius Gracchus, the original socialist and agrarian, whose + fate (suicide of himself and his servant) Babeuf and his disciple Darthi + invoked in prison, whence they were carried bleeding to the guillotine. + This, however, was on account of the conspiracy they had formed, with the + remains of the Robespierrian party and some disguised royalists, to + overthrow the government. The socialistic propaganda of Babeuf, however, + prevailed over all other elements of the conspiracy: the reactionary + features of the Constitution, especially the property qualification of + suffrage of whose effects Paine had warned the Convention in the speech + printed in this volume, (chapter xxv.) and the poverty which survived a + revolution that promised its abolition, had excited wide discontent. The + "Babouvists" numbered as many as 17,000 in Paris. Babeuf and Lepelletier + were appointed by the secret council of this fraternity (which took the + name of "Equals") a "Directory of Public Safety." May 11, 1796, was fixed + for seizing on the government, and Babeuf had prepared his Proclamation of + the socialistic millennium. But the plot was discovered, May 10th, the + leaders arrested, and, after a year's delay, two of them executed,—the + best-hearted men in the movement, Babeuf and Darthi. Paine too had been + moved by the cry for "Bread, and the Constitution of '93 "; and it is a + notable coincidence that in that winter of 1795-6, while the socialists + were secretly plotting to seize the kingdom of heaven by violence, Paine + was devising his plan of relief by taxing inheritances of land, + anticipating by a hundred years the English budget of Sir William + Harcourt. Babeuf having failed in his socialist, and Pichegru in his + royalist, plot, their blows were yet fatal: there still remained in the + hearts of millions a Babeuf or a Pichegru awaiting the chieftain strong + enough to combine them, as Napoleon presently did, making all the nation + "Igaux" as parts of a mighty military engine, and satisfying the royalist + triflers with the pomp and glory of war. + </p> + <p> + AUTHOR'S INSCRIPTION. + </p> + <p> + To the Legislature and the Executive Directory of the French Republic. + </p> + <p> + The plan contained in this work is not adapted for any particular country + alone: the principle on which it is based is general. But as the rights of + man are a new study in this world, and one needing protection from + priestly imposture, and the insolence of oppressions too long established, + I have thought it right to place this little work under your safeguard. + When we reflect on the long and dense night in which France and all Europe + have remained plunged by their governments and their priests, we must feel + less surprise than grief at the bewilderment caused by the first burst of + light that dispels the darkness. The eye accustomed to darkness can hardly + bear at first the broad daylight. It is by usage the eye learns to see, + and it is the same in passing from any situation to its opposite. + </p> + <p> + As we have not at one instant renounced all our errors, we cannot at one + stroke acquire knowledge of all our rights. France has had the honour of + adding to the word <i>Liberty</i> that of <i>Equality</i>; and this word + signifies essentially a principal that admits of no gradation in the + things to which it applies. But equality is often misunderstood, often + misapplied, and often violated. + </p> + <p> + <i>Liberty</i> and <i>Property</i> are words expressing all those of our + possessions which are not of an intellectual nature. There are two kinds + of property. Firstly, natural property, or that which comes to us from the + Creator of the universe,—such as the earth, air, water. Secondly, + artificial or acquired property,—the invention of men. In the latter + equality is impossible; for to distribute it equally it would be necessary + that all should have contributed in the same proportion, which can never + be the case; and this being the case, every individual would hold on to + his own property, as his right share. Equality of natural property is the + subject of this little essay. Every individual in the world is born + therein with legitimate claims on a certain kind of property, or its + equivalent. + </p> + <p> + The right of voting for persons charged with the execution of the laws + that govern society is inherent in the word Liberty, and constitutes the + equality of personal rights. But even if that right (of voting) were + inherent in property, which I deny, the right of suffrage would still + belong to all equally, because, as I have said, all individuals have + legitimate birthrights in a certain species of property. + </p> + <p> + I have always considered the present Constitution of the French Republic + the <i>best organized system</i> the human mind has yet produced. But I + hope my former colleagues will not be offended if I warn them of an error + which has slipped into its principle. Equality of the right of suffrage is + not maintained. This right is in it connected with a condition on which it + ought not to depend; that is, with a proportion of a certain tax called + "direct." The dignity of suffrage is thus lowered; and, in placing it in + the scale with an inferior thing, the enthusiasm that right is capable of + inspiring is diminished. It is impossible to find any equivalent + counterpoise for the right of suffrage, because it is alone worthy to be + its own basis, and cannot thrive as a graft, or an appendage. + </p> + <p> + Since the Constitution was established we have seen two conspiracies + stranded,—that of Babeuf, and that of some obscure personages who + decorate themselves with the despicable name of "royalists." The defect in + principle of the Constitution was the origin of Babeuf's conspiracy. He + availed himself of the resentment caused by this flaw, and instead of + seeking a remedy by legitimate and constitutional means, or proposing some + measure useful to society, the conspirators did their best to renew + disorder and confusion, and constituted themselves personally into a + Directory, which is formally destructive of election and representation. + They were, in fine, extravagant enough to suppose that society, occupied + with its domestic affairs, would blindly yield to them a directorship + usurped by violence. + </p> + <p> + The conspiracy of Babeuf was followed in a few months by that of the + royalists, who foolishly flattered themselves with the notion of doing + great things by feeble or foul means. They counted on all the + discontented, from whatever cause, and tried to rouse, in their turn, the + class of people who had been following the others. But these new chiefs + acted as if they thought society had nothing more at heart than to + maintain courtiers, pensioners, and all their train, under the + contemptible title of royalty. My little essay will disabuse them, by + showing that society is aiming at a very different end,—maintaining + itself. + </p> + <p> + We all know or should know, that the time during which a revolution is + proceeding is not the time when its resulting advantages can be enjoyed. + But had Babeuf and his accomplices taken into consideration the condition + of France under this constitution, and compared it with what it was under + the tragical revolutionary government, and during the execrable reign of + Terror, the rapidity of the alteration must have appeared to them very + striking and astonishing. Famine has been replaced by abundance, and by + the well-founded hope of a near and increasing prosperity. + </p> + <p> + As for the defect in the Constitution, I am fully convinced that it will + be rectified constitutionally, and that this step is indispensable; for so + long as it continues it will inspire the hopes and furnish the means of + conspirators; and for the rest, it is regrettable that a Constitution so + wisely organized should err so much in its principle. This fault exposes + it to other dangers which will make themselves felt. Intriguing candidates + will go about among those who have not the means to pay the direct tax and + pay it for them, on condition of receiving their votes. Let us maintain + inviolably equality in the sacred right of suffrage: public security can + never have a basis more solid. Salut et Fraterniti. + </p> + <p> + Your former colleague, + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + AUTHOR'S ENGLISH PREFACE. + </p> + <p> + The following little Piece was written in the winter of 1795 and 96; and, + as I had not determined whether to publish it during the present war, or + to wait till the commencement of a peace, it has lain by me, without + alteration or addition, from the time it was written. + </p> + <p> + What has determined me to publish it now is, a sermon preached by Watson, + <i>Bishop of Llandaff</i>. Some of my Readers will recollect, that this + Bishop wrote a Book entitled <i>An Apology for the Bible</i> in answer to + my <i>Second Part of the Age of Reason</i>. I procured a copy of his Book, + and he may depend upon hearing from me on that subject. + </p> + <p> + At the end of the Bishop's Book is a List of the Works he has written. + Among which is the sermon alluded to; it is entitled: "The Wisdom and + Goodness of God, in having made both Rich and Poor; with an Appendix, + containing Reflections on the Present State of England and France." + </p> + <p> + The error contained in this sermon determined me to publish my Agrarian + Justice. It is wrong to say God made <i>rich and poor</i>; he made only <i>male + and female</i>; and he gave them the earth for their inheritance. '... + </p> + <p> + Instead of preaching to encourage one part of mankind in insolence... it + would be better that Priests employed their time to render the general + condition of man less miserable than it is. Practical religion consists in + doing good: and the only way of serving God is, that of endeavouring to + make his creation happy. All preaching that has not this for its object is + nonsense and hypocracy. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The omissions are noted in the English edition of 1797.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + To preserve the benefits of what is called civilized life, and to remedy + at the same time the evil which it has produced, ought to be considered as + one of the first objects of reformed legislation. + </p> + <p> + Whether that state that is proudly, perhaps erroneously, called + civilization, has most promoted or most injured the general happiness of + man, is a question that may be strongly contested. On one side, the + spectator is dazzled by splendid appearances; on the other, he is shocked + by extremes of wretchedness; both of which it has erected. The most + affluent and the most miserable of the human race are to be found in the + countries that are called civilized. + </p> + <p> + To understand what the state of society ought to be, it is necessary to + have some idea of the natural and primitive state of man; such as it is at + this day among the Indians of North America. There is not, in that state, + any of those spectacles of human misery which poverty and want present to + our eyes in all the towns and streets in Europe. Poverty, therefore, is a + thing created by that which is called civilized life. It exists not in the + natural state. On the other hand, the natural state is without those + advantages which flow from agriculture, arts, science, and manufactures. + </p> + <p> + The life of an Indian is a continual holiday, compared with the poor of + Europe; and, on the other hand it appears to be abject when compared to + the rich. Civilization, therefore, or that which is so called, has + operated two ways: to make one part of society more affluent, and the + other more wretched, than would have been the lot of either in a natural + state. + </p> + <p> + It is always possible to go from the natural to the civilized state, but + it is never possible to go from the civilized to the natural state. The + reason is, that man in a natural state, subsisting by hunting, requires + ten times the quantity of land to range over to procure himself + sustenance, than would support him in a civilized state, where the earth + is cultivated. When, therefore, a country becomes populous by the + additional aids of cultivation, art, and science, there is a necessity of + preserving things in that state; because without it there cannot be + sustenance for more, perhaps, than a tenth part of its inhabitants. The + thing, therefore, now to be done is to remedy the evils and preserve the + benefits that have arisen to society by passing from the natural to that + which is called the civilized state. + </p> + <p> + In taking the matter upon this ground, the first principle of civilization + ought to have been, and ought still to be, that the condition of every + person born into the world, after a state of civilization commences, ought + not to be worse than if he had been born before that period. But the fact + is, that the condition of millions, in every country in Europe, is far + worse than if they had been born before civilization began, or had been + born among the Indians of North America at the present day. I will shew + how this fact has happened. + </p> + <p> + It is a position not to be controverted that the earth, in its natural + uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, <i>the common + property of the human race</i>. In that state every man would have been + born to property. He would have been a joint life proprietor with the rest + in the property of the soil, and in all its natural productions, vegetable + and animal. + </p> + <p> + But the earth in its natural state, as before said, is capable of + supporting but a small number of inhabitants compared with what it is + capable of doing in a cultivated state. And as it is impossible to + separate the improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon + which that improvement is made, the idea of landed property arose from + that inseparable connection; but it is nevertheless true, that it is the + value of the improvement only, and not the earth itself, that is + individual property. Every proprietor, therefore, of cultivated land, owes + to the community a <i>ground-rent</i> (for I know of no better term to + express the idea) for the land which he holds; and it is from this + ground-rent that the fund proposed in this plan is to issue. + </p> + <p> + It is deducible, as well from the nature of the thing as from all the + histories transmitted to us, that the idea of landed property commenced + with cultivation, and that there was no such thing as landed property + before that time. It could not exist in the first state of man, that of + hunters. It did not exist in the second state, that of shepherds: neither + Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, nor Job, so far as the history of the Bible may be + credited in probable things, were owners of land. Their property + consisted, as is always enumerated, in flocks and herds, and they + travelled with them from place to place. The frequent contentions at that + time, about the use of a well in the dry country of Arabia, where those + people lived, also shew that there was no landed property. It was not + admitted that land could be claimed as property. + </p> + <p> + There could be no such thing as landed property originally. Man did not + make the earth, and, though he had a natural right to occupy it, he had no + right to locate as his property in perpetuity any part of it; neither did + the creator of the earth open a land-office, from whence the first + title-deeds should issue. Whence then, arose the idea of landed property? + I answer as before, that when cultivation began the idea of landed + property began with it, from the impossibility of separating the + improvement made by cultivation from the earth itself, upon which that + improvement was made. The value of the improvement so far exceeded the + value of the natural earth, at that time, as to absorb it; till, in the + end, the common right of all became confounded into the cultivated right + of the individual. But there are, nevertheless, distinct species of + rights, and will continue to be so long as the earth endures. + </p> + <p> + It is only by tracing things to their origin that we can gain rightful + ideas of them, and it is by gaining such ideas that we discover the + boundary that divides right from wrong, and teaches every man to know his + own. I have entitled this tract Agrarian Justice, to distinguish it from + Agrarian Law. Nothing could be more unjust than Agrarian Law in a country + improved by cultivation; for though every man, as an inhabitant of the + earth, is a joint proprietor of it in its natural state, it does not + follow that he is a joint proprietor of cultivated earth. The additional + value made by cultivation, after the system was admitted, became the + property of those who did it, or who inherited it from them, or who + purchased it. It had originally no owner. Whilst, therefore, I advocate + the right, and interest myself in the hard case of all those who have been + thrown out of their natural inheritance by the introduction of the system + of landed property, I equally defend the right of the possessor to the + part which is his. + </p> + <p> + Cultivation is at least one of the greatest natural improvements ever made + by human invention. It has given to created earth a tenfold value. But the + landed monopoly that began with it has produced the greatest evil. It has + dispossessed more than half the inhabitants of every nation of their + natural inheritance, without providing for them, as ought to have been + done, an indemnification for that loss, and has thereby created a species + of poverty and wretchedness that did not exist before. + </p> + <p> + In advocating the case of the persons thus dispossessed, it is a right, + and not a charity, that I am pleading for. But it is that kind of right + which, being neglected at first, could not be brought forward afterwards + till heaven had opened the way by a revolution in the system of + government. Let us then do honour to revolutions by justice, and give + currency to their principles by blessings. + </p> + <p> + Having thus in a few words, opened the merits of the case, I shall now + proceed to the plan I have to propose, which is, + </p> + <p> + To create a National Fund, out of which there shall be paid to every + person, when arrived at the age of twenty-one years, the sum of fifteen + pounds sterling, as a compensation in part, for the loss of his or her + natural inheritance, by the introduction of the system of landed property: + </p> + <p> + And also, the sum of ten pounds per annum, during life, to every person + now living, of the age of fifty years, and to all others as they shall + arrive at that age. + </p> + <p> + MEANS BY WHICH THE FUND IS TO BE CREATED. + </p> + <p> + I have already established the principle, namely, that the earth, in its + natural uncultivated state was, and ever would have continued to be, the + <i>common property of the human race</i>; that in that state, every person + would have been born to property; and that the system of landed property, + by its inseparable connection with cultivation, and with what is called + civilized life, has absorbed the property of all those whom it + dispossessed, without providing, as ought to have been done, an + indemnification for that loss. + </p> + <p> + The fault, however, is not in the present possessors. No complaint is + intended, or ought to be alleged against them, unless they adopt the crime + by opposing justice. The fault is in the system, and it has stolen + imperceptibly upon the world, aided afterwards by the agrarian law of the + sword. But the fault can be made to reform itself by successive + generations; and without diminishing or deranging the property of any of + the present possessors, the operation of the fund can yet commence, and be + in full activity, the first year of its establishment, or soon after, as I + shall shew. + </p> + <p> + It is proposed that the payments, as already stated, be made to every + person, rich or poor. It is best to make it so, to prevent invidious + distinctions. It is also right it should be so, because it is in lieu of + the natural inheritance, which, as a right, belongs to every man, over and + above the property he may have created, or inherited from those who did. + Such persons as do not choose to receive it can throw it into the common + fund. + </p> + <p> + Taking it then for granted that no person ought to be in a worse condition + when born under what is called a state of civilization, than he would have + been had he been born in a state of nature, and that civilization ought to + have made, and ought still to make, provision for that purpose, it can + only be done by subtracting from property a portion equal in value to the + natural inheritance it has absorbed. + </p> + <p> + Various methods may be proposed for this purpose, but that which appears + to be the best (not only because it will operate without deranging any + present possessors, or without interfering with the collection of taxes or + emprunts necessary for the purposes of government and the revolution, but + because it will be the least troublesome and the most effectual, and also + because the subtraction will be made at a time that best admits it) is at + the moment that.. property is passing by the death of one person to the + possession of another. In this case, the bequeather gives nothing: the + receiver pays nothing. The only matter to him is, that the monopoly of + natural inheritance, to which there never was a right, begins to cease in + his person. A generous man would not wish it to continue, and a just man + will rejoice to see it abolished. + </p> + <p> + My state of health prevents my making sufficient inquiries with respect to + the doctrine of probabilities, whereon to found calculations with such + degrees of certainty as they are capable of. What, therefore, I offer on + this head is more the result of observation and reflection than of + received information; but I believe it will be found to agree sufficiently + with fact. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, taking twenty-one years as the epoch of maturity, all + the property of a nation, real and personal, is always in the possession + of persons above that age. It is then necessary to know, as a datum of + calculation, the average of years which persons above that age will live. + I take this average to be about thirty years, for though many persons will + live forty, fifty, or sixty years after the age of twenty-one years, + others will die much sooner, and some in every year of that time. + </p> + <p> + Taking, then, thirty years as the average of time, it will give, without + any material variation one way or other, the average of time in which the + whole property or capital of a nation, or a sum equal thereto, will have + passed through one entire revolution in descent, that is, will have gone + by deaths to new possessors; for though, in many instances, some parts of + this capital will remain forty, fifty, or sixty years in the possession of + one person, other parts will have revolved two or three times before those + thirty years expire, which will bring it to that average; for were one + half the capital of a nation to revolve twice in thirty years, it would + produce the same fund as if the whole revolved once. + </p> + <p> + Taking, then, thirty years as the average of time in which the whole + capital of a nation, or a sum equal thereto, will revolve once, the + thirtieth part thereof will be the sum that will revolve every year, that + is, will go by deaths to new possessors; and this last sum being thus + known, and the ratio per cent, to be subtracted from it determined, it + will give the annual amount or income of the proposed fund, to be applied + as already mentioned. + </p> + <p> + In looking over the discourse of the English minister, Pitt, in his + opening of what is called in England the budget, (the scheme of finance + for the year 1796,) I find an estimate of the national capital of that + country. As this estimate of a national capital is prepared ready to my + hand, I take it as a datum to act upon. When a calculation is made upon + the known capital of any nation, combined with its population, it will + serve as a scale for any other nation, in proportion as its capital and + population be more or less. I am the more disposed to take this estimate + of Mr. Pitt, for the purpose of showing to that minister, upon his own + calculation, how much better money may be employed than in wasting it, as + he has done, on the wild project of setting up Bourbon kings. What, in the + name of heaven, are Bourbon kings to the people of England? It is better + that the people have bread. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Pitt states the national capital of England, real and personal, to be + one thousand three hundred millions sterling, which is about one-fourth + part of the national capital of France, including Belgia. The event of the + last harvest in each country proves that the soil of France is more + productive than that of England, and that it can better support + twenty-four or twenty-five millions of inhabitants than that of England + can seven or seven and a half millions. + </p> + <p> + The thirtieth part of this capital of 1,300,000,000L. is 43,333,333L. + which is the part that will revolve every year by deaths in that country + to new possessors; and the sum that will annually revolve in France in the + proportion of four to one, will be about one hundred and seventy-three + millions sterling. From this sum of 43,333,333L. annually revolving, is to + be subtracted the value of the natural inheritance absorbed in it, which, + perhaps, in fair justice, cannot be taken at less, and ought not to be + taken for more, than a tenth part. + </p> + <p> + It will always happen, that of the property thus revolving by deaths every + year a part will descend in a direct line to sons and daughters, and the + other part collaterally, and the proportion will be found to be about + three to one; that is, about thirty millions of the above sum will descend + to direct heirs, and the remaining sum of 13,333,333L. to more distant + relations, and in part to strangers. + </p> + <p> + Considering, then, that man is always related to society, that + relationship will become comparatively greater in proportion as the next + of kin is more distant, it is therefore consistent with civilization to + say that where there are no direct heirs society shall be heir to a part + over and above the tenth part due to society. If this additional part be + from five to ten or twelve per cent., in proportion as the next of kin be + nearer or more remote, so as to average with the escheats that may fall, + which ought always to go to society and not to the government (an addition + of ten per cent, more), the produce from the annual sum of 43,333,333L. + will be: + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlinkimage-0005" id="Dlinkimage-0005"> + <!-- IMG --> </a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/table361.jpg" alt="Table361 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + Having thus arrived at the annual amount of the proposed fund, I come, in + the next place, to speak of the population proportioned to this fund, and + to compare it with the uses to which the fund is to be applied. + </p> + <p> + The population (I mean that of England) does not exceed seven millions and + a half, and the number of persons above the age of fifty will in that case + be about four hundred thousand. There would not, however, be more than + that number that would accept the proposed ten pounds sterling per annum, + though they would be entitled to it. I have no idea it would be accepted + by many persons who had a yearly income of two or three hundred pounds + sterling. But as we often see instances of rich people falling into sudden + poverty, even at the age of sixty, they would always have the right of + drawing all the arrears due to them. Four millions, therefore, of the + above annual sum of 5,666,6667L. will be required for four hundred + thousand aged persons, at ten pounds sterling each. + </p> + <p> + I come now to speak of the persons annually arriving at twenty-one years + of age. If all the persons who died were above the age of twenty-one + years, the number of persons annually arriving at that age, must be equal + to the annual number of deaths, to keep the population stationary. But the + greater part die under the age of twenty-one, and therefore the number of + persons annually arriving at twenty-one will be less than half the number + of deaths. The whole number of deaths upon a population of seven millions + and an half will be about 220,000 annually. The number arriving at + twenty-one years of age will be about 100,000. The whole number of these + will not receive the proposed fifteen pounds, for the reasons already + mentioned, though, as in the former case, they would be entitled to it. + Admitting then that a tenth part declined receiving it, the amount would + stand thus: + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlinkimage-0006" id="Dlinkimage-0006"> + <!-- IMG --> </a> + </p> + <div class="fig" style="width:80%"> + <img src="images/table362.jpg" alt="Table362 " width="100%" /><br /> + </div> + <p> + There are, in every country, a number of blind and lame persons, totally + incapable of earning a livelihood. But as it will always happen that the + greater number of blind persons will be among those who are above the age + of fifty years, they will be provided for in that class. The remaining sum + of 316,666L. will provide for the lame and blind under that age, at the + same rate of 10L. annually for each person. + </p> + <p> + Having now gone through all the necessary calculations, and stated the + particulars of the plan, I shall conclude with some observations. + </p> + <p> + It is not charity but a right, not bounty but justice, that I am pleading + for. The present state of civilization is as odious as it is unjust. It is + absolutely the opposite of what it should be, and it is necessary that a + revolution should be made in it.(1) The contrast of affluence and + wretchedness continually meeting and offending the eye, is like dead and + living bodies chained together. Though I care as little about riches, as + any man, I am a friend to riches because they are capable of good. I care + not how affluent some may be, provided that none be miserable in + consequence of it. But it is impossible to enjoy affluence with the + felicity it is capable of being enjoyed, whilst so much misery is mingled + in the scene. The sight of the misery, and the unpleasant sensations it + suggests, which, though they may be suffocated cannot be extinguished, are + a greater drawback upon the felicity of affluence than the proposed 10 per + cent, upon property is worth. He that would not give the one to get rid of + the other has no charity, even for himself. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This and the preceding sentence axe omitted in all + previous English and American editions.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + There are, in every country, some magnificent charities established by + individuals. It is, however, but little that any individual can do, when + the whole extent of the misery to be relieved is considered. He may + satisfy his conscience, but not his heart. He may give all that he has, + and that all will relieve but little. It is only by organizing + civilization upon such principles as to act like a system of pullies, that + the whole weight of misery can be removed. + </p> + <p> + The plan here proposed will reach the whole. It will immediately relieve + and take out of view three classes of wretchedness—the blind, the + lame, and the aged poor; and it will furnish the rising generation with + means to prevent their becoming poor; and it will do this without + deranging or interfering with any national measures. To shew that this + will be the case, it is sufficient to observe that the operation and + effect of the plan will, in all cases, be the same as if every individual + were <i>voluntarily</i> to make his will and dispose of his property in + the manner here proposed. + </p> + <p> + But it is justice, and not charity, that is the principle of the plan. In + all great cases it is necessary to have a principle more universally + active than charity; and, with respect to justice, it ought not to be left + to the choice of detached individuals whether they will do justice or not. + Considering then, the plan on the ground of justice, it ought to be the + act of the whole, growing spontaneously out of the principles of the + revolution, and the reputation of it ought to be national and not + individual. + </p> + <p> + A plan upon this principle would benefit the revolution by the energy that + springs from the consciousness of justice. It would multiply also the + national resources; for property, like vegetation, increases by offsets. + When a young couple begin the world, the difference is exceedingly great + whether they begin with nothing or with fifteen pounds apiece. With this + aid they could buy a cow, and implements to cultivate a few acres of land; + and instead of becoming burdens upon society, which is always the case + where children are produced faster than they can be fed, would be put in + the way of becoming useful and profitable citizens. The national domains + also would sell the better if pecuniary aids were provided to cultivate + them in small lots. + </p> + <p> + It is the practice of what has unjustly obtained the name of civilization + (and the practice merits not to be called either charity or policy) to + make some provision for persons becoming poor and wretched only at the + time they become so. Would it not, even as a matter of economy, be far + better to adopt means to prevent their becoming poor? This can best be + done by making every person when arrived at the age of twenty-one years an + inheritor of something to begin with. The rugged face of society, + chequered with the extremes of affluence and want, proves that some + extraordinary violence has been committed upon it, and calls on justice + for redress. The great mass of the poor in all countries are become an + hereditary race, and it is next to impossible for them to get cut of that + state of themselves. It ought also to be observed that this mass increases + in all countries that are called civilized. More persons fall annually + into it than get out of it. + </p> + <p> + Though in a plan of which justice and humanity are the + foundation-principles, interest ought not to be admitted into the + calculation, yet it is always of advantage to the establishment of any + plan to shew that it is beneficial as a matter of interest. The success of + any proposed plan submitted to public consideration must finally depend on + the numbers interested in supporting it, united with the justice of its + principles. + </p> + <p> + The plan here proposed will benefit all, without injuring any. It will + consolidate the interest of the Republic with that of the individual. To + the numerous class dispossessed of their natural inheritance by the system + of landed property it will be an act of national justice. To persons dying + possessed of moderate fortunes it will operate as a tontine to their + children, more beneficial than the sum of money paid into the fund: and it + will give to the accumulation of riches a degree of security that none of + the old governments of Europe, now tottering on their foundations, can + give. + </p> + <p> + I do not suppose that more than one family in ten, in any of the countries + of Europe, has, when the head of the family dies, a clear property left of + five hundred pounds sterling. To all such the plan is advantageous. That + property would pay fifty pounds into the fund, and if there were only two + children under age they would receive fifteen pounds each, (thirty + pounds,) on coming of age, and be entitled to ten pounds a-year after + fifty. It is from the overgrown acquisition of property that the fund will + support itself; and I know that the possessors of such property in + England, though they would eventually be benefited by the protection of + nine-tenths of it, will exclaim against the plan. But without entering + into any inquiry how they came by that property, let them recollect that + they have been the advocates of this war, and that Mr. Pitt has already + laid on more new taxes to be raised annually upon the people of England, + and that for supporting the despotism of Austria and the Bourbons against + the liberties of France, than would pay annually all the sums proposed in + this plan. + </p> + <p> + I have made the calculations stated in this plan, upon what is called + personal, as well as upon landed property. The reason for making it upon + land is already explained; and the reason for taking personal property + into the calculation is equally well founded though on a different + principle. Land, as before said, is the free gift of the Creator in common + to the human race. Personal property is the effect of society; and it is + as impossible for an individual to acquire personal property without the + aid of society, as it is for him to make land originally. Separate an + individual from society, and give him an island or a continent to possess, + and he cannot acquire personal property. He cannot be rich. So inseparably + are the means connected with the end, in all cases, that where the former + do not exist the latter cannot be obtained. All accumulation, therefore, + of personal property, beyond what a man's own hands produce, is derived to + him by living in society; and he owes on every principle of justice, of + gratitude, and of civilization, a part of that accumulation back again to + society from whence the whole came. This is putting the matter on a + general principle, and perhaps it is best to do so; for if we examine the + case minutely it will be found that the accumulation of personal property + is, in many instances, the effect of paying too little for the labour that + produced it; the consequence of which is, that the working hand perishes + in old age, and the employer abounds in affluence. It is, perhaps, + impossible to proportion exactly the price of labour to the profits it + produces; and it will also be said, as an apology for the injustice, that + were a workman to receive an increase of wages daily he would not save it + against old age, nor be much bet-ter for it in the interim. Make, then, + society the treasurer to guard it for him in a common fund; for it is no + reason, that because he might not make a good use of it for himself, + another should take it. + </p> + <p> + The state of civilization that has prevailed throughout Europe, is as + unjust in its principle, as it is horrid in its effects; and it is the + consciousness of this, and the apprehension that such a state cannot + continue when once investigation begins in any country, that makes the + possessors of property dread every idea of a revolution. It is the hazard + and not the principle of revolutions that retards their progress. This + being the case, it is necessary as well for the protection of property, as + for the sake of justice and humanity, to form a system that, whilst it + preserves one part of society from wretchedness, shall secure the other + from depredation. + </p> + <p> + The superstitious awe, the enslaving reverence, that formerly surrounded + affluence, is passing away in all countries, and leaving the possessor of + property to the convulsion of accidents. When wealth and splendour, + instead of fascinating the multitude, excite emotions of disgust; when, + instead of drawing forth admiration, it is beheld as an insult upon + wretchedness; when the ostentatious appearance it makes serves to call the + right of it in question, the case of property becomes critical, and it is + only in a system of justice that the possessor can contemplate security. + </p> + <p> + To remove the danger, it is necessary to remove the antipathies, and this + can only be done by making property productive of a national blessing, + extending to every individual. When the riches of one man above another + shall increase the national fund in the same proportion; when it shall be + seen that the prosperity of that fund depends on the prosperity of + individuals; when the more riches a man acquires, the better it shall be + for the general mass; it is then that antipathies will cease, and property + be placed on the permanent basis of national interest and protection. + </p> + <p> + I have no property in France to become subject to the plan I propose. What + I have which is not much, is in the United States of America. But I will + pay one hundred pounds sterling towards this fund in rance, the instant it + shall be established; and I will pay the same sum in England whenever a + similar establishment shall take place in that country. + </p> + <p> + A revolution in the state of civilization is the necessary companion of + revolutions in the system of government. If a revolution in any country be + from bad to good, or from good to bad, the state of what is called + civilization in that country, must be made conformable thereto, to give + that revolution effect. Despotic government supports itself by abject + civilization, in which debasement of the human mind, and wretchedness in + the mass of the people, are the chief enterions. Such governments consider + man merely as an animal; that the exercise of intellectual faculty is not + his privilege; <i>that he has nothing to do with the laws but to obey them + </i>; (*) and they politically depend more upon breaking the spirit of the + people by poverty, than they fear enraging it by desperation. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + * Expression of Horsley, an English bishop, in the English + parliament.—Author. +</pre> + <p> + It is a revolution in the state of civilization that will give perfection + to the revolution of France. Already the conviction that government by + representation is the true system of government is spreading itself fast + in the world. The reasonableness of it can be seen by all. The justness of + it makes itself felt even by its opposers. But when a system of + civilization, growing out of that system of government, shall be so + organized that not a man or woman born in the Republic but shall inherit + some means of beginning the world, and see before them the certainty of + escaping the miseries that under other governments accompany old age, the + revolution of France will have an advocate and an ally in the heart of all + nations. + </p> + <p> + An army of principles will penetrate where an army of soldiers cannot; it + will succeed where diplomatic management would fail: it is neither the + Rhine, the Channel, nor the Ocean that can arrest its progress: it will + march on the horizon of the world, and it will conquer. + </p> + <p> + MEANS FOR CARRYING THE PROPOSED PLAN INTO EXECUTION, AND TO RENDER IT AT + THE SAME TIME CONDUCIVE TO THE PUBLIC INTEREST. + </p> + <p> + I. Each canton shall elect in its primary assemblies, three persons, as + commissioners for that canton, who shall take cognizance, and keep a + register of all matters happening in that canton, conformable to the + charter that shall be established by law for carrying this plan into + execution. + </p> + <p> + II. The law shall fix the manner in which the property of deceased persons + shall be ascertained. + </p> + <p> + III. When the amount of the property of any deceased person shall be + ascertained, the principal heir to that property, or the eldest of the + co-heirs, if of lawful age, or if under age the person authorized by the + will of the deceased to represent him or them, shall give bond to the + commissioners of the canton to pay the said tenth part thereof in four + equal quarterly payments, within the space of one year or sooner, at the + choice of the payers. One half of the whole property shall remain as a + security until the bond be paid off. + </p> + <p> + IV. The bond shall be registered in the office of the commissioners of the + canton, and the original bonds shall be deposited in the national bank at + Paris. The bank shall publish every quarter of a year the amount of the + bonds in its possession, and also the bonds that shall have been paid off, + or what parts thereof, since the last quarterly publication. + </p> + <p> + V. The national bank shall issue bank notes upon the security of the bonds + in its possession. The notes so issued, shall be applied to pay the + pensions of aged persons, and the compensations to persons arriving at + twenty-one years of age. It is both reasonable and generous to suppose, + that persons not under immediate necessity, will suspend their right of + drawing on the fund, until it acquire, as it will do, a greater degree of + ability. In this case, it is proposed, that an honorary register be kept, + in each canton, of the names of the persons thus suspending that right, at + least during the present war. + </p> + <p> + VI. As the inheritors of property must always take up their bonds in four + quarterly payments, or sooner if they choose, there will always be <i>numiraire</i> + [cash] arriving at the bank after the expiration of the first quarter, to + exchange for the bank notes that shall be brought in. + </p> + <p> + VII. The bank notes being thus put in circulation, upon the best of all + possible security, that of actual property, to more than four times the + amount of the bonds upon which the notes are issued, and with <i>numiraire</i> + continually arriving at the bank to exchange or pay them off whenever they + shall be presented for that purpose, they will acquire a permanent value + in all parts of the Republic. They can therefore be received in payment of + taxes, or emprunts equal to numiraire, because the government can always + receive numiraire for them at the bank. + </p> + <p> + VIII. It will be necessary that the payments of the ten per cent, be made + in numeraire for the first year from the establishment of the plan. But + after the expiration of the first year, the inheritors of property may pay + ten per cent either in bank notes issued upon the fund, or in numeraire, + If the payments be in numeraire, it will lie as a deposit at the bank, to + be exchanged for a quantity of notes equal to that amount; and if in notes + issued upon the fund, it will cause a demand upon the fund, equal thereto; + and thus the operation of the plan will create means to carry itself into + execution. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0030" id="Dlink2H_4_0030"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXIX. THE EIGHTEENTH FRUCTIDOR. + </h2> + <p> + To the People of France and the French Armies (1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 This pamphlet was written between the defeat of Pichegru's + attempt, September 4, 1794, and November 12, of the same + year, the date of the Bien-informi in which the publication + is noticed. General Pichegra (Charles), (1761-1804) having + joined a royalist conspiracy against the Republic, was + banished to Cayenne (1797), whence he escaped to England; + having returned to Paris (1804) he was imprisoned in the + Temple, and there found strangled by a silk handkerchief, + whether by his own or another's act remaining doubtful. + —Editor. +</pre> + <p> + When an extraordinary measure, not warranted by established constitutional + rules, and justifiable only on the supreme law of absolute necessity, + bursts suddenly upon us, we must, in order to form a true judgment + thereon, carry our researches back to the times that preceded and + occasioned it. Taking up then the subject with respect to the event of the + Eighteenth of Fructidor on this ground, I go to examine the state of + things prior to that period. I begin with the establishment of the + constitution of the year 3 of the French Republic. + </p> + <p> + A better <i>organized</i> constitution has never yet been devised by human + wisdom. It is, in its organization, free from all the vices and defects to + which other forms of government are more or less subject. I will speak + first of the legislative body, because the Legislature is, in the natural + order of things, the first power; the Executive is the first magistrate. + </p> + <p> + By arranging the legislative body into two divisions, as is done in the + French Constitution, the one, (the Council of Five Hundred,) whose part it + is to conceive and propose laws; the other, a Council of Ancients, to + review, approve, or reject the laws proposed; all the security is given + that can arise from coolness of reflection acting upon, or correcting the + precipitancy or enthusiasm of conception and imagination. It is seldom + that our first thought, even upon any subject, is sufficiently just.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 For Paine's ideas on the right division of representatives + into two chambers, which differ essentially from any + bicameral system ever adopted, see vol. ii., p. 444 of this + work; also, in the present volume, Chapter XXXIV.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + The policy of renewing the Legislature by a third part each year, though + not entirely new, either in theory or in practice, is nevertheless one of + the modern improvements in the science of government. It prevents, on the + one hand, that convulsion and precipitate change of measures into which a + nation might be surprised by the going out of the whole Legislature at the + same time, and the instantaneous election of a new one; on the other hand, + it excludes that common interest from taking place that might tempt a + whole Legislature, whose term of duration expired at once, to usurp the + right of continuance. I go now to speak of the Executive. + </p> + <p> + It is a principle uncontrovertible by reason, that each of the parts by + which government is composed, should be so constructed as to be in + perpetual maturity. We should laugh at the idea of a Council of Five + Hundred, or a Council of Ancients, or a Parliament, or any national + assembly, who should be all children in leading strings and in the cradle, + or be all sick, insane, deaf, dumb, lame or blind, at the same time, or be + all upon crutches, tottering with age or infirmities. Any form of + government that was so constructed as to admit the possibility of such + cases happening to a whole Legislature would justly be the ridicule of the + world; and on a parity of reasoning, it is equally as ridiculous that the + same cases should happen in that part of government which is called the + Executive; yet this is the contemptible condition to which an Executive is + always subject, and which is often happening, when it is placed in an + hereditary individual called a king. When that individual is in either of + the cases before mentioned, the whole Executive is in the same case; for + himself is the whole. He is then (as an Executive) the ridiculous picture + of what a Legislature would be if all its members were in the same case. + The one is a whole made up of parts, the other a whole without parts; and + anything happening to the one, (as a part or sec-tion of the government,) + is parallel to the same thing happening to the other. + </p> + <p> + As, therefore, an hereditary executive called a king is a perfect + absurdity in itself, any attachment to it is equally as absurd. It is + neither instinct or reason; and if this attachment is what is called + royalism in France, then is a royalist inferior in character to every + species of the animal world; for what can that being be who acts neither + by instinct nor by reason? Such a being merits rather our derision than + our pity; and it is only when it assumes to act its folly that it becomes + capable of provoking republican indignation. In every other case it is too + contemptible to excite anger. For my own part, when I contemplate the + self-evident absurdity of the thing, I can scarcely permit myself to + believe that there exists in the high-minded nation of France such a mean + and silly animal as a royalist. + </p> + <p> + As it requires but a single glance of thought to see (as is before said) + that all the parts of which government is composed must be at all times in + a state of full maturity, it was not possible that men acting under the + influence of reason, could, in forming a Constitution, admit an hereditary + Executive, any more than an hereditary Legislature. I go therefore to + examine the other cases. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, (rejecting the hereditary system,) shall the Executive + by election be an <i>individual or a plurality</i>. + </p> + <p> + An individual by election is almost as bad as the hereditary system, + except that there is always a better chance of not having an idiot. But he + will never be any thing more than a chief of a party, and none but those + of that party will have access to him. He will have no person to consult + with of a standing equal with himself, and consequently be deprived of the + advantages arising from equal discussion. + </p> + <p> + Those whom he admits in consultation will be ministers of his own + appointment, who, if they displease by their advice, must expect to be + dismissed. The authority also is too great, and the business too + complicated, to be intrusted to the ambition or the judgment of an + individual; and besides these cases, the sudden change of measures that + might follow by the going out of an individual Executive, and the election + of a new one, would hold the affairs of a nation in a state of perpetual + uncertainty. We come then to the case of a plural Executive. + </p> + <p> + It must be sufficiently plural, to give opportunity to discuss all the + various subjects that in the course of national business may come before + it; and yet not so numerous as to endanger the necessary secrecy that + certain cases, such as those of war, require. + </p> + <p> + Establishing, then, plurality as a principle, the only question is, What + shall be the number of that plurality? + </p> + <p> + Three are too few either for the variety or the quantity of business. The + Constitution has adopted five; and experience has shewn, from the + commencement of the Constitution to the time of the election of the new + legislative third, that this number of Directors, when well chosen, is + sufficient for all national executive purposes; and therefore a greater + number would be only an unnecessary expence. That the measures of the + Directory during that period were well concerted is proved by their + success; and their being well concerted shews they were well discussed; + and, therefore, that five is a sufficient number with respect to + discussion; and, on the other hand, the secret, whenever there was one, + (as in the case of the expedition to Ireland,) was well kept, and + therefore the number is not too great to endanger the necessary secrecy. + </p> + <p> + The reason why the two Councils are numerous is not from the necessity of + their being so, on account of business, but because that every part of the + republic shall find and feel itself in the national representation. + </p> + <p> + Next to the general principle of government by representation, the + excellence of the French Constitution consists in providing means to + prevent that abuse of power that might arise by letting it remain too long + in the same hands. This wise precaution pervades every part of the + Constitution. Not only the legislature is renewable by a third every year, + but the president of each of the Councils is renewable every month; and of + the Directory, one member each year, and its president every three months. + Those who formed the Constitution cannot be accused of having contrived + for themselves. The Constitution, in this respect, is as impartially + constructed as if those who framed it were to die as soon as they had + finished their work. + </p> + <p> + The only defect in the Constitution is that of having narrowed the right + of suffrage; and it is in a great measure due to this narrowing the right, + that the last elections have not generally been good. My former colleagues + will, I presume, pardon my saying this to day, when they recollect my + arguments against this defect, at the time the Constitution was discussed + in the Convention.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See Chapters XXIV. and XXV., also the letter prefaced to + XXVIII., in this volume.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + I will close this part of the subject by remarking on one of the most + vulgar and absurd sayings or dogmas that ever yet imposed itself upon the + world, which is, "<i>that a Republic is fit only for a small country, and + a Monarchy for a large one</i>." Ask those who say this their reasons why + it is so, and they can give none. + </p> + <p> + Let us then examine the case. If the quantity of knowledge in a government + ought to be proportioned to the extent of a country, and the magnitude and + variety of its affairs, it follows, as an undeniable result, that this + absurd dogma is false, and that the reverse of it is true. As to what is + called Monarchy, if it be adaptable to any country it can only be so to a + small one, whose concerns are few, little complicated, and all within the + comprehension of an individual. But when we come to a country of large + extent, vast population, and whose affairs are great, numerous, and + various, it is the representative republican system only, that can collect + into the government the quantity of knowledge necessary to govern to the + best national advantage. Montesquieu, who was strongly inclined to + republican government, sheltered himself under this absurd dogma; for he + had always the Bastile before his eyes when he was speaking of Republics, + and therefore <i>pretended</i> not to write for France. Condorcet governed + himself by the same caution, but it was caution only, for no sooner had he + the opportunity of speaking fully out than he did it. When I say this of + Condorcet, I know it as a fact. In a paper published in Paris, July, 1791, + entitled, "<i>The Republican, or the Defender of Representative + Government?</i>" is a piece signed <i>Thomas Paine</i>.(1) That piece was + concerted between Condorcet and myself. I wrote the original in English, + and Condorcet translated it. The object of it was to expose the absurdity + and falsehood of the above mentioned dogma. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Chapter II. of this volume. See also my "Life of Paine," + vol. i., p. 311.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + Having thus concisely glanced at the excellencies of the Constitution, and + the superiority of the representative system of government over every + other system, (if any other can be called a system,) I come to speak of + the circumstances that have intervened between the time the Constitution + was established and the event that took place on the 18th of Fructidor of + the present year. + </p> + <p> + Almost as suddenly as the morning light dissipates darkness, did the + establishment of the Constitution change the face of affairs in France. + Security succeeded to terror, prosperity to distress, plenty to famine, + and confidence increased as the days multiplied, until the coming of the + new third. A series of victories unequalled in the world, followed each + other, almost too rapidly to be counted, and too numerous to be + remembered. The Coalition, every where defeated and confounded, crumbled + away like a ball of dust in the hand of a giant. Every thing, during that + period, was acted on such a mighty scale that reality appeared a dream, + and truth outstript romance. It may figuratively be said, that the Rhine + and the Rubicon (Germany and Italy) replied in triumphs to each other, and + the echoing Alps prolonged the shout. I will not here dishonour a great + description by noticing too much the English government. It is sufficient + to say paradoxically, that in the magnitude of its littleness it cringed, + it intrigued, and sought protection in corruption. + </p> + <p> + Though the achievements of these days might give trophies to a nation and + laurels to its heroes, they derive their full radiance of glory from the + principle they inspired and the object they accomplished. Desolation, + chains, and slavery had marked the progress of former wars, but to conquer + for Liberty had never been thought of. To receive the degrading submission + of a distressed and subjugated people, and insultingly permit them to + live, made the chief triumph of former conquerors; but to receive them + with fraternity, to break their chains, to tell them they are free, and + teach them to be so, make a new volume in the history of man. + </p> + <p> + Amidst those national honours, and when only two enemies remained, both of + whom had solicited peace, and one of them had signed preliminaries, the + election of the new third commenced. Every thing was made easy to them. + All difficulties had been conquered before they arrived at the government. + They came in the olive days of the revolution, and all they had to do was + not to do mischief. + </p> + <p> + It was, however, not difficult to foresee, that the elections would not be + generally good. The horrid days of Robespierre were still remembered, and + the gratitude due to those who had put an end to them was forgotten. + </p> + <p> + Thousands who, by passive approbation during that tremendous scene, had + experienced no suffering, assumed the merit of being the loudest against + it. Their cowardice in not opposing it, became courage when it was over. + They exclaimed against Terrorism as if they had been the heroes that + overthrew it, and rendered themselves ridiculous by fantastically + overacting moderation. The most noisy of this class, that I have met with, + are those who suffered nothing. They became all things, at all times, to + all men; till at last they laughed at principle. It was the real + republicans who suffered most during the time of Robespierre. The + persecution began upon them on the 31st of May 1793, and ceased only by + the exertions of the remnant that survived. + </p> + <p> + In such a confused state of things as preceded the late elections the + public mind was put into a condition of being easily deceived; and it was + almost natural that the hypocrite would stand the best chance of being + elected into the new third. Had those who, since their election, have + thrown the public affairs into confusion by counter-revolutionary + measures, declared themselves beforehand, they would have been denounced + instead of being chosen. Deception was necessary to their success. The + Constitution obtained a full establishment; the revolution was considered + as complete; and the war on the eve of termination. In such a situation, + the mass of the people, fatigued by a long revolution, sought repose; and + in their elections they looked out for quiet men. They unfortunately found + hypocrites. Would any of the primary assemblies have voted for a civil + war? Certainly they would not. But the electoral assemblies of some + departments have chosen men whose measures, since their election, tended + to no other end but to provoke it. Either those electors have deceived + their constituents of the primary assemblies, or they have been themselves + deceived in the choice they made of deputies. + </p> + <p> + That there were some direct but secret conspirators in the new third can + scarcely admit of a doubt; but it is most reasonable to suppose that a + great part were seduced by the vanity of thinking they could do better + than those whom they succeeded. Instead of trusting to experience, they + attempted experiments. This counter-disposition prepared them to fall in + with any measures contrary to former measures, and that without seeing, + and probably without suspecting, the end to which they led. + </p> + <p> + No sooner were the members of the new third arrived at the seat of + government, than expectation was excited to see how they would act. Their + motions were watched by all parties, and it was impossible for them to + steal a march unobserved. They had it in their power to do great good, or + great mischief. A firm and manly conduct on their part, uniting with that + of the Directory and their colleagues, would have terminated the war. But + the moment before them was not the moment of hesitation. He that hesitates + in such situation is lost. + </p> + <p> + The first public act of the Council of Five Hundred was the election of + Pichegru to the presidency of that Council. He arrived at it by a very + large majority, and the public voice was in his favour. I among the rest + was one who rejoiced at it. But if the defection of Pichegru was at that + time known to Condi, and consequently to Pitt, it unveils the cause that + retarded all negotiations for peace.(1) They interpreted that election + into a signal of a counter-revolution, and were waiting for it; and they + mistook the respect shown to Pichegru, founded on the supposition of his + integrity, as a symptom of national revolt. Judging of things by their own + foolish ideas of government, they ascribed appearances to causes between + which there was no connection. Every thing on their part has been a comedy + of errors, and the actors have been chased from the stage. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Louis Joseph de Bourbon, Prince de Condi (1736-1818), + organized the French emigrants on the Rhine into an army + which was incorporated with that of Austria but paid by + England. He converted Pichegru into a secret partisan of the + Bourbons. He ultimately returned to France with Louis + XVIII., who made him colonel of infantry and master of the + royal household.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + Two or three decades of the new sessions passed away without any thing + very material taking place; but matters soon began to explain themselves. + The first thing that struck the public mind was, that no more was heard of + negotiations for peace, and that public business stood still. It was not + the object of the conspirators that there should be peace; but as it was + necessary to conceal their object, the Constitution was ransacked to find + pretences for delays. In vain did the Directory explain to them the state + of the finances and the wants of the army. The committee, charged with + that business, trifled away its time by a series of unproductive reports, + and continued to sit only to produce more. Every thing necessary to be + done was neglected, and every thing improper was attempted. Pichegru + occupied himself about forming a national guard for the Councils—the + suspicious signal of war,—Camille Jordan about priests and bells, + and the emigrants, with whom he had associated during the two years he was + in England.1 Willot and Delarue attacked the Directory: their object was + to displace some one of the directors, to get in another of their own. + Their motives with respect to the age of Barras (who is as old as he + wishes to be, and has been a little too old for them) were too obvious not + to be seen through.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine's pamphlet, addressed to Jordan, deals mainly with + religions matters, and is reserved for oar fourth volume.— + <i>Editor.</i>. + + 2 Paul Frangois Jean Nicolas Barras (1755-1899) was + President of the Directory at this time, 1797.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + In this suspensive state of things, the public mind, filled with + apprehensions, became agitated, and without knowing what it might be, + looked for some extraordinary event. It saw, for it could not avoid + seeing, that things could not remain long in the state they were in, but + it dreaded a convulsion. That spirit of triflingness which it had indulged + too freely when in a state of security, and which it is probable the new + agents had interpreted into indifference about the success of the + Republic, assumed a serious aspect that afforded to conspiracy no hope of + aid; but still it went on. It plunged itself into new measures with the + same ill success, and the further it went the further the public mind + retired. The conspiracy saw nothing around it to give it encouragement. + </p> + <p> + The obstinacy, however, with which it persevered in its repeated attacks + upon the Directory, in framing laws in favour of emigrants and refractory + priests, and in every thing inconsistent with the immediate safety of the + Republic, and which served to encourage the enemy to prolong the war, + admitted of no other direct interpretation than that something was rotten + in the Council of Five Hundred. The evidence of circumstances became every + day too visible not to be seen, and too strong to be explained away. Even + as errors, (to say no worse of them,) they are not entitled to apology; + for where knowledge is a duty, ignorance is a crime. + </p> + <p> + The more serious republicans, who had better opportunities than the + generality had, of knowing the state of politics, began to take the alarm, + and formed themselves into a Society, by the name of the Constitutional + Club. It is the only Society of which I have been a member in France; and + I went to this because it was become necessary that the friends of the + Republic should rally round the standard of the constitution. I met there + several of the original patriots of the revolution; I do not mean of the + last order of Jacobins, but of the first of that name. The faction in the + Council of Five Hundred, who, finding no counsel from the public, began to + be frightened at appearances, fortified itself against the dread of this + Society, by passing a law to dissolve it. The constitutionality of the law + was at least doubtful: but the Society, that it might not give the example + of exasperating matters already too much inflamed, suspended its meetings. + </p> + <p> + A matter, however, of much greater moment soon after presented itself. It + was the march of four regiments, some of whom, in the line of their route, + had to pass within about twelve leagues of Paris, which is the boundary + the Constitution had fixed as the distance of any armed force from the + legislative body. In another state of things, such a circumstance would + not have been noticed. But conspiracy is quick of suspicion, and the fear + which the faction in the Council of Five Hundred manifested upon this + occasion could not have suggested itself to innocent men; neither would + innocent men have expostulated with the Directory upon the case, in the + manner these men did. The question they urged went to extort from the + Directory, and to make known to the enemy, what the destination of the + troops was. The leaders of the faction conceived that the troops were + marching against them; and the conduct they adopted in consequence of it + was sufficient to justify the measure, even if it had been so. From what + other motive than the consciousness of their own designs could they have + fear? The troops, in every instance, had been the gallant defenders of the + Republic, and the openly declared friends of the Constitution; the + Directory had been the same, and if the faction were not of a different + description neither fear nor suspicion could have had place among them. + </p> + <p> + All those manouvres in the Council were acted under the most professional + attachment to the Constitution; and this as necessarily served to enfeeble + their projects. It is exceedingly difficult, and next to impossible, to + conduct a conspiracy, and still more so to give it success, in a popular + government. The disguised and feigned pretences which men in such cases + are obliged to act in the face of the public, suppress the action of the + faculties, and give even to natural courage the features of timidity. They + are not half the men they would be where no disguise is necessary. It is + impossible to be a hypocrite and to be brave at the same instant. + </p> + <p> + The faction, by the imprudence of its measures, upon the march of the + troops, and upon the declarations of the officers and soldiers to support + the Republic and the Constitution against all open or concealed attempts + to overturn them, had gotten itself involved with the army, and in effect + declared itself a party against it. On the one hand, laws were proposed to + admit emigrants and refractory priests as free citizens; and on the other + hand to exclude the troops from Paris, and to punish the soldiers who had + declared to support the Republic In the mean time all negociations for + peace went backward; and the enemy, still recruiting its forces, rested to + take advantage of circumstances. Excepting the absence of hostilities, it + was a state worse than war. + </p> + <p> + If all this was not a conspiracy, it had at least the features of one, and + was pregnant with the same mischiefs. The eyes of the faction could not + avoid being open to the dangers to which it obstinately exposed the + Republic; yet still it persisted. During this scene, the journals devoted + to the faction were repeatedly announcing the near approach of peace with + Austria and with England, and often asserting that it was concluded. This + falsehood could be intended for no other purpose than to keep the eyes of + the people shut against the dangers to which they were exposed. + </p> + <p> + Taking all circumstances together, it was impossible that such a state of + things could continue long; and at length it was resolved to bring it to + an issue. There is good reason to believe that the affair of the 18th + Fructidor (September 4) was intended to have taken place two days before; + but on recollecting that it was the 2d of September, a day mournful in the + annals of the revolution, it was postponed. When the issue arrived, the + faction found to its cost it had no party among the public. It had sought + its own disasters, and was left to suffer the consequences. Foreign + enemies, as well as those of the interior, if any such there be, ought to + see in the event of this day that all expectation of aid from any part of + the public in support of a counter revolution is delusion. In a state of + security the thoughtless, who trembled at terror, may laugh at principles + of Liberty (for they have laughed) but it is one thing to indulge a + foolish laugh, quite another thing to surrender Liberty. + </p> + <p> + Considering the event of the 18th Fructidor in a political light, it is + one of those that are justifiable only on the supreme law of absolute + necessity, and it is the necessity abstracted from the event that is to be + deplored. The event itself is matter of joy. Whether the manouvres in the + Council of Five Hundred were the conspiracy of a few, aided l>y the + perverseness of many, or whether it had a deeper root, the dangers were + the same. It was impossible to go on. Every thing was at stake, and all + national business at a stand. The case reduced itself to a simple + alternative—shall the Republic be destroyed by the darksome + manouvres -of a faction, or shall it be preserved by an exceptional act? + </p> + <p> + During the American Revolution, and that after the State constitutions + were established, particular cases arose that rendered it necessary to act + in a manner that would have been treasonable in a state of peace. At one + time Congress invested General Washington with dictatorial power. At + another time the Government of Pennsylvania suspended itself and declared + martial law. It was the necessity of the times only that made the apology + of those extraordinary measures. But who was it that produced the + necessity of an extraordinary measure in France? A faction, and that in + the face of prosperity and success. Its conduct is without apology; and it + is on the faction only that the exceptional measure has fallen. The public + has suffered no inconvenience. If there are some men more disposed than + others not to act severely, I have a right to place myself in that class; + the whole of my political life invariably proves it; yet I cannot see, + taking all parts of the case together, what else, or what better, could + have been done, than has been done. It was a great stroke, applied in a + great crisis, that crushed in an instant, and without the loss of a life, + all the hopes of the enemy, and restored tranquillity to the interior. + </p> + <p> + The event was ushered in by the discharge of two cannon at four in the + morning, and was the only noise that was heard throughout the day. It + naturally excited a movement among the Parisians to enquire the cause. + They soon learned it, and the countenance they carried was easy to be + interpreted. It was that of a people who, for some time past, had been + oppressed with apprehensions of some direful event, and who felt + themselves suddenly relieved, by finding what it was. Every one went about + his business, or followed his curiosity in quietude. It resembled the + cheerful tranquillity of the day when Louis XVI. absconded in 1791, and + like that day it served to open the eyes of the nation. + </p> + <p> + If we take a review of the various events, as well conspiracies as + commotions, that have succeeded each other in this revolution, we shall + see how the former have wasted consumptively away, and the consequences of + the latter have softened. The 31st May and its consequences were terrible. + That of the 9th and 10th Thermidor, though glorious for the republic, as + it overthrew one of the most horrid and cruel despotisms that ever raged, + was nevertheless marked with many circumstances of severe and continued + retaliation. The commotions of Germinal and Prairial of the year 3, and of + Vendemaire of the year 4, were many degrees below those that preceded + them, and affected but a small part of the public. This of Pichegru and + his associates has been crushed in an instant, without the stain of blood, + and without involving the public in the least inconvenience. + </p> + <p> + These events taken in a series, mark the progress of the Republic from + disorder to stability. The contrary of this is the case in all parts of + the British dominions. There, commotions are on an ascending scale; every + one is higher than the former. That of the sailors had nearly been the + overthrow of the government. But the most potent of all is the invisible + commotion in the Bank. It works with the silence of time, and the + certainty of death. Every thing happening in France is curable; but this + is beyond the reach of nature or invention. + </p> + <p> + Leaving the event of the 18th Fructidor to justify itself by the necessity + that occasioned it, and glorify itself by the happiness of its + consequences, I come to cast a coup-d'oil on the present state of affairs. + </p> + <p> + We have seen by the lingering condition of the negociations for peace, + that nothing was to be expected from them, in the situation that things + stood prior to the 18th Fructidor. The armies had done wonders, but those + wonders were rendered unproductive by the wretched manouvres of a faction. + New exertions are now necessary to repair the mischiefs which that faction + has done. The electoral bodies, in some Departments, who by an injudicious + choice, or a corrupt influence, have sent improper deputies to the + Legislature, have some atonement to make to their country. The evil + originated with them, and the least they can do is to be among the + foremost to repair it. + </p> + <p> + It is, however, in vain to lament an evil that is past. There is neither + manhood nor policy in grief; and it often happens that an error in + politics, like an error in war, admits of being turned to greater + advantage than if it had not occurred. The enemy, encouraged by that + error, presumes too much, and becomes doubly foiled by the re-action. + England, unable to conquer, has stooped to corrupt; and defeated in the + last, as in the first, she is in a worse condition than before. + Continually increasing her crimes, she increases the measure of her + atonement, and multiplies the sacrifices she must make to obtain peace. + Nothing but the most obstinate stupidity could have induced her to let + slip the opportunity when it was within her reach. In addition to the + prospect of new expenses, she is now, to use Mr. Pitt's own figurative + expression against France, <i>not only on the brink, but in the gulph of + bankruptcy</i>. There is no longer any mystery in paper money. Call it + assignats, mandats, exchequer bills, or bank notes, it is still the same. + Time has solved the problem, and experience has fixed its fate.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See Chapter XXVI. of this volume.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + The government of that unfortunate country discovers its faithlessness so + much, that peace on any terms with her is scarcely worth obtaining. Of + what use is peace with a government that will employ that peace for no + other purpose than to repair, as far as it is possible, her shattered + finances and broken credit, and then go to war again? Four times within + the last ten years, from the time the American war closed, has the + Anglo-germanic government of England been meditating fresh war. First with + France on account of Holland, in 1787; afterwards with Russia; then with + Spain, on account of Nootka Sound; and a second time against France, to + overthrow her revolution. Sometimes that government employs Prussia + against Austria; at another time Austria against Prussia; and always one + or the other, or both against France. Peace with such a government is only + a treacherous cessation of hostilities. + </p> + <p> + The frequency of wars on the part of England, within the last century, + more than before, must have had some cause that did not exist prior to + that epoch. It is not difficult to discover what that cause is. It is the + mischievous compound of an Elector of the Germanic body and a King of + England; and which necessarily must, at some day or other, become an + object of attention to France. That one nation has not a right to + interfere in the internal government of another nation, is admitted; and + in this point of view, France has no right to dictate to England what its + form of government shall be. If it choose to have a thing called a King, + or whether that King shall be a man or an ass, is a matter with which + France has no business. But whether an Elector of the Germanic body shall + be King of England, is an <i>external</i> case, with which France and + every other nation, who suffers inconvenience and injury in consequence of + it, has a right to interfere. + </p> + <p> + It is from this mischievous compound of Elector and King, that originates + a great part of the troubles that vex the continent of Europe; and with + respect to England, it has been the cause of her immense national debt, + the ruin of her finances, and the insolvency of her bank. All intrigues on + the continent, in which England is a party, or becomes involved, are + generated by, and act through, the medium of this Anglo-germanic compound. + It will be necessary to dissolve it. Let the Elector retire to his + Electorate, and the world will have peace. + </p> + <p> + England herself has given examples of interference in matters of this + kind, and that in cases where injury was only apprehended. She engaged in + a long and expensive war against France (called the succession war) to + prevent a grandson of Louis the Fourteenth being king of Spain; because, + said she, <i>it will be injurious</i> to me; and she has been fighting and + intriguing against what was called the family-compact ever since. In 1787 + she threatened France with war to prevent a connection between France and + Hoi-land; and in all her propositions of peace to-day she is dictating + separations. But if she look at the Anglo-germanic compact at home, called + the Hanover succession, she cannot avoid seeing that France necessarily + must, some day or other, take up that subject, and make the return of the + Elector to his Electorate one of the conditions of peace. There will be no + lasting peace between the two countries till this be done, and the sooner + it be done the better will it be for both. + </p> + <p> + I have not been in any company where this matter aas been a topic, that + did not see it in the light it is here stated. Even Barthilimy,(1) when he + first came to the Directory (and Barthilimy was never famous for + patriotism) acknowledged in my hearing, and in company with Derchi, + Secretary to the Legation at Lille, the connection of an Elector of + Germany and a King of England to be injurious to France. I do not, + however, mention it from a wish to embarrass the negociation for peace. + The Directory has fixed its <i>ultimatum</i>; but if that ultimatum be + rejected, the obligation to adhere to it is discharged, and a new one may + be assumed. So wretchedly has Pitt managed his opportunities; that every + succeeding negociation has ended in terms more against him than the + former. If the Directory had bribed him, he could not serve his interest + better than he does. He serves it as Lord North served that of America, + which finished in the discharge of his master.* + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Marquis de Barthilimy (Frangois) (1750-1830) entered the + Directory in June, 1796, through royalist influence. He + shared Pichegru's banishment, and subsequently became an + agent of Louis XVIII.—<i>Editor.</i> + + * The father of Pitt, when a member of the House of Commons, + exclaiming one day, during a former war, against the + enormous and ruinous expense of German connections, as the + offspring of the Hanover succession, and borrowing a + metaphor from the story of Prometheus, cried out: "Thus, + Hie Prometheus, is Britain chained to the barren rock of + Hanover; whilst the imperial eagle preys upon her vitals."— + Author. +</pre> + <p> + Thus far I had written when the negociation at Lille became suspended, in + consequence of which I delayed the publication, that the ideas suggested + in this letter might not intrude themselves during the interval. The <i>ultimatum</i> + offered by the Directory, as the terms of peace, was more moderate than + the government of England had a right to expect. That government, though + the provoker of the war, and the first that committed hostilities by + sending away the ambassador Chauvelin,(**) had formerly talked of + demanding from France, <i>indemnification for the past and security for + the future</i>. France, in her turn, might have retorted, and demanded the + same from England; but she did not. As it was England that, in consequence + of her bankruptcy, solicited peace, France offered it to her on the simple + condition of her restoring the islands she had taken. The ultimatum has + been rejected, and the negociation broken off. The spirited part of France + will say, <i>tant mieux</i>, so much the better. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + ** It was stipulated in the treaty of commerce between + France and England, concluded at Paris, that the sending + away an ambassador by either party, should be taken as an + act of hostility by the other party. The declaration of war + (Feb. M *793) by the Convention, of which I was then a + member and know well the case, was made in exact conformity + to this article in the treaty; for it was not a declaration + of war against England, but a declaration that the French + Republic is in war with England; the first act of hostility + having been committed by England. The declaration was made + immediately on Chauvelin's return to France, and in + consequence of it. Mr. Pitt should inform himself of things + better than he does, before he prates so much about them, or + of the sending away of Malmesbury, who was only on a visit + of permission.—Author. +</pre> + <p> + How the people of England feel on the breaking up of the negociation, + which was entirely the act of their own Government, is best known to + themselves; but from what I know of the two nations, France ought to hold + herself perfectly indifferent about a peace with the Government of + England. Every day adds new strength to France and new embarrassments to + her enemy. The resources of the one increase, as those of the other become + exhausted. England is now reduced to the same system of paper money from + which France has emerged, and we all know the inevitable fate of that + system. It is not a victory over a few ships, like that on the coast of + Holland, that gives the least support or relief to a paper system. On the + news of this victory arriving in England, the funds did not rise a + farthing. The Government rejoiced, but its creditors were silent. + </p> + <p> + It is difficult to find a motive, except in folly and madness, for the + conduct of the English government. Every calculation and prediction of Mr. + Pitt has turned out directly the contrary; yet still he predicts. He + predicted, with all the solemn assurance of a magician, that France would + be bankrupt in a few months. He was right as to the thing, but wrong as to + the place, for the bankruptcy happened in England whilst the words were + yet warm upon his lips. To find out what will happen, it is only necessary + to know what Mr. Pitt predicts. He is a true prophet if taken in the + reverse. + </p> + <p> + Such is the ruinous condition that England is now in, that great as the + difficulties of war are to the people, the difficulties that would + accompany peace are equally as great to the Government. Whilst the war + continues, Mr. Pitt has a pretence for shutting up the bank. But as that + pretence could last no longer than the war lasted, he dreads the peace + that would expose the absolute bankruptcy of the government, and unveil to + a deceived nation the ruinous effect of his measures. Peace would be a day + of accounts to him, and he shuns it as an insolvent debtor shuns a meeting + of his creditors. War furnishes him with many pretences; peace would + furnish him with none, and he stands alarmed at its consequences. His + conduct in the negociation at Lille can be easily interpreted. It is not + for the sake of the nation that he asks to retain some of the taken + islands; for what are islands to a nation that has already too many for + her own good, or what are they in comparison to the expense of another + campaign in the present depreciating state of the English funds? (And even + then those islands must be restored.) + </p> + <p> + No, it is not for the sake of the nation that he asks. It is for the sake + of himself. It is as if he said to France, Give me some pretence, cover me + from disgrace when my day of reckoning comes! + </p> + <p> + Any person acquainted with the English Government knows that every + Minister has some dread of what is called in England the winding up of + accounts at the end of a war; that is, the final settlement of all + expenses incurred by the war; and no Minister had ever so great cause of + dread as Mr. Pitt. A burnt child dreads the fire, and Pitt has had some + experience upon this case. The winding up of accounts at the end of the + American war was so great, that, though he was not the cause of it, and + came into the Ministry with great popularity, he lost it all by + undertaking, what was impossible for him to avoid, the voluminous business + of the winding up. If such was the case in settling the accounts of his + predecessor, how much more has he to apprehend when the accounts to be + settled are his own? All men in bad circumstances hate the settlement of + accounts, and Pitt, as a Minister, is of that description. + </p> + <p> + But let us take a view of things on a larger ground than the case of a + Minister. It will then be found, that England, on a comparison of strength + with France, when both nations are disposed to exert their utmost, has no + possible chance of success. The efforts that England made within the last + century were not generated on the ground of <i>natural ability</i>, but of + <i>artificial anticipations</i>. She ran posterity into debt, and + swallowed up in one generation the resources of several generations yet to + come, till the project can be pursued no longer. It is otherwise in + France. The vastness of her territory and her population render the burden + easy that would make a bankrupt of a country like England. + </p> + <p> + It is not the weight of a thing, but the numbers who are to bear that + weight, that makes it feel light or heavy to the shoulders of those who + bear it. A land-tax of half as much in the pound as the land-tax is in + England, will raise nearly four times as much revenue in France as is + raised in England. This is a scale easily understood, by which all the + other sections of productive revenue can be measured. Judge then of the + difference of natural ability. + </p> + <p> + England is strong in a navy; but that navy costs about eight millions + sterling a-year, and is one of the causes that has hastened her + bankruptcy. The history of navy bills sufficiently proves this. But strong + as England is in this case, the fate of navies must finally be decided by + the natural ability of each country to carry its navy to the greatest + extent; and France is able to support a navy twice as large as that of + England, with less than half the expense per head on the people, which the + present navy of England costs. + </p> + <p> + We all know that a navy cannot be raised as expeditiously as an army. But + as the average duration of a navy, taking the decay of time, storms, and + all circumstances and accidents together, is less than twenty years, every + navy must be renewed within that time; and France at the end of a few + years, can create and support a navy of double the extent of that of + England; and the conduct of the English government will provoke her to it. + </p> + <p> + But of what use are navies otherwise than to make or prevent invasions? + Commercially considered, they are losses. They scarcely give any + protection to the commerce of the countries which have them, compared with + the expense of maintaining them, and they insult the commerce of the + nations that are neutral. + </p> + <p> + During the American war, the plan of the armed neutrality was formed and + put in execution: but it was inconvenient, expensive, and ineffectual. + This being the case, the problem is, does not commerce contain within + itself, the means of its own protection? It certainly does, if the neutral + nations will employ that means properly. + </p> + <p> + Instead then of an <i>armed neutrality</i>, the plan should be directly + the contrary. It should be an <i>unarmed neutrality</i>. In the first + place, the rights of neutral nations are easily defined. They are such as + are exercised by nations in their intercourse with each other in time of + peace, and which ought not, and cannot of right, be interrupted in + consequence of war breaking out between any two or more of them. + </p> + <p> + Taking this as a principle, the next thing is to give it effect. The plan + of the armed neutrality was to effect it by threatening war; but an + unarmed neutrality can effect it by much easier and more powerful means. + </p> + <p> + Were the neutral nations to associate, under an honourable injunction of + fidelity to each other, and publicly declare to the world, that if any + belligerent power shall seize or molest any ship or vessel belonging to + the citizens or subjects of any of the powers composing that Association, + that the whole Association will shut its ports against the flag of the + offending nation, and will not permit any goods, wares, or merchandise, + produced or manufactured in the offending nation, or appertaining thereto, + to be imported into any of the ports included in the Association, until + reparation be made to the injured party,—the reparation to be three + times the value of the vessel and cargo,—and moreover that all + remittances on money, goods, and bills of exchange, do cease to be made to + the offending nation, until the said reparation be made: were the neutral + nations only to do this, which it is their direct interest to do, England, + as a nation depending on the commerce of neutral nations in time of war, + dare not molest them, and France would not. But whilst, from the want of a + common system, they individually permit England to do it, because + individually they cannot resist it, they put France under the necessity of + doing the same thing. The supreme of all laws, in all cases, is that of + self-preservation. + </p> + <p> + As the commerce of neutral nations would thus be protected by the means + that commerce naturally contains within itself, all the naval operations + of France and England would be confined within the circle of acting + against each other: and in that case it needs no spirit of prophecy to + discover that France must finally prevail. The sooner this be done, the + better will it be for both nations, and for all the world. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine had already prepared his "Maritime Compact," and + devised the Rainbow Flag, which was to protect commerce, the + substance and history of which constitutes his Seventh + Letter to the People of the United States, Chapter XXXIII. + of the present volume. He sent the articles of his proposed + international Association to the Minister of Foreign + Relations, Talleyrand, who responded with a cordial letter. + The articles of "Maritime Compact," translated into French + by Nicolas Bouneville, were, in 1800, sent to all the + Ministers of Foreign Affairs in Europe, and to the + ambassadors in Paris.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0031" id="Dlink2H_4_0031"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXX. THE RECALL OF MONROE. (1) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Monroe, like Edmund Randolph and Thomas Paine, was + sacrificed to the new commercial alliance with Great + Britain. The Cabinet of Washington were entirely hostile to + France, and in their determination to replace Monroe were + assisted by Gouverneur Morris, still in Europe, who wrote to + President Washington calumnies against that Minister. In a + letter of December 19, 1795, Morris tells Washington that he + had heard from a trusted informant that Monroe had said to + several Frenchmen that "he had no doubt but that, if they + would do what was proper here, he and his friends would turn + out Washington." On July 2, 1796, the Cabinet ministers, + Pickering, Wolcott, and Mo-Henry, wrote to the President + their joint opinion that the interests of the United States + required Monroe's recall, and slanderously connected him + with anonymous letters from France written by M. + Montflorence. The recall, dated August 22, 1796, reached + Monroe early in November. It alluded to certain "concurring + circumstances," which induced his removal, and these "hidden + causes" (in Paine's phrase) Monroe vainly demanded on his + return to America early in 1797. The Directory, on + notification of Monroe's recall, resolved not to recognize + his successor, and the only approach to an American Minister + in Paris for the remainder of the century was Thomas Paine, + who was consulted by the Foreign Ministers, De la Croix and + Talleyrand, and by Napoleon. On the approach of C. C. + Pinckney, as successor to Monroe, Paine feared that his + dismissal might entail war, and urged the Minister (De la + Croix) to regard Pinckney,—nominated in a recess of the + Senate,—as in "suspension" until confirmed by that body. + There might be unofficial "pourparlers," with him. This + letter (State Archives, Paris, Itats Unis, vol. 46, fol. 425) + was considered for several days before Pinckney reached + Paris (December 5, 1796), but the Directory considered that + it was not a "dignified" course, and Pinckney was ordered to + leave French territory, under the existing decree against + foreigners who had no permit to remain.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Paris, Sept. 27, 1797. Editors of the Bien-in formi. + </p> + <p> + Citizens: in your 19th number of the complementary 5th, you gave an + analysis of the letters of James Monroe to Timothy Pickering. The + newspapers of Paris and the departments have copied this correspondence + between the ambassador of the United States and the Secretary of State. I + notice, however, that a few of them have omitted some important facts, + whilst indulging in comments of such an extraordinary nature that it is + clear they know neither Monroe's integrity nor the intrigues of Pitt in + this affair. + </p> + <p> + The recall of Monroe is connected with circumstances so important to the + interests of France and the United States, that we must be careful not to + confound it with the recall of an ordinary individual. The Washington + faction had affected to spread it abroad that James Monroe was the cause + of rupture between the two Republics. This accusation is a perfidious and + calumnious one; since the main point in this affair is not so much the + recall of a worthy, enlightened and republican minister, as the + ingratitude and clandestine manoeuvering of the government of Washington, + who caused the misunderstanding by signing a treaty injurious to the + French Republic. + </p> + <p> + James Monroe, in his letters, does not deny the right of government to + withdraw its confidence from any one of its delegates, representatives, or + agents. He has hinted, it is true, that caprice and temper are not in + accordance with the spirit of paternal rule, and that whenever a + representative government punishes or rewards, good faith, integrity and + justice should replace <i>the good pleasure of Kings</i>. + </p> + <p> + In the present case, they have done more than recall an agent. Had they + confined themselves to depriving him of his appointment, James Monroe + would have kept silence; but he has been accused of lighting the torch of + discord in both Republics. The refutation of this absurd and infamous + reproach is the chief object of his correspondence. If he did not + immediately complain of these slanders in his letters of the 6th and 8th + [July], it is because he wished to use at first a certain degree of + caution, and, if it were possible, to stifle intestine troubles at their + birth. He wished to reopen the way to peaceful negotiations to be + conducted with good faith and justice. + </p> + <p> + The arguments of the Secretary of State on the rights of the supreme + administration of the United States are peremptory; but the observations + of Monroe on the hidden causes of his recall are touching; they come from + the heart; they are characteristic of an excellent citizen. If he does + more than complain of his unjust recall as a man of feeling would; if he + proudly asks for proofs of a grave accusation, it is after he has tried in + vain every honest and straightforward means. He will not suffer that a + government, sold to the enemies of freedom, should discharge upon him its + shame, its crimes, its ingratitude, and all the odium of its unjust + dealings. + </p> + <p> + Were Monroe to find himself an object of public hatred, the Republican + party in the United States, that party which is the sincere ally of + France, would be annihilated, and this is the aim of the English + government. + </p> + <p> + Imagine the triumph of Pitt, if Monroe and the other friends of freedom in + America, should be unjustly attacked in France! + </p> + <p> + Monroe does not lay his cause before the Senate since the Senate itself + ratified the unconstitutional treaty; he appeals to the house of + Representatives, and at the same time lays his cause before the upright + tribunal of the American nation. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0032" id="Dlink2H_4_0032"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXXI. PRIVATE LETTER TO PRESIDENT JEFFERSON. + </h2> + <p> + Paris, October 1, 1800. + </p> + <p> + Dear Sir,—I wrote to you from Havre by the ship Dublin Packet in the + year 1797. It was then my intention to return to America; but there were + so many British frigates cruising in sight of the port, and which after a + few days knew that I was at Havre waiting to go to America, that I did not + think it best to trust myself to their discretion, and the more so, as I + had no confidence in the captain of the Dublin Packet (Clay).(1) I + mentioned to you in that letter, which I believe you received thro' the + hands of Colonel [Aaron] Burr, that I was glad since you were not + President that you had accepted the nomination of Vice President. + </p> + <p> + The Commissioners Ellsworth & Co.(2) have been here about eight + months, and three more useless mortals never came upon public business. + Their presence appears to me to have been rather an injury than a benefit. + They set themselves up for a faction as soon as they arrived. I was then + in Belgia.(3) Upon my return to Paris I learnt they had made a point of + not returning the visits of Mr. Skipwith and Barlow, because, they said, + they had not the confidence of the executive. Every known republican was + treated in the same manner. I learned from Mr. Miller of Philadelphia, who + had occasion to see them upon business, that they did not intend to return + my visit, if I made one. This, I supposed, it was intended I should know, + that I might not make one. It had the contrary effect. I went to see Mr. + Ellsworth. I told him, I did not come to see him as a commissioner, nor to + congratulate him upon his mission; that I came to see him because I had + formerly known him in Congress. "I mean not," said I, "to press you with + any questions, or to engage you in any conversation upon the business you + are come upon, but I will nevertheless candidly say that I know not what + expectations the Government or the people of America may have of your + mission, or what expectations you may have yourselves, but I believe you + will find you can do but little. The treaty with England lies at the + threshold of all your business. The American Government never did two more + foolish things than when it signed that Treaty and recalled Mr. Monroe, + who was the only man could do them any service." Mr. Ellsworth put on the + dull gravity of a Judge, and was silent. I added, "You may perhaps make a + treaty like that you have made with England, which is a surrender of the + rights of the American flag; for the principle that neutral ships make + neutral property must be general or not at all." I then changed the + subject, for I had all the talk to myself upon this topic, and enquired + after Samuel Adams, (I asked nothing about John,) Mr. Jefferson, Mr. + Monroe, and others of my friends; and the melancholy case of the yellow + fever,—of which he gave me as circumstantial an account as if he had + been summing up a case to a Jury. Here my visit ended, and had Mr. + Ellsworth been as cunning as a statesman, or as wise as a Judge, he would + have returned my visit that he might appear insensible of the intention of + mine. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The packet was indeed searched for Paine by a British + cruiser.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Oliver Ellsworth (Chief Justice), W. V. Murray, and W. R. + Davie, were sent by President Adams to France to negotiate a + treaty. In this they failed, but a convention was signed + September 30, 1800, which terminated the treaty of 1778, + which had become a source of discord, and prepared the way + for the negotiations of Livingston and Monroe in 1803.— + <i>Editor.</i> + + 3 Paine had visited his room-mate in Luxembourg prison, + Vanhuele, who was now Mayor of Bruges.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I now come to the affairs of this country and of Europe. You will, I + suppose, have heard before this arrives to you, of the battle of Marengo + in Italy, where the Austrians were defeated—of the armistice in + consequence thereof, and the surrender of Milan, Genoa etc. to the french—of + the successes of the french Army in Germany—and the extension of the + armistice in that quarter—of the preliminaries of Peace signed at + Paris—of the refusal of the Emperor [of Austria] to ratify these + preliminaries—of the breaking of the armistice by the french + Government in consequence of that refusal—of the "gallant" + expedition of the Emperor to put himself at the head of his Army—of + his pompous arrival there—of his having made his will—of + prayers being put in all his churches for the preservation of the life of + this Hero—of General Moreau announcing to him, immediately on his + arrival at the Army, that hostilities would commence the day after the + next at sunrise unless he signed the treaty or gave security that he would + sign within 45 days—of his surrendering up three of the principal + keys of Germany (Ulm, Philipsbourg, and Ingolstadt) as security that he + would sign them. This is the state things are now in, at the time of + writing this letter; but it is proper to add that the refusal of the + Emperor to sign the preliminaries was motived upon a note from the King of + England to be admitted to the Congress for negociating Peace, which was + consented to by the french upon the condition of an armistice at Sea, + which England, before knowing of the surrender the Emperor had made, had + refused. From all which it appears to me, judging from circumstances, that + the Emperor is now so compleatly in the hands of the french, that he has + no way of getting out but by a peace. The Congress for the peace is to be + held at Luniville, a town in France. Since the affair of Rastadt the + French commissioners will not trust themselves within the Emperor's + territory. + </p> + <p> + I now come to domestic Affairs. I know not what the Commissioners have + done, but from a paper I enclose to you, which appears to have some + authority, it is not much. The paper as you will perceive is considerably + prior to this letter. I know that the Commissioners before this piece + appeared intended setting off. It is therefore probable that what they + have done is conformable to what this paper mentions, which certainly will + not atone for the expence their mission has incurred, neither are they, by + all the accounts I hear of them, men fitted for the business. + </p> + <p> + But independently of these matters there appears to be a state of + circumstances rising, which if it goes on, will render all partial + treaties unnecessary. In the first place I doubt if any peace will be made + with England; and in the second place, I should not wonder to see a + coalition formed against her, to compel her to abandon her insolence on + the seas. This brings me to speak of the manuscripts I send you. + </p> + <p> + The piece No. I, without any title, was written in consequence of a + question put to me by Bonaparte. As he supposed I knew England and English + Politics he sent a person to me to ask, that in case of negociating a + Peace with Austria, whether it would be proper to include England. This + was when Count St. Julian was in Paris, on the part of the Emperor + negociating the preliminaries:—which as I have before said the + Emperor refused to sign on the pretence of admitting England. + </p> + <p> + The piece No. 2, entitled <i>On the Jacobinism of the English at sea</i>, + was written when the English made their insolent and impolitic expedition + to Denmark, and is also an auxiliary to the politic of No. I. I shewed it + to a friend [Bonneville] who had it translated into french, and printed in + the form of a Pamphlet, and distributed gratis among the foreign + Ministers, and persons in the Government. It was immediately copied into + several of the french Journals, and into the official Paper, the Moniteur. + It appeared in this paper one day before the last dispatch arrived from + Egypt; which agreed perfectly with what I had said respecting Egypt. It + hit the two cases of Denmark and Egypt in the exact proper moment. + </p> + <p> + The Piece No. 3, entitled <i>Compact Maritime</i>, is the sequel of No. 2, + digested in form. It is translating at the time I write this letter, and I + am to have a meeting with the Senator Garat upon the subject. The pieces 2 + and 3 go off in manuscript to England, by a confidential person, where + they will be published.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The substance of most of these "pieces" are embodied in + Paine's Seventh Letter to the People of the United States + (infra p. 420).—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + By all the news we get from the North there appears to be something + meditating against England. It is now given for certain that Paul has + embargoed all the English vessels and English property in Russia till some + principle be established for protecting the Rights of neutral Nations, and + securing the liberty of the Seas. The preparations in Denmark continue, + notwithstanding the convention that she has made with England, which + leaves the question with respect to the right set up by England to stop + and search Neutral vessels undecided. I send you the paragraphs upon the + subject. + </p> + <p> + The tumults are great in all parts of England on account of the excessive + price of corn and bread, which has risen since the harvest. I attribute it + more to the abundant increase of paper, and the non-circulation of cash, + than to any other cause. People in trade can push the paper off as fast as + they receive it, as they did by continental money in America; but as + farmers have not this opportunity, they endeavor to secure themselves by + going considerably in advance. + </p> + <p> + I have now given you all the great articles of intelligence, for I trouble + not myself with little ones, and consequently not with the Commissioners, + nor any thing they are about, nor with John Adams, otherwise than to wish + him safe home, and a better and wiser man in his place. + </p> + <p> + In the present state of circumstances and the prospects arising from them, + it may be proper for America to consider whether it is worth her while to + enter into any treaty at this moment, or to wait the event of those + circumstances which if they go on will render partial treaties useless by + deranging them. But if, in the mean time, she enters into any treaty it + ought to be with a condition to the following purpose: Reserving to + herself the right of joining in an Association of Nations for the + protection of the Rights of Neutral Commerce and the security of the + liberty of the Seas. + </p> + <p> + The pieces 2, 3, may go to the press. They will make a small pamphlet and + the printers are welcome to put my name to it. (It is best it should be + put.) From thence they will get into the newspapers. I know that the + faction of John Adams abuses me pretty heartily. They are welcome. + </p> + <p> + It does not disturb me, and they lose their labour; and in return for it I + am doing America more service, as a neutral Nation, than their expensive + Commissioners can do, and she has that service from me for nothing. The + piece No. 1 is only for your own amusement and that of your friends. + </p> + <p> + I come now to speak confidentially to you on a private subject. When Mr. + Ellsworth and Davie return to America, Murray will return to Holland, and + in that case there will be nobody in Paris but Mr. Skipwith that has been + in the habit of transacting business with the french Government since the + revolution began. He is on a good standing with them, and if the chance of + the day should place you in the presidency you cannot do better than + appoint him for any purpose you may have occasion for in France. He is an + honest man and will do his country justice, and that with civility and + good manners to the government he is commissioned to act with; a faculty + which that Northern Bear Timothy Pickering wanted, and which the Bear of + that Bear, John Adams, never possessed. + </p> + <p> + I know not much of Mr. Murray, otherwise than of his unfriendliness to + every American who is not of his faction, but I am sure that Joel Barlow + is a much fitter man to be in Holland than Mr. Murray. It is upon the + fitness of the man to the place that I speak, for I have not communicated + a thought upon the subject to Barlow, neither does he know, at the time of + my writing this (for he is at Havre), that I have intention to do it. + </p> + <p> + I will now, by way of relief, amuse you with some account of the progress + of iron bridges. + </p> + <p> + [Here follows an account of the building of the iron bridge at Sunderland, + England, and some correspondence with Mr. Milbanke, M. P., which will be + given more fully and precisely in a chapter of vol. IV. (Appendix), on + Iron Bridges, and is therefore omitted here.] + </p> + <p> + I have now made two other Models [of bridges]. One is pasteboard, five + feet span and five inches of height from the cords. It is in the opinion + of every person who has seen it one of the most beautiful objects the eye + can behold. I then cast a model in metal following the construction of + that in paste-board and of the same dimensions. The whole was executed in + my own Chamber. It is far superior in strength, elegance, and readiness in + execution to the model I made in America, and which you saw in Paris.(1) I + shall bring those models with me when I come home, which will be as soon + as I can pass the seas in safety from the piratical John Bulls. I suppose + you have seen, or have heard of the Bishop of Landaff's answer to my + second part of the Age of Reason. As soon as I got a copy of it I began a + third part, which served also as an answer to the Bishop; but as soon as + the clerical society for promoting <i>Christian Knowledge</i> knew of my + intention to answer the Bishop, they prosecuted, as a Society, the printer + of the first and second parts, to prevent that answer appearing. No other + reason than this can be assigned for their prosecuting at the time they + did, because the first part had been in circulation above three years and + the second part more than one, and they prosecuted immediately on knowing + that I was taking up their Champion. The Bishop's answer, like Mr. Burke's + attack on the french revolution, served me as a back-ground to bring + forward other subjects upon, with more advantage than if the background + was not there. This is the motive that induced me to answer him, otherwise + I should have gone on without taking any notice of him. I have made and am + still making additions to the manuscript, and shall continue to do so till + an opportunity arrive for publishing it. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 "These models exhibit an extraordinary degree not only of + skill, but of taste, and are wrought with extreme delicacy + entirely by his own hands. The largest is nearly four feet + in length; the iron-works, the chains, and every other + article belonging to it, were forged and manufactured by + himself. It is intended as the model of a bridge which is to + be constructed across the Delaware, extending 480 feet, with + only one arch. The other is to be erected over a lesser + river, whose name I forget, and is likewise a single arch, + and of his own workmanship, excepting the chains, which, + instead of iron, are cut out of paste-hoard by the fair hand + of his correspondent, the 'Little Corner of the World' (Lady + Smyth), whose indefatigable perseverance is extraordinary. + He was offered #3000 for these models and refused it."— + Yorke's <i>Letters from France</i>, These models excited much + admiration in Washington and Philadelphia. They remained for + a long time in Peale's Museum at Philadelphia, but no trace + is left of them.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + If any American frigate should come to france, and the direction of it + fall to you, I will be glad you would give me the opportunity of + returning. The abscess under which I suffered almost two years is entirely + healed of itself, and I enjoy exceeding good health. This is the first of + October, and Mr. Skipwith has just called to tell me the Commissioners set + off for Havre to-morrow. This will go by the frigate but not with the + knowledge of the Commissioners. Remember me with much affection to my + friends and accept the same to yourself. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0033" id="Dlink2H_4_0033"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXXII. PROPOSAL THAT LOUISIANA BE PURCHASED.(1) + </h2> + <p> + (SENT TO THE PRESIDENT, CHRISTMAS DAY, 1802.) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine, being at Lovell's Hotel, Washington, suggested the + purchase of Louisiana to Dr. Michael Leib, representative + from Pennsylvania, who, being pleased with the idea, + suggested that he should write it to Jefferson. On the day + after its reception the President told Paine that "measures + were already taken in that business."—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Spain has ceded Louisiana to France, and France has excluded Americans + from New Orleans, and the navigation of the Mississippi. The people of the + Western Territory have complained of it to their Government, and the + Government is of consequence involved and interested in the affair. The + question then is—What is the best step to be taken? + </p> + <p> + The one is to begin by memorial and remonstrance against an infraction of + a right. The other is by accommodation,—still keeping the right in + view, but not making it a groundwork. + </p> + <p> + Suppose then the Government begin by making a proposal to France to + re-purchase the cession made to her by Spain, of Louisiana, provided it be + with the consent of the people of Louisiana, or a majority thereof. + </p> + <p> + By beginning on this ground any thing can be said without carrying the + appearance of a threat. The growing power of the Western Territory can be + stated as a matter of information, and also the impossibility of + restraining them from seizing upon New Orleans, and the equal + impossibility of France to prevent it. + </p> + <p> + Suppose the proposal attended to, the sum to be given comes next on the + carpet. This, on the part of America, will be estimated between the value + of the commerce and the quantity of revenue that Louisiana will produce. + </p> + <p> + The French Treasury is not only empty, but the Government has consumed by + anticipation a great part of the next year's revenue. A monied proposal + will, I believe, be attended to; if it should, the claims upon France can + be stipulated as part of the payment, and that sum can be paid here to the + claimants. + </p> + <p> + ——I congratulate you on <i>The Birthday of the New Sun</i>, + </p> + <p> + now called Christmas Day; and I make you a present of a thought on + Louisiana. + </p> + <p> + T.P. <a name="Dlink2H_4_0034" id="Dlink2H_4_0034"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXXIII. THOMAS PAINE TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, + </h2> + <p> + And particularly to the Leaders of the Federal Faction, LETTER I.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The National Intelligencer, November 15th. The venerable + Mr. Gales, so long associated with this paper, had been in + youth a prosecuted adherent of Paine in Sheffield, England. + The paper distinguished itself by the kindly welcome it gave + Paine on his return to America. (See issues of Nov. 3 and + 10, 1802.) Paine landed at Baltimore, Oct. 30th.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + After an absence of almost fifteen years, I am again returned to the + country in whose dangers I bore my share, and to whose greatness I + contributed my part. + </p> + <p> + When I sailed for Europe, in the spring of 1787, it was my intention to + return to America the next year, and enjoy in retirement the esteem of my + friends, and the repose I was entitled to. I had stood out the storm of + one revolution, and had no wish to embark in another. But other scenes and + other circumstances than those of contemplated ease were allotted to me. + The French revolution was beginning to germinate when I arrived in France. + The principles of it were good, they were copied from America, and the men + who conducted it were honest. But the fury of faction soon extinguished + the one, and sent the other to the scaffold. Of those who began that + revolution, I am almost the only survivor, and that through a thousand + dangers. I owe this not to the prayers of priests, nor to the piety of + hypocrites, but to the continued protection of Providence. + </p> + <p> + But while I beheld with pleasure the dawn of liberty rising in Europe, I + saw with regret the lustre of it fading in America. In less than two years + from the time of my departure some distant symptoms painfully suggested + the idea that the principles of the revolution were expiring on the soil + that produced them. I received at that time a letter from a female + literary correspondent, and in my answer to her, I expressed my fears on + that head.(1) + </p> + <p> + I now know from the information I obtain upon the spot, that the + impressions that then distressed me, for I was proud of America, were but + too well founded. She was turning her back on her own glory, and making + hasty strides in the retrograde path of oblivion. But a spark from the + altar of <i>Seventy-six</i>, unextinguished and unextinguishable through + the long night of error, is again lighting up, in every part of the Union, + the genuine name of rational liberty. + </p> + <p> + As the French revolution advanced, it fixed the attention of the world, + and drew from the pensioned pen (2) of Edmund Burke a furious attack. This + brought me once more on the public theatre of politics, and occasioned the + pamphlet <i>Rights of Man</i>. It had the greatest run of any work ever + published in the English language. The number of copies circulated in + England, Scotland, and Ireland, besides translations into foreign + languages, was between four and five hundred thousand. The principles of + that work were the same as those in <i>Common Sense</i>, and the effects + would have been the same in England as that had produced in America, could + the vote of the nation been quietly taken, or had equal opportunities of + consulting or acting existed. The only difference between the two works + was, that the one was adapted to the local circumstances of England, and + the other to those of America. As to myself, I acted in both cases alike; + I relinquished to the people of England, as I had done to those of + America, all profits from the work. My reward existed in the ambition to + do good, and the independent happiness of my own mind. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine here quotes a passage from his letter to Mrs. Few, + already given in the Memorial to Monroe (XXI.). The entire + letter to Mrs. Few will be printed in the Appendix to Vol. + IV. of this work.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 See editorial note p. 95 in this volume.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + But a faction, acting in disguise, was rising in America; they had lost + sight of first principles. They were beginning to contemplate government + as a profitable monopoly, and the people as hereditary property. It is, + therefore, no wonder that the <i>Rights of Man</i> was attacked by that + faction, and its author continually abused. But let them go on; give them + rope enough and they will put an end to their own insignificance. There is + too much common sense and independence in America to be long the dupe of + any faction, foreign or domestic. + </p> + <p> + But, in the midst of the freedom we enjoy, the licentiousness of the + papers called Federal, (and I know not why they are called so, for they + are in their principles anti-federal and despotic,) is a dishonour to the + character of the country, and an injury to its reputation and importance + abroad. They represent the whole people of America as destitute of public + principle and private manners. As to any injury they can do at home to + those whom they abuse, or service they can render to those who employ + them, it is to be set down to the account of noisy nothingness. It is on + themselves the disgrace recoils, for the reflection easily presents itself + to every thinking mind, that <i>those who abuse liberty when they possess + it would abuse power could they obtain it</i>; and, therefore, they may as + well take as a general motto, for all such papers, <i>We and our patrons + are not fit to be trusted with power</i>. + </p> + <p> + There is in America, more than in any other country, a large body of + people who attend quietly to their farms, or follow their several + occupations; who pay no regard to the clamours of anonymous scribblers, + who think for themselves, and judge of government, not by the fury of + newspaper writers, but by the prudent frugality of its measures, and the + encouragement it gives to the improvement and prosperity of the country; + and who, acting on their own judgment, never come forward in an election + but on some important occasion. When this body moves, all the little + barkings of scribbling and witless curs pass for nothing. To say to this + independent description of men, "You must turn out such and such persons + at the next election, for they have taken off a great many taxes, and + lessened the expenses of government, they have dismissed my son, or my + brother, or myself, from a lucrative office, in which there was nothing to + do"—is to show the cloven foot of faction, and preach the language + of ill-disguised mortification. In every part of the Union, this faction + is in the agonies of death, and in proportion as its fate approaches, + gnashes its teeth and struggles. My arrival has struck it as with an + hydrophobia, it is like the sight of water to canine madness. + </p> + <p> + As this letter is intended to announce my arrival to my friends, and to my + enemies if I have any, for I ought to have none in America, and as + introductory to others that will occasionally follow, I shall close it by + detailing the line of conduct I shall pursue. + </p> + <p> + I have no occasion to ask, and do not intend to accept, any place or + office in the government.(1) There is none it could give me that would be + any ways equal to the profits I could make as an author, for I have an + established fame in the literary world, could I reconcile it to my + principles to make money by my politics or religion. I must be in every + thing what I have ever been, a disinterested volunteer; my proper sphere + of action is on the common floor of citizenship, and to honest men I give + my hand and my heart freely. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The President (Jefferson) being an intimate friend of + Paine, and suspected, despite his reticence, of sympathizing + with Paine's religions views, was included in the + denunciations of Paine ("The Two Toms" they were called), + and Paine here goes out of his way to soften matters for + Jefferson.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + I have some manuscript works to publish, of which I shall give proper + notice, and some mechanical affairs to bring forward, that will employ all + my leisure time. I shall continue these letters as I see occasion, and as + to the low party prints that choose to abuse me, they are welcome; I shall + not descend to answer them. I have been too much used to such common stuff + to take any notice of it. The government of England honoured me with a + thousand martyrdoms, by burning me in effigy in every town in that + country, and their hirelings in America may do the same. + </p> + <p> + City of Washington. + </p> + <p> + THOMAS PAINE. LETTER II(1) + </p> + <p> + As the affairs of the country to which I am returned are of more + importance to the world, and to me, than of that I have lately left, (for + it is through the new world the old must be regenerated, if regenerated at + all,) I shall not take up the time of the reader with an account of scenes + that have passed in France, many of which are painful to remember and + horrid to relate, but come at once to the circumstances in which I find + America on my arrival. + </p> + <p> + Fourteen years, and something more, have produced a change, at least among + a part of the people, and I ask my-self what it is? I meet or hear of + thousands of my former connexions, who are men of the same principles and + friendships as when I left them. But a non-descript race, and of equivocal + generation, assuming the name of <i>Federalist</i>,—a name that + describes no character of principle good or bad, and may equally be + applied to either,—has since started up with the rapidity of a + mushroom, and like a mushroom is withering on its rootless stalk. Are + those men <i>federalized</i> to support the liberties of their country or + to overturn them? To add to its fair fame or riot on its spoils? The name + contains no defined idea. It is like John Adams's definition of a + Republic, in his letter to Mr. Wythe of Virginia.(2) <i>It is</i>, says + he, <i>an empire of laws and not of men</i>. But as laws may be bad as + well as good, an empire of laws may be the best of all governments or the + worst of all tyrannies. But John Adams is a man of paradoxical heresies, + and consequently of a bewildered mind. He wrote a book entitled, "<i>A + Defence of the American Constitutions</i>," and the principles of it are + an attack upon them. But the book is descended to the tomb of + forgetfulness, and the best fortune that can attend its author is quietly + to follow its fate. John was not born for immortality. But, to return to + Federalism. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 National Intelligencer, Nov. 23d, 1802.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Chancellor Wythe, 1728-1806.—<i>Editor.</i> vol m—+5 +</pre> + <p> + In the history of parties and the names they assume, it often happens that + they finish by the direct contrary principles with which they profess to + begin, and thus it has happened with Federalism. + </p> + <p> + During the time of the old Congress, and prior to the establishment of the + federal government, the continental belt was too loosely buckled. The + several states were united in name but not in fact, and that nominal union + had neither centre nor circle. The laws of one state frequently + interferred with, and sometimes opposed, those of another. Commerce + between state and state was without protection, and confidence without a + point to rest on. The condition the country was then in, was aptly + described by Pelatiah Webster, when he said, "<i>thirteen staves and ne'er + a hoop will not make a barrel</i>."(1) + </p> + <p> + If, then, by <i>Federalist</i> is to be understood one who was for + cementing the Union by a general government operating equally over all the + States, in all matters that embraced the common interest, and to which the + authority of the States severally was not adequate, for no one State can + make laws to bind another; if, I say, by a <i>Federalist</i> is meant a + person of this description, (and this is the origin of the name,) <i>I + ought to stand first on the list of Federalists</i>, for the proposition + for establishing a general government over the Union, came originally from + me in 1783, in a written Memorial to Chancellor Livingston, then Secretary + for Foreign Affairs to Congress, Robert Morris, Minister of Finance, and + his associate, Gouverneur Morris, all of whom are now living; and we had a + dinner and conference at Robert Morris's on the subject. The occasion was + as follows: + </p> + <p> + Congress had proposed a duty of five per cent, on imported articles, the + money to be applied as a fund towards paying the interest of loans to be + borrowed in Holland. The resolve was sent to the several States to be + enacted into a law. Rhode Island absolutely refused. I was at the trouble + of a journey to Rhode Island to reason with them on the subject.(2) Some + other of the States enacted it with alterations, each one as it pleased. + Virginia adopted it, and afterwards repealed it, and the affair came to + nothing. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 "Like a stare in a cask well bound with hoops, it [the + individual State] stands firmer, is not so easily shaken, + bent, or broken, as it would be were it set up by itself + alone."—Pelatiah Webster, 1788. See Paul L. Ford's + Pamphlets cm the Constitution, etc., p. 128.—Editor + + 2 See my "Life of Paine." vol i., p. 103.—Editor, +</pre> + <p> + It was then visible, at least to me, that either Congress must frame the + laws necessary for the Union, and send them to the several States to be + enregistered without any alteration, which would in itself appear like + usurpation on one part and passive obedience on the other, or some method + must be devised to accomplish the same end by constitutional principles; + and the proposition I made in the memorial was, to <i>add a continental + legislature to Congress, to be elected by the several States</i>. The + proposition met the full approbation of the gentlemen to whom it was + addressed, and the conversation turned on the manner of bringing it + forward. Gouverneur Morris, in walking with me after dinner, wished me to + throw out the idea in the newspaper; I replied, that I did not like to be + always the proposer of new things, that it would have too assuming an + appearance; and besides, that <i>I did not think the country was quite + wrong enough to be put right</i>. I remember giving the same reason to Dr. + Rush, at Philadelphia, and to General Gates, at whose quarters I spent a + day on my return from Rhode Island; and I suppose they will remember it, + because the observation seemed to strike them.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The Letter Books of Robert Morris (16 folio volumes, which + should be in our national Archives) contain many entries + relating to Paine's activity in the public service. Under + date Aug. 21, 1783, about the time referred to by Paine in + this letter, Robert Morris mentions a conversation with him + on public affairs. I am indebted to General Meredith Read, + owner of these Morris papers, for permission to examine + them.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + But the embarrassments increasing, as they necessarily must from the want + of a better cemented union, the State of Virginia proposed holding a + commercial convention, and that convention, which was not sufficiently + numerous, proposed that another convention, with more extensive and better + defined powers, should be held at Philadelphia, May 10, 1787. + </p> + <p> + When the plan of the Federal Government, formed by this Convention, was + proposed and submitted to the consideration of the several States, it was + strongly objected to in each of them. But the objections were not on + anti-federal grounds, but on constitutional points. Many were shocked at + the idea of placing what is called Executive Power in the hands of a + single individual. To them it had too much the form and appearance of a + military government, or a despotic one. Others objected that the powers + given to a president were too great, and that in the hands of an ambitious + and designing man it might grow into tyranny, as it did in England under + Oliver Cromwell, and as it has since done in France. A Republic must not + only be so in its principles, but in its forms. The Executive part of the + Federal government was made for a man, and those who consented, against + their judgment, to place Executive Power in the hands of a single + individual, reposed more on the supposed moderation of the person they had + in view, than on the wisdom of the measure itself. + </p> + <p> + Two considerations, however, overcame all objections. The one was, the + absolute necessity of a Federal Government. The other, the rational + reflection, that as government in America is founded on the representative + system any error in the first essay could be reformed by the same quiet + and rational process by which the Constitution was formed, and that either + by the generation then living, or by those who were to succeed. If ever + America lose sight of this principle, she will no longer be the <i>land of + liberty</i>. The father will become the assassin of the rights of the son, + and his descendants be a race of slaves. + </p> + <p> + As many thousands who were minors are grown up to manhood since the name + of <i>Federalist</i> began, it became necessary, for their information, to + go back and show the origin of the name, which is now no longer what it + originally was; but it was the more necessary to do this, in order to + bring forward, in the open face of day, the apostacy of those who first + called themselves Federalists. + </p> + <p> + To them it served as a cloak for treason, a mask for tyranny. Scarcely + were they placed in the seat of power and office, than Federalism was to + be destroyed, and the representative system of government, the pride and + glory of America, and the palladium of her liberties, was to be overthrown + and abolished. The next generation was not to be free. The son was to bend + his neck beneath the father's foot, and live, deprived of his rights, + under hereditary control. Among the men of this apostate description, is + to be ranked the ex-president <i>John Adams</i>. It has been the political + career of this man to begin with hypocrisy, proceed with arrogance, and + finish in contempt. May such be the fate of all such characters. + </p> + <p> + I have had doubts of John Adams ever since the year 1776. In a + conversation with me at that time, concerning the pamphlet <i>Common Sense</i>, + he censured it because it attacked the English form of government. John + was for independence because he expected to be made great by it; but it + was not difficult to perceive, for the surliness of his temper makes him + an awkward hypocrite, that his head was as full of kings, queens, and + knaves, as a pack of cards. But John has lost deal. + </p> + <p> + When a man has a concealed project in his brain that he wants to bring + forward, and fears will not succeed, he begins with it as physicians do by + suspected poison, try it first on an animal; if it agree with the stomach + of the animal, he makes further experiments, and this was the way John + took. His brain was teeming with projects to overturn the liberties of + America, and the representative system of government, and he began by + hinting it in little companies. The secretary of John Jay, an excellent + painter and a poor politician, told me, in presence of another American, + Daniel Parker, that in a company where himself was present, John Adams + talked of making the government hereditary, and that as Mr. Washington had + no children, it should be made hereditary in the family of Lund + Washington.(1) John had not impudence enough to propose himself in the + first instance, as the old French Normandy baron did, who offered to come + over to be king of America, and if Congress did not accept his offer, that + they would give him thirty thousand pounds for the generosity of it(2); + but John, like a mole, was grubbing his way to it under ground. He knew + that Lund Washington was unknown, for nobody had heard of him, and that as + the president had no children to succeed him, the vice-president had, and + if the treason had succeeded, and the hint with it, the goldsmith might be + sent for to take measure of the head of John or of his son for a golden + wig. In this case, the good people of Boston might have for a king the man + they have rejected as a delegate. The representative system is fatal to + ambition. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See supra footnote on p. 288.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 See vol. ii. p. 318 of this work.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Knowing, as I do, the consummate vanity of John Adams, and the shallowness + of his judgment, I can easily picture to myself that when he arrived at + the Federal City he was strutting in the pomp of his imagination before + the presidential house, or in the audience hall, and exulting in the + language of Nebuchadnezzar, "Is not this great Babylon, that I have built + for the honour of my Majesty!" But in that unfortunate hour, or soon + after, John, like Nebuchadnezzar, was driven from among men, and fled with + the speed of a post-horse. + </p> + <p> + Some of John Adams's loyal subjects, I see, have been to present him with + an address on his birthday; but the language they use is too tame for the + occasion. Birthday addresses, like birthday odes, should not creep along + like mildrops down a cabbage leaf, but roll in a torrent of poetical + metaphor. I will give them a specimen for the next year. Here it is— + </p> + <p> + When an Ant, in travelling over the globe, lift up its foot, and put it + again on the ground, it shakes the earth to its centre: but when YOU, the + mighty Ant of the East, was born, &c. &c. &c, the centre + jumped upon the surface. + </p> + <p> + This, gentlemen, is the proper style of addresses from <i>well-bred</i> + ants to the monarch of the ant hills; and as I never take pay for + preaching, praying, politics, or poetry, I make you a present of it. Some + people talk of impeaching John Adams; but I am for softer measures. I + would keep him to make fun of. He will then answer one of the ends for + which he was born, and he ought to be thankful that I am arrived to take + his part. I voted in earnest to save the life of one unfortunate king, and + I now vote in jest to save another. It is my fate to be always plagued + with fools. But to return to Federalism and apostacy. + </p> + <p> + The plan of the leaders of the faction was to overthrow the liberties of + the new world, and place government on the corrupt system of the old. They + wanted to hold their power by a more lasting tenure than the choice of + their constituents. It is impossible to account for their conduct and the + measures they adopted on any other ground. But to accomplish that object, + a standing army and a prodigal revenue must be raised; and to obtain + these, pretences must be invented to deceive. Alarms of dangers that did + not exist even in imagination, but in the direct spirit of lying, were + spread abroad. Apostacy stalked through the land in the garb of + patriotism, and the torch of treason blinded for a while the flame of + liberty. + </p> + <p> + For what purpose could an army of twenty-five thousand men be wanted? A + single reflection might have taught the most credulous that while the war + raged between France and England, neither could spare a man to invade + America. For what purpose, then, could it be wanted? The case carries its + own explanation. It was wanted for the purpose of destroying the + representative system, for it could be employed for no other. Are these + men Federalists? If they are, they are federalized to deceive and to + destroy. + </p> + <p> + The rage against Dr. Logan's patriotic and voluntary mission to France was + excited by the shame they felt at the detection of the false alarms they + had circulated. As to the opposition given by the remnant of the faction + to the repeal of the taxes laid on during the former administration, it is + easily accounted for. The repeal of those taxes was a sentence of + condemnation on those who laid them on, and in the opposition they gave in + that repeal, they are to be considered in the light of criminals standing + on their defence, and the country has passed judgment upon them. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + City of Washington, Lovett's Hotel, Nov. 19, 1802. + </p> + <p> + LETTER III.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The National Intelligencer, Dec. 29th, 1802.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + To ELECT, and to REJECT, is the prerogative of a free people. + </p> + <p> + Since the establishment of Independence, no period has arrived that so + decidedly proves the excellence of the representative system of + government, and its superiority over every other, as the time we now live + in. Had America been cursed with John Adams's <i>hereditary Monarchy</i> + or Alexander Hamilton's <i>Senate for life</i> she must have sought, in + the doubtful contest of civil war, what she now obtains by the expression + of public will. An appeal to elections decides better than an appeal to + the sword. + </p> + <p> + The Reign of Terror that raged in America during the latter end of the + Washington administration, and the whole of that of Adams, is enveloped in + mystery to me. That there were men in the government hostile to the + representative system, was once their boast, though it is now their + overthrow, and therefore the fact is established against them. But that so + large a mass of the people should become the dupes of those who were + loading them with taxes in order to load them with chains, and deprive + them of the right of election, can be ascribed only to that species of + wildfire rage, lighted up by falsehood, that not only acts without + reflection, but is too impetuous to make any. + </p> + <p> + There is a general and striking difference between the genuine effects of + truth itself, and the effects of falsehood believed to be truth. Truth is + naturally benign; but falsehood believed to be truth is always furious. + The former delights in serenity, is mild and persuasive, and seeks not the + auxiliary aid of invention. The latter sticks at nothing. It has naturally + no morals. Every lie is welcome that suits its purpose. It is the innate + character of the thing to act in this manner, and the criterion by which + it may be known, whether in politics or religion. When any thing is + attempted to be supported by lying, it is presumptive evidence that the + thing so supported is a lie also. The stock on which a lie can be grafted + must be of the same species as the graft. + </p> + <p> + What is become of the mighty clamour of French invasion, and the cry that + our country is in danger, and taxes and armies must be raised to defend + it? The danger is fled with the faction that created it, and what is worst + of all, the money is fled too. It is I only that have committed the + hostility of invasion, and all the artillery of popguns are prepared for + action. Poor fellows, how they foam! They set half their own partisans in + laughter; for among ridiculous things nothing is more ridiculous than + ridiculous rage. But I hope they will not leave off. I shall lose half my + greatness when they cease to lie. + </p> + <p> + So far as respects myself, I have reason to believe, and a right to say, + that the leaders of the Reign of Terror in America and the leaders of the + Reign of Terror in France, during the time of Robespierre, were in + character the same sort of men; or how is it to be accounted for, that I + was persecuted by both at the same time? When I was voted out of the + French Convention, the reason assigned for it was, that I was a foreigner. + When Robespierre had me seized in the night, and imprisoned in the + Luxembourg, (where I remained eleven months,) he assigned no reason for + it. But when he proposed bringing me to the tribunal, which was like + sending me at once to the scaffold, he then assigned a reason, and the + reason was, <i>for the interests of America as well as of France, "Pour + les intirjts de l'Amirique autant que de la France</i>" The words are in + his own hand-writing, and reported to the Convention by the committee + appointed to examine his papers, and are printed in their report, with + this reflection added to them, "<i>Why Thomas Paine more than another? + Because he contributed to the liberty of both worlds</i>."(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See my "Life of Paine," vol. ii., pp. 79, 81. Also, the + historical introduction to XXI., p. 330, of this volume. + Robespierre never wrote an idle word. This Paine well knew, + as Mirabeau, who said of Robespierre: "That man will go far + he believes every word he says."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + There must have been a coalition in sentiment, if not in fact, between the + Terrorists of America and the Terrorists of France, and Robespierre must + have known it, or he could not have had the idea of putting America into + the bill of accusation against me. Yet these men, these Terrorists of the + new world, who were waiting in the devotion of their hearts for the joyful + news of my destruction, are the same banditti who are now bellowing in all + the hacknied language of hacknied hypocrisy, about humanity, and piety, + and often about something they call infidelity, and they finish with the + chorus of <i>Crucify him, crucify him</i>. I am become so famous among + them, they cannot eat or drink without me. I serve them as a standing + dish, and they cannot make up a bill of fare if I am not in it. + </p> + <p> + But there is one dish, and that the choicest of all, that they have not + presented on the table, and it is time they should. They have not yet <i>accused + Providence of Infidelity</i>. Yet according to their outrageous piety, + she(1) must be as bad as Thomas Paine; she has protected him in all his + dangers, patronized him in all his undertakings, encouraged him in all his + ways, and rewarded him at last by bringing him in safety and in health to + the Promised Land. This is more than she did by the Jews, the chosen + people, that they tell us she brought out of the land of Egypt, and out of + the house of bondage; for they all died in the wilderness, and Moses too. + </p> + <p> + I was one of the nine members that composed the first Committee of + Constitution. Six of them have been destroyed. Sihyes and myself have + survived—he by bending with the times, and I by not bending. The + other survivor joined Robespierre, he was seized and imprisoned in his + turn, and sentenced to transportation. He has since apologized to me for + having signed the warrant, by saying he felt himself in danger and was + obliged to do it.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Is this a "survival" of the goddess Fortuna?—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Barhre. His apology to Paine proves that a death- + warrant had been issued, for Barhre did not sign the order + for Paine's arrest or imprisonment.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Hirault Sechelles, an acquaintance of Mr. Jefferson, and a good patriot, + was my <i>suppliant</i> as member of the Committee of Constitution, that + is, he was to supply my place, if I had not accepted or had resigned, + being next in number of votes to me. He was imprisoned in the Luxembourg + with me, was taken to the tribunal and the guillotine, and I, his + principal, was left. + </p> + <p> + There were two foreigners in the Convention, Anarcharsis Clootz and + myself. We were both put out of the Convention by the same vote, arrested + by the same order, and carried to prison together the same night. He was + taken to the guillotine, and I was again left. Joel Barlow was with us + when we went to prison. + </p> + <p> + Joseph Lebon, one of the vilest characters that ever existed, and who made + the streets of Arras run with blood, was my <i>suppliant</i>, as member of + the Convention for the department of the Pas de Calais. When I was put out + of the Convention he came and took my place. When I was liberated from + prison and voted again into the Convention, he was sent to the same prison + and took my place there, and he was sent to the guillotine instead of me. + He supplied my place all the way through. + </p> + <p> + One hundred and sixty-eight persons were taken out of the Luxembourg in + one night, and a hundred and sixty of them guillotined next day, of which + I now know I was to have been one; and the manner I escaped that fate is + curious, and has all the appearance of accident. + </p> + <p> + The room in which I was lodged was on the ground floor, and one of a long + range of rooms under a gallery, and the door of it opened outward and flat + against the wall; so that when it was open the inside of the door appeared + outward, and the contrary when it was shut. I had three comrades, fellow + prisoners with me, Joseph Vanhuele, of Bruges, since President of the + Municipality of that town, Michael Rubyns, and Charles Bastini of Louvain. + </p> + <p> + When persons by scores and by hundreds were to be taken out of the prison + for the guillotine it was always done in the night, and those who + performed that office had a private mark or signal, by which they knew + what rooms to go to, and what number to take. We, as I have stated, were + four, and the door of our room was marked, unobserved by us, with that + number in chalk; but it happened, if happening is a proper word, that the + mark was put on when the door was open, and flat against the wall, and + thereby came on the inside when we shut it at night, and the destroying + angel passed by it.(1) A few days after this, Robespierre fell, and Mr. + Monroe arrived and reclaimed me, and invited me to his house. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Painefs preface to the "Age of Reason" Part IL, and his + Letter to Washington (p. 222.) show that for some time after + his release from prison he had attributed his escape from + the guillotine to a fever which rendered him unconscious at + the time when his accusation was demanded by Robespierre; + but it will be seen (XXXI.) that he subsequently visited his + prison room-mate Vanhuele, who had become Mayor of Bruges, + and he may have learned from him the particulars of their + marvellous escape. Carlyle having been criticised by John G. + Alger for crediting this story of the chalk mark, an + exhaustive discussion of the facts took place in the London + Athenoum, July 7, 21, August 25, September 1, 1894, in which + it was conclusively proved, I think, that there is no reason + to doubt the truth of the incident See also my article on + Paine's escape, in The Open Court (Chicago), July 26,1894. + The discussion in the Athenoum elicited the fact that a + tradition had long existed in the family of Sampson Perry + that he had shared Paine's cell and been saved by the + curious mistake. Such is not the fact. Perry, in his book on + the French Revolution, and in his "Argus," told the story of + Paine's escape by his illness, as Paine first told it; and + he also relates an anecdote which may find place here: + "Mr. Paine speaks gratefully of the kindness shown him by his + fellow-prisoners of the same chamber during his severe + malady, and especially of the skilful and voluntary + assistance lent him by General O'Hara's surgeon. He relates + an anecdote of himself which may not be unworthy of + repeating. An arrjt of the Committee of Public Welfare had + given directions to the administrators of the palace + [Luxembourg] to enter all the prisons with additional guards + and dispossess every prisoner of his knives, forks, and + every other sharp instrument; and also to take their money + from them. This happened a short time before Mr. Paine's + illness, and as this ceremony was represented to him as an + atrocious plunder in the dregs of municipality, he + determined to avert its effect so far as it concerned + himself. He had an English bank note of some value and gold + coin in his pocket, and as he conceived the visitors would + rifle them, as well as his trunks (though they did not do so + by any one) he took off the lock from his door, and hid the + whole of what he had about him in its inside. He recovered + his health, he found his money, but missed about three + hundred of his associated prisoners, who had been sent in + crowds to the murderous tribunal, while he had been + insensible of their or his own danger." This was probably + the money (#200) loaned by Paine to General O'Hara (who + figured at the Yorktown surrender) in prison.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + During the whole of my imprisonment, prior to the fall of Robespierre, + there was no time when I could think my life worth twenty-four hours, and + my mind was made up to meet its fate. The Americans in Paris went in a + body to the Convention to reclaim me, but without success. There was no + party among them with respect to me. My only hope then rested on the + government of America, that it would <i>remember me</i>. But the icy heart + of ingratitude, in whatever man it be placed, has neither feeling nor + sense of honour. The letter of Mr. Jefferson has served to wipe away the + reproach, and done justice to the mass of the people of America.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Printed in the seventh of this series of Letters.— + <i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + When a party was forming, in the latter end of 1777, and beginning of + 1778, of which John Adams was one, to remove Mr. Washington from the + command of the army on the complaint that <i>he did nothing</i>, I wrote + the fifth number of the Crisis, and published it at Lancaster, (Congress + then being at Yorktown, in Pennsylvania,) to ward off that meditated blow; + for though I well knew that the black times of '76 were the natural + consequence of his want of military judgment in the choice of positions + into which the army was put about New York and New Jersey, I could see no + possible advantage, and nothing but mischief, that could arise by + distracting the army into parties, which would have been the case had the + intended motion gone on. + </p> + <p> + General [Charles] Lee, who with a sarcastic genius joined a great fund of + military knowledge, was perfectly right when he said "<i>We have no + business on islands, and in the bottom of bogs, where the enemy, by the + aid of its ships, can bring its whole force against apart of ours and shut + it up</i>." This had like to have been the case at New York, and it was + the case at Fort Washington, and would have been the case at Fort Lee if + General [Nathaniel] Greene had not moved instantly off on the first news + of the enemy's approach. I was with Greene through the whole of that + affair, and know it perfectly. + </p> + <p> + But though I came forward in defence of Mr. Washington when he was + attacked, and made the best that could be made of a series of blunders + that had nearly ruined the country, he left me to perish when I was in + prison. But as I told him of it in his life-time, I should not now bring + it up if the ignorant impertinence of some of the Federal papers, who are + pushing Mr. Washington forward as their stalking horse, did not make it + necessary. + </p> + <p> + That gentleman did not perform his part in the Revolution better, nor with + more honour, than I did mine, and the one part was as necessary as the + other. He accepted as a present, (though he was already rich,) a hundred + thousand acres of land in America, and left me to occupy six foot of earth + in France.(1) I wish, for his own reputation, he had acted with more + justice. But it was always known of Mr. Washington, by those who best knew + him, that he was of such an icy and death-like constitution, that he + neither loved his friends nor hated his enemies. But, be this as it may, I + see no reason that a difference between Mr. Washington and me should be + made a theme of discord with other people. There are those who may see + merit in both, without making themselves partisans of either, and with + this reflection I close the subject. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Paine was mistaken, as many others were, about the gifts + of Virginia (1785) to Washington. They were 100 shares, of + $100 each, in the James River Company, and 50 shares, of + #100 each, in the Potomac Company. Washington, accepted on + condition that he might appropriate them <i>to public uses</i> + which was done in his Will.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + As to the hypocritical abuse thrown out by the Federalists on other + subjects, I recommend to them the observance of a commandment that existed + before either Christian or Jew existed: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Thou shalt make a covenant with thy senses: + With thine eye that it behold no evil, + With thine ear, that it hear no evil, + With thy tongue, that it speak no evil, + With thy hands, that they commit no evil. +</pre> + <p> + If the Federalists will follow this commandment, they will leave off + lying. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Federal City, Lovett's Hotel, Nov. 26,1802. + </p> + <p> + LETTER IV.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The National Intelligencer, Dec. 6th. 1802.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + As Congress is on the point of meeting, the public papers will necessarily + be occupied with the debates of the ensuing session, and as, in + consequence of my long absence from America, my private affairs require my + attendance, (for it is necessary I do this, or I could not preserve, as I + do, my independence,) I shall close my address to the public with this + letter. + </p> + <p> + I congratulate them on the success of the late elections, and <i>that</i> + with the additional confidence, that while honest men are chosen and wise + measures pursued, neither the treason of apostacy, masked under the name + of Federalism, of which I have spoken in my second letter, nor the + intrigues of foreign emissaries, acting in concert with that mask, can + prevail. + </p> + <p> + As to the licentiousness of the papers calling themselves <i>Federal</i>, + a name that apostacy has taken, it can hurt nobody but the party or the + persons who support such papers. There is naturally a wholesome pride in + the public mind that revolts at open vulgarity. It feels itself + dishonoured even by hearing it, as a chaste woman feels dishonour by + hearing obscenity she cannot avoid. It can smile at wit, or be diverted + with strokes of satirical humour, but it detests the <i>blackguard</i>. + The same sense of propriety that governs in private companies, governs in + public life. If a man in company runs his wit upon another, it may draw a + smile from some persons present, but as soon as he turns a blackguard in + his language the company gives him up; and it is the same in public life. + The event of the late election shows this to be true; for in proportion as + those papers have become more and more vulgar and abusive, the elections + have gone more and more against the party they support, or that supports + them. Their predecessor, <i>Porcupine</i> [Cobbett] had wit—these + scribblers have none. But as soon as his <i>blackguardism</i> (for it is + the proper name of it) outran his wit, he was abandoned by every body but + the English Minister who protected him. + </p> + <p> + The Spanish proverb says, "<i>there never was a cover large enough to hide + itself</i>"; and the proverb applies to the case of those papers and the + shattered remnant of the faction that supports them. The falsehoods they + fabricate, and the abuse they circulate, is a cover to hide something from + being seen, but it is not large enough to hide itself. It is as a tub + thrown out to the whale to prevent its attacking and sinking the vessel. + They want to draw the attention of the public from thinking about, or + inquiring into, the measures of the late administration, and the reason + why so much public money was raised and expended; and so far as a lie + today, and a new one tomorrow, will answer this purpose, it answers + theirs. It is nothing to them whether they be believed or not, for if the + negative purpose be answered the main point is answered, to them. + </p> + <p> + He that picks your pocket always tries to make you look another way. + "Look," says he, "at yon man t'other side the street—what a nose he + has got?—Lord, yonder is a chimney on fire!—Do you see yon man + going along in the salamander great coat? That is the very man that stole + one of Jupiter's satellites, and sold it to a countryman for a gold watch, + and it set his breeches on fire!" Now the man that has his hand in your + pocket, does not care a farthing whether you believe what he says or not. + All his aim is to prevent your looking at <i>him</i>; and this is the case + with the remnant of the Federal faction. The leaders of it have imposed + upon the country, and they want to turn the attention of it from the + subject. + </p> + <p> + In taking up any public matter, I have never made it a consideration, and + never will, whether it be popular or unpopular; but whether it be <i>right</i> + or <i>wrong</i>. The right will always become the popular, if it has + courage to show itself, and the shortest way is always a straight line. I + despise expedients, they are the gutter-hole of politics, and the sink + where reputation dies. In the present case, as in every other, I cannot be + accused of using any; and I have no doubt but thousands will hereafter be + ready to say, as Gouverneur Morris said to me, after having abused me + pretty handsomely in Congress for the opposition I gave the fraudulent + demand of Silas Deane of two thousand pounds sterling: "<i>Well, we were + all duped, and I among the rest!</i>"(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 See vol. I., chapters xxii., xxiii., xxiv., of this work. + Also my "Life of Paine," vol. I., ch. ix., x.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Were the late administration to be called upon to give reasons for the + expence it put the country to, it can give none. The danger of an invasion + was a bubble that served as a cover to raise taxes and armies to be + employed on some other purpose. But if the people of America believed it + true, the cheerfulness with which they supported those measures and paid + those taxes is an evidence of their patriotism; and if they supposed me + their enemy, though in that supposition they did me injustice, it was not + injustice in them. He that acts as he believes, though he may act wrong, + is not conscious of wrong. + </p> + <p> + But though there was no danger, no thanks are due to the late + administration for it. They sought to blow up a flame between the two + countries; and so intent were they upon this, that they went out of their + way to accomplish it. In a letter which the Secretary of State, Timothy + Pickering, wrote to Mr. Skipwith, the American Consul at Paris, he broke + off from the official subject of his letter, to <i>thank God</i> in very + exulting language, <i>that the Russians had cut the French army to pieces</i>. + Mr. Skipwith, after showing me the letter, very prudently concealed it. + </p> + <p> + It was the injudicious and wicked acrimony of this letter, and some other + like conduct of the then Secretary of State, that occasioned me, in a + letter to a friend in the government, to say, that if there was any + official business to be done in France, till a regular Minister could be + appointed, it could not be trusted to a more proper person than Mr. + Skipwith. "<i>He is</i>," said I, "<i>an honest man, and will do business, + and that with good manners to the government he is commissioned to act + with. A faculty which that BEAR, Timothy Pickering, wanted, and which the + BEAR of that bear, John Adams, never possessed</i>."(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 2 By reference to the letter itself (p. 376 of this volume) + it will be seen that Paine here quotes it from memory.— + <i>Editor.</i> vol III— +</pre> + <p> + In another letter to the same friend, in 1797, and which was put unsealed + under cover to Colonel Burr, I expressed a satisfaction that Mr. + Jefferson, since he was not president, had accepted the vice presidency; "<i>for</i>," + said I, "<i>John Adams has such a talent for blundering and offending, it + will be necessary to keep an eye over him</i>." He has now sufficiently + proved, that though I have not the spirit of prophecy, I have the gift of + <i>judging right</i>. And all the world knows, for it cannot help knowing, + that to judge <i>rightly</i> and to write <i>clearly</i>, and that upon + all sorts of subjects, to be able to command thought and as it were to + play with it at pleasure, and be always master of one's temper in writing, + is the faculty only of a serene mind, and the attribute of a happy and + philosophical temperament. The scribblers, who know me not, and who fill + their papers with paragraphs about me, besides their want of talents, + drink too many slings and drams in a morning to have any chance with me. + But, poor fellows, they must do something for the little pittance they get + from their employers. This is my apology for them. + </p> + <p> + My anxiety to get back to America was great for many years. It is the + country of my heart, and the place of my political and literary birth. It + was the American revolution that made me an author, and forced into action + the mind that had been dormant, and had no wish for public life, nor has + it now. By the accounts I received, she appeared to me to be going wrong, + and that some meditated treason against her liberties lurked at the bottom + of her government. I heard that my friends were oppressed, and I longed to + take my stand among them, and if other times to <i>try mens souls</i> were + to arrive, that I might bear my share. But my efforts to return were + ineffectual. + </p> + <p> + As soon as Mr. Monroe had made a good standing with the French government, + for the conduct of his predecessor [Morris] had made his reception as + Minister difficult, he wanted to send despatches to his own government by + a person to whom he could confide a verbal communication, and he fixed his + choice on me. He then applied to the Committee of Public Safety for a + passport; but as I had been voted again into the Convention, it was only + the Convention that could give the passport; and as an application to them + for that purpose, would have made my going publicly known, I was obliged + to sustain the disappointment, and Mr. Monroe to lose the opportunity.(1) + </p> + <p> + When that gentleman left France to return to America, I was to have gone + with him. It was fortunate I did not. The vessel he sailed in was visited + by a British frigate, that searched every part of it, and down to the + hold, for Thomas Paine.(2) I then went, the same year, to embark at Havre. + But several British frigates were cruizing in sight of the port who knew I + was there, and I had to return again to Paris. Seeing myself thus cut off + from every opportunity that was in my power to command, I wrote to Mr. + Jefferson, that, if the fate of the election should put him in the chair + of the presidency, and he should have occasion to send a frigate to + France, he would give me the opportunity of returning by it, which he did. + But I declined coming by the <i>Maryland</i>, the vessel that was offered + me, and waited for the frigate that was to bring the new Minister, Mr. + Chancellor Livingston, to France. But that frigate was ordered round to + the Mediterranean; and as at that time the war was over, and the British + cruisers called in, I could come any way. I then agreed to come with + Commodore Barney in a vessel he had engaged. It was again fortunate I did + not, for the vessel sank at sea, and the people were preserved in the + boat. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The correspondence is in my "Life of Paine," vol. ii., + pp. 154-5.—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 The "Dublin Packet," Captain Clay, in whom Paine, as he + wrote to Jefferson, "had no confidence."—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Had half the number of evils befallen me that the number of dangers amount + to through which I have been pre-served, there are those who would ascribe + it to the wrath of heaven; why then do they not ascribe my preservation to + the protecting favour of heaven? Even in my worldly concerns I have been + blessed. The little property I left in America, and which I cared nothing + about, not even to receive the rent of it, has been increasing in the + value of its capital more than eight hundred dollars every year, for the + fourteen years and more that I have been absent from it. I am now in my + circumstances independent; and my economy makes me rich. As to my health, + it is perfectly good, and I leave the world to judge of the stature of my + mind. I am in every instance a living contradiction to the mortified + Federalists. + </p> + <p> + In my publications, I follow the rule I began with in <i>Common Sense</i>, + that is, to consult nobody, nor to let any body see what I write till it + appears publicly. Were I to do otherwise, the case would be, that between + the timidity of some, who are so afraid of doing wrong that they never do + right, the puny judgment of others, and the despicable craft of preferring + <i>expedient to right</i>, as if the world was a world of babies in + leading strings, I should get forward with nothing. My path is a right + line, as straight and clear to me as a ray of light. The boldness (if they + will have it to be so) with which I speak on any subject, is a compliment + to the judgment of the reader. It is like saying to him, <i>I treat you as + a man and not as a child</i>. With respect to any worldly object, as it is + impossible to discover any in me, therefore what I do, and my manner of + doing it, ought to be ascribed to a good motive. + </p> + <p> + In a great affair, where the happiness of man is at stake, I love to work + for nothing; and so fully am I under the influence of this principle, that + I should lose the spirit, the pleasure, and the pride of it, were I + conscious that I looked for reward; and with this declaration, I take my + leave for the present.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The self-assertion of this and other letters about this + time was really self-defence, the invective against him, and + the calumnies, being such as can hardly be credited by those + not familiar with the publications of that time.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Federal City, Lovett's Hotel, Dec. 3, 1802. + </p> + <p> + LETTER V.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The National Intelligencer, Feb., 1803. In the Tarions + collections of these Letters there appears at this point a + correspondence between Paine and Samuel Adams of Boston, but + as it relates to religious matters I reserve it for the + fourth volume.—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + It is always the interest of a far greater part of the nation to have a + thing right than to have it wrong; and therefore, in a country whose + government is founded on the system of election and representation, the + fate of every party is decided by its principles. + </p> + <p> + As this system is the only form and principle of government by which + liberty can be preserved, and the only one that can embrace all the + varieties of a great extent of country, it necessarily follows, that to + have the representation real, the election must be real; and that where + the election is a fiction, the representation is a fiction also. <i>Like + will always produce like</i>. + </p> + <p> + A great deal has been said and written concerning the conduct of Mr. Burr, + during the late contest, in the federal legislature, whether Mr. Jefferson + or Mr. Burr should be declared President of the United States. Mr. Burr + has been accused of intriguing to obtain the Presidency. Whether this + charge be substantiated or not makes little or no part of the purport of + this letter. There is a point of much higher importance to attend to than + any thing that relates to the individual Mr. Burr: for the great point is + not whether Mr. Burr has intrigued, but whether the legislature has + intrigued with <i>him</i>. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Ogden, a relation of one of the senators of New Jersey of the same + name, and of the party assuming the style of Federalists, has written a + letter published in the New York papers, signed with his name, the purport + of which is to exculpate Mr. Burr from the charges brought against him. In + this letter he says: + </p> + <p> + "When about to return from Washington, two or three <i>members of Congress</i> + of the federal party spoke to me of <i>their views</i>, as to the election + of a president, desiring me to converse with Colonel Burr on the subject, + and to ascertain <i>whether he would enter into terms</i>. On my return to + New York I called on Colonel Burr, and communicated the above to him. He + explicitly declined the explanation, and <i>did neither propose nor agree + to any terms</i>." + </p> + <p> + How nearly is human cunning allied to folly! The animals to whom nature + has given the faculty we call <i>cunning</i>, know always when to use it, + and use it wisely; but when man descends to cunning, he blunders and + betrays. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Ogden's letter is intended to exculpate Mr. Burr from the charge of + intriguing to obtain the presidency; and the letter that he (Ogden) writes + for this purpose is direct evidence against his party in Congress, that + they intrigued with Burr to obtain him for President, and employed him + (Ogden) for the purpose. To save <i>Aaron</i>, he betrays <i>Moses</i>, + and then turns informer against the <i>Golden Calf</i>. + </p> + <p> + It is but of little importance to the world to know if Mr. Burr <i>listened</i> + to an intriguing proposal, but it is of great importance to the + constituents to know if their representatives in Congress made one. The + ear can commit no crime, but the tongue may; and therefore the right + policy is to drop Mr. Burr, as being only the hearer, and direct the whole + charge against the Federal faction in Congress as the active original + culprit, or, if the priests will have scripture for it, as the serpent + that beguiled Eve. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In the presidential canvas of 1800, the votes in the + electoral college being equally divided between Burr and + Jefferson, the election was thrown into the House of + Representatives. Jefferson was elected on the 36th ballot, + but he never forgave Burr, and between these two old friends + Paine had to write this letter under some embarrassment. The + last paragraph of this Letter shows Paine's desire for a + reconciliation between Burr and Jefferson. Aaron Burr is one + of the traditionally slandered figures of American history. + —<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + The plot of the intrigue was to make Mr. Burr President, on the private + condition of his agreeing to, and entering into, terms with them, that is, + with the proposers. Had then the election been made, the country, knowing + nothing of this private and illegal transaction, would have supposed, for + who could have supposed otherwise, that it had a President according to + the forms, principles, and intention of the constitution. No such thing. + Every form, principle, and intention of the constitution would have been + violated; and instead of a President, it would have had a mute, a sort of + image, hand-bound and tongue-tied, the dupe and slave of a party, placed + on the theatre of the United States, and acting the farce of President. + </p> + <p> + It is of little importance, in a constitutional sense, to know what the + terms to be proposed might be, because any terms other than those which + the constitution prescribes to a President are criminal. Neither do I see + how Mr. Burr, or any other person put in the same condition, could have + taken the oath prescribed by the constitution to a President, which is, "<i>I + do solemnly swear (or affirm,) that I will faithfully execute the office + of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability + preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States</i>." + </p> + <p> + How, I ask, could such a person have taken such an oath, knowing at the + same time that he had entered into the Presidency on terms unknown in the + Constitution, and private, and which would deprive him of the freedom and + power of acting as President of the United States, agreeably to his + constitutional oath? + </p> + <p> + Mr. Burr, by not agreeing to terms, has escaped the danger to which they + exposed him, and the perjury that would have followed, and also the + punishment annexed thereto. Had he accepted the Presidency on terms + unknown in the constitution, and private, and had the transaction + afterwards transpired, (which it most probably would, for roguery is a + thing difficult to conceal,) it would have produced a sensation in the + country too violent to be quieted, and too just to be resisted; and in any + case the election must have been void. + </p> + <p> + But what are we to think of those members of Congress, who having taken an + oath of the same constitutional import as the oath of the President, + violate that oath by tampering to obtain a President on private + conditions. If this is not sedition against the constitution and the + country, it is difficult to define what sedition in a representative can + be. + </p> + <p> + Say not that this statement of the case is the effect of personal or party + resentment. No. It is the effect of <i>sincere concern</i> that such + corruption, of which this is but a sample, should, in the space of a few + years, have crept into a country that had the fairest opportunity that + Providence ever gave, within the knowledge of history, of making itself an + illustrious example to the world. + </p> + <p> + What the terms were, or were to be, it is probable we never shall know; or + what is more probable, that feigned ones, if any, will be given. But from + the conduct of the party since that time we may conclude, that no taxes + would have been taken off, that the clamour for war would have been kept + up, new expences incurred, and taxes and offices increased in consequence; + and, among the articles of a private nature, that the leaders in this + seditious traffic were to stipulate with the mock President for lucrative + appointments for themselves. + </p> + <p> + But if these plotters against the Constitution understood their business, + and they had been plotting long enough to be masters of it, a single + article would have comprehended every thing, which is, <i>That the + President (thus made) should be governed in all cases whatsoever by a + private junto appointed by themselves</i>. They could then, through the + medium of a mock President, have negatived all bills which their party in + Congress could not have opposed with success, and reduced representation + to a nullity. + </p> + <p> + The country has been imposed upon, and the real culprits are but few; and + as it is necessary for the peace, harmony, and honour of the Union, to + separate the deceiver from the deceived, the betrayer from the betrayed, + that men who once were friends, and that in the worst of times, should be + friends again, it is necessary, as a beginning, that this dark business be + brought to full investigation. Ogden's letter is direct evidence of the + fact of tampering to obtain a conditional President. He knows the two or + three members of Congress that commissioned him, and they know who + commissioned them. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + Federal City, Lovett's Hotel, Jan. 29th, 1803. + </p> + <p> + LETTER VI.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 The Aurora (Philadelphia).—<i>Editor.</i>. +</pre> + <p> + Religion and War is the cry of the Federalists; Morality and Peace the + voice of Republicans. The union of Morality and Peace is congenial; but + that of Religion and War is a paradox, and the solution of it is + hypocrisy. + </p> + <p> + The leaders of the Federalists have no judgment; their plans no + consistency of parts; and want of consistency is the natural consequence + of want of principle. + </p> + <p> + They exhibit to the world the curious spectacle of an <i>Opposition</i> + without a <i>cause</i>, and conduct without system. Were they, as doctors, + to prescribe medicine as they practise politics, they would poison their + patients with destructive compounds. + </p> + <p> + There are not two things more opposed to each other than War and Religion; + and yet, in the double game those leaders have to play, the one is + necessarily the theme of their politics, and the other the text of their + sermons. The week-day orator of Mars, and the Sunday preacher of Federal + Grace, play like gamblers into each other's hands, and this they call + Religion. + </p> + <p> + Though hypocrisy can counterfeit every virtue, and become the associate of + every vice, it requires a great dexterity of craft to give it the power of + deceiving. A painted sun may glisten, but it cannot warm. For hypocrisy to + personate virtue successfully it must know and feel what virtue is, and as + it cannot long do this, it cannot long deceive. When an orator foaming for + War breathes forth in another sentence a <i>plaintive piety of words</i>, + he may as well write hypocrisy on his front. + </p> + <p> + The late attempt of the Federal leaders in Congress (for they acted + without the knowledge of their constituents) to plunge the country into + War, merits not only reproach but indignation. It was madness, conceived + in ignorance and acted in wickedness. The head and the heart went partners + in the crime. + </p> + <p> + A neglect of punctuality in the performance of a treaty is made a <i>cause</i> + of war by the <i>Barbary powers</i>, and of remonstrance and explanation + by <i>civilised powers</i>. The Mahometans of Barbary negociate by the + sword—they seize first, and ex-postulate afterwards; and the federal + leaders have been labouring to <i>barbarize</i> the United States by + adopting the practice of the Barbary States, and this they call honour. + Let their honour and their hypocrisy go weep together, for both are + defeated. Their present Administration is too moral for hypocrites, and + too economical for public spendthrifts. + </p> + <p> + A man the least acquainted with diplomatic affairs must know that a + neglect in punctuality is not one of the legal causes of war, unless that + neglect be confirmed by a refusal to perform; and even then it depends + upon circumstances connected with it. The world would be in continual + quarrels and war, and commerce be annihilated, if Algerine policy was the + law of nations. And were America, instead of becoming an example to the + old world of good and moral government and civil manners, or, if they like + it better, of gentlemanly conduct towards other nations, to set up the + character of ruffian, that of <i>word and blow, and the blow first</i>, + and thereby give the example of pulling down the little that civilization + has gained upon barbarism, her Independence, instead of being an honour + and a blessing, would become a curse upon the world and upon herself. + </p> + <p> + The conduct of the Barbary powers, though unjust in principle, is suited + to their prejudices, situation, and circumstances. The crusades of the + church to exterminate them fixed in their minds the unobliterated belief + that every Christian power was their mortal enemy. Their religious + prejudices, therefore, suggest the policy, which their situation and + circumstances protect them in. As a people, they are neither commercial + nor agricultural, they neither import nor export, have no property + floating on the seas, nor ships and cargoes in the ports of foreign + nations. No retaliation, therefore, can be acted upon them, and they sin + secure from punishment. + </p> + <p> + But this is not the case with the United States. If she sins as a Barbary + power, she must answer for it as a Civilized one. Her commerce is + continually passing on the seas exposed to capture, and her ships and + cargoes in foreign ports to detention and reprisal. An act of War + committed by her in the Mississippi would produce a War against the + commerce of the Atlantic States, and the latter would have to curse the + policy that provoked the former. In every point, therefore, in which the + character and interest of the United States be considered, it would ill + become her to set an example contrary to the policy and custom of + Civilized powers, and practised only by the Barbary powers, that of + striking before she expostulates. + </p> + <p> + But can any man, calling himself a Legislator, and supposed by his + constituents to know something of his duty, be so ignorant as to imagine + that seizing on New Orleans would finish the affair or even contribute + towards it? On the contrary it would have made it worse. The treaty right + of deposite at New Orleans, and the right of the navigation of the + Mississippi into the Gulph of Mexico, are distant things. New Orleans is + more than an hundred miles in the country from the mouth of the river, + and, as a place of deposite, is of no value if the mouth of the river be + shut, which either France or Spain could do, and which our possession of + New Orleans could neither prevent or remove. New Orleans in our + possession, by an act of hostility, would have become a blockaded port, + and consequently of no value to the western people as a place of deposite. + Since, therefore, an interruption had arisen to the commerce of the + western states, and until the matter could be brought to a fair + explanation, it was of less injury to have the port shut and the river + open, than to have the river shut and the port in our possession. + </p> + <p> + That New Orleans could be taken required no stretch of policy to plan, nor + spirit of enterprize to effect. It was like marching behind a man to knock + him down: and the dastardly slyness of such an attack would have stained + the fame of the United States. Where there is no danger cowards are bold, + and Captain Bobadils are to be found in the Senate as well as on the + stage. Even <i>Gouverneur</i>, on such a march, dare have shown a leg.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Gouverneur Morris being now leader of the belligerent + faction in Congress, Paine could not resist the temptation + to allude to a well-known incident (related in his Diary and + Letters, i., p. 14). A mob in Paris having surrounded his + fine carriage, crying "Aristocrat!" Morris showed his + wooden leg, declaring he had lost his leg in the cause of + American liberty. Morris was never in any fight, his leg + being lost by a commonplace accident while driving in + Philadelphia. Although Paine's allusion may appear in bad + taste, even with this reference, it was politeness itself + compared with the brutal abuse which Morris (not content + with imprisoning Paine in Paris) and his adherents were + heaping on the author on his return to America; also on + Monroe, whom Jefferson had returned to France to negotiate + for the purchase of Louisiana.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + The people of the western country to whom the Mississippi serves as an + inland sea to their commerce, must be supposed to understand the + circumstances of that commerce better than a man who is a stranger to it; + and as they have shown no approbation of the war-whoop measures of the + Federal senators, it becomes presumptive evidence they disapprove them. + This is a new mortification for those war-whoop politicians; for the case + is, that finding themselves losing ground and withering away in the + Atlantic States, they laid hold of the affair of New Orleans in the vain + hope of rooting and reinforcing themselves in the western States; and they + did this without perceiving that it was one of those ill judged + hypocritical expedients in politics, that whether it succeeded or failed + the event would be the same. Had their motion [that of Ross and Morris] + succeeded, it would have endangered the commerce of the Atlantic States + and ruined their reputation there; and on the other hand the attempt to + make a tool of the western people was so badly concealed as to extinguish + all credit with them. + </p> + <p> + But hypocrisy is a vice of sanguine constitution. It flatters and promises + itself every thing; and it has yet to learn, with respect to moral and + political reputation, it is less dangerous to offend than to deceive. + </p> + <p> + To the measures of administration, supported by the firmness and integrity + of the majority in Congress, the United States owe, as far as human means + are concerned, the preservation of peace, and of national honour. The + confidence which the western people reposed in the government and their + representatives is rewarded with success. They are reinstated in their + rights with the least possible loss of time; and their harmony with the + people of New Orleans, so necessary to the prosperity of the United + States, which would have been broken, and the seeds of discord sown in its + place, had hostilities been preferred to accommodation, remains + unimpaired. Have the Federal ministers of the church meditated on these + matters? and laying aside, as they ought to do, their electioneering and + vindictive prayers and sermons, returned thanks that peace is preserved, + and commerce, without the stain of blood? + </p> + <p> + In the pleasing contemplation of this state of things the mind, by + comparison, carries itself back to those days of uproar and extravagance + that marked the career of the former administration, and decides, by the + unstudied impulse of its own feelings, that something must then have been + wrong. Why was it, that America, formed for happiness, and remote by + situation and circumstances from the troubles and tumults of the European + world, became plunged into its vortex and contaminated with its crimes? + The answer is easy. Those who were then at the head of affairs were + apostates from the principles of the revolution. Raised to an elevation + they had not a right to expect, nor judgment to conduct, they became like + feathers in the air, and blown about by every puff of passion or conceit. + </p> + <p> + Candour would find some apology for their conduct if want of judgment was + their only defect. But error and crime, though often alike in their + features, are distant in their characters and in their origin. The one has + its source in the weakness of the head, the other in the hardness of the + heart, and the coalition of the two, describes the former + Administration.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 That of John Adams.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + Had no injurious consequences arisen from the conduct of that + Administration, it might have passed for error or imbecility, and been + permitted to die and be forgotten. The grave is kind to innocent offence. + But even innocence, when it is a cause of injury, ought to undergo an + enquiry. + </p> + <p> + The country, during the time of the former Administration, was kept in + continual agitation and alarm; and that no investigation might be made + into its conduct, it entrenched itself within a magic circle of terror, + and called it a SEDITION LAW.(1) Violent and mysterious in its measures + and arrogant in its manners, it affected to disdain information, and + insulted the principles that raised it from obscurity. John Adams and + Timothy Pickering were men whom nothing but the accidents of the times + rendered visible on the political horizon. Elevation turned their heads, + and public indignation hath cast them to the ground. But an inquiry into + the conduct and measures of that Administration is nevertheless necessary. + </p> + <p> + The country was put to great expense. Loans, taxes, and standing armies + became the standing order of the day. The militia, said Secretary + Pickering, are not to be depended upon, and fifty thousand men must be + raised. For what? No cause to justify such measures has yet appeared. No + discovery of such a cause has yet been made. The pretended Sedition Law + shut up the sources of investigation, and the precipitate flight of John + Adams closed the scene. But the matter ought not to sleep here. + </p> + <p> + It is not to gratify resentment, or encourage it in others, that I enter + upon this subject. It is not in the power of man to accuse me of a + persecuting spirit. But some explanation ought to be had. The motives and + objects respecting the extraordinary and expensive measures of the former + Administration ought to be known. The Sedition Law, that shield of the + moment, prevented it then, and justice demands it now. If the public have + been imposed upon, it is proper they should know it; for where judgment is + to act, or a choice is to be made, knowledge is first necessary. The + conciliation of parties, if it does not grow out of explanation, partakes + of the character of collusion or indifference. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Passed July 14, 1798, to continue until March 3, 1801. + This Act, described near the close of this Letter, and one + passed June 35th, giving the President despotic powers over + aliens in the United States, constituted the famous "Alien + and Sedition Laws." Hamilton opposed them, and rightly saw + in them the suicide of the Federal party.—<i>Editor.</i>, +</pre> + <p> + There has been guilt somewhere; and it is better to fix it where it + belongs, and separate the deceiver from the deceived, than that suspicion, + the bane of society, should range at large, and sour the public mind. The + military measures that were proposed and carrying on during the former + administration, could not have for their object the defence of the country + against invasion. This is a case that decides itself; for it is self + evident, that while the war raged in Europe, neither France nor England + could spare a man to send to America. The object, therefore, must be + something at home, and that something was the overthrow of the + representative system of government, for it could be nothing else. But the + plotters got into confusion and became enemies to each other. Adams hated + and was jealous of Hamilton, and Hamilton hated and despised both Adams + and Washington.(1) Surly Timothy stood aloof, as he did at the affair of + Lexington, and the part that fell to the public was to pay the expense.(2) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Hamilton's bitter pamphlet against Adams appeared in 1800, + but his old quarrel with Washington (1781) had apparently + healed. Yet, despite the favors lavished by Washington on + Hamilton, there is no certainty that the latter ever changed + his unfavorable opinion of the former, as expressed in a + letter to General Schuylor, Feb. 18, 1781 (Lodge's + "Hamilton's Works," vol. viii., p. 35).—<i>Editor.</i> + + 2 Colonel Pickering's failure, in 1775, to march his Salem + troops in time to intercept the British retreat from + Lexington was attributed to his half-heartedness + in the patriotic cause.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + But ought a people who, but a few years ago, were fighting the battles of + the world, for liberty had no home but here, ought such a people to stand + quietly by and see that liberty undermined by apostacy and overthrown by + intrigue? Let the tombs of the slain recall their recollection, and the + forethought of what their children are to be revive and fix in their + hearts the love of liberty. + </p> + <p> + If the former administration can justify its conduct, give it the + opportunity. The manner in which John Adams disappeared from the + government renders an inquiry the more necessary. He gave some account of + himself, lame and confused as it was, to certain <i>eastern wise men</i> + who came to pay homage to him on his birthday. But if he thought it + necessary to do this, ought he not to have rendered an account to the + public. They had a right to expect it of him. In that tjte-`-tjte account, + he says, "Some measures were the effect of imperious necessity, much + against my inclination." What measures does Mr. Adams mean, and what is + the imperious necessity to which he alludes? "Others (says he) were + measures of the Legislature, which, although approved when passed, were + never previously proposed or recommended by me." What measures, it may be + asked, were those, for the public have a right to know the conduct of + their representatives? "Some (says he) left to my discretion were never + executed, because no necessity for them, in my judgment, ever occurred." + </p> + <p> + What does this dark apology, mixed with accusation, amount to, but to + increase and confirm the suspicion that something was wrong? + Administration only was possessed of foreign official information, and it + was only upon that information communicated by him publicly or privately, + or to Congress, that Congress could act; and it is not in the power of Mr. + Adams to show, from the condition of the belligerent powers, that any + imperious necessity called for the warlike and expensive measures of his + Administration. + </p> + <p> + What the correspondence between Administration and Rufus King in London, + or Quincy Adams in Holland, or Berlin, might be, is but little known. The + public papers have told us that the former became cup-bearer from the + London underwriters to Captain Truxtun,(1) for which, as Minister from a + neutral nation, he ought to have been censured. It is, however, a feature + that marks the politics of the Minister, and hints at the character of the + correspondence. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Thomas Truxtun (1755-1822), for having captured the French + frigate "L'Insurgente," off Hen's Island, 1799, was + presented at Lloyd's coffee-house with plate to the value of + 600 guineas. Rufus King (1755-1827), made Minister to England + in 1796, continued under Adams, and for two years under + Jefferson's administration.—<i>Editor.</i> +</pre> + <p> + I know that it is the opinion of several members of both houses of + Congress, that an enquiry, with respect to the conduct of the late + Administration, ought to be gone into. The convulsed state into which the + country has been thrown will be best settled by a full and fair exposition + of the conduct of that Administration, and the causes and object of that + conduct. To be deceived, or to remain deceived, can be the interest of no + man who seeks the public good; and it is the deceiver only, or one + interested in the deception, that can wish to preclude enquiry. + </p> + <p> + The suspicion against the late Administration is, that it was plotting to + overturn the representative system of government, and that it spread + alarms of invasions that had no foundation, as a pretence for raising and + establishing a military force as the means of accomplishing that object. + </p> + <p> + The law, called the Sedition Law, enacted, that if any person should write + or publish, or cause to be written or published, any libel [without + defining what a libel is] against the Government of the United States, or + either house of congress, or against the President, he should be punished + by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not + exceeding two years. + </p> + <p> + But it is a much greater crime for a president to plot against a + Constitution and the liberties of the people, than for an individual to + plot against a President; and consequently, John Adams is accountable to + the public for his conduct, as the individuals under his administration + were to the sedition law. + </p> + <p> + The object, however, of an enquiry, in this case, is not to punish, but to + satisfy; and to shew, by example, to future administrations, that an abuse + of power and trust, however disguised by appearances, or rendered + plausible by pretence, is one time or other to be accounted for. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + BORDENTOWN, ON THE DELAWARE, + </p> + <p> + New Jersey, March 12, 1803. vol. III—27 + </p> + <p> + LETTER VII. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + EDITOR'S PREFACE. + + This letter was printed in <i>The True American</i>, Trenton, New + Jersey, soon after Paine's return to his old home at + Bordenton. It is here printed from the original manuscript, + for which I am indebted to Mr. W. F. Havemeyer of New York. + Although the Editor has concluded to present Paine's + "Maritime Compact" in the form he finally gave it, the + articles were printed in French in 1800, and by S. H. Smith, + Washington, at the close of the same year. There is an + interesting history connected with it. John Hall, in his + diary ("Trenton, 20 April, 1787") relates that Paine told + him of Dr. Franklin, whom he (Paine) had just visited in + Philadelphia, and the Treaty he, the Doctor, made with the + late King of Prussia by adding an article that, should war + ever break out, Commerce should be free. The Doctor said he + showed it to Vergennes, who said it met his idea, and was + such as he would make even with England. In his Address to + the People of France, 1797 (see p. 366), Paine closes with a + suggestion on the subject, and a year later (September 30, + 1798), when events were in a critical condition, he sent + nine articles of his proposed <i>Pacte Maritime</i> to + Talleyrand, newly appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. The + letters that passed are here taken from the originals (State + Archives, Paris, Itats Unis, vol. 48). +</pre> + <p> + "Rue Theatre frangaise, No. 4, 9 Vendemaire, 6 year. + </p> + <p> + "Citizen Minister: I promised you some observations on the state of things + between France and America. I divide the case into two parts. First, with + respect to some Method that shall effectually put an end to all + interruptions of the American Commerce. Secondly, with respect to the + settlement for the captures that have been made on that Commerce. + </p> + <p> + "As to the first case (the interruption of the American Commerce by + France) it has foundation in the British Treaty, and it is the continuance + of that treaty that renders the remedy difficult. Besides, the American + administration has blundered so much in the business of treaty-making, + that it is probable it will blunder again in making another with France. + There is, however, one method left, and there is but one that I can see, + that will be effectual. It is a <i>non-importation Convention; that + America agrees not to import from any Nation in Europe who shall interrupt + her Commerce on the seas, any goods, wares, or merchandize whatever, and + that all her ports shall be shut against the Nation that gives the offence</i>. + This will draw America out of her difficulties with respect to her treaty + with England. + </p> + <p> + "But it will be far better if this non-importation convention were to be a + general convention of Nations acting as a Whole. It would give a better + protection to Neutral Commerce than the armed neutrality could do. I would + rather be a Neutral Nation under the protection of such a Convention, + which costs nothing to make it, than be under the protection of a navy + equal to that of Great Britain. France should be the patron of such a + Convention and sign it. It would be giving both her consent and her + protection to the Rights of Neutral Nations. If England refuse to sign it + she will nevertheless be obliged to respect it, or lose all her Commerce. + </p> + <p> + "I enclose you a plan I drew up about four months ago, when there was + expectation that Mr. Madison would come to France. It has lain by me ever + since. + </p> + <p> + "The second part, that of settlement for the captures, I will make the + subject of a future correspondence. Salut et respect." + </p> + <p> + Talleyrand's Reply ("Foreign Relations, 15 Vendemaire An. 6," Oct. 6, + 1797): "I have the honor to return you, Citizen, with very sincere thanks, + your Letter to General Washington which you have had the goodness to show + me. + </p> + <p> + "I have received the letter which you have taken the trouble to write me, + the 9th of this month. I need not assure you of the appreciation with + which I shall receive the further indications you promise on the means of + terminating in a durable manner the differences which must excite your + interest as a patriot and as a Republican. Animated by such a principle + your ideas cannot fail to throw valuable light on the discussion you open, + and which should have for its object to reunite the two Republics in whose + alienation the enemies of liberty triumph." + </p> + <p> + Paine's plan made a good impression in France—He writes to + Jefferson, October 6, 1800, that the Consul Le Brun, at an entertainment + given to the American envoys, gave for his toast: "@ l'union de 1' + Amirique avec les Puissances du Nord pour faire respecter la liberti des + mers." + </p> + <p> + The malignant mind, like the jaundiced eye, sees everything through a + false medium of its own creating. The light of heaven appears stained with + yellow to the distempered sight of the one, and the fairest actions have + the form of crimes in the venomed imagination of the other. + </p> + <p> + For seven months, both before and after my return to America in October + last, the apostate papers styling themselves "Federal" were filled with + paragraphs and Essays respecting a letter from Mr. Jefferson to me at + Paris; and though none of them knew the contents of the letter, nor the + occasion of writing it, malignity taught them to suppose it, and the lying + tongue of injustice lent them its aid. + </p> + <p> + That the public may no longer be imposed upon by Federal apostacy, I will + now publish the Letter, and the occasion of its being written. + </p> + <p> + The Treaty negociated in England by John Jay, and ratified by the + Washington Administration, had so disgracefully surrendered the right and + freedom of the American flag, that all the Commerce of the United States + on the Ocean became exposed to capture, and suffered in consequence of it. + The duration of the Treaty was limited to two years after the war; and + consequently America could not, during that period, relieve herself from + the Chains which the Treaty had fixed upon her. This being the case, the + only relief that could come must arise out of something originating in + Europe, that would, in its consequences, extend to America. It had long + been my opinion that Commerce contained within itself the means of its own + protection; but as the time for bringing forward any new system is not + always happening, it is necessary to watch its approach, and lay hold of + it before it passes away. + </p> + <p> + As soon as the late Emperor Paul of Russia abandoned his coalition with + England and become a Neutral Power, this Crisis of time, and also of + circumstances, was then arriving; and I employed it in arranging a plan + for the protection of the Commerce of Neutral Nations during War, that + might, in its operation and consequences, relieve the Commerce of America. + The Plan, with the pieces accompanying it, consisted of about forty pages. + The Citizen Bonneville, with whom I lived in Paris, translated it into + French; Mr. Skipwith, the American Consul, Joel Barlow, and myself, had + the translation printed and distributed as a present to the Foreign + Ministers of all the Neutral Nations then resident in Paris. This was in + the summer of 1800. + </p> + <p> + It was entitled Maritime Compact (in French <i>Pacte Maritime</i>), The + plan, exclusive of the pieces that accompanied it, consisted of the + following Preamble and Articles. + </p> + <p> + MARITIME COMPACT. + </p> + <p> + Being an Unarmed Association of Nations for the protection of the Rights + and Commerce of Nations that shall be neutral in time of War. + </p> + <p> + Whereas, the Vexations and Injuries to which the Rights and Commerce of + Neutral Nations have been, and continue to be, exposed during the time of + maritime War, render it necessary to establish a law of Nations for the + purpose of putting an end to such vexations and Injuries, and to guarantee + to the Neutral Nations the exercise of their just Rights, + </p> + <p> + We, therefore, the undersigned Powers, form ourselves into an Association, + and establish the following as a Law of Nations on the Seas. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE FIRST. Definition of the Rights of neutral Nations. + </p> + <p> + The Rights of Nations, such as are exercised by them in their intercourse + with each other in time of Peace, are, and of right ought to be, the + Rights of Neutral Nations at all times; because, + </p> + <p> + First, those Rights not having been abandoned by them, remain with them. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, because those Rights cannot become forfeited or void, in + consequence of War breaking out between two or more other Nations. + </p> + <p> + A War of Nation against Nation being exclusively the act of the Nations + that make the War, and not the act of the Neutral Nations, cannot, whether + considered in itself or in its consequences, destroy or diminish the + Rights of the Nations remaining in Peace. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE SECOND. + </p> + <p> + The Ships and Vessels of Nations that rest neuter and at Peace with the + World during a War with other Nations, have a Right to navigate freely on + the Seas as they navigated before that War broke out, and to proceed to + and enter the Port or Ports of any of the Belligerent Powers, <i>with the + consent of that Power</i>, without being seized, searched, visited, or any + ways interrupted, by the Nation or Nations with which that Nation is at + War. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE THIRD. + </p> + <p> + For the Conservation of the aforesaid Rights, We, the undersigned Powers, + engaging to each other our Sacred Faith and Honour, declare, + </p> + <p> + That if any Belligerent Power shall seize, search, visit, or any ways + interrupt any Ship or Vessel belonging to the Citizens or Subjects of any + of the Powers composing this Association, then each and all of the said + undersigned Powers will cease to import, and will not permit to be + imported into the Ports or Dominions of any of the said undersigned + Powers, in any Ship or Vessel whatever, any Goods, wares, or Merchandize, + produced or manufactured in, or exported from, the Dominions of the Power + so offending against the Association hereby established and Proclaimed. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE FOURTH. + </p> + <p> + That all the Ports appertaining to any and all of the Powers composing + this Association shall be shut against the Flag of the offending Nation. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE FIFTH. + </p> + <p> + That no remittance or payment in Money, Merchandize, or Bills of Exchange, + shall be made by any of the Citizens, or Subjects, of any of the Powers + composing this Association, to the Citizens or Subjects of the offending + Nation, for the Term of one year, or until reparation be made. The + reparation to be —— times the amount of the damages sustained. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE SIXTH. + </p> + <p> + If any Ship or Vessel appertaining to any of the Citizens or Subjects of + any of the Powers composing this Association shall be seized, searched, + visited, or interrupted, by any Belligerent Nation, or be forcibly + prevented entering the Port of her destination, or be seized, searched, + visited, or interrupted, in coming out of such Port, or be forcibly + prevented from proceeding to any new destination, or be insulted or + visited by any Agent from on board any Vessel of any Belligerent Power, + the Government or Executive Power of the Nation to which the Ship or + Vessel so seized, searched, visited, or interrupted belongs, shall, on + evidence of the fact, make public Proclamation of the same, and send a + Copy thereof to the Government, or Executive, of each of the Powers + composing this Association, who shall publish the same in all the extent + of his Dominions, together with a Declaration, that at the expiration of + —— days after publication, the penal articles of this + Association shall be put in execution against the offending Nation. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE SEVENTH. + </p> + <p> + If reparation be not made within the space of one year, the said + Proclamation shall be renewed for one year more, and so on. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE EIGHTH. + </p> + <p> + The Association chooses for itself a Flag to be carried at the Mast-head + conjointly with the National Flag of each Nation composing this + Association. + </p> + <p> + The Flag of the Association shall be composed of the same colors as + compose the Rainbow, and arranged in the same order as they appear in that + Phenomenon. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE NINTH. + </p> + <p> + And whereas, it may happen that one or more of the Nations composing this + Association may be, at the time of forming it, engaged in War or become so + in future, in that case, the Ships and Vessels of such Nation shall carry + the Flag of the Association bound round the Mast, to denote that the + Nation to which she belongs is a Member of the Association and a respecter + of its Laws. + </p> + <p> + N. B. This distinction in the manner of carrying the Flag is mearly for + the purpose, that Neutral Vessels having the Flag at the Mast-head, may be + known at first sight. + </p> + <p> + ARTICLE THE TENTH. + </p> + <p> + And whereas, it is contrary to the moral principles of Neutrality and + Peace, that any Neutral Nation should furnish to the Belligerent Powers, + or any of them, the means of carrying on War against each other, We, + therefore, the Powers composing this Association, Declare, that we will + each one for itself, prohibit in our Dominions the exportation or + transportation of military stores, comprehending gunpowder, cannon, and + cannon-balls, fire arms of all kinds, and all kinds of iron and steel + weapons used in War. Excluding therefrom all kinds of Utensils and + Instruments used in civil or domestic life, and every other article that + cannot, in its immediate state, be employed in War. + </p> + <p> + Having thus declared the moral Motives of the foregoing Article, We + declare also the civil and political Intention thereof, to wit, + </p> + <p> + That as Belligerent Nations have no right to visit or search any Ship or + Vessel belonging to a Nation at Peace, and under the protection of the + Laws and Government thereof, and as all such visit or search is an insult + to the Nation to which such Ship or Vessel belongs and to the Government + of the same, We, therefore, the Powers composing this Association, will + take the right of prohibition on ourselves to whom it properly belongs, + and by whom only it can be legally exercised, and not permit foreign + Nations, in a state of War, to usurp the right of legislating by + Proclamation for any of the Citizens or Subjects of the Powers composing + this Association. + </p> + <p> + It is, therefore, in order to take away all pretence of search or visit, + which by being offensive might become a new cause of War, that we will + provide Laws and publish them by Proclamation, each in his own Dominion, + to prohibit the supplying, or carrying to, the Belligerent Powers, or + either of them, the military stores or articles before mentioned, annexing + thereto a penalty to be levied or inflicted upon any persons within our + several Dominions transgressing the same. And we invite all Persons, as + well of the Belligerent Nations as of our own, or of any other, to give + information of any knowledge they may have of any transgressions against + the said Law, that the offenders may be prosecuted. + </p> + <p> + By this conduct we restore the word Contraband (<i>contra</i> and <i>ban</i>) + to its true and original signification, which means against Law, edict, or + Proclamation; and none but the Government of a Nation can have, or can + exercise, the right of making Laws, edicts, or Proclamations, for the + conduct of its Citizens or Subjects. + </p> + <p> + Now We, the undersigned Powers, declare the aforesaid Articles to be a Law + of Nations at all times, or until a Congress of Nations shall meet to form + some Law more effectual. + </p> + <p> + And we do recommend that immediately on the breaking out of War between + any two or more Nations, that Deputies be appointed by all Neutral + Nations, whether members of this Association or not, to meet in Congress + in some central place to take cognizance of any violations of the Rights + of Neutral Nations. + </p> + <p> + Signed, &c. + </p> + <p> + For the purpose of giving operation to the aforesaid plan of an <i>unarmed + Association</i>, the following Paragraph was subjoined: + </p> + <p> + It may be judged proper for the order of Business, that the Association of + Nations have a President for a term of years, and the Presidency to pass + by rotation, to each of the parties composing the Association. + </p> + <p> + In that case, and for the sake of regularity, the first President to be + the Executive power of the most northerly Nation composing the + Association, and his deputy or Minister at the Congress to be President of + the Congress,—and the next most northerly to be Vice-president, who + shall succeed to the Presidency, and so on. The line determining the + Geographical situation of each, to be the latitude of the Capital of each + Nation. + </p> + <p> + If this method be adopted it will be proper that the first President be + nominally constituted in order to give rotation to the rest. In that case + the following Article might be added to the foregoing, viz't. The + Constitution of the Association nominates the Emperor Paul to be <i>first + President</i> of the Association of Nations for the protection of Neutral + Commerce, and securing the freedom of the Seas. + </p> + <p> + The foregoing plan, as I have before mentioned, was presented to the + Ministers of all the Neutral Nations then in Paris, in the summer of 1800. + Six Copies were given to the Russian General Springporten; and a Russian + Gentleman who was going to Petersburgh took two expressly for the purpose + of putting them into the hands of Paul I sent the original manuscript, in + my own handwriting, to Mr. Jefferson, and also wrote him four Letters, + dated the 1st, 4th, 6th, 16th of October, 1800, giving him an account of + what was then going on in Europe respecting Neutral Commerce. + </p> + <p> + The Case was, that in order to compel the English Government to + acknowledge the rights of Neutral Commerce, and that free Ships make free + Goods, the <i>Emperor Paul</i>, in the month of September following the + publication of the plan, shut all the Ports of Russia against England. + Sweden and Denmark did the same by their Ports, and Denmark shut up + Hamburgh. Prussia shut up the Elbe and the Weser. The ports of Spain, + Portugal, and Naples were shut up, and, in general, all the ports of + Italy, except Venice, which the Emperor of Germany held; and had it not + been for the untimely death of Paul, a <i>Law of Nations</i>, founded on + the authority of Nations, for establishing the rights of Neutral Commerce + and the freedom of the Seas, would have been proclaimed, and the + Government of England must have consented to that Law, or the Nation must + have lost its Commerce; and the consequence to America would have been, + that such a Law would, in a great measure if not entirely, have released + her from the injuries of Jay's Treaty. + </p> + <p> + Of all these matters I informed Mr. Jefferson. This was before he was + President, and the Letter he wrote me after he was President was in answer + to those I had written to him and the manuscript Copy of the plan I had + sent here. Here follows the Letter: + </p> + <p> + Washington, March 18, 1801. Dear Sir: + </p> + <p> + Your letters of Oct. 1st, 4th, 6th, 16th, came duly to hand, and the + papers which they covered were, according to your permission, published in + the Newspapers, and in a Pamphlet, and under your own name. These papers + contain precisely our principles, and I hope they will be generally + recognized here. <i>Determined as we are to avoid, if possible, wasting + the energies of our People in war and destruction, we shall avoid + implicating ourselves with the Powers of Europe, even in support of + principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many other Interests + different from ours that we must avoid being entangled in them. We believe + we can enforce those principles as to ourselves by Peaceable means, now + that we are likely to have our Public Councils detached from foreign + views. The return of our citizens from the phrenzy into which they had + been wrought, partly by ill conduct in France, partly by artifices + practiced upon them, is almost extinct, and will, I believe, become quite + so</i>, But these details, too minute and long for a Letter, will be + better developed by Mr. Dawson, the Bearer of this, a Member of the late + Congress, to whom I refer you for them. He goes in the Maryland Sloop of + War, which will wait a few days at Havre to receive his Letters to be + written on his arrival at Paris. You expressed a wish to get a passage to + this Country in a Public Vessel. Mr. Dawson is charged with orders to the + Captain of the Maryland to receive and accommodate you back if you can be + ready to depart at such a short warning. Rob't R. Livingston is appointed + Minister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of France, but will not leave + this, till we receive the ratification of the Convention by Mr. Dawson. I + am in hopes you will find us returned generally to sentiments worthy of + former times. In these it will be your glory to have steadily laboured and + with as much effect as any man living. That you may long live to continue + your useful Labours and to reap the reward in the thankfulness of Nations + is my sincere prayer. Accept assurances of my high esteem and affectionate + attachment. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Jefferson. + </p> + <p> + This, Citizens of the United States, is the Letter about which the leaders + and tools of the Federal faction, without knowing its contents or the + occasion of writing it, have wasted so many malignant falsehoods. It is a + Letter which, on account of its wise economy and peaceable principles, and + its forbearance to reproach, will be read by every good Man and every good + Citizen with pleasure; and the faction, mortified at its appearance, will + have to regret they forced it into publication. The least atonement they + can now offer is to make the Letter as public as they have made their own + infamy, and learn to lie no more. + </p> + <p> + The same injustice they shewed to Mr. Jefferson they shewed to me. I had + employed myself in Europe, and at my own expense, in forming and promoting + a plan that would, in its operation, have benefited the Commerce of + America; and the faction here invented and circulated an account in the + papers they employ, that I had given a plan to the French for burning all + the towns on the Coast from Savannah to Baltimore. Were I to prosecute + them for this (and I do not promise that I will not, for the Liberty of + the Press is not the liberty of lying,) there is not a federal judge, not + even one of Midnight appointment, but must, from the nature of the case, + be obliged to condemn them. The faction, however, cannot complain they + have been restrained in any thing. They have had their full swing of lying + uncontradicted; they have availed themselves, unopposed, of all the arts + Hypocrisy could devise; and the event has been, what in all such cases it + ever will and ought to be, <i>the ruin of themselves</i>. + </p> + <p> + The Characters of the late and of the present Administrations are now + sufficiently marked, and the adherents of each keep up the distinction. + The former Administration rendered itself notorious by outrage, + coxcombical parade, false alarms, a continued increase of taxes, and an + unceasing clamor for War; and as every vice has a virtue opposed to it, + the present Administration moves on the direct contrary line. The + question, therefore, at elections is not properly a question upon Persons, + but upon principles. Those who are for Peace, moderate taxes, and mild + Government, will vote for the Administration that conducts itself by those + principles, in whatever hands that Administration may be. + </p> + <p> + There are in the United States, and particularly in the middle States, + several religious Sects, whose leading moral principle is PEACE. It is, + therefore, impossible that such Persons, consistently with the dictates of + that principle, can vote for an Administration that is clamorous for War. + When moral principles, rather than Persons, are candidates for Power, to + vote is to perform a moral duty, and not to vote is to neglect a duty. + </p> + <p> + That persons who are hunting after places, offices, and contracts, should + be advocates for War, taxes, and extravagance, is not to be wondered at; + but that so large a portion of the People who had nothing to depend upon + but their Industry, and no other public prospect but that of paying taxes, + and bearing the burden, should be advocates for the same measures, is a + thoughtlessness not easily accounted for. But reason is recovering her + empire, and the fog of delusion is clearing away. + </p> + <p> + Thomas Paine. + </p> + <p> + BORDENTOWN, ON THE DELAWARE, + </p> + <p> + New Jersey, April 21, 1803.(1) + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 Endorsed: "Sent by Gen. Bloomfield per Mr. Wilson for Mr. + Duane." And, in a later hand: "Paine Letter 6. Found among + the Bartram Papers sent by Col. Carr."—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Dlink2H_4_0035" id="Dlink2H_4_0035"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + XXXIV. TO THE FRENCH INHABITANTS OF LOUISIANA.(1) + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + 1 In a letter to Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury + (Oct 14, 1804), John Randolph of Roanoke proposed "the + printing of — thousand copies of Tom Paine's answer to + their remonstrance, and transmitting them by as many + thousand troops, who can speak a language perfectly + intelligible to the people of Louisiana, whatever that of + their government may be," The purchase of Louisiana was + announced to the Senate by President Jefferson, October 17, + 1803.—Editor. +</pre> + <p> + A publication having the appearance of a memorial and remonstrance, to be + presented to Congress at the ensuing session, has appeared in several + papers. It is therefore open to examination, and I offer you my remarks + upon it. The title and introductory paragraph are as follows: + </p> + <p> + "<i>To the Congress of the United States in the Senate and House of + Representatives convened</i>: We the subscribers, planters, merchants, and + other inhabitants of Louisiana, respectfully approach the legislature of + the United States with a memorial of <i>our rights</i>, a remonstrance + against certain laws which contravene them, and a petition for that + redress to which the laws of nature, sanctioned by positive stipulations, + have entitled us." + </p> + <p> + It often happens that when one party, or one that thinks itself a party, + talks much about its rights, it puts those of the other party upon + examining into their own, and such is the effect produced by your + memorial. + </p> + <p> + A single reading of that memorial will show it is the work of some person + who is not of your people. His acquaintance with the cause, commencement, + progress, and termination of the American revolution, decides this point; + and his making our merits in that revolution the ground of your claims, as + if our merits could become yours, show she does not understand your + situation. + </p> + <p> + We obtained our rights by calmly understanding principles, and by the + successful event of a long, obstinate, and expensive war. But it is not + incumbent on us to fight the battles of the world for the world's profit. + You are already participating, without any merit or expense in obtaining + it, the blessings of freedom acquired by ourselves; and in proportion as + you become initiated into the principles and practice of the + representative system of government, of which you have yet had no + experience, you will participate more, and finally be partakers of the + whole. You see what mischief ensued in France by the possession of power + before they understood principles. They earned liberty in words, but not + in fact. The writer of this was in France through the whole of the + revolution, and knows the truth of what he speaks; for after endeavouring + to give it principle, he had nearly fallen a victim to its rage. + </p> + <p> + There is a great want of judgment in the person who drew up your memorial. + He has mistaken your case, and forgotten his own; and by trying to court + your applause has injured your pretensions. He has written like a lawyer, + straining every point that would please his client, without studying his + advantage. I find no fault with the composition of the memorial, for it is + well written; nor with the principles of liberty it contains, considered + in the abstract. The error lies in the misapplication of them, and in + assuming a ground they have not a right to stand upon. Instead of their + serving you as a ground of reclamation against us, they change into a + satire on yourselves. Why did you not speak thus when you ought to have + spoken it? We fought for liberty when you stood quiet in slavery. + </p> + <p> + The author of the memorial injudiciously confounding two distinct cases + together, has spoken as if he was the memorialist of a body of Americans, + who, after sharing equally with us in all the dangers and hardships of the + revolutionary war, had retired to a distance and made a settlement for + themselves. If, in such a situation, Congress had established a temporary + government over them, in which they were not personally consulted, they + would have had a right to speak as the memorial speaks. But your situation + is different from what the situation of such persons would be, and + therefore their ground of reclamation cannot of right become yours. You + are arriving at freedom by the easiest means that any people ever enjoyed + it; without contest, without expense, and even without any contrivance of + your own. And you already so far mistake principles, that under the name + of <i>rights</i> you ask for <i>powers; power to import and enslave + Africans</i>; and <i>to govern</i> a territory that <i>we have purchased</i>. + </p> + <p> + To give colour to your memorial, you refer to the treaty of cession, (in + which <i>you were not</i> one of the contracting parties,) concluded at + Paris between the governments of the United States and France. + </p> + <p> + "The third article" you say "of the treaty lately concluded at Paris + declares, that the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be + incorporated in the union of the United States, and admitted <i>as soon as + possible, according to the principles</i> of the Federal Constitution, to + the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of + the United States; and <i>in the mean time</i>, they shall be protected in + the enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the exercise of the religion + they profess." + </p> + <p> + As from your former condition, you cannot be much acquainted with + diplomatic policy, and I am convinced that even the gentleman who drew up + the memorial is not, I will explain to you the grounds of this article. It + may prevent your running into further errors. + </p> + <p> + The territory of Louisiana had been so often ceded to different European + powers, that it became a necessary article on the part of France, and for + the security of Spain, the ally of France, and which accorded perfectly + with our own principles and intentions, that it should be <i>ceded no more</i>; + and this article, stipulating for the incorporation of Louisiana into the + union of the United States, stands as a bar against all future cession, + and at the same time, as well as "<i>in the mean time</i>" secures to you + a civil and political permanency, personal security and liberty which you + never enjoyed before. + </p> + <p> + France and Spain might suspect, (and the suspicion would not have been + ill-founded had the cession been treated for in the administration of John + Adams, or when Washington was president, and Alexander Hamilton president + over him,) that we <i>bought</i> Louisiana for the British government, or + with a view of selling it to her; and though such suspicion had no just + ground to stand upon with respect to our present president, Thomas + Jefferson, who is not only not a man of intrigue but who possesses that + honest pride of principle that cannot be intrigued with, and which keeps + intriguers at a distance, the article was nevertheless necessary as a + precaution against future contingencies. But you, from not knowing the + political ground of the article, apply to yourselves <i>personally</i> and + <i>exclusively</i>, what had reference to the <i>territory</i>, to prevent + its falling into the hands of any foreign power that might endanger the + [establishment of] <i>Spanish</i> dominion in America, or those of the <i>French</i> + in the West India Islands. + </p> + <p> + You claim, (you say), to be incorporated into the union of the United + States, and your remonstrances on this subject are unjust and without + cause. + </p> + <p> + You are already <i>incorporated</i> into it as fully and effectually as + the Americans themselves are, who are settled in Louisiana. You enjoy the + same rights, privileges, advantages, and immunities, which they enjoy; and + when Louisiana, or some part of it, shall be erected into a constitutional + State, you also will be citizens equal with them. + </p> + <p> + You speak in your memorial, as if you were the only people who were to + live in Louisiana, and as if the territory was purchased that you + exclusively might govern it. In both these cases you are greatly mistaken. + The emigrations from the United States into the purchased territory, and + the population arising therefrom, will, in a few years, exceed you in + numbers. It is but twenty-six years since Kentucky began to be settled, + and it already contains more than <i>double</i> your population. + </p> + <p> + In a candid view of the case, you ask for what would be injurious to + yourselves to receive, and unjust in us to grant. <i>Injurious</i>, + because the settlement of Louisiana will go on much faster under the + government and guardianship of Congress, then if the government of it were + committed to <i>your</i> hands; and consequently, the landed property you + possessed as individuals when the treaty was concluded, or have purchased + since, will increase so much faster in value.—<i>Unjust to ourselves</i>, + because as the reimbursements of the purchase money must come out of the + sale of the lands to new settlers, the government of it cannot suddenly go + out of the hands of Congress. They are guardians of that property for <i>all + the people of the United States</i>. And besides this, as the new settlers + will be chiefly from the United States, it would be unjust and ill policy + to put them and their property under the jurisdiction of a people whose + freedom they had contributed to purchase. You ought also to recollect, + that the French Revolution has not exhibited to the world that grand + display of principles and rights, that would induce settlers from other + countries to put themselves under a French jurisdiction in Louisiana. + Beware of intriguers who may push you on from private motives of their + own. + </p> + <p> + You complain of two cases, one of which you have <i>no right</i>, no + concern with; and the other is founded in direct injustice. + </p> + <p> + You complain that Congress has passed a law to divide the country into two + territories. It is not improper to inform you, that after the + revolutionary war ended, Congress divided the territory acquired by that + war into ten territories; each of which was to be erected into a + constitutional State, when it arrived at a certain population mentioned in + the Act; and, in the mean time, an officer appointed by the President, as + the Governor of Louisiana now is, presided, as Governor of the Western + Territory, over all such parts as have not arrived at the maturity of <i>statehood</i>. + Louisiana will require to be divided into twelve States or more; but this + is a matter that belongs to <i>the purchaser</i> of the territory of + Louisiana, and with which the inhabitants of the town of New-Orleans have + no right to interfere; and beside this, it is probable that the + inhabitants of the other territory would choose to be independent of + New-Orleans. They might apprehend, that on some speculating pretence, + their produce might be put in requisition, and a maximum price put on it—a + thing not uncommon in a French government. As a general rule, without + refining upon sentiment, one may put confidence in the justice of those + who have no inducement to do us injustice; and this is the case Congress + stands in with respect to both territories, and to all other divisions + that may be laid out, and to all inhabitants and settlers, of whatever + nation they may be. + </p> + <p> + There can be no such thing as what the memorial speaks of, that is, <i>of + a Governor appointed by the President who may have no interest in the + welfare of Louisiana</i>. He must, from the nature of the case, have more + interest in it than any other person can have. He is entrusted with the + care of an extensive tract of country, now the property of the United + States by purchase. The value of those lands will depend on the increasing + prosperity of Louisiana, its agriculture, commerce, and population. You + have only a local and partial interest in the town of New-Orleans, or its + vicinity; and if, in consequence of exploring the country, new seats of + commerce should offer, his general interest would lead him to open them, + and your partial interest to shut them up. + </p> + <p> + There is probably some justice in your remark, as it applies to the + governments under which you <i>formerly</i> lived. Such governments always + look with jealousy, and an apprehension of revolt, on colonies increasing + in prosperity and population, and they send governors to <i>keep them down</i>. + But when you argue from the conduct of governments <i>distant and despotic</i>, + to that of <i>domestic</i> and <i>free</i> government, it shows you do not + understand the principles and interest of a Republic, and to put you right + is friendship. We have had experience, and you have not. + </p> + <p> + The other case to which I alluded, as being founded in direct injustice, + is that in which you petition for <i>power</i>, under the name of <i>rights</i>, + to import and enslave Africans! + </p> + <p> + <i>Dare you put up a petition to Heaven for such a power, without fearing + to be struck from the earth by its justice?</i> + </p> + <p> + <i>Why, then, do you ask it of man against man?</i> + </p> + <p> + <i>Do you want to renew in Louisiana the horrors of Domingo?</i> + </p> + <p> + Common Sense. + </p> + <p> + Sept 22, 1804. + </p> + <p> + END OF VOLUME III. <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /><br /> <br /> + </p> + <h3> + <i>THE WORKS OF THOMAS PAINE</i> + </h3> + <table summary="" style="margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto" cellpadding="4" border="3"> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#common"> <b>Common Sense</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol1"> <b>Volume One</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol2"> <b>Volume Two</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol3"> <b>Volume Three</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> + <a href="#vol4"> <b> Volume Four</b></a> + </td> + </tr> + </table> + <p> + <a name="vol4" id="vol4"> </a> + </p> + <h1> + THE WRITINGS OF THOMAS PAINE + </h1> + <h2> + THE AGE OF REASON - PART I and II + </h2> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + By Thomas Paine + </h2> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h3> + Collected And Edited By Moncure Daniel Conway + </h3> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <h2> + VOLUME IV. + </h2> + <h3> + (1796) + </h3> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Elink2H_4_0001"> <b>THE AGE OF REASON</b> </a><br /><br /> + <a href="#Elink2H_4_0002"> EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION </a><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I - THE AUTHOR'S PROFESSION OF FAITH. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II - OF MISSIONS AND REVELATIONS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III - CONCERNING THE CHARACTER OF + JESUS CHRIST, AND HIS HISTORY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV - OF THE BASES OF CHRISTIANITY. + </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V - EXAMINATION IN DETAIL OF THE + PRECEDING BASES. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI - OF THE TRUE THEOLOGY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII - EXAMINATION OF THE OLD + TESTAMENT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII - OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX - IN WHAT THE TRUE REVELATION + CONSISTS. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0010"> CHAPTER X - CONCERNING GOD, AND THE LIGHTS + CAST ON HIS EXISTENCE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0011"> CHAPTER XI - OF THE THEOLOGY OF THE + CHRISTIANS; AND THE TRUE THEOLOGY. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0012"> CHAPTER XII - THE EFFECTS OF CHRISTIANISM ON + EDUCATION; PROPOSED </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0013"> CHAPTER XIII - COMPARISON OF CHRISTIANISM WITH + THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0014"> CHAPTER XIV - SYSTEM OF THE UNIVERSE. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0015"> CHAPTER XV - ADVANTAGES OF THE EXISTENCE OF + MANY WORLDS IN EACH SOLAR </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0016"> CHAPTER XVI - APPLICATION OF THE PRECEDING TO + THE SYSTEM OF THE </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0017"> CHAPTER XVII - OF THE MEANS EMPLOYED IN ALL + TIME, AND ALMOST </a> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <a href="#Elink2H_4_0020"> <b>THE AGE OF REASON - PART II</b> </a><br /><br /> + <a href="#Elink2H_PREF"> PREFACE </a><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0018"> CHAPTER I - THE OLD TESTAMENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0020"> CHAPTER II - THE NEW TESTAMENT </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#Elink2HCH0021"> CHAPTER III - CONCLUSION </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Elink2H_4_0001" id="Elink2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h1> + THE AGE OF REASON + </h1> + <p> + (1796) <a name="Elink2H_4_0002" id="Elink2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION + </h2> + <h3> + WITH SOME RESULTS OF RECENT RESEARCHES. + </h3> + <p> + IN the opening year, 1793, when revolutionary France had beheaded its + king, the wrath turned next upon the King of kings, by whose grace every + tyrant claimed to reign. But eventualities had brought among them a great + English and American heart—Thomas Paine. He had pleaded for Louis + Caper—"Kill the king but spare the man." Now he pleaded,—"Disbelieve + in the King of kings, but do not confuse with that idol the Father of + Mankind!" + </p> + <p> + In Paine's Preface to the Second Part of "The Age of Reason" he describes + himself as writing the First Part near the close of the year 1793. "I had + not finished it more than six hours, in the state it has since appeared, + before a guard came about three in the morning, with an order signed by + the two Committees of Public Safety and Surety General, for putting me in + arrestation." This was on the morning of December 28. But it is necessary + to weigh the words just quoted—"in the state it has since appeared." + For on August 5, 1794, Francois Lanthenas, in an appeal for Paine's + liberation, wrote as follows: "I deliver to Merlin de Thionville a copy of + the last work of T. Payne [The Age of Reason], formerly our colleague, and + in custody since the decree excluding foreigners from the national + representation. This book was written by the author in the beginning of + the year '93 (old style). I undertook its translation before the + revolution against priests, and it was published in French about the same + time. Couthon, to whom I sent it, seemed offended with me for having + translated this work." + </p> + <p> + Under the frown of Couthon, one of the most atrocious colleagues of + Robespierre, this early publication seems to have been so effectually + suppressed that no copy bearing that date, 1793, can be found in France or + elsewhere. In Paine's letter to Samuel Adams, printed in the present + volume, he says that he had it translated into French, to stay the + progress of atheism, and that he endangered his life "by opposing + atheism." The time indicated by Lanthenas as that in which he submitted + the work to Couthon would appear to be the latter part of March, 1793, the + fury against the priesthood having reached its climax in the decrees + against them of March 19 and 26. If the moral deformity of Couthon, even + greater than that of his body, be remembered, and the readiness with which + death was inflicted for the most theoretical opinion not approved by the + "Mountain," it will appear probable that the offence given Couthon by + Paine's book involved danger to him and his translator. On May 31, when + the Girondins were accused, the name of Lanthenas was included, and he + barely escaped; and on the same day Danton persuaded Paine not to appear + in the Convention, as his life might be in danger. Whether this was + because of the "Age of Reason," with its fling at the "Goddess Nature" or + not, the statements of author and translator are harmonized by the fact + that Paine prepared the manuscript, with considerable additions and + changes, for publication in English, as he has stated in the Preface to + Part II. + </p> + <p> + A comparison of the French and English versions, sentence by sentence, + proved to me that the translation sent by Lanthenas to Merlin de + Thionville in 1794 is the same as that he sent to Couthon in 1793. This + discovery was the means of recovering several interesting sentences of the + original work. I have given as footnotes translations of such clauses and + phrases of the French work as appeared to be important. Those familiar + with the translations of Lanthenas need not be reminded that he was too + much of a literalist to depart from the manuscript before him, and indeed + he did not even venture to alter it in an instance (presently considered) + where it was obviously needed. Nor would Lanthenas have omitted any of the + paragraphs lacking in his translation. This original work was divided into + seventeen chapters, and these I have restored, translating their headings + into English. The "Age of Reason" is thus for the first time given to the + world with nearly its original completeness. + </p> + <p> + It should be remembered that Paine could not have read the proof of his + "Age of Reason" (Part I.) which went through the press while he was in + prison. To this must be ascribed the permanence of some sentences as + abbreviated in the haste he has described. A notable instance is the + dropping out of his estimate of Jesus the words rendered by Lanthenas + "trop peu imite, trop oublie, trop meconnu." The addition of these words + to Paine's tribute makes it the more notable that almost the only + recognition of the human character and life of Jesus by any theological + writer of that generation came from one long branded as an infidel. + </p> + <p> + To the inability of the prisoner to give his work any revision must be + attributed the preservation in it of the singular error already alluded + to, as one that Lanthenas, but for his extreme fidelity, would have + corrected. This is Paine's repeated mention of six planets, and + enumeration of them, twelve years after the discovery of Uranus. Paine was + a devoted student of astronomy, and it cannot for a moment be supposed + that he had not participated in the universal welcome of Herschel's + discovery. The omission of any allusion to it convinces me that the + astronomical episode was printed from a manuscript written before 1781, + when Uranus was discovered. Unfamiliar with French in 1793, Paine might + not have discovered the erratum in Lanthenas' translation, and, having no + time for copying, he would naturally use as much as possible of the same + manuscript in preparing his work for English readers. But he had no + opportunity of revision, and there remains an erratum which, if my + conjecture be correct, casts a significant light on the paragraphs in + which he alludes to the preparation of the work. He states that soon after + his publication of "Common Sense" (1776), he "saw the exceeding + probability that a revolution in the system of government would be + followed by a revolution in the system of religion," and that "man would + return to the pure, unmixed, and unadulterated belief of one God and no + more." He tells Samuel Adams that it had long been his intention to + publish his thoughts upon religion, and he had made a similar remark to + John Adams in 1776. Like the Quakers among whom he was reared Paine could + then readily use the phrase "word of God" for anything in the Bible which + approved itself to his "inner light," and as he had drawn from the first + Book of Samuel a divine condemnation of monarchy, John Adams, a Unitarian, + asked him if he believed in the inspiration of the Old Testament. Paine + replied that he did not, and at a later period meant to publish his views + on the subject. There is little doubt that he wrote from time to time on + religious points, during the American war, without publishing his + thoughts, just as he worked on the problem of steam navigation, in which + he had invented a practicable method (ten years before John Fitch made his + discovery) without publishing it. At any rate it appears to me certain + that the part of "The Age of Reason" connected with Paine's favorite + science, astronomy, was written before 1781, when Uranus was discovered. + </p> + <p> + Paine's theism, however invested with biblical and Christian phraseology, + was a birthright. It appears clear from several allusions in "The Age of + Reason" to the Quakers that in his early life, or before the middle of the + eighteenth century, the people so called were substantially Deists. An + interesting confirmation of Paine's statements concerning them appears as + I write in an account sent by Count Leo Tolstoi to the London 'Times' of + the Russian sect called Dukhobortsy (The Times, October 23, 1895). This + sect sprang up in the last century, and the narrative says: + </p> + <p> + "The first seeds of the teaching called afterwards 'Dukhoborcheskaya' were + sown by a foreigner, a Quaker, who came to Russia. The fundamental idea of + his Quaker teaching was that in the soul of man dwells God himself, and + that He himself guides man by His inner word. God lives in nature + physically and in man's soul spiritually. To Christ, as to an historical + personage, the Dukhobortsy do not ascribe great importance... Christ was + God's son, but only in the sense in which we call, ourselves 'sons of + God.' The purpose of Christ's sufferings was no other than to show us an + example of suffering for truth. The Quakers who, in 1818, visited the + Dukhobortsy, could not agree with them upon these religious subjects; and + when they heard from them their opinion about Jesus Christ (that he was a + man), exclaimed 'Darkness!' From the Old and New Testaments,' they say, + 'we take only what is useful,' mostly the moral teaching.... The moral + ideas of the Dukhobortsy are the following:—All men are, by nature, + equal; external distinctions, whatsoever they may be, are worth nothing. + This idea of men's equality the Dukhoborts have directed further, against + the State authority.... Amongst themselves they hold subordination, and + much more, a monarchical Government, to be contrary to their ideas." + </p> + <p> + Here is an early Hicksite Quakerism carried to Russia long before the + birth of Elias Hicks, who recovered it from Paine, to whom the American + Quakers refused burial among them. Although Paine arraigned the union of + Church and State, his ideal Republic was religious; it was based on a + conception of equality based on the divine son-ship of every man. This + faith underlay equally his burden against claims to divine partiality by a + "Chosen People," a Priesthood, a Monarch "by the grace of God," or an + Aristocracy. Paine's "Reason" is only an expansion of the Quaker's "inner + light"; and the greater impression, as compared with previous republican + and deistic writings made by his "Rights of Man" and "Age of Reason" + (really volumes of one work), is partly explained by the apostolic fervor + which made him a spiritual, successor of George Fox. + </p> + <p> + Paine's mind was by no means skeptical, it was eminently instructive. That + he should have waited until his fifty-seventh year before publishing his + religious convictions was due to a desire to work out some positive and + practicable system to take the place of that which he believed was + crumbling. The English engineer Hall, who assisted Paine in making the + model of his iron bridge, wrote to his friends in England, in 1786: "My + employer has Common Sense enough to disbelieve most of the common + systematic theories of Divinity, but does not seem to establish any for + himself." But five years later Paine was able to lay the corner-stone of + his temple: "With respect to religion itself, without regard to names, and + as directing itself from the universal family of mankind to the 'Divine + object of all adoration, it is man bringing to his Maker the fruits of his + heart; and though those fruits may differ from each other like the fruits + of the earth, the grateful tribute of every one, is accepted." ("Rights of + Man." See my edition of Paine's Writings, ii., p. 326.) Here we have a + reappearance of George Fox confuting the doctor in America who "denied the + light and Spirit of God to be in every one; and affirmed that it was not + in the Indians. Whereupon I called an Indian to us, and asked him 'whether + or not, when he lied, or did wrong to anyone, there was not something in + him that reproved him for it?' He said, 'There was such a thing in him + that did so reprove him; and he was ashamed when he had done wrong, or + spoken wrong.' So we shamed the doctor before the governor and the + people." (Journal of George Fox, September 1672.) + </p> + <p> + Paine, who coined the phrase "Religion of Humanity" (The Crisis, vii., + 1778), did but logically defend it in "The Age of Reason," by denying a + special revelation to any particular tribe, or divine authority in any + particular creed of church; and the centenary of this much-abused + publication has been celebrated by a great conservative champion of Church + and State, Mr. Balfour, who, in his "Foundations of Belief," affirms that + "inspiration" cannot be denied to the great Oriental teachers, unless + grapes may be gathered from thorns. + </p> + <p> + The centenary of the complete publication of "The Age of Reason," (October + 25, 1795), was also celebrated at the Church Congress, Norwich, on October + 10, 1895, when Professor Bonney, F.R.S., Canon of Manchester, read a paper + in which he said: "I cannot deny that the increase of scientific knowledge + has deprived parts of the earlier books of the Bible of the historical + value which was generally attributed to them by our forefathers. The story + of Creation in the Book of Genesis, unless we play fast and loose either + with words or with science, cannot be brought into harmony with what we + have learnt from geology. Its ethnological statements are imperfect, if + not sometimes inaccurate. The stories of the Fall, of the Flood, and of + the Tower of Babel, are incredible in their present form. Some historical + element may underlie many of the traditions in the first eleven chapters + in that book, but this we cannot hope to recover." Canon Bonney proceeded + to say of the New Testament also, that "the Gospels are not so far as we + know, strictly contemporaneous records, so we must admit the possibility + of variations and even inaccuracies in details being introduced by oral + tradition." The Canon thinks the interval too short for these importations + to be serious, but that any question of this kind is left open proves the + Age of Reason fully upon us. Reason alone can determine how many texts are + as spurious as the three heavenly witnesses (i John v. 7), and like it + "serious" enough to have cost good men their lives, and persecutors their + charities. When men interpolate, it is because they believe their + interpolation seriously needed. It will be seen by a note in Part II. of + the work, that Paine calls attention to an interpolation introduced into + the first American edition without indication of its being an editorial + footnote. This footnote was: "The book of Luke was carried by a majority + of one only. Vide Moshelm's Ecc. History." Dr. Priestley, then in America, + answered Paine's work, and in quoting less than a page from the "Age of + Reason" he made three alterations,—one of which changed "church + mythologists" into "Christian mythologists,"—and also raised the + editorial footnote into the text, omitting the reference to Mosheim. + Having done this, Priestley writes: "As to the gospel of Luke being + carried by a majority of one only, it is a legend, if not of Mr. Paine's + own invention, of no better authority whatever." And so on with further + castigation of the author for what he never wrote, and which he himself + (Priestley) was the unconscious means of introducing into the text within + the year of Paine's publication. + </p> + <p> + If this could be done, unintentionally by a conscientious and exact man, + and one not unfriendly to Paine, if such a writer as Priestley could make + four mistakes in citing half a page, it will appear not very wonderful + when I state that in a modern popular edition of "The Age of Reason," + including both parts, I have noted about five hundred deviations from the + original. These were mainly the accumulated efforts of friendly editors to + improve Paine's grammar or spelling; some were misprints, or developed out + of such; and some resulted from the sale in London of a copy of Part + Second surreptitiously made from the manuscript. These facts add + significance to Paine's footnote (itself altered in some editions!), in + which he says: "If this has happened within such a short space of time, + notwithstanding the aid of printing, which prevents the alteration of + copies individually; what may not have happened in a much greater length + of time, when there was no printing, and when any man who could write, + could make a written copy, and call it an original, by Matthew, Mark, + Luke, or John." + </p> + <p> + Nothing appears to me more striking, as an illustration of the + far-reaching effects of traditional prejudice, than the errors into which + some of our ablest contemporary scholars have fallen by reason of their + not having studied Paine. Professor Huxley, for instance, speaking of the + freethinkers of the eighteenth century, admires the acuteness, common + sense, wit, and the broad humanity of the best of them, but says "there is + rarely much to be said for their work as an example of the adequate + treatment of a grave and difficult investigation," and that they shared + with their adversaries "to the full the fatal weakness of a priori + philosophizing." [NOTE: Science and Christian Tradition, p. 18 (Lon. ed., + 1894).] Professor Huxley does not name Paine, evidently because he knows + nothing about him. Yet Paine represents the turning-point of the + historical freethinking movement; he renounced the 'a priori' method, + refused to pronounce anything impossible outside pure mathematics, rested + everything on evidence, and really founded the Huxleyan school. He + plagiarized by anticipation many things from the rationalistic leaders of + our time, from Strauss and Baur (being the first to expatiate on + "Christian Mythology"), from Renan (being the first to attempt recovery of + the human Jesus), and notably from Huxley, who has repeated Paine's + arguments on the untrustworthiness of the biblical manuscripts and canon, + on the inconsistencies of the narratives of Christ's resurrection, and + various other points. None can be more loyal to the memory of Huxley than + the present writer, and it is even because of my sense of his grand + leadership that he is here mentioned as a typical instance of the extent + to which the very elect of free-thought may be unconsciously victimized by + the phantasm with which they are contending. He says that Butler overthrew + freethinkers of the eighteenth century type, but Paine was of the + nineteenth century type; and it was precisely because of his critical + method that he excited more animosity than his deistical predecessors. He + compelled the apologists to defend the biblical narratives in detail, and + thus implicitly acknowledge the tribunal of reason and knowledge to which + they were summoned. The ultimate answer by police was a confession of + judgment. A hundred years ago England was suppressing Paine's works, and + many an honest Englishman has gone to prison for printing and circulating + his "Age of Reason." The same views are now freely expressed; they are + heard in the seats of learning, and even in the Church Congress; but the + suppression of Paine, begun by bigotry and ignorance, is continued in the + long indifference of the representatives of our Age of Reason to their + pioneer and founder. It is a grievous loss to them and to their cause. It + is impossible to understand the religious history of England, and of + America, without studying the phases of their evolution represented in the + writings of Thomas Paine, in the controversies that grew out of them with + such practical accompaniments as the foundation of the Theophilanthropist + Church in Paris and New York, and of the great rationalist wing of + Quakerism in America. + </p> + <p> + Whatever may be the case with scholars in our time, those of Paine's time + took the "Age of Reason" very seriously indeed. Beginning with the learned + Dr. Richard Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, a large number of learned men + replied to Paine's work, and it became a signal for the commencement of + those concessions, on the part of theology, which have continued to our + time; and indeed the so-called "Broad Church" is to some extent an outcome + of "The Age of Reason." It would too much enlarge this Introduction to + cite here the replies made to Paine (thirty-six are catalogued in the + British Museum), but it may be remarked that they were notably free, as a + rule, from the personalities that raged in the pulpits. I must venture to + quote one passage from his very learned antagonist, the Rev. Gilbert + Wakefield, B.A., "late Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge." Wakefield, who + had resided in London during all the Paine panic, and was well acquainted + with the slanders uttered against the author of "Rights of Man," + indirectly brands them in answering Paine's argument that the original and + traditional unbelief of the Jews, among whom the alleged miracles were + wrought, is an important evidence against them. The learned divine writes: + </p> + <p> + "But the subject before us admits of further illustration from the example + of Mr. Paine himself. In this country, where his opposition to the + corruptions of government has raised him so many adversaries, and such a + swarm of unprincipled hirelings have exerted themselves in blackening his + character and in misrepresenting all the transactions and incidents of his + life, will it not be a most difficult, nay an impossible task, for + posterity, after a lapse of 1700 years, if such a wreck of modern + literature as that of the ancient, should intervene, to identify the real + circumstances, moral and civil, of the man? And will a true historian, + such as the Evangelists, be credited at that future period against such a + predominant incredulity, without large and mighty accessions of collateral + attestation? And how transcendently extraordinary, I had almost said + miraculous, will it be estimated by candid and reasonable minds, that a + writer whose object was a melioration of condition to the common people, + and their deliverance from oppression, poverty, wretchedness, to the + numberless blessings of upright and equal government, should be reviled, + persecuted, and burned in effigy, with every circumstance of insult and + execration, by these very objects of his benevolent intentions, in every + corner of the kingdom?" After the execution of Louis XVI., for whose life + Paine pleaded so earnestly,—while in England he was denounced as an + accomplice in the deed,—he devoted himself to the preparation of a + Constitution, and also to gathering up his religious compositions and + adding to them. This manuscript I suppose to have been prepared in what + was variously known as White's Hotel or Philadelphia House, in Paris, No. + 7 Passage des Petits Peres. This compilation of early and fresh + manuscripts (if my theory be correct) was labelled, "The Age of Reason," + and given for translation to Francois Lanthenas in March 1793. It is + entered, in Qudrard (La France Literaire) under the year 1793, but with + the title "L'Age de la Raison" instead of that which it bore in 1794, "Le + Siecle de la Raison." The latter, printed "Au Burcau de l'imprimerie, rue + du Theatre-Francais, No. 4," is said to be by "Thomas Paine, Citoyen et + cultivateur de l'Amerique septentrionale, secretaire du Congres du + departement des affaires etrangeres pendant la guerre d'Amerique, et + auteur des ouvrages intitules: LA SENS COMMUN et LES DROITS DE L'HOMME." + </p> + <p> + When the Revolution was advancing to increasing terrors, Paine, unwilling + to participate in the decrees of a Convention whose sole legal function + was to frame a Constitution, retired to an old mansion and garden in the + Faubourg St. Denis, No. 63. Mr. J.G. Alger, whose researches in personal + details connected with the Revolution are original and useful, recently + showed me in the National Archives at Paris, some papers connected with + the trial of Georgeit, Paine's landlord, by which it appears that the + present No. 63 is not, as I had supposed, the house in which Paine + resided. Mr. Alger accompanied me to the neighborhood, but we were not + able to identify the house. The arrest of Georgeit is mentioned by Paine + in his essay on "Forgetfulness" (Writings, iii., 319). When his trial came + on one of the charges was that he had kept in his house "Paine and other + Englishmen,"—Paine being then in prison,—but he (Georgeit) was + acquitted of the paltry accusations brought against him by his Section, + the "Faubourg du Nord." This Section took in the whole east side of the + Faubourg St. Denis, whereas the present No. 63 is on the west side. After + Georgeit (or Georger) had been arrested, Paine was left alone in the large + mansion (said by Rickman to have been once the hotel of Madame de + Pompadour), and it would appear, by his account, that it was after the + execution (October 31, 1793) Of his friends the Girondins, and political + comrades, that he felt his end at hand, and set about his last literary + bequest to the world,—"The Age of Reason,"—in the state in + which it has since appeared, as he is careful to say. There was every + probability, during the months in which he wrote (November and December + 1793) that he would be executed. His religious testament was prepared with + the blade of the guillotine suspended over him,—a fact which did not + deter pious mythologists from portraying his death-bed remorse for having + written the book. + </p> + <p> + In editing Part I. of "The Age of Reason," I follow closely the first + edition, which was printed by Barrois in Paris from the manuscript, no + doubt under the superintendence of Joel Barlow, to whom Paine, on his way + to the Luxembourg, had confided it. Barlow was an American ex-clergyman, a + speculator on whose career French archives cast an unfavorable light, and + one cannot be certain that no liberties were taken with Paine's proofs. + </p> + <p> + I may repeat here what I have stated in the outset of my editorial work on + Paine that my rule is to correct obvious misprints, and also any + punctuation which seems to render the sense less clear. And to that I will + now add that in following Paine's quotations from the Bible I have adopted + the Plan now generally used in place of his occasionally too extended + writing out of book, chapter, and verse. + </p> + <p> + Paine was imprisoned in the Luxembourg on December 28, 1793, and released + on November 4, 1794. His liberation was secured by his old friend, James + Monroe (afterwards President), who had succeeded his (Paine's) relentless + enemy, Gouverneur Morris, as American Minister in Paris. He was found by + Monroe more dead than alive from semi-starvation, cold, and an abscess + contracted in prison, and taken to the Minister's own residence. It was + not supposed that he could survive, and he owed his life to the tender + care of Mr. and Mrs. Monroe. It was while thus a prisoner in his room, + with death still hovering over him, that Paine wrote Part Second of "The + Age of Reason." + </p> + <p> + The work was published in London by H.D. Symonds on October 25, 1795, and + claimed to be "from the Author's manuscript." It is marked as "Entered at + Stationers Hall," and prefaced by an apologetic note of "The Bookseller to + the Public," whose commonplaces about avoiding both prejudice and + partiality, and considering "both sides," need not be quoted. While his + volume was going through the press in Paris, Paine heard of the + publication in London, which drew from him the following hurried note to a + London publisher, no doubt Daniel Isaacs Eaton: + </p> + <p> + "SIR,—I have seen advertised in the London papers the second Edition + [part] of the Age of Reason, printed, the advertisement says, from the + Author's Manuscript, and entered at Stationers Hall. I have never sent any + manuscript to any person. It is therefore a forgery to say it is printed + from the author's manuscript; and I suppose is done to give the Publisher + a pretence of Copy Right, which he has no title to. + </p> + <p> + "I send you a printed copy, which is the only one I have sent to London. I + wish you to make a cheap edition of it. I know not by what means any copy + has got over to London. If any person has made a manuscript copy I have no + doubt but it is full of errors. I wish you would talk to Mr. ——- + upon this subject as I wish to know by what means this trick has been + played, and from whom the publisher has got possession of any copy. + </p> + <p> + "T. PAINE. + </p> + <p> + "PARIS, December 4, 1795" + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p> + Eaton's cheap edition appeared January 1, 1796, with the above letter on + the reverse of the title. The blank in the note was probably "Symonds" in + the original, and possibly that publisher was imposed upon. Eaton, already + in trouble for printing one of Paine's political pamphlets, fled to + America, and an edition of the "Age of Reason" was issued under a new + title; no publisher appears; it is said to be "printed for, and sold by + all the Booksellers in Great Britain and Ireland." It is also said to be + "By Thomas Paine, author of several remarkable performances." I have never + found any copy of this anonymous edition except the one in my possession. + It is evidently the edition which was suppressed by the prosecution of + Williams for selling a copy of it. + </p> + <p> + A comparison with Paine's revised edition reveals a good many clerical and + verbal errors in Symonds, though few that affect the sense. The worst are + in the preface, where, instead of "1793," the misleading date "1790" is + given as the year at whose close Paine completed Part First,—an + error that spread far and wide and was fastened on by his calumnious + American "biographer," Cheetham, to prove his inconsistency. The editors + have been fairly demoralized by, and have altered in different ways, the + following sentence of the preface in Symonds: "The intolerant spirit of + religious persecution had transferred itself into politics; the tribunals, + styled Revolutionary, supplied the place of the Inquisition; and the + Guillotine of the State outdid the Fire and Faggot of the Church." The + rogue who copied this little knew the care with which Paine weighed words, + and that he would never call persecution "religious," nor connect the + guillotine with the "State," nor concede that with all its horrors it had + outdone the history of fire and faggot. What Paine wrote was: "The + intolerant spirit of church persecution had transferred itself into + politics; the tribunals, styled Revolutionary, supplied the place of an + Inquisition and the Guillotine, of the Stake." + </p> + <p> + An original letter of Paine, in the possession of Joseph Cowen, ex-M.P., + which that gentleman permits me to bring to light, besides being one of + general interest makes clear the circumstances of the original + publication. Although the name of the correspondent does not appear on the + letter, it was certainly written to Col. John Fellows of New York, who + copyrighted Part I. of the "Age of Reason." He published the pamphlets of + Joel Barlow, to whom Paine confided his manuscript on his way to prison. + Fellows was afterwards Paine's intimate friend in New York, and it was + chiefly due to him that some portions of the author's writings, left in + manuscript to Madame Bonneville while she was a freethinker were rescued + from her devout destructiveness after her return to Catholicism. The + letter which Mr. Cowen sends me, is dated at Paris, January 20, 1797. + </p> + <p> + "SIR,—Your friend Mr. Caritat being on the point of his departure + for America, I make it the opportunity of writing to you. I received two + letters from you with some pamphlets a considerable time past, in which + you inform me of your entering a copyright of the first part of the Age of + Reason: when I return to America we will settle for that matter. + </p> + <p> + "As Doctor Franklin has been my intimate friend for thirty years past you + will naturally see the reason of my continuing the connection with his + grandson. I printed here (Paris) about fifteen thousand of the second part + of the Age of Reason, which I sent to Mr. F[ranklin] Bache. I gave him + notice of it in September 1795 and the copy-right by my own direction was + entered by him. The books did not arrive till April following, but he had + advertised it long before. + </p> + <p> + "I sent to him in August last a manuscript letter of about 70 pages, from + me to Mr. Washington to be printed in a pamphlet. Mr. Barnes of + Philadelphia carried the letter from me over to London to be forwarded to + America. It went by the ship Hope, Cap: Harley, who since his return from + America told me that he put it into the post office at New York for Bache. + I have yet no certain account of its publication. I mention this that the + letter may be enquired after, in case it has not been published or has not + arrived to Mr. Bache. Barnes wrote to me, from London 29 August informing + me that he was offered three hundred pounds sterling for the manuscript. + The offer was refused because it was my intention it should not appear + till it appeared in America, as that, and not England was the place for + its operation. + </p> + <p> + "You ask me by your letter to Mr. Caritat for a list of my several works, + in order to publish a collection of them. This is an undertaking I have + always reserved for myself. It not only belongs to me of right, but nobody + but myself can do it; and as every author is accountable (at least in + reputation) for his works, he only is the person to do it. If he neglects + it in his life-time the case is altered. It is my intention to return to + America in the course of the present year. I shall then [do] it by + subscription, with historical notes. As this work will employ many persons + in different parts of the Union, I will confer with you upon the subject, + and such part of it as will suit you to undertake, will be at your choice. + I have sustained so much loss, by disinterestedness and inattention to + money matters, and by accidents, that I am obliged to look closer to my + affairs than I have done. The printer (an Englishman) whom I employed here + to print the second part of 'the Age of Reason' made a manuscript copy of + the work while he was printing it, which he sent to London and sold. It + was by this means that an edition of it came out in London. + </p> + <p> + "We are waiting here for news from America of the state of the federal + elections. You will have heard long before this reaches you that the + French government has refused to receive Mr. Pinckney as minister. While + Mr. Monroe was minister he had the opportunity of softening matters with + this government, for he was in good credit with them tho' they were in + high indignation at the infidelity of the Washington Administration. It is + time that Mr. Washington retire, for he has played off so much prudent + hypocrisy between France and England that neither government believes + anything he says. + </p> + <p> + "Your friend, etc., + </p> + <p> + "THOMAS PAINE." + </p> + <p> + It would appear that Symonds' stolen edition must have got ahead of that + sent by Paine to Franklin Bache, for some of its errors continue in all + modern American editions to the present day, as well as in those of + England. For in England it was only the shilling edition—that + revised by Paine—which was suppressed. Symonds, who ministered to + the half-crown folk, and who was also publisher of replies to Paine, was + left undisturbed about his pirated edition, and the new Society for the + suppression of Vice and Immorality fastened on one Thomas Williams, who + sold pious tracts but was also convicted (June 24, 1797) of having sold + one copy of the "Age of Reason." Erskine, who had defended Paine at his + trial for the "Rights of Man," conducted the prosecution of Williams. He + gained the victory from a packed jury, but was not much elated by it, + especially after a certain adventure on his way to Lincoln's Inn. He felt + his coat clutched and beheld at his feet a woman bathed in tears. She led + him into the small book-shop of Thomas Williams, not yet called up for + judgment, and there he beheld his victim stitching tracts in a wretched + little room, where there were three children, two suffering with Smallpox. + He saw that it would be ruin and even a sort of murder to take away to + prison the husband, who was not a freethinker, and lamented his + publication of the book, and a meeting of the Society which had retained + him was summoned. There was a full meeting, the Bishop of London (Porteus) + in the chair. Erskine reminded them that Williams was yet to be brought up + for sentence, described the scene he had witnessed, and Williams' + penitence, and, as the book was now suppressed, asked permission to move + for a nominal sentence. Mercy, he urged, was a part of the Christianity + they were defending. Not one of the Society took his side,—not even + "philanthropic" Wilberforce—and Erskine threw up his brief. This + action of Erskine led the Judge to give Williams only a year in prison + instead of the three he said had been intended. + </p> + <p> + While Williams was in prison the orthodox colporteurs were circulating + Erskine's speech on Christianity, but also an anonymous sermon "On the + Existence and Attributes of the Deity," all of which was from Paine's "Age + of Reason," except a brief "Address to the Deity" appended. This + picturesque anomaly was repeated in the circulation of Paine's "Discourse + to the Theophilanthropists" (their and the author's names removed) under + the title of "Atheism Refuted." Both of these pamphlets are now before me, + and beside them a London tract of one page just sent for my spiritual + benefit. This is headed "A Word of Caution." It begins by mentioning the + "pernicious doctrines of Paine," the first being "that there is No GOD" + (sic,) then proceeds to adduce evidences of divine existence taken from + Paine's works. It should be added that this one dingy page is the only + "survival" of the ancient Paine effigy in the tract form which I have been + able to find in recent years, and to this no Society or Publisher's name + is attached. + </p> + <p> + The imprisonment of Williams was the beginning of a thirty years' war for + religious liberty in England, in the course of which occurred many notable + events, such as Eaton receiving homage in his pillory at Choring Cross, + and the whole Carlile family imprisoned,—its head imprisoned more + than nine years for publishing the "Age of Reason." This last victory of + persecution was suicidal. Gentlemen of wealth, not adherents of Paine, + helped in setting Carlile up in business in Fleet Street, where + free-thinking publications have since been sold without interruption. But + though Liberty triumphed in one sense, the "Age of Reason." remained to + some extent suppressed among those whose attention it especially merited. + Its original prosecution by a Society for the Suppression of Vice (a + device to, relieve the Crown) amounted to a libel upon a morally clean + book, restricting its perusal in families; and the fact that the shilling + book sold by and among humble people was alone prosecuted, diffused among + the educated an equally false notion that the "Age of Reason" was vulgar + and illiterate. The theologians, as we have seen, estimated more justly + the ability of their antagonist, the collaborator of Franklin, + Rittenhouse, and Clymer, on whom the University of Pennsylvania had + conferred the degree of Master of Arts,—but the gentry confused + Paine with the class described by Burke as "the swinish multitude." + Skepticism, or its free utterance, was temporarily driven out of polite + circles by its complication with the out-lawed vindicator of the "Rights + of Man." But that long combat has now passed away. Time has reduced the + "Age of Reason" from a flag of popular radicalism to a comparatively + conservative treatise, so far as its negations are concerned. An old + friend tells me that in his youth he heard a sermon in which the preacher + declared that "Tom Paine was so wicked that he could not be buried; his + bones were thrown into a box which was bandied about the world till it + came to a button-manufacturer; and now Paine is travelling round the world + in the form of buttons!" This variant of the Wandering Jew myth may now be + regarded as unconscious homage to the author whose metaphorical bones may + be recognized in buttons now fashionable, and some even found useful in + holding clerical vestments together. + </p> + <p> + But the careful reader will find in Paine's "Age of Reason" something + beyond negations, and in conclusion I will especially call attention to + the new departure in Theism indicated in a passage corresponding to a + famous aphorism of Kant, indicated by a note in Part II. The discovery + already mentioned, that Part I. was written at least fourteen years before + Part II., led me to compare the two; and it is plain that while the + earlier work is an amplification of Newtonian Deism, based on the + phenomena of planetary motion, the work of 1795 bases belief in God on + "the universal display of himself in the works of the creation and by that + repugnance we feel in ourselves to bad actions, and disposition to do good + ones." This exaltation of the moral nature of man to be the foundation of + theistic religion, though now familiar, was a hundred years ago a new + affirmation; it has led on a conception of deity subversive of + last-century deism, it has steadily humanized religion, and its ultimate + philosophical and ethical results have not yet been reached. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="Elink2HCH0001" id="Elink2HCH0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h2> + CHAPTER I - THE AUTHOR'S PROFESSION OF FAITH. + </h2> + <p> + IT has been my intention, for several years past, to publish my thoughts + upon religion; I am well aware of the difficulties that attend the + subject, and from that consideration, had reserved it to a more advanced + period of life. I intended it to be the last offering I should make to my + fellow-citizens of all nations, and that at a time when the purity of the + motive that induced me to it could not admit of a question, even by those + who might disapprove the work. + </p> + <p> + The circumstance that has now taken place in France, of the total + abolition of the whole national order of priesthood, and of everything + appertaining to compulsive systems of religion, and compulsive articles of + faith, has not only precipitated my intention, but rendered a work of this + kind exceedingly necessary, lest, in the general wreck of superstition, of + false systems of government, and false theology, we lose sight of + morality, of humanity, and of the theology that is true. + </p> + <p> + As several of my colleagues, and others of my fellow-citizens of France, + have given me the example of making their voluntary and individual + profession of faith, I also will make mine; and I do this with all that + sincerity and frankness with which the mind of man communicates with + itself. + </p> + <p> + I believe in one God, and no more; and I hope for happiness beyond this + life. + </p> + <p> + I believe the equality of man, and I believe that religious duties consist + in doing justice, loving mercy, and endeavoring to make our + fellow-creatures happy. + </p> + <p> + But, lest it should be supposed that I believe many other things in + addition to these, I shall, in the progress of this work, declare the + things I do not believe, and my reasons for not believing them. + </p> + <p> + I do not believe in the creed professed by the Jewish church, by the Roman + church, by the Greek church, by the Turkish church, by the Protestant + church, nor by any church that I know of. My own mind is my own church. + </p> + <p> + All national institutions of churches, whether Jewish, Christian, or + Turkish, appear to me no other than human inventions set up to terrify and + enslave mankind, and monopolize power and profit. + </p> + <p> + I do not mean by this declaration to condemn those who believe otherwise; + they have the same right to their belief as I have to mine. But it is + necessary to the happiness of man, that he be mentally faithful to + himself. Infidelity does not consist in believing, or in disbelieving; it + consists in professing to believe what he does not believe. + </p> + <p> + It is impossible to calculate the moral mischief, if I may so express it, + that mental lying has produced in society. When a man has so far corrupted + and prostituted the chastity of his mind, as to subscribe his professional + belief to things he does not believe, he has prepared himself for the + commission of every other crime. He takes up the trade of a priest for the + sake of gain, and, in order to qualify himself for that trade, he begins + with a perjury. Can we conceive anything more destructive to morality than + this? + </p> + <p> + Soon after I had published the pamphlet COMMON SENSE, in America, I saw + the exceeding probability that a revolution in the system of government + would be followed by a revolution in the system of religion. The + adulterous connection of church and state, wherever it had taken place, + whether Jewish, Christian, or Turkish, had so effectually prohibited, by + pains and penalties, every discussion upon established creeds, and upon + first principles of religion, that until the system of government should + be changed, those subjects could not be brought fairly and openly before + the world; but that whenever this should be done, a revolution in the + system of religion would follow. Human inventions and priest-craft would + be detected; and man would return to the pure, unmixed, and unadulterated + belief of one God, and no more. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0002" id="Elink2HCH0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER II - OF MISSIONS AND REVELATIONS. + </h2> + <p> + EVERY national church or religion has established itself by pretending + some special mission from God, communicated to certain individuals. The + Jews have their Moses; the Christians their Jesus Christ, their apostles + and saints; and the Turks their Mahomet; as if the way to God was not open + to every man alike. + </p> + <p> + Each of those churches shows certain books, which they call revelation, or + the Word of God. The Jews say that their Word of God was given by God to + Moses face to face; the Christians say, that their Word of God came by + divine inspiration; and the Turks say, that their Word of God (the Koran) + was brought by an angel from heaven. Each of those churches accuses the + other of unbelief; and, for my own part, I disbelieve them all. + </p> + <p> + As it is necessary to affix right ideas to words, I will, before I proceed + further into the subject, offer some observations on the word + 'revelation.' Revelation when applied to religion, means something + communicated immediately from God to man. + </p> + <p> + No one will deny or dispute the power of the Almighty to make such a + communication if he pleases. But admitting, for the sake of a case, that + something has been revealed to a certain person, and not revealed to any + other person, it is revelation to that person only. When he tells it to a + second person, a second to a third, a third to a fourth, and so on, it + ceases to be a revelation to all those persons. It is revelation to the + first person only, and hearsay to every other, and, consequently, they are + not obliged to believe it. + </p> + <p> + It is a contradiction in terms and ideas to call anything a revelation + that comes to us at second hand, either verbally or in writing. Revelation + is necessarily limited to the first communication. After this, it is only + an account of something which that person says was a revelation made to + him; and though he may find himself obliged to believe it, it cannot be + incumbent on me to believe it in the same manner, for it was not a + revelation made to me, and I have only his word for it that it was made to + him. + </p> + <p> + When Moses told the children of Israel that he received the two tables of + the commandments from the hand of God, they were not obliged to believe + him, because they had no other authority for it than his telling them so; + and I have no other authority for it than some historian telling me so, + the commandments carrying no internal evidence of divinity with them. They + contain some good moral precepts such as any man qualified to be a + lawgiver or a legislator could produce himself, without having recourse to + supernatural intervention. [NOTE: It is, however, necessary to except the + declamation which says that God 'visits the sins of the fathers upon the + children'. This is contrary to every principle of moral justice.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + When I am told that the Koran was written in Heaven, and brought to + Mahomet by an angel, the account comes to near the same kind of hearsay + evidence and second hand authority as the former. I did not see the angel + myself, and therefore I have a right not to believe it. + </p> + <p> + When also I am told that a woman, called the Virgin Mary, said, or gave + out, that she was with child without any cohabitation with a man, and that + her betrothed husband, Joseph, said that an angel told him so, I have a + right to believe them or not: such a circumstance required a much stronger + evidence than their bare word for it: but we have not even this; for + neither Joseph nor Mary wrote any such matter themselves. It is only + reported by others that they said so. It is hearsay upon hearsay, and I do + not chose to rest my belief upon such evidence. + </p> + <p> + It is, however, not difficult to account for the credit that was given to + the story of Jesus Christ being the Son of God. He was born when the + heathen mythology had still some fashion and repute in the world, and that + mythology had prepared the people for the belief of such a story. Almost + all the extraordinary men that lived under the heathen mythology were + reputed to be the sons of some of their gods. It was not a new thing at + that time to believe a man to have been celestially begotten; the + intercourse of gods with women was then a matter of familiar opinion. + Their Jupiter, according to their accounts, had cohabited with hundreds; + the story therefore had nothing in it either new, wonderful, or obscene; + it was conformable to the opinions that then prevailed among the people + called Gentiles, or mythologists, and it was those people only that + believed it. The Jews, who had kept strictly to the belief of one God, and + no more, and who had always rejected the heathen mythology, never credited + the story. + </p> + <p> + It is curious to observe how the theory of what is called the Christian + Church, sprung out of the tail of the heathen mythology. A direct + incorporation took place in the first instance, by making the reputed + founder to be celestially begotten. The trinity of gods that then followed + was no other than a reduction of the former plurality, which was about + twenty or thirty thousand. The statue of Mary succeeded the statue of + Diana of Ephesus. The deification of heroes changed into the canonization + of saints. The Mythologists had gods for everything; the Christian + Mythologists had saints for everything. The church became as crowded with + the one, as the pantheon had been with the other; and Rome was the place + of both. The Christian theory is little else than the idolatry of the + ancient mythologists, accommodated to the purposes of power and revenue; + and it yet remains to reason and philosophy to abolish the amphibious + fraud. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0003" id="Elink2HCH0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER III - CONCERNING THE CHARACTER OF JESUS CHRIST, AND HIS HISTORY. + </h2> + <p> + NOTHING that is here said can apply, even with the most distant + disrespect, to the real character of Jesus Christ. He was a virtuous and + an amiable man. The morality that he preached and practiced was of the + most benevolent kind; and though similar systems of morality had been + preached by Confucius, and by some of the Greek philosophers, many years + before, by the Quakers since, and by many good men in all ages, it has not + been exceeded by any. + </p> + <p> + Jesus Christ wrote no account of himself, of his birth, parentage, or + anything else. Not a line of what is called the New Testament is of his + writing. The history of him is altogether the work of other people; and as + to the account given of his resurrection and ascension, it was the + necessary counterpart to the story of his birth. His historians, having + brought him into the world in a supernatural manner, were obliged to take + him out again in the same manner, or the first part of the story must have + fallen to the ground. + </p> + <p> + The wretched contrivance with which this latter part is told, exceeds + everything that went before it. The first part, that of the miraculous + conception, was not a thing that admitted of publicity; and therefore the + tellers of this part of the story had this advantage, that though they + might not be credited, they could not be detected. They could not be + expected to prove it, because it was not one of those things that admitted + of proof, and it was impossible that the person of whom it was told could + prove it himself. + </p> + <p> + But the resurrection of a dead person from the grave, and his ascension + through the air, is a thing very different, as to the evidence it admits + of, to the invisible conception of a child in the womb. The resurrection + and ascension, supposing them to have taken place, admitted of public and + ocular demonstration, like that of the ascension of a balloon, or the sun + at noon day, to all Jerusalem at least. A thing which everybody is + required to believe, requires that the proof and evidence of it should be + equal to all, and universal; and as the public visibility of this last + related act was the only evidence that could give sanction to the former + part, the whole of it falls to the ground, because that evidence never was + given. Instead of this, a small number of persons, not more than eight or + nine, are introduced as proxies for the whole world, to say they saw it, + and all the rest of the world are called upon to believe it. But it + appears that Thomas did not believe the resurrection; and, as they say, + would not believe without having ocular and manual demonstration himself. + So neither will I; and the reason is equally as good for me, and for every + other person, as for Thomas. + </p> + <p> + It is in vain to attempt to palliate or disguise this matter. The story, + so far as relates to the supernatural part, has every mark of fraud and + imposition stamped upon the face of it. Who were the authors of it is as + impossible for us now to know, as it is for us to be assured that the + books in which the account is related were written by the persons whose + names they bear. The best surviving evidence we now have respecting this + affair is the Jews. They are regularly descended from the people who lived + in the time this resurrection and ascension is said to have happened, and + they say 'it is not true.' It has long appeared to me a strange + inconsistency to cite the Jews as a proof of the truth of the story. It is + just the same as if a man were to say, I will prove the truth of what I + have told you, by producing the people who say it is false. + </p> + <p> + That such a person as Jesus Christ existed, and that he was crucified, + which was the mode of execution at that day, are historical relations + strictly within the limits of probability. He preached most excellent + morality, and the equality of man; but he preached also against the + corruptions and avarice of the Jewish priests, and this brought upon him + the hatred and vengeance of the whole order of priest-hood. The accusation + which those priests brought against him was that of sedition and + conspiracy against the Roman government, to which the Jews were then + subject and tributary; and it is not improbable that the Roman government + might have some secret apprehension of the effects of his doctrine as well + as the Jewish priests; neither is it improbable that Jesus Christ had in + contemplation the delivery of the Jewish nation from the bondage of the + Romans. Between the two, however, this virtuous reformer and revolutionist + lost his life. [NOTE: The French work has here: "However this may be, for + one or the other of these suppositions this virtuous reformer, this + revolutionist, too little imitated, too much forgotten, too much + misunderstood, lost his life."—Editor. (Conway)] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0004" id="Elink2HCH0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER IV - OF THE BASES OF CHRISTIANITY. + </h2> + <p> + IT is upon this plain narrative of facts, together with another case I am + going to mention, that the Christian mythologists, calling themselves the + Christian Church, have erected their fable, which for absurdity and + extravagance is not exceeded by anything that is to be found in the + mythology of the ancients. + </p> + <p> + The ancient mythologists tell us that the race of Giants made war against + Jupiter, and that one of them threw a hundred rocks against him at one + throw; that Jupiter defeated him with thunder, and confined him afterwards + under Mount Etna; and that every time the Giant turns himself, Mount Etna + belches fire. It is here easy to see that the circumstance of the + mountain, that of its being a volcano, suggested the idea of the fable; + and that the fable is made to fit and wind itself up with that + circumstance. + </p> + <p> + The Christian mythologists tell that their Satan made war against the + Almighty, who defeated him, and confined him afterwards, not under a + mountain, but in a pit. It is here easy to see that the first fable + suggested the idea of the second; for the fable of Jupiter and the Giants + was told many hundred years before that of Satan. + </p> + <p> + Thus far the ancient and the Christian mythologists differ very little + from each other. But the latter have contrived to carry the matter much + farther. They have contrived to connect the fabulous part of the story of + Jesus Christ with the fable originating from Mount Etna; and, in order to + make all the parts of the story tie together, they have taken to their aid + the traditions of the Jews; for the Christian mythology is made up partly + from the ancient mythology, and partly from the Jewish traditions. + </p> + <p> + The Christian mythologists, after having confined Satan in a pit, were + obliged to let him out again to bring on the sequel of the fable. He is + then introduced into the garden of Eden in the shape of a snake, or a + serpent, and in that shape he enters into familiar conversation with Eve, + who is no ways surprised to hear a snake talk; and the issue of this + tete-a-tate is, that he persuades her to eat an apple, and the eating of + that apple damns all mankind. + </p> + <p> + After giving Satan this triumph over the whole creation, one would have + supposed that the church mythologists would have been kind enough to send + him back again to the pit, or, if they had not done this, that they would + have put a mountain upon him, (for they say that their faith can remove a + mountain) or have put him under a mountain, as the former mythologists had + done, to prevent his getting again among the women, and doing more + mischief. But instead of this, they leave him at large, without even + obliging him to give his parole. The secret of which is, that they could + not do without him; and after being at the trouble of making him, they + bribed him to stay. They promised him ALL the Jews, ALL the Turks by + anticipation, nine-tenths of the world beside, and Mahomet into the + bargain. After this, who can doubt the bountifulness of the Christian + Mythology? + </p> + <p> + Having thus made an insurrection and a battle in heaven, in which none of + the combatants could be either killed or wounded—put Satan into the + pit—let him out again—given him a triumph over the whole + creation—damned all mankind by the eating of an apple, there + Christian mythologists bring the two ends of their fable together. They + represent this virtuous and amiable man, Jesus Christ, to be at once both + God and man, and also the Son of God, celestially begotten, on purpose to + be sacrificed, because they say that Eve in her longing [NOTE: The French + work has: "yielding to an unrestrained appetite."—Editor.] had eaten + an apple. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0005" id="Elink2HCH0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER V - EXAMINATION IN DETAIL OF THE PRECEDING BASES. + </h2> + <p> + PUTTING aside everything that might excite laughter by its absurdity, or + detestation by its profaneness, and confining ourselves merely to an + examination of the parts, it is impossible to conceive a story more + derogatory to the Almighty, more inconsistent with his wisdom, more + contradictory to his power, than this story is. + </p> + <p> + In order to make for it a foundation to rise upon, the inventors were + under the necessity of giving to the being whom they call Satan a power + equally as great, if not greater, than they attribute to the Almighty. + They have not only given him the power of liberating himself from the pit, + after what they call his fall, but they have made that power increase + afterwards to infinity. Before this fall they represent him only as an + angel of limited existence, as they represent the rest. After his fall, he + becomes, by their account, omnipresent. He exists everywhere, and at the + same time. He occupies the whole immensity of space. + </p> + <p> + Not content with this deification of Satan, they represent him as + defeating by stratagem, in the shape of an animal of the creation, all the + power and wisdom of the Almighty. They represent him as having compelled + the Almighty to the direct necessity either of surrendering the whole of + the creation to the government and sovereignty of this Satan, or of + capitulating for its redemption by coming down upon earth, and exhibiting + himself upon a cross in the shape of a man. + </p> + <p> + Had the inventors of this story told it the contrary way, that is, had + they represented the Almighty as compelling Satan to exhibit himself on a + cross in the shape of a snake, as a punishment for his new transgression, + the story would have been less absurd, less contradictory. But, instead of + this they make the transgressor triumph, and the Almighty fall. + </p> + <p> + That many good men have believed this strange fable, and lived very good + lives under that belief (for credulity is not a crime) is what I have no + doubt of. In the first place, they were educated to believe it, and they + would have believed anything else in the same manner. There are also many + who have been so enthusiastically enraptured by what they conceived to be + the infinite love of God to man, in making a sacrifice of himself, that + the vehemence of the idea has forbidden and deterred them from examining + into the absurdity and profaneness of the story. The more unnatural + anything is, the more is it capable of becoming the object of dismal + admiration. [NOTE: The French work has "blind and" preceding dismal.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0006" id="Elink2HCH0006"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER VI - OF THE TRUE THEOLOGY. + </h2> + <p> + BUT if objects for gratitude and admiration are our desire, do they not + present themselves every hour to our eyes? Do we not see a fair creation + prepared to receive us the instant we are born—a world furnished to + our hands, that cost us nothing? Is it we that light up the sun; that pour + down the rain; and fill the earth with abundance? Whether we sleep or + wake, the vast machinery of the universe still goes on. Are these things, + and the blessings they indicate in future, nothing to, us? Can our gross + feelings be excited by no other subjects than tragedy and suicide? Or is + the gloomy pride of man become so intolerable, that nothing can flatter it + but a sacrifice of the Creator? + </p> + <p> + I know that this bold investigation will alarm many, but it would be + paying too great a compliment to their credulity to forbear it on that + account. The times and the subject demand it to be done. The suspicion + that the theory of what is called the Christian church is fabulous, is + becoming very extensive in all countries; and it will be a consolation to + men staggering under that suspicion, and doubting what to believe and what + to disbelieve, to see the subject freely investigated. I therefore pass on + to an examination of the books called the Old and the New Testament. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0007" id="Elink2HCH0007"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER VII - EXAMINATION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. + </h2> + <p> + THESE books, beginning with Genesis and ending with Revelations, (which, + by the bye, is a book of riddles that requires a revelation to explain it) + are, we are told, the word of God. It is, therefore, proper for us to know + who told us so, that we may know what credit to give to the report. The + answer to this question is, that nobody can tell, except that we tell one + another so. The case, however, historically appears to be as follows: + </p> + <p> + When the church mythologists established their system, they collected all + the writings they could find, and managed them as they pleased. It is a + matter altogether of uncertainty to us whether such of the writings as now + appear under the name of the Old and the New Testament, are in the same + state in which those collectors say they found them; or whether they + added, altered, abridged, or dressed them up. + </p> + <p> + Be this as it may, they decided by vote which of the books out of the + collection they had made, should be the WORD OF GOD, and which should not. + They rejected several; they voted others to be doubtful, such as the books + called the Apocrypha; and those books which had a majority of votes, were + voted to be the word of God. Had they voted otherwise, all the people + since calling themselves Christians had believed otherwise; for the belief + of the one comes from the vote of the other. Who the people were that did + all this, we know nothing of. They call themselves by the general name of + the Church; and this is all we know of the matter. + </p> + <p> + As we have no other external evidence or authority for believing these + books to be the word of God, than what I have mentioned, which is no + evidence or authority at all, I come, in the next place, to examine the + internal evidence contained in the books themselves. + </p> + <p> + In the former part of this essay, I have spoken of revelation. I now + proceed further with that subject, for the purpose of applying it to the + books in question. + </p> + <p> + Revelation is a communication of something, which the person, to whom that + thing is revealed, did not know before. For if I have done a thing, or + seen it done, it needs no revelation to tell me I have done it, or seen + it, nor to enable me to tell it, or to write it. + </p> + <p> + Revelation, therefore, cannot be applied to anything done upon earth of + which man is himself the actor or the witness; and consequently all the + historical and anecdotal part of the Bible, which is almost the whole of + it, is not within the meaning and compass of the word revelation, and, + therefore, is not the word of God. + </p> + <p> + When Samson ran off with the gate-posts of Gaza, if he ever did so, (and + whether he did or not is nothing to us,) or when he visited his Delilah, + or caught his foxes, or did anything else, what has revelation to do with + these things? If they were facts, he could tell them himself; or his + secretary, if he kept one, could write them, if they were worth either + telling or writing; and if they were fictions, revelation could not make + them true; and whether true or not, we are neither the better nor the + wiser for knowing them. When we contemplate the immensity of that Being, + who directs and governs the incomprehensible WHOLE, of which the utmost + ken of human sight can discover but a part, we ought to feel shame at + calling such paltry stories the word of God. + </p> + <p> + As to the account of the creation, with which the book of Genesis opens, + it has all the appearance of being a tradition which the Israelites had + among them before they came into Egypt; and after their departure from + that country, they put it at the head of their history, without telling, + as it is most probable that they did not know, how they came by it. The + manner in which the account opens, shows it to be traditionary. It begins + abruptly. It is nobody that speaks. It is nobody that hears. It is + addressed to nobody. It has neither first, second, nor third person. It + has every criterion of being a tradition. It has no voucher. Moses does + not take it upon himself by introducing it with the formality that he uses + on other occasions, such as that of saying, "The Lords spake unto Moses, + saying." + </p> + <p> + Why it has been called the Mosaic account of the creation, I am at a loss + to conceive. Moses, I believe, was too good a judge of such subjects to + put his name to that account. He had been educated among the Egyptians, + who were a people as well skilled in science, and particularly in + astronomy, as any people of their day; and the silence and caution that + Moses observes, in not authenticating the account, is a good negative + evidence that he neither told it nor believed it.—The case is, that + every nation of people has been world-makers, and the Israelites had as + much right to set up the trade of world-making as any of the rest; and as + Moses was not an Israelite, he might not chose to contradict the + tradition. The account, however, is harmless; and this is more than can be + said for many other parts of the Bible. + </p> + <p> + Whenever we read the obscene stories, the voluptuous debaucheries, the + cruel and torturous executions, the unrelenting vindictiveness, with which + more than half the Bible [NOTE: It must be borne in mind that by the + "Bible" Paine always means the Old Testament alone.—Editor.] is + filled, it would be more consistent that we called it the word of a demon, + than the Word of God. It is a history of wickedness, that has served to + corrupt and brutalize mankind; and, for my own part, I sincerely detest + it, as I detest everything that is cruel. + </p> + <p> + We scarcely meet with anything, a few phrases excepted, but what deserves + either our abhorrence or our contempt, till we come to the miscellaneous + parts of the Bible. In the anonymous publications, the Psalms, and the + Book of Job, more particularly in the latter, we find a great deal of + elevated sentiment reverentially expressed of the power and benignity of + the Almighty; but they stand on no higher rank than many other + compositions on similar subjects, as well before that time as since. + </p> + <p> + The Proverbs which are said to be Solomon's, though most probably a + collection, (because they discover a knowledge of life, which his + situation excluded him from knowing) are an instructive table of ethics. + They are inferior in keenness to the proverbs of the Spaniards, and not + more wise and oeconomical than those of the American Franklin. + </p> + <p> + All the remaining parts of the Bible, generally known by the name of the + Prophets, are the works of the Jewish poets and itinerant preachers, who + mixed poetry, anecdote, and devotion together—and those works still + retain the air and style of poetry, though in translation. [NOTE: As there + are many readers who do not see that a composition is poetry, unless it be + in rhyme, it is for their information that I add this note. + </p> + <p> + Poetry consists principally in two things—imagery and composition. + The composition of poetry differs from that of prose in the manner of + mixing long and short syllables together. Take a long syllable out of a + line of poetry, and put a short one in the room of it, or put a long + syllable where a short one should be, and that line will lose its poetical + harmony. It will have an effect upon the line like that of misplacing a + note in a song. + </p> + <p> + The imagery in those books called the Prophets appertains altogether to + poetry. It is fictitious, and often extravagant, and not admissible in any + other kind of writing than poetry. + </p> + <p> + To show that these writings are composed in poetical numbers, I will take + ten syllables, as they stand in the book, and make a line of the same + number of syllables, (heroic measure) that shall rhyme with the last word. + It will then be seen that the composition of those books is poetical + measure. The instance I shall first produce is from Isaiah:— + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "Hear, O ye heavens, and give ear, O earth + 'T is God himself that calls attention forth. +</pre> + <p> + Another instance I shall quote is from the mournful Jeremiah, to which I + shall add two other lines, for the purpose of carrying out the figure, and + showing the intention of the poet. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + "O, that mine head were waters and mine eyes + Were fountains flowing like the liquid skies; + Then would I give the mighty flood release + And weep a deluge for the human race."—Author.] +</pre> + <p> + There is not, throughout the whole book called the Bible, any word that + describes to us what we call a poet, nor any word that describes what we + call poetry. The case is, that the word prophet, to which a later times + have affixed a new idea, was the Bible word for poet, and the word + 'propesying' meant the art of making poetry. It also meant the art of + playing poetry to a tune upon any instrument of music. + </p> + <p> + We read of prophesying with pipes, tabrets, and horns—of prophesying + with harps, with psalteries, with cymbals, and with every other instrument + of music then in fashion. Were we now to speak of prophesying with a + fiddle, or with a pipe and tabor, the expression would have no meaning, or + would appear ridiculous, and to some people contemptuous, because we have + changed the meaning of the word. + </p> + <p> + We are told of Saul being among the prophets, and also that he prophesied; + but we are not told what they prophesied, nor what he prophesied. The case + is, there was nothing to tell; for these prophets were a company of + musicians and poets, and Saul joined in the concert, and this was called + prophesying. + </p> + <p> + The account given of this affair in the book called Samuel, is, that Saul + met a company of prophets; a whole company of them! coming down with a + psaltery, a tabret, a pipe, and a harp, and that they prophesied, and that + he prophesied with them. But it appears afterwards, that Saul prophesied + badly, that is, he performed his part badly; for it is said that an "evil + spirit from God [NOTE: As thos; men who call themselves divines and + commentators are very fond of puzzling one another, I leave them to + contest the meaning of the first part of the phrase, that of an evil + spirit of God. I keep to my text. I keep to the meaning of the word + prophesy.—Author.] came upon Saul, and he prophesied." + </p> + <p> + Now, were there no other passage in the book called the Bible, than this, + to demonstrate to us that we have lost the original meaning of the word + prophesy, and substituted another meaning in its place, this alone would + be sufficient; for it is impossible to use and apply the word prophesy, in + the place it is here used and applied, if we give to it the sense which + later times have affixed to it. The manner in which it is here used strips + it of all religious meaning, and shews that a man might then be a prophet, + or he might Prophesy, as he may now be a poet or a musician, without any + regard to the morality or the immorality of his character. The word was + originally a term of science, promiscuously applied to poetry and to + music, and not restricted to any subject upon which poetry and music might + be exercised. + </p> + <p> + Deborah and Barak are called prophets, not because they predicted + anything, but because they composed the poem or song that bears their + name, in celebration of an act already done. David is ranked among the + prophets, for he was a musician, and was also reputed to be (though + perhaps very erroneously) the author of the Psalms. But Abraham, Isaac, + and Jacob are not called prophets; it does not appear from any accounts we + have, that they could either sing, play music, or make poetry. + </p> + <p> + We are told of the greater and the lesser prophets. They might as well + tell us of the greater and the lesser God; for there cannot be degrees in + prophesying consistently with its modern sense. But there are degrees in + poetry, and there-fore the phrase is reconcilable to the case, when we + understand by it the greater and the lesser poets. + </p> + <p> + It is altogether unnecessary, after this, to offer any observations upon + what those men, styled prophets, have written. The axe goes at once to the + root, by showing that the original meaning of the word has been mistaken, + and consequently all the inferences that have been drawn from those books, + the devotional respect that has been paid to them, and the laboured + commentaries that have been written upon them, under that mistaken + meaning, are not worth disputing about.—In many things, however, the + writings of the Jewish poets deserve a better fate than that of being + bound up, as they now are, with the trash that accompanies them, under the + abused name of the Word of God. + </p> + <p> + If we permit ourselves to conceive right ideas of things, we must + necessarily affix the idea, not only of unchangeableness, but of the utter + impossibility of any change taking place, by any means or accident + whatever, in that which we would honour with the name of the Word of God; + and therefore the Word of God cannot exist in any written or human + language. + </p> + <p> + The continually progressive change to which the meaning of words is + subject, the want of an universal language which renders translation + necessary, the errors to which translations are again subject, the + mistakes of copyists and printers, together with the possibility of wilful + alteration, are of themselves evidences that human language, whether in + speech or in print, cannot be the vehicle of the Word of God.—The + Word of God exists in something else. + </p> + <p> + Did the book called the Bible excel in purity of ideas and expression all + the books now extant in the world, I would not take it for my rule of + faith, as being the Word of God; because the possibility would + nevertheless exist of my being imposed upon. But when I see throughout the + greatest part of this book scarcely anything but a history of the grossest + vices, and a collection of the most paltry and contemptible tales, I + cannot dishonour my Creator by calling it by his name. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0008" id="Elink2HCH0008"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER VIII - OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. + </h2> + <p> + THUS much for the Bible; I now go on to the book called the New Testament. + The new Testament! that is, the 'new' Will, as if there could be two wills + of the Creator. + </p> + <p> + Had it been the object or the intention of Jesus Christ to establish a new + religion, he would undoubtedly have written the system himself, or + procured it to be written in his life time. But there is no publication + extant authenticated with his name. All the books called the New Testament + were written after his death. He was a Jew by birth and by profession; and + he was the son of God in like manner that every other person is; for the + Creator is the Father of All. + </p> + <p> + The first four books, called Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, do not give a + history of the life of Jesus Christ, but only detached anecdotes of him. + It appears from these books, that the whole time of his being a preacher + was not more than eighteen months; and it was only during this short time + that those men became acquainted with him. They make mention of him at the + age of twelve years, sitting, they say, among the Jewish doctors, asking + and answering them questions. As this was several years before their + acquaintance with him began, it is most probable they had this anecdote + from his parents. From this time there is no account of him for about + sixteen years. Where he lived, or how he employed himself during this + interval, is not known. Most probably he was working at his father's + trade, which was that of a carpenter. It does not appear that he had any + school education, and the probability is, that he could not write, for his + parents were extremely poor, as appears from their not being able to pay + for a bed when he was born. [NOTE: One of the few errors traceable to + Paine's not having a Bible at hand while writing Part I. There is no + indication that the family was poor, but the reverse may in fact be + inferred.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + It is somewhat curious that the three persons whose names are the most + universally recorded were of very obscure parentage. Moses was a + foundling; Jesus Christ was born in a stable; and Mahomet was a mule + driver. The first and the last of these men were founders of different + systems of religion; but Jesus Christ founded no new system. He called men + to the practice of moral virtues, and the belief of one God. The great + trait in his character is philanthropy. + </p> + <p> + The manner in which he was apprehended shows that he was not much known, + at that time; and it shows also that the meetings he then held with his + followers were in secret; and that he had given over or suspended + preaching publicly. Judas could no otherways betray him than by giving + information where he was, and pointing him out to the officers that went + to arrest him; and the reason for employing and paying Judas to do this + could arise only from the causes already mentioned, that of his not being + much known, and living concealed. + </p> + <p> + The idea of his concealment, not only agrees very ill with his reputed + divinity, but associates with it something of pusillanimity; and his being + betrayed, or in other words, his being apprehended, on the information of + one of his followers, shows that he did not intend to be apprehended, and + consequently that he did not intend to be crucified. + </p> + <p> + The Christian mythologists tell us that Christ died for the sins of the + world, and that he came on Purpose to die. Would it not then have been the + same if he had died of a fever or of the small pox, of old age, or of + anything else? + </p> + <p> + The declaratory sentence which, they say, was passed upon Adam, in case he + ate of the apple, was not, that thou shalt surely be crucified, but, thou + shale surely die. The sentence was death, and not the manner of dying. + Crucifixion, therefore, or any other particular manner of dying, made no + part of the sentence that Adam was to suffer, and consequently, even upon + their own tactic, it could make no part of the sentence that Christ was to + suffer in the room of Adam. A fever would have done as well as a cross, if + there was any occasion for either. + </p> + <p> + This sentence of death, which, they tell us, was thus passed upon Adam, + must either have meant dying naturally, that is, ceasing to live, or have + meant what these mythologists call damnation; and consequently, the act of + dying on the part of Jesus Christ, must, according to their system, apply + as a prevention to one or other of these two things happening to Adam and + to us. + </p> + <p> + That it does not prevent our dying is evident, because we all die; and if + their accounts of longevity be true, men die faster since the crucifixion + than before: and with respect to the second explanation, (including with + it the natural death of Jesus Christ as a substitute for the eternal death + or damnation of all mankind,) it is impertinently representing the Creator + as coming off, or revoking the sentence, by a pun or a quibble upon the + word death. That manufacturer of, quibbles, St. Paul, if he wrote the + books that bear his name, has helped this quibble on by making another + quibble upon the word Adam. He makes there to be two Adams; the one who + sins in fact, and suffers by proxy; the other who sins by proxy, and + suffers in fact. A religion thus interlarded with quibble, subterfuge, and + pun, has a tendency to instruct its professors in the practice of these + arts. They acquire the habit without being aware of the cause. + </p> + <p> + If Jesus Christ was the being which those mythologists tell us he was, and + that he came into this world to suffer, which is a word they sometimes use + instead of 'to die,' the only real suffering he could have endured would + have been 'to live.' His existence here was a state of exilement or + transportation from heaven, and the way back to his original country was + to die.—In fine, everything in this strange system is the reverse of + what it pretends to be. It is the reverse of truth, and I become so tired + of examining into its inconsistencies and absurdities, that I hasten to + the conclusion of it, in order to proceed to something better. + </p> + <p> + How much, or what parts of the books called the New Testament, were + written by the persons whose names they bear, is what we can know nothing + of, neither are we certain in what language they were originally written. + The matters they now contain may be classed under two heads: anecdote, and + epistolary correspondence. + </p> + <p> + The four books already mentioned, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, are + altogether anecdotal. They relate events after they had taken place. They + tell what Jesus Christ did and said, and what others did and said to him; + and in several instances they relate the same event differently. + Revelation is necessarily out of the question with respect to those books; + not only because of the disagreement of the writers, but because + revelation cannot be applied to the relating of facts by the persons who + saw them done, nor to the relating or recording of any discourse or + conversation by those who heard it. The book called the Acts of the + Apostles (an anonymous work) belongs also to the anecdotal part. + </p> + <p> + All the other parts of the New Testament, except the book of enigmas, + called the Revelations, are a collection of letters under the name of + epistles; and the forgery of letters has been such a common practice in + the world, that the probability is at least equal, whether they are + genuine or forged. One thing, however, is much less equivocal, which is, + that out of the matters contained in those books, together with the + assistance of some old stories, the church has set up a system of religion + very contradictory to the character of the person whose name it bears. It + has set up a religion of pomp and of revenue in pretended imitation of a + person whose life was humility and poverty. + </p> + <p> + The invention of a purgatory, and of the releasing of souls therefrom, by + prayers, bought of the church with money; the selling of pardons, + dispensations, and indulgences, are revenue laws, without bearing that + name or carrying that appearance. But the case nevertheless is, that those + things derive their origin from the proxysm of the crucifixion, and the + theory deduced therefrom, which was, that one person could stand in the + place of another, and could perform meritorious services for him. The + probability, therefore, is, that the whole theory or doctrine of what is + called the redemption (which is said to have been accomplished by the act + of one person in the room of another) was originally fabricated on purpose + to bring forward and build all those secondary and pecuniary redemptions + upon; and that the passages in the books upon which the idea of theory of + redemption is built, have been manufactured and fabricated for that + purpose. Why are we to give this church credit, when she tells us that + those books are genuine in every part, any more than we give her credit + for everything else she has told us; or for the miracles she says she has + performed? That she could fabricate writings is certain, because she could + write; and the composition of the writings in question, is of that kind + that anybody might do it; and that she did fabricate them is not more + inconsistent with probability, than that she should tell us, as she has + done, that she could and did work miracles. + </p> + <p> + Since, then, no external evidence can, at this long distance of time, be + produced to prove whether the church fabricated the doctrine called + redemption or not, (for such evidence, whether for or against, would be + subject to the same suspicion of being fabricated,) the case can only be + referred to the internal evidence which the thing carries of itself; and + this affords a very strong presumption of its being a fabrication. For the + internal evidence is, that the theory or doctrine of redemption has for + its basis an idea of pecuniary justice, and not that of moral justice. + </p> + <p> + If I owe a person money, and cannot pay him, and he threatens to put me in + prison, another person can take the debt upon himself, and pay it for me. + But if I have committed a crime, every circumstance of the case is + changed. Moral justice cannot take the innocent for the guilty even if the + innocent would offer itself. To suppose justice to do this, is to destroy + the principle of its existence, which is the thing itself. It is then no + longer justice. It is indiscriminate revenge. + </p> + <p> + This single reflection will show that the doctrine of redemption is + founded on a mere pecuniary idea corresponding to that of a debt which + another person might pay; and as this pecuniary idea corresponds again + with the system of second redemptions, obtained through the means of money + given to the church for pardons, the probability is that the same persons + fabricated both the one and the other of those theories; and that, in + truth, there is no such thing as redemption; that it is fabulous; and that + man stands in the same relative condition with his Maker he ever did + stand, since man existed; and that it is his greatest consolation to think + so. + </p> + <p> + Let him believe this, and he will live more consistently and morally, than + by any other system. It is by his being taught to contemplate himself as + an out-law, as an out-cast, as a beggar, as a mumper, as one thrown as it + were on a dunghill, at an immense distance from his Creator, and who must + make his approaches by creeping, and cringing to intermediate beings, that + he conceives either a contemptuous disregard for everything under the name + of religion, or becomes indifferent, or turns what he calls devout. In the + latter case, he consumes his life in grief, or the affectation of it. His + prayers are reproaches. His humility is ingratitude. He calls himself a + worm, and the fertile earth a dunghill; and all the blessings of life by + the thankless name of vanities. He despises the choicest gift of God to + man, the GIFT OF REASON; and having endeavoured to force upon himself the + belief of a system against which reason revolts, he ungratefully calls it + human reason, as if man could give reason to himself. + </p> + <p> + Yet, with all this strange appearance of humility, and this contempt for + human reason, he ventures into the boldest presumptions. He finds fault + with everything. His selfishness is never satisfied; his ingratitude is + never at an end. He takes on himself to direct the Almighty what to do, + even in the govemment of the universe. He prays dictatorially. When it is + sunshine, he prays for rain, and when it is rain, he prays for sunshine. + He follows the same idea in everything that he prays for; for what is the + amount of all his prayers, but an attempt to make the Almighty change his + mind, and act otherwise than he does? It is as if he were to say—thou + knowest not so well as I. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0009" id="Elink2HCH0009"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER IX - IN WHAT THE TRUE REVELATION CONSISTS. + </h2> + <p> + BUT some perhaps will say—Are we to have no word of God—no + revelation? I answer yes. There is a Word of God; there is a revelation. + </p> + <p> + THE WORD OF GOD IS THE CREATION WE BEHOLD: And it is in this word, which + no human invention can counterfeit or alter, that God speaketh universally + to man. + </p> + <p> + Human language is local and changeable, and is therefore incapable of + being used as the means of unchangeable and universal information. The + idea that God sent Jesus Christ to publish, as they say, the glad tidings + to all nations, from one end of the earth unto the other, is consistent + only with the ignorance of those who know nothing of the extent of the + world, and who believed, as those world-saviours believed, and continued + to believe for several centuries, (and that in contradiction to the + discoveries of philosophers and the experience of navigators,) that the + earth was flat like a trencher; and that a man might walk to the end of + it. + </p> + <p> + But how was Jesus Christ to make anything known to all nations? He could + speak but one language, which was Hebrew; and there are in the world + several hundred languages. Scarcely any two nations speak the same + language, or understand each other; and as to translations, every man who + knows anything of languages, knows that it is impossible to translate from + one language into another, not only without losing a great part of the + original, but frequently of mistaking the sense; and besides all this, the + art of printing was wholly unknown at the time Christ lived. + </p> + <p> + It is always necessary that the means that are to accomplish any end be + equal to the accomplishment of that end, or the end cannot be + accomplished. It is in this that the difference between finite and + infinite power and wisdom discovers itself. Man frequently fails in + accomplishing his end, from a natural inability of the power to the + purpose; and frequently from the want of wisdom to apply power properly. + But it is impossible for infinite power and wisdom to fail as man faileth. + The means it useth are always equal to the end: but human language, more + especially as there is not an universal language, is incapable of being + used as an universal means of unchangeable and uniform information; and + therefore it is not the means that God useth in manifesting himself + universally to man. + </p> + <p> + It is only in the CREATION that all our ideas and conceptions of a word of + God can unite. The Creation speaketh an universal language, independently + of human speech or human language, multiplied and various as they be. It + is an ever existing original, which every man can read. It cannot be + forged; it cannot be counterfeited; it cannot be lost; it cannot be + altered; it cannot be suppressed. It does not depend upon the will of man + whether it shall be published or not; it publishes itself from one end of + the earth to the other. It preaches to all nations and to all worlds; and + this word of God reveals to man all that is necessary for man to know of + God. + </p> + <p> + Do we want to contemplate his power? We see it in the immensity of the + creation. Do we want to contemplate his wisdom? We see it in the + unchangeable order by which the incomprehensible Whole is governed. Do we + want to contemplate his munificence? We see it in the abundance with which + he fills the earth. Do we want to contemplate his mercy? We see it in his + not withholding that abundance even from the unthankful. In fine, do we + want to know what God is? Search not the book called the scripture, which + any human hand might make, but the scripture called the Creation. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0010" id="Elink2HCH0010"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER X - CONCERNING GOD, AND THE LIGHTS CAST ON HIS EXISTENCE + </h2> + <h3> + AND ATTRIBUTES BY THE BIBLE. + </h3> + <p> + THE only idea man can affix to the name of God, is that of a first cause, + the cause of all things. And, incomprehensibly difficult as it is for a + man to conceive what a first cause is, he arrives at the belief of it, + from the tenfold greater difficulty of disbelieving it. It is difficult + beyond description to conceive that space can have no end; but it is more + difficult to conceive an end. It is difficult beyond the power of man to + conceive an eternal duration of what we call time; but it is more + impossible to conceive a time when there shall be no time. + </p> + <p> + In like manner of reasoning, everything we behold carries in itself the + internal evidence that it did not make itself. Every man is an evidence to + himself, that he did not make himself; neither could his father make + himself, nor his grandfather, nor any of his race; neither could any tree, + plant, or animal make itself; and it is the conviction arising from this + evidence, that carries us on, as it were, by necessity, to the belief of a + first cause eternally existing, of a nature totally different to any + material existence we know of, and by the power of which all things exist; + and this first cause, man calls God. + </p> + <p> + It is only by the exercise of reason, that man can discover God. Take away + that reason, and he would be incapable of understanding anything; and in + this case it would be just as consistent to read even the book called the + Bible to a horse as to a man. How then is it that those people pretend to + reject reason? + </p> + <p> + Almost the only parts in the book called the Bible, that convey to us any + idea of God, are some chapters in Job, and the 19th Psalm; I recollect no + other. Those parts are true deistical compositions; for they treat of the + Deity through his works. They take the book of Creation as the word of + God; they refer to no other book; and all the inferences they make are + drawn from that volume. + </p> + <p> + I insert in this place the 19th Psalm, as paraphrased into English verse + by Addison. I recollect not the prose, and where I write this I have not + the opportunity of seeing it: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + The spacious firmament on high, + With all the blue etherial sky, + And spangled heavens, a shining frame, + Their great original proclaim. + The unwearied sun, from day to day, + Does his Creator's power display, + And publishes to every land + The work of an Almighty hand. + Soon as the evening shades prevail, + The moon takes up the wondrous tale, + And nightly to the list'ning earth + Repeats the story of her birth; + Whilst all the stars that round her burn, + And all the planets, in their turn, + Confirm the tidings as they roll, + And spread the truth from pole to pole. + What though in solemn silence all + Move round this dark terrestrial ball + What though no real voice, nor sound, + Amidst their radiant orbs be found, + In reason's ear they all rejoice, + And utter forth a glorious voice, + Forever singing as they shine, + THE HAND THAT MADE US IS DIVINE. +</pre> + <p> + What more does man want to know, than that the hand or power that made + these things is divine, is omnipotent? Let him believe this, with the + force it is impossible to repel if he permits his reason to act, and his + rule of moral life will follow of course. + </p> + <p> + The allusions in Job have all of them the same tendency with this Psalm; + that of deducing or proving a truth that would be otherwise unknown, from + truths already known. + </p> + <p> + I recollect not enough of the passages in Job to insert them correctly; + but there is one that occurs to me that is applicable to the subject I am + speaking upon. "Canst thou by searching find out God; canst thou find out + the Almighty to perfection?" + </p> + <p> + I know not how the printers have pointed this passage, for I keep no + Bible; but it contains two distinct questions that admit of distinct + answers. + </p> + <p> + First, Canst thou by searching find out God? Yes. Because, in the first + place, I know I did not make myself, and yet I have existence; and by + searching into the nature of other things, I find that no other thing + could make itself; and yet millions of other things exist; therefore it + is, that I know, by positive conclusion resulting from this search, that + there is a power superior to all those things, and that power is God. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Canst thou find out the Almighty to perfection? No. Not only + because the power and wisdom He has manifested in the structure of the + Creation that I behold is to me incomprehensible; but because even this + manifestation, great as it is is probably but a small display of that + immensity of power and wisdom, by which millions of other worlds, to me + invisible by their distance, were created and continue to exist. + </p> + <p> + It is evident that both of these questions were put to the reason of the + person to whom they are supposed to have been addressed; and it is only by + admitting the first question to be answered affirmatively, that the second + could follow. It would have been unnecessary, and even absurd, to have put + a second question, more difficult than the first, if the first question + had been answered negatively. The two questions have different objects; + the first refers to the existence of God, the second to his attributes. + Reason can discover the one, but it falls infinitely short in discovering + the whole of the other. + </p> + <p> + I recollect not a single passage in all the writings ascribed to the men + called apostles, that conveys any idea of what God is. Those writings are + chiefly controversial; and the gloominess of the subject they dwell upon, + that of a man dying in agony on a cross, is better suited to the gloomy + genius of a monk in a cell, by whom it is not impossible they were + written, than to any man breathing the open air of the Creation. The only + passage that occurs to me, that has any reference to the works of God, by + which only his power and wisdom can be known, is related to have been + spoken by Jesus Christ, as a remedy against distrustful care. "Behold the + lilies of the field, they toil not, neither do they spin." This, however, + is far inferior to the allusions in Job and in the 19th Psalm; but it is + similar in idea, and the modesty of the imagery is correspondent to the + modesty of the man. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0011" id="Elink2HCH0011"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XI - OF THE THEOLOGY OF THE CHRISTIANS; AND THE TRUE THEOLOGY. + </h2> + <p> + As to the Christian system of faith, it appears to me as a species of + atheism; a sort of religious denial of God. It professes to believe in a + man rather than in God. It is a compound made up chiefly of man-ism with + but little deism, and is as near to atheism as twilight is to darkness. It + introduces between man and his Maker an opaque body, which it calls a + redeemer, as the moon introduces her opaque self between the earth and the + sun, and it produces by this means a religious or an irreligious eclipse + of light. It has put the whole orbit of reason into shade. + </p> + <p> + The effect of this obscurity has been that of turning everything upside + down, and representing it in reverse; and among the revolutions it has + thus magically produced, it has made a revolution in Theology. + </p> + <p> + That which is now called natural philosophy, embracing the whole circle of + science, of which astronomy occupies the chief place, is the study of the + works of God, and of the power and wisdom of God in his works, and is the + true theology. + </p> + <p> + As to the theology that is now studied in its place, it is the study of + human opinions and of human fancies concerning God. It is not the study of + God himself in the works that he has made, but in the works or writings + that man has made; and it is not among the least of the mischiefs that the + Christian system has done to the world, that it has abandoned the original + and beautiful system of theology, like a beautiful innocent, to distress + and reproach, to make room for the hag of superstition. + </p> + <p> + The Book of Job and the 19th Psalm, which even the church admits to be + more ancient than the chronological order in which they stand in the book + called the Bible, are theological orations conformable to the original + system of theology. The internal evidence of those orations proves to a + demonstration that the study and contemplation of the works of creation, + and of the power and wisdom of God revealed and manifested in those works, + made a great part of the religious devotion of the times in which they + were written; and it was this devotional study and contemplation that led + to the discovery of the principles upon which what are now called Sciences + are established; and it is to the discovery of these principles that + almost all the Arts that contribute to the convenience of human life owe + their existence. Every principal art has some science for its parent, + though the person who mechanically performs the work does not always, and + but very seldom, perceive the connection. + </p> + <p> + It is a fraud of the Christian system to call the sciences 'human + inventions;' it is only the application of them that is human. Every + science has for its basis a system of principles as fixed and unalterable + as those by which the universe is regulated and governed. Man cannot make + principles, he can only discover them. + </p> + <p> + For example: Every person who looks at an almanack sees an account when an + eclipse will take place, and he sees also that it never fails to take + place according to the account there given. This shows that man is + acquainted with the laws by which the heavenly bodies move. But it would + be something worse than ignorance, were any church on earth to say that + those laws are an human invention. + </p> + <p> + It would also be ignorance, or something worse, to say that the scientific + principles, by the aid of which man is enabled to calculate and foreknow + when an eclipse will take place, are an human invention. Man cannot invent + any thing that is eternal and immutable; and the scientific principles he + employs for this purpose must, and are, of necessity, as eternal and + immutable as the laws by which the heavenly bodies move, or they could not + be used as they are to ascertain the time when, and the manner how, an + eclipse will take place. + </p> + <p> + The scientific principles that man employs to obtain the foreknowledge of + an eclipse, or of any thing else relating to the motion of the heavenly + bodies, are contained chiefly in that part of science that is called + trigonometry, or the properties of a triangle, which, when applied to the + study of the heavenly bodies, is called astronomy; when applied to direct + the course of a ship on the ocean, it is called navigation; when applied + to the construction of figures drawn by a rule and compass, it is called + geometry; when applied to the construction of plans of edifices, it is + called architecture; when applied to the measurement of any portion of the + surface of the earth, it is called land-surveying. In fine, it is the soul + of science. It is an eternal truth: it contains the mathematical + demonstration of which man speaks, and the extent of its uses are unknown. + </p> + <p> + It may be said, that man can make or draw a triangle, and therefore a + triangle is an human invention. + </p> + <p> + But the triangle, when drawn, is no other than the image of the principle: + it is a delineation to the eye, and from thence to the mind, of a + principle that would otherwise be imperceptible. The triangle does not + make the principle, any more than a candle taken into a room that was + dark, makes the chairs and tables that before were invisible. All the + properties of a triangle exist independently of the figure, and existed + before any triangle was drawn or thought of by man. Man had no more to do + in the formation of those properties or principles, than he had to do in + making the laws by which the heavenly bodies move; and therefore the one + must have the same divine origin as the other. + </p> + <p> + In the same manner as, it may be said, that man can make a triangle, so + also, may it be said, he can make the mechanical instrument called a + lever. But the principle by which the lever acts, is a thing distinct from + the instrument, and would exist if the instrument did not; it attaches + itself to the instrument after it is made; the instrument, therefore, can + act no otherwise than it does act; neither can all the efforts of human + invention make it act otherwise. That which, in all such cases, man calls + the effect, is no other than the principle itself rendered perceptible to + the senses. + </p> + <p> + Since, then, man cannot make principles, from whence did he gain a + knowledge of them, so as to be able to apply them, not only to things on + earth, but to ascertain the motion of bodies so immensely distant from him + as all the heavenly bodies are? From whence, I ask, could he gain that + knowledge, but from the study of the true theology? + </p> + <p> + It is the structure of the universe that has taught this knowledge to man. + That structure is an ever-existing exhibition of every principle upon + which every part of mathematical science is founded. The offspring of this + science is mechanics; for mechanics is no other than the principles of + science applied practically. The man who proportions the several parts of + a mill uses the same scientific principles as if he had the power of + constructing an universe, but as he cannot give to matter that invisible + agency by which all the component parts of the immense machine of the + universe have influence upon each other, and act in motional unison + together, without any apparent contact, and to which man has given the + name of attraction, gravitation, and repulsion, he supplies the place of + that agency by the humble imitation of teeth and cogs. All the parts of + man's microcosm must visibly touch. But could he gain a knowledge of that + agency, so as to be able to apply it in practice, we might then say that + another canonical book of the word of God had been discovered. + </p> + <p> + If man could alter the properties of the lever, so also could he alter the + properties of the triangle: for a lever (taking that sort of lever which + is called a steel-yard, for the sake of explanation) forms, when in + motion, a triangle. The line it descends from, (one point of that line + being in the fulcrum,) the line it descends to, and the chord of the arc, + which the end of the lever describes in the air, are the three sides of a + triangle. The other arm of the lever describes also a triangle; and the + corresponding sides of those two triangles, calculated scientifically, or + measured geometrically,—and also the sines, tangents, and secants + generated from the angles, and geometrically measured,—have the same + proportions to each other as the different weights have that will balance + each other on the lever, leaving the weight of the lever out of the case. + </p> + <p> + It may also be said, that man can make a wheel and axis; that he can put + wheels of different magnitudes together, and produce a mill. Still the + case comes back to the same point, which is, that he did not make the + principle that gives the wheels those powers. This principle is as + unalterable as in the former cases, or rather it is the same principle + under a different appearance to the eye. + </p> + <p> + The power that two wheels of different magnitudes have upon each other is + in the same proportion as if the semi-diameter of the two wheels were + joined together and made into that kind of lever I have described, + suspended at the part where the semi-diameters join; for the two wheels, + scientifically considered, are no other than the two circles generated by + the motion of the compound lever. + </p> + <p> + It is from the study of the true theology that all our knowledge of + science is derived; and it is from that knowledge that all the arts have + originated. + </p> + <p> + The Almighty lecturer, by displaying the principles of science in the + structure of the universe, has invited man to study and to imitation. It + is as if he had said to the inhabitants of this globe that we call ours, + "I have made an earth for man to dwell upon, and I have rendered the + starry heavens visible, to teach him science and the arts. He can now + provide for his own comfort, AND LEARN FROM MY MUNIFICENCE TO ALL, TO BE + KIND TO EACH OTHER." + </p> + <p> + Of what use is it, unless it be to teach man something, that his eye is + endowed with the power of beholding, to an incomprehensible distance, an + immensity of worlds revolving in the ocean of space? Or of what use is it + that this immensity of worlds is visible to man? What has man to do with + the Pleiades, with Orion, with Sirius, with the star he calls the north + star, with the moving orbs he has named Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and + Mercury, if no uses are to follow from their being visible? A less power + of vision would have been sufficient for man, if the immensity he now + possesses were given only to waste itself, as it were, on an immense + desert of space glittering with shows. + </p> + <p> + It is only by contemplating what he calls the starry heavens, as the book + and school of science, that he discovers any use in their being visible to + him, or any advantage resulting from his immensity of vision. But when he + contemplates the subject in this light, he sees an additional motive for + saying, that nothing was made in vain; for in vain would be this power of + vision if it taught man nothing. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0012" id="Elink2HCH0012"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XII - THE EFFECTS OF CHRISTIANISM ON EDUCATION; PROPOSED + </h2> + <p> + REFORMS. + </p> + <p> + As the Christian system of faith has made a revolution in theology, so + also has it made a revolution in the state of learning. That which is now + called learning, was not learning originally. Learning does not consist, + as the schools now make it consist, in the knowledge of languages, but in + the knowledge of things to which language gives names. + </p> + <p> + The Greeks were a learned people, but learning with them did not consist + in speaking Greek, any more than in a Roman's speaking Latin, or a + Frenchman's speaking French, or an Englishman's speaking English. From + what we know of the Greeks, it does not appear that they knew or studied + any language but their own, and this was one cause of their becoming so + learned; it afforded them more time to apply themselves to better studies. + The schools of the Greeks were schools of science and philosophy, and not + of languages; and it is in the knowledge of the things that science and + philosophy teach that learning consists. + </p> + <p> + Almost all the scientific learning that now exists, came to us from the + Greeks, or the people who spoke the Greek language. It therefore became + necessary to the people of other nations, who spoke a different language, + that some among them should learn the Greek language, in order that the + learning the Greeks had might be made known in those nations, by + translating the Greek books of science and philosophy into the mother + tongue of each nation. + </p> + <p> + The study, therefore, of the Greek language (and in the same manner for + the Latin) was no other than the drudgery business of a linguist; and the + language thus obtained, was no other than the means, or as it were the + tools, employed to obtain the learning the Greeks had. It made no part of + the learning itself; and was so distinct from it as to make it exceedingly + probable that the persons who had studied Greek sufficiently to translate + those works, such for instance as Euclid's Elements, did not understand + any of the learning the works contained. + </p> + <p> + As there is now nothing new to be learned from the dead languages, all the + useful books being already translated, the languages are become useless, + and the time expended in teaching and in learning them is wasted. So far + as the study of languages may contribute to the progress and communication + of knowledge (for it has nothing to do with the creation of knowledge) it + is only in the living languages that new knowledge is to be found; and + certain it is, that, in general, a youth will learn more of a living + language in one year, than of a dead language in seven; and it is but + seldom that the teacher knows much of it himself. The difficulty of + learning the dead languages does not arise from any superior abstruseness + in the languages themselves, but in their being dead, and the + pronunciation entirely lost. It would be the same thing with any other + language when it becomes dead. The best Greek linguist that now exists + does not understand Greek so well as a Grecian plowman did, or a Grecian + milkmaid; and the same for the Latin, compared with a plowman or a + milkmaid of the Romans; and with respect to pronunciation and idiom, not + so well as the cows that she milked. It would therefore be advantageous to + the state of learning to abolish the study of the dead languages, and to + make learning consist, as it originally did, in scientific knowledge. + </p> + <p> + The apology that is sometimes made for continuing to teach the dead + languages is, that they are taught at a time when a child is not capable + of exerting any other mental faculty than that of memory. But this is + altogether erroneous. The human mind has a natural disposition to + scientific knowledge, and to the things connected with it. The first and + favourite amusement of a child, even before it begins to play, is that of + imitating the works of man. It builds houses with cards or sticks; it + navigates the little ocean of a bowl of water with a paper boat; or dams + the stream of a gutter, and contrives something which it calls a mill; and + it interests itself in the fate of its works with a care that resembles + affection. It afterwards goes to school, where its genius is killed by the + barren study of a dead language, and the philosopher is lost in the + linguist. + </p> + <p> + But the apology that is now made for continuing to teach the dead + languages, could not be the cause at first of cutting down learning to the + narrow and humble sphere of linguistry; the cause therefore must be sought + for elsewhere. In all researches of this kind, the best evidence that can + be produced, is the internal evidence the thing carries with itself, and + the evidence of circumstances that unites with it; both of which, in this + case, are not difficult to be discovered. + </p> + <p> + Putting then aside, as matter of distinct consideration, the outrage + offered to the moral justice of God, by supposing him to make the innocent + suffer for the guilty, and also the loose morality and low contrivance of + supposing him to change himself into the shape of a man, in order to make + an excuse to himself for not executing his supposed sentence upon Adam; + putting, I say, those things aside as matter of distinct consideration, it + is certain that what is called the christian system of faith, including in + it the whimsical account of the creation—the strange story of Eve, + the snake, and the apple—the amphibious idea of a man-god—the + corporeal idea of the death of a god—the mythological idea of a + family of gods, and the christian system of arithmetic, that three are + one, and one is three, are all irreconcilable, not only to the divine gift + of reason, that God has given to man, but to the knowledge that man gains + of the power and wisdom of God by the aid of the sciences, and by studying + the structure of the universe that God has made. + </p> + <p> + The setters up, therefore, and the advocates of the Christian system of + faith, could not but foresee that the continually progressive knowledge + that man would gain by the aid of science, of the power and wisdom of God, + manifested in the structure of the universe, and in all the works of + creation, would militate against, and call into question, the truth of + their system of faith; and therefore it became necessary to their purpose + to cut learning down to a size less dangerous to their project, and this + they effected by restricting the idea of learning to the dead study of + dead languages. + </p> + <p> + They not only rejected the study of science out of the christian schools, + but they persecuted it; and it is only within about the last two centuries + that the study has been revived. So late as 1610, Galileo, a Florentine, + discovered and introduced the use of telescopes, and by applying them to + observe the motions and appearances of the heavenly bodies, afforded + additional means for ascertaining the true structure of the universe. + Instead of being esteemed for these discoveries, he was sentenced to + renounce them, or the opinions resulting from them, as a damnable heresy. + And prior to that time Virgilius was condemned to be burned for asserting + the antipodes, or in other words, that the earth was a globe, and + habitable in every part where there was land; yet the truth of this is now + too well known even to be told. [NOTE: I cannot discover the source of + this statement concerning the ancient author whose Irish name Feirghill + was Latinized into Virgilius. The British Museum possesses a copy of the + work (Decalogiunt) which was the pretext of the charge of heresy made by + Boniface, Archbishop of Mayence, against Virgilius, Abbot—bishop of + Salzburg, These were leaders of the rival "British" and "Roman parties, + and the British champion made a countercharge against Boniface of + irreligious practices." Boniface had to express a "regret," but none the + less pursued his rival. The Pope, Zachary II., decided that if his alleged + "doctrine, against God and his soul, that beneath the earth there is + another world, other men, or sun and moon," should be acknowledged by + Virgilius, he should be excommunicated by a Council and condemned with + canonical sanctions. Whatever may have been the fate involved by + condemnation with "canonicis sanctionibus," in the middle of the eighth + century, it did not fall on Virgilius. His accuser, Boniface, was + martyred, 755, and it is probable that Virgilius harmonied his Antipodes + with orthodoxy. The gravamen of the heresy seems to have been the + suggestion that there were men not of the progeny of Adam. Virgilius was + made Bishop of Salzburg in 768. He bore until his death, 789, the curious + title, "Geometer and Solitary," or "lone wayfarer" (Solivagus). A + suspicion of heresy clung to his memory until 1233, when he was raised by + Gregory IX, to sainthood beside his accuser, St. Boniface.—Editor. + (Conway)] + </p> + <p> + If the belief of errors not morally bad did no mischief, it would make no + part of the moral duty of man to oppose and remove them. There was no + moral ill in believing the earth was flat like a trencher, any more than + there was moral virtue in believing it was round like a globe; neither was + there any moral ill in believing that the Creator made no other world than + this, any more than there was moral virtue in believing that he made + millions, and that the infinity of space is filled with worlds. But when a + system of religion is made to grow out of a supposed system of creation + that is not true, and to unite itself therewith in a manner almost + inseparable therefrom, the case assumes an entirely different ground. It + is then that errors, not morally bad, become fraught with the same + mischiefs as if they were. It is then that the truth, though otherwise + indifferent itself, becomes an essential, by becoming the criterion that + either confirms by corresponding evidence, or denies by contradictory + evidence, the reality of the religion itself. In this view of the case it + is the moral duty of man to obtain every possible evidence that the + structure of the heavens, or any other part of creation affords, with + respect to systems of religion. But this, the supporters or partizans of + the christian system, as if dreading the result, incessantly opposed, and + not only rejected the sciences, but persecuted the professors. Had Newton + or Descartes lived three or four hundred years ago, and pursued their + studies as they did, it is most probable they would not have lived to + finish them; and had Franklin drawn lightning from the clouds at the same + time, it would have been at the hazard of expiring for it in flames. + </p> + <p> + Later times have laid all the blame upon the Goths and Vandals, but, + however unwilling the partizans of the Christian system may be to believe + or to acknowledge it, it is nevertheless true, that the age of ignorance + commenced with the Christian system. There was more knowledge in the world + before that period, than for many centuries afterwards; and as to + religious knowledge, the Christian system, as already said, was only + another species of mythology; and the mythology to which it succeeded, was + a corruption of an ancient system of theism. [NOTE by Paine: It is + impossible for us now to know at what time the heathen mythology began; + but it is certain, from the internal evidence that it carries, that it did + not begin in the same state or condition in which it ended. All the gods + of that mythology, except Saturn, were of modern invention. The supposed + reign of Saturn was prior to that which is called the heathen mythology, + and was so far a species of theism that it admitted the belief of only one + God. Saturn is supposed to have abdicated the govemment in favour of his + three sons and one daughter, Jupiter, Pluto, Neptune, and Juno; after + this, thousands of other gods and demigods were imaginarily created, and + the calendar of gods increased as fast as the calendar of saints and the + calendar of courts have increased since. + </p> + <p> + All the corruptions that have taken place, in theology and in religion + have been produced by admitting of what man calls 'revealed religion.' The + mythologists pretended to more revealed religion than the christians do. + They had their oracles and their priests, who were supposed to receive and + deliver the word of God verbally on almost all occasions. + </p> + <p> + Since then all corruptions down from Moloch to modern predestinarianism, + and the human sacrifices of the heathens to the christian sacrifice of the + Creator, have been produced by admitting of what is called revealed + religion, the most effectual means to prevent all such evils and + impositions is, not to admit of any other revelation than that which is + manifested in the book of Creation., and to contemplate the Creation as + the only true and real word of God that ever did or ever will exist; and + every thing else called the word of God is fable and imposition.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + It is owing to this long interregnum of science, and to no other cause, + that we have now to look back through a vast chasm of many hundred years + to the respectable characters we call the Ancients. Had the progression of + knowledge gone on proportionably with the stock that before existed, that + chasm would have been filled up with characters rising superior in + knowledge to each other; and those Ancients we now so much admire would + have appeared respectably in the background of the scene. But the + christian system laid all waste; and if we take our stand about the + beginning of the sixteenth century, we look back through that long chasm, + to the times of the Ancients, as over a vast sandy desert, in which not a + shrub appears to intercept the vision to the fertile hills beyond. + </p> + <p> + It is an inconsistency scarcely possible to be credited, that any thing + should exist, under the name of a religion, that held it to be irreligious + to study and contemplate the structure of the universe that God had made. + But the fact is too well established to be denied. The event that served + more than any other to break the first link in this long chain of despotic + ignorance, is that known by the name of the Reformation by Luther. From + that time, though it does not appear to have made any part of the + intention of Luther, or of those who are called Reformers, the Sciences + began to revive, and Liberality, their natural associate, began to appear. + This was the only public good the Reformation did; for, with respect to + religious good, it might as well not have taken place. The mythology still + continued the same; and a multiplicity of National Popes grew out of the + downfall of the Pope of Christendom. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0013" id="Elink2HCH0013"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XIII - COMPARISON OF CHRISTIANISM WITH THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS + </h2> + <p> + INSPIRED BY NATURE. + </p> + <p> + HAVING thus shewn, from the internal evidence of things, the cause that + produced a change in the state of learning, and the motive for + substituting the study of the dead languages, in the place of the + Sciences, I proceed, in addition to the several observations already made + in the former part of this work, to compare, or rather to confront, the + evidence that the structure of the universe affords, with the christian + system of religion. But as I cannot begin this part better than by + referring to the ideas that occurred to me at an early part of life, and + which I doubt not have occurred in some degree to almost every other + person at one time or other, I shall state what those ideas were, and add + thereto such other matter as shall arise out of the subject, giving to the + whole, by way of preface, a short introduction. + </p> + <p> + My father being of the quaker profession, it was my good fortune to have + an exceedingly good moral education, and a tolerable stock of useful + learning. Though I went to the grammar school, I did not learn Latin, not + only because I had no inclination to learn languages, but because of the + objection the quakers have against the books in which the language is + taught. But this did not prevent me from being acquainted with the + subjects of all the Latin books used in the school. + </p> + <p> + The natural bent of my mind was to science. I had some turn, and I believe + some talent for poetry; but this I rather repressed than encouraged, as + leading too much into the field of imagination. As soon as I was able, I + purchased a pair of globes, and attended the philosophical lectures of + Martin and Ferguson, and became afterwards acquainted with Dr. Bevis, of + the society called the Royal Society, then living in the Temple, and an + excellent astronomer. + </p> + <p> + I had no disposition for what was called politics. It presented to my mind + no other idea than is contained in the word jockeyship. When, therefore, I + turned my thoughts towards matters of government, I had to form a system + for myself, that accorded with the moral and philosophic principles in + which I had been educated. I saw, or at least I thought I saw, a vast + scene opening itself to the world in the affairs of America; and it + appeared to me, that unless the Americans changed the plan they were then + pursuing, with respect to the government of England, and declared + themselves independent, they would not only involve themselves in a + multiplicity of new difficulties, but shut out the prospect that was then + offering itself to mankind through their means. It was from these motives + that I published the work known by the name of Common Sense, which is the + first work I ever did publish, and so far as I can judge of myself, I + believe I should never have been known in the world as an author on any + subject whatever, had it not been for the affairs of America. I wrote + Common Sense the latter end of the year 1775, and published it the first + of January, 1776. Independence was declared the fourth of July following. + [NOTE: The pamphlet Common Sense was first advertised, as "just + published," on January 10, 1776. His plea for the Officers of Excise, + written before leaving England, was printed, but not published until 1793. + Despite his reiterated assertion that Common Sense was the first work he + ever published the notion that he was "junius" still finds some believers. + An indirect comment on our Paine-Junians may be found in Part 2 of this + work where Paine says a man capable of writing Homer "would not have + thrown away his own fame by giving it to another." It is probable that + Paine ascribed the Letters of Junius to Thomas Hollis. His friend F. + Lanthenas, in his translation of the Age of Reason (1794) advertises his + translation of the Letters of Junius from the English "(Thomas Hollis)." + This he could hardly have done without consultation with Paine. + Unfortunately this translation of Junius cannot be found either in the + Bibliotheque Nationale or the British Museum, and it cannot be said + whether it contains any attempt at an identification of Junius—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + Any person, who has made observations on the state and progress of the + human mind, by observing his own, can not but have observed, that there + are two distinct classes of what are called Thoughts; those that we + produce in ourselves by reflection and the act of thinking, and those that + bolt into the mind of their own accord. I have always made it a rule to + treat those voluntary visitors with civility, taking care to examine, as + well as I was able, if they were worth entertaining; and it is from them I + have acquired almost all the knowledge that I have. As to the learning + that any person gains from school education, it serves only, like a small + capital, to put him in the way of beginning learning for himself + afterwards. Every person of learning is finally his own teacher; the + reason of which is, that principles, being of a distinct quality to + circumstances, cannot be impressed upon the memory; their place of mental + residence is the understanding, and they are never so lasting as when they + begin by conception. Thus much for the introductory part. + </p> + <p> + From the time I was capable of conceiving an idea, and acting upon it by + reflection, I either doubted the truth of the christian system, or thought + it to be a strange affair; I scarcely knew which it was: but I well + remember, when about seven or eight years of age, hearing a sermon read by + a relation of mine, who was a great devotee of the church, upon the + subject of what is called Redemption by the death of the Son of God. After + the sermon was ended, I went into the garden, and as I was going down the + garden steps (for I perfectly recollect the spot) I revolted at the + recollection of what I had heard, and thought to myself that it was making + God Almighty act like a passionate man, that killed his son, when he could + not revenge himself any other way; and as I was sure a man would be hanged + that did such a thing, I could not see for what purpose they preached such + sermons. This was not one of those kind of thoughts that had any thing in + it of childish levity; it was to me a serious reflection, arising from the + idea I had that God was too good to do such an action, and also too + almighty to be under any necessity of doing it. I believe in the same + manner to this moment; and I moreover believe, that any system of religion + that has anything in it that shocks the mind of a child, cannot be a true + system. + </p> + <p> + It seems as if parents of the christian profession were ashamed to tell + their children any thing about the principles of their religion. They + sometimes instruct them in morals, and talk to them of the goodness of + what they call Providence; for the Christian mythology has five deities: + there is God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Ghost, the God + Providence, and the Goddess Nature. But the christian story of God the + Father putting his son to death, or employing people to do it, (for that + is the plain language of the story,) cannot be told by a parent to a + child; and to tell him that it was done to make mankind happier and + better, is making the story still worse; as if mankind could be improved + by the example of murder; and to tell him that all this is a mystery, is + only making an excuse for the incredibility of it. + </p> + <p> + How different is this to the pure and simple profession of Deism! The true + deist has but one Deity; and his religion consists in contemplating the + power, wisdom, and benignity of the Deity in his works, and in + endeavouring to imitate him in every thing moral, scientifical, and + mechanical. + </p> + <p> + The religion that approaches the nearest of all others to true Deism, in + the moral and benign part thereof, is that professed by the quakers: but + they have contracted themselves too much by leaving the works of God out + of their system. Though I reverence their philanthropy, I can not help + smiling at the conceit, that if the taste of a quaker could have been + consulted at the creation, what a silent and drab-colored creation it + would have been! Not a flower would have blossomed its gaieties, nor a + bird been permitted to sing. + </p> + <p> + Quitting these reflections, I proceed to other matters. After I had made + myself master of the use of the globes, and of the orrery, [NOTE by Paine: + As this book may fall into the bands of persons who do not know what an + orrery is, it is for their information I add this note, as the name gives + no idea of the uses of the thing. The orrery has its name from the person + who invented it. It is a machinery of clock-work, representing the + universe in miniature: and in which the revolution of the earth round + itself and round the sun, the revolution of the moon round the earth, the + revolution of the planets round the sun, their relative distances from the + sun, as the center of the whole system, their relative distances from each + other, and their different magnitudes, are represented as they really + exist in what we call the heavens.—Author.] and conceived an idea of + the infinity of space, and of the eternal divisibility of matter, and + obtained, at least, a general knowledge of what was called natural + philosophy, I began to compare, or, as I have before said, to confront, + the internal evidence those things afford with the christian system of + faith. + </p> + <p> + Though it is not a direct article of the christian system that this world + that we inhabit is the whole of the habitable creation, yet it is so + worked up therewith, from what is called the Mosaic account of the + creation, the story of Eve and the apple, and the counterpart of that + story, the death of the Son of God, that to believe otherwise, that is, to + believe that God created a plurality of worlds, at least as numerous as + what we call stars, renders the christian system of faith at once little + and ridiculous; and scatters it in the mind like feathers in the air. The + two beliefs can not be held together in the same mind; and he who thinks + that he believes both, has thought but little of either. + </p> + <p> + Though the belief of a plurality of worlds was familiar to the ancients, + it is only within the last three centuries that the extent and dimensions + of this globe that we inhabit have been ascertained. Several vessels, + following the tract of the ocean, have sailed entirely round the world, as + a man may march in a circle, and come round by the contrary side of the + circle to the spot he set out from. The circular dimensions of our world, + in the widest part, as a man would measure the widest round of an apple, + or a ball, is only twenty-five thousand and twenty English miles, + reckoning sixty-nine miles and an half to an equatorial degree, and may be + sailed round in the space of about three years. [NOTE by Paine: Allowing a + ship to sail, on an average, three miles in an hour, she would sail + entirely round the world in less than one year, if she could sail in a + direct circle, but she is obliged to follow the course of the ocean.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + A world of this extent may, at first thought, appear to us to be great; + but if we compare it with the immensity of space in which it is suspended, + like a bubble or a balloon in the air, it is infinitely less in proportion + than the smallest grain of sand is to the size of the world, or the finest + particle of dew to the whole ocean, and is therefore but small; and, as + will be hereafter shown, is only one of a system of worlds, of which the + universal creation is composed. + </p> + <p> + It is not difficult to gain some faint idea of the immensity of space in + which this and all the other worlds are suspended, if we follow a + progression of ideas. When we think of the size or dimensions of, a room, + our ideas limit themselves to the walls, and there they stop. But when our + eye, or our imagination darts into space, that is, when it looks upward + into what we call the open air, we cannot conceive any walls or boundaries + it can have; and if for the sake of resting our ideas we suppose a + boundary, the question immediately renews itself, and asks, what is beyond + that boundary? and in the same manner, what beyond the next boundary? and + so on till the fatigued imagination returns and says, there is no end. + Certainly, then, the Creator was not pent for room when he made this world + no larger than it is; and we have to seek the reason in something else. + </p> + <p> + If we take a survey of our own world, or rather of this, of which the + Creator has given us the use as our portion in the immense system of + creation, we find every part of it, the earth, the waters, and the air + that surround it, filled, and as it were crowded with life, down from the + largest animals that we know of to the smallest insects the naked eye can + behold, and from thence to others still smaller, and totally invisible + without the assistance of the microscope. Every tree, every plant, every + leaf, serves not only as an habitation, but as a world to some numerous + race, till animal existence becomes so exceedingly refined, that the + effluvia of a blade of grass would be food for thousands. + </p> + <p> + Since then no part of our earth is left unoccupied, why is it to be + supposed that the immensity of space is a naked void, lying in eternal + waste? There is room for millions of worlds as large or larger than ours, + and each of them millions of miles apart from each other. + </p> + <p> + Having now arrived at this point, if we carry our ideas only one thought + further, we shall see, perhaps, the true reason, at least a very good + reason for our happiness, why the Creator, instead of making one immense + world, extending over an immense quantity of space, has preferred dividing + that quantity of matter into several distinct and separate worlds, which + we call planets, of which our earth is one. But before I explain my ideas + upon this subject, it is necessary (not for the sake of those that already + know, but for those who do not) to show what the system of the universe + is. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0014" id="Elink2HCH0014"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XIV - SYSTEM OF THE UNIVERSE. + </h2> + <p> + THAT part of the universe that is called the solar system (meaning the + system of worlds to which our earth belongs, and of which Sol, or in + English language, the Sun, is the center) consists, besides the Sun, of + six distinct orbs, or planets, or worlds, besides the secondary bodies, + called the satellites, or moons, of which our earth has one that attends + her in her annual revolution round the Sun, in like manner as the other + satellites or moons, attend the planets or worlds to which they severally + belong, as may be seen by the assistance of the telescope. + </p> + <p> + The Sun is the center round which those six worlds or planets revolve at + different distances therefrom, and in circles concentric to each other. + Each world keeps constantly in nearly the same tract round the Sun, and + continues at the same time turning round itself, in nearly an upright + position, as a top turns round itself when it is spinning on the ground, + and leans a little sideways. + </p> + <p> + It is this leaning of the earth (23 1/2 degrees) that occasions summer and + winter, and the different length of days and nights. If the earth turned + round itself in a position perpendicular to the plane or level of the + circle it moves in round the Sun, as a top turns round when it stands + erect on the ground, the days and nights would be always of the same + length, twelve hours day and twelve hours night, and the season would be + uniformly the same throughout the year. + </p> + <p> + Every time that a planet (our earth for example) turns round itself, it + makes what we call day and night; and every time it goes entirely round + the Sun, it makes what we call a year, consequently our world turns three + hundred and sixty-five times round itself, in going once round the Sun. + </p> + <p> + The names that the ancients gave to those six worlds, and which are still + called by the same names, are Mercury, Venus, this world that we call + ours, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. They appear larger to the eye than the + stars, being many million miles nearer to our earth than any of the stars + are. The planet Venus is that which is called the evening star, and + sometimes the morning star, as she happens to set after, or rise before + the Sun, which in either case is never more than three hours. + </p> + <p> + The Sun as before said being the center, the planet or world nearest the + Sun is Mercury; his distance from the Sun is thirty-four million miles, + and he moves round in a circle always at that distance from the Sun, as a + top may be supposed to spin round in the tract in which a horse goes in a + mill. The second world is Venus; she is fifty-seven million miles distant + from the Sun, and consequently moves round in a circle much greater than + that of Mercury. The third world is this that we inhabit, and which is + eighty-eight million miles distant from the Sun, and consequently moves + round in a circle greater than that of Venus. The fourth world is Mars; he + is distant from the sun one hundred and thirty-four million miles, and + consequently moves round in a circle greater than that of our earth. The + fifth is Jupiter; he is distant from the Sun five hundred and fifty-seven + million miles, and consequently moves round in a circle greater than that + of Mars. The sixth world is Saturn; he is distant from the Sun seven + hundred and sixty-three million miles, and consequently moves round in a + circle that surrounds the circles or orbits of all the other worlds or + planets. + </p> + <p> + The space, therefore, in the air, or in the immensity of space, that our + solar system takes up for the several worlds to perform their revolutions + in round the Sun, is of the extent in a strait line of the whole diameter + of the orbit or circle in which Saturn moves round the Sun, which being + double his distance from the Sun, is fifteen hundred and twenty-six + million miles; and its circular extent is nearly five thousand million; + and its globical content is almost three thousand five hundred million + times three thousand five hundred million square miles. [NOTE by Paine: If + it should be asked, how can man know these things? I have one plain answer + to give, which is, that man knows how to calculate an eclipse, and also + how to calculate to a minute of time when the planet Venus, in making her + revolutions round the Sun, will come in a strait line between our earth + and the Sun, and will appear to us about the size of a large pea passing + across the face of the Sun. This happens but twice in about a hundred + years, at the distance of about eight years from each other, and has + happened twice in our time, both of which were foreknown by calculation. + It can also be known when they will happen again for a thousand years to + come, or to any other portion of time. As therefore, man could not be able + to do these things if he did not understand the solar system, and the + manner in which the revolutions of the several planets or worlds are + performed, the fact of calculating an eclipse, or a transit of Venus, is a + proof in point that the knowledge exists; and as to a few thousand, or + even a few million miles, more or less, it makes scarcely any sensible + difference in such immense distances.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + But this, immense as it is, is only one system of worlds. Beyond this, at + a vast distance into space, far beyond all power of calculation, are the + stars called the fixed stars. They are called fixed, because they have no + revolutionary motion, as the six worlds or planets have that I have been + describing. Those fixed stars continue always at the same distance from + each other, and always in the same place, as the Sun does in the center of + our system. The probability, therefore, is that each of those fixed stars + is also a Sun, round which another system of worlds or planets, though too + remote for us to discover, performs its revolutions, as our system of + worlds does round our central Sun. By this easy progression of ideas, the + immensity of space will appear to us to be filled with systems of worlds; + and that no part of space lies at waste, any more than any part of our + globe of earth and water is left unoccupied. + </p> + <p> + Having thus endeavoured to convey, in a familiar and easy manner, some + idea of the structure of the universe, I return to explain what I before + alluded to, namely, the great benefits arising to man in consequence of + the Creator having made a Plurality of worlds, such as our system is, + consisting of a central Sun and six worlds, besides satellites, in + preference to that of creating one world only of a vast extent. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0015" id="Elink2HCH0015"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XV - ADVANTAGES OF THE EXISTENCE OF MANY WORLDS IN EACH SOLAR + </h2> + <p> + SYSTEM. + </p> + <p> + IT is an idea I have never lost sight of, that all our knowledge of + science is derived from the revolutions (exhibited to our eye and from + thence to our understanding) which those several planets or worlds of + which our system is composed make in their circuit round the Sun. + </p> + <p> + Had then the quantity of matter which these six worlds contain been + blended into one solitary globe, the consequence to us would have been, + that either no revolutionary motion would have existed, or not a + sufficiency of it to give us the ideas and the knowledge of science we now + have; and it is from the sciences that all the mechanical arts that + contribute so much to our earthly felicity and comfort are derived. + </p> + <p> + As therefore the Creator made nothing in vain, so also must it be believed + that he organized the structure of the universe in the most advantageous + manner for the benefit of man; and as we see, and from experience feel, + the benefits we derive from the structure of the universe, formed as it + is, which benefits we should not have had the opportunity of enjoying if + the structure, so far as relates to our system, had been a solitary globe, + we can discover at least one reason why a plurality of worlds has been + made, and that reason calls forth the devotional gratitude of man, as well + as his admiration. + </p> + <p> + But it is not to us, the inhabitants of this globe, only, that the + benefits arising from a plurality of worlds are limited. The inhabitants + of each of the worlds of which our system is composed, enjoy the same + opportunities of knowledge as we do. They behold the revolutionary motions + of our earth, as we behold theirs. All the planets revolve in sight of + each other; and, therefore, the same universal school of science presents + itself to all. + </p> + <p> + Neither does the knowledge stop here. The system of worlds next to us + exhibits, in its revolutions, the same principles and school of science, + to the inhabitants of their system, as our system does to us, and in like + manner throughout the immensity of space. + </p> + <p> + Our ideas, not only of the almightiness of the Creator, but of his wisdom + and his beneficence, become enlarged in proportion as we contemplate the + extent and the structure of the universe. The solitary idea of a solitary + world, rolling or at rest in the immense ocean of space, gives place to + the cheerful idea of a society of worlds, so happily contrived as to + administer, even by their motion, instruction to man. We see our own earth + filled with abundance; but we forget to consider how much of that + abundance is owing to the scientific knowledge the vast machinery of the + universe has unfolded. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0016" id="Elink2HCH0016"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XVI - APPLICATION OF THE PRECEDING TO THE SYSTEM OF THE + </h2> + <p> + CHRISTIANS. + </p> + <p> + BUT, in the midst of those reflections, what are we to think of the + christian system of faith that forms itself upon the idea of only one + world, and that of no greater extent, as is before shown, than twenty-five + thousand miles. An extent which a man, walking at the rate of three miles + an hour for twelve hours in the day, could he keep on in a circular + direction, would walk entirely round in less than two years. Alas! what is + this to the mighty ocean of space, and the almighty power of the Creator! + </p> + <p> + From whence then could arise the solitary and strange conceit that the + Almighty, who had millions of worlds equally dependent on his protection, + should quit the care of all the rest, and come to die in our world, + because, they say, one man and one woman had eaten an apple! And, on the + other hand, are we to suppose that every world in the boundless creation + had an Eve, an apple, a serpent, and a redeemer? In this case, the person + who is irreverently called the Son of God, and sometimes God himself, + would have nothing else to do than to travel from world to world, in an + endless succession of death, with scarcely a momentary interval of life. + </p> + <p> + It has been by rejecting the evidence, that the word, or works of God in + the creation, affords to our senses, and the action of our reason upon + that evidence, that so many wild and whimsical systems of faith, and of + religion, have been fabricated and set up. There may be many systems of + religion that so far from being morally bad are in many respects morally + good: but there can be but ONE that is true; and that one necessarily + must, as it ever will, be in all things consistent with the ever existing + word of God that we behold in his works. But such is the strange + construction of the christian system of faith, that every evidence the + heavens affords to man, either directly contradicts it or renders it + absurd. + </p> + <p> + It is possible to believe, and I always feel pleasure in encouraging + myself to believe it, that there have been men in the world who persuaded + themselves that what is called a pious fraud, might, at least under + particular circumstances, be productive of some good. But the fraud being + once established, could not afterwards be explained; for it is with a + pious fraud as with a bad action, it begets a calamitous necessity of + going on. + </p> + <p> + The persons who first preached the christian system of faith, and in some + measure combined with it the morality preached by Jesus Christ, might + persuade themselves that it was better than the heathen mythology that + then prevailed. From the first preachers the fraud went on to the second, + and to the third, till the idea of its being a pious fraud became lost in + the belief of its being true; and that belief became again encouraged by + the interest of those who made a livelihood by preaching it. + </p> + <p> + But though such a belief might, by such means, be rendered almost general + among the laity, it is next to impossible to account for the continual + persecution carried on by the church, for several hundred years, against + the sciences, and against the professors of science, if the church had not + some record or tradition that it was originally no other than a pious + fraud, or did not foresee that it could not be maintained against the + evidence that the structure of the universe afforded. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0017" id="Elink2HCH0017"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER XVII - OF THE MEANS EMPLOYED IN ALL TIME, AND ALMOST + </h2> + <p> + UNIVERSALLY, TO DECEIVE THE PEOPLES. + </p> + <p> + HAVING thus shown the irreconcileable inconsistencies between the real + word of God existing in the universe, and that which is called the word of + God, as shown to us in a printed book that any man might make, I proceed + to speak of the three principal means that have been employed in all ages, + and perhaps in all countries, to impose upon mankind. + </p> + <p> + Those three means are Mystery, Miracle, and Prophecy, The first two are + incompatible with true religion, and the third ought always to be + suspected. + </p> + <p> + With respect to Mystery, everything we behold is, in one sense, a mystery + to us. Our own existence is a mystery: the whole vegetable world is a + mystery. We cannot account how it is that an acorn, when put into the + ground, is made to develop itself and become an oak. We know not how it is + that the seed we sow unfolds and multiplies itself, and returns to us such + an abundant interest for so small a capital. + </p> + <p> + The fact however, as distinct from the operating cause, is not a mystery, + because we see it; and we know also the means we are to use, which is no + other than putting the seed in the ground. We know, therefore, as much as + is necessary for us to know; and that part of the operation that we do not + know, and which if we did, we could not perform, the Creator takes upon + himself and performs it for us. We are, therefore, better off than if we + had been let into the secret, and left to do it for ourselves. + </p> + <p> + But though every created thing is, in this sense, a mystery, the word + mystery cannot be applied to moral truth, any more than obscurity can be + applied to light. The God in whom we believe is a God of moral truth, and + not a God of mystery or obscurity. Mystery is the antagonist of truth. It + is a fog of human invention that obscures truth, and represents it in + distortion. Truth never envelops itself in mystery; and the mystery in + which it is at any time enveloped, is the work of its antagonist, and + never of itself. + </p> + <p> + Religion, therefore, being the belief of a God, and the practice of moral + truth, cannot have connection with mystery. The belief of a God, so far + from having any thing of mystery in it, is of all beliefs the most easy, + because it arises to us, as is before observed, out of necessity. And the + practice of moral truth, or, in other words, a practical imitation of the + moral goodness of God, is no other than our acting towards each other as + he acts benignly towards all. We cannot serve God in the manner we serve + those who cannot do without such service; and, therefore, the only idea we + can have of serving God, is that of contributing to the happiness of the + living creation that God has made. This cannot be done by retiring + ourselves from the society of the world, and spending a recluse life in + selfish devotion. + </p> + <p> + The very nature and design of religion, if I may so express it, prove even + to demonstration that it must be free from every thing of mystery, and + unincumbered with every thing that is mysterious. Religion, considered as + a duty, is incumbent upon every living soul alike, and, therefore, must be + on a level to the understanding and comprehension of all. Man does not + learn religion as he learns the secrets and mysteries of a trade. He + learns the theory of religion by reflection. It arises out of the action + of his own mind upon the things which he sees, or upon what he may happen + to hear or to read, and the practice joins itself thereto. + </p> + <p> + When men, whether from policy or pious fraud, set up systems of religion + incompatible with the word or works of God in the creation, and not only + above but repugnant to human comprehension, they were under the necessity + of inventing or adopting a word that should serve as a bar to all + questions, inquiries and speculations. The word mystery answered this + purpose, and thus it has happened that religion, which is in itself + without mystery, has been corrupted into a fog of mysteries. + </p> + <p> + As mystery answered all general purposes, miracle followed as an + occasional auxiliary. The former served to bewilder the mind, the latter + to puzzle the senses. The one was the lingo, the other the legerdemain. + </p> + <p> + But before going further into this subject, it will be proper to inquire + what is to be understood by a miracle. + </p> + <p> + In the same sense that every thing may be said to be a mystery, so also + may it be said that every thing is a miracle, and that no one thing is a + greater miracle than another. The elephant, though larger, is not a + greater miracle than a mite: nor a mountain a greater miracle than an + atom. To an almighty power it is no more difficult to make the one than + the other, and no more difficult to make a million of worlds than to make + one. Every thing, therefore, is a miracle, in one sense; whilst, in the + other sense, there is no such thing as a miracle. It is a miracle when + compared to our power, and to our comprehension. It is not a miracle + compared to the power that performs it. But as nothing in this description + conveys the idea that is affixed to the word miracle, it is necessary to + carry the inquiry further. + </p> + <p> + Mankind have conceived to themselves certain laws, by which what they call + nature is supposed to act; and that a miracle is something contrary to the + operation and effect of those laws. But unless we know the whole extent of + those laws, and of what are commonly called the powers of nature, we are + not able to judge whether any thing that may appear to us wonderful or + miraculous, be within, or be beyond, or be contrary to, her natural power + of acting. + </p> + <p> + The ascension of a man several miles high into the air, would have + everything in it that constitutes the idea of a miracle, if it were not + known that a species of air can be generated several times lighter than + the common atmospheric air, and yet possess elasticity enough to prevent + the balloon, in which that light air is inclosed, from being compressed + into as many times less bulk, by the common air that surrounds it. In like + manner, extracting flashes or sparks of fire from the human body, as + visibly as from a steel struck with a flint, and causing iron or steel to + move without any visible agent, would also give the idea of a miracle, if + we were not acquainted with electricity and magnetism; so also would many + other experiments in natural philosophy, to those who are not acquainted + with the subject. The restoring persons to life who are to appearance dead + as is practised upon drowned persons, would also be a miracle, if it were + not known that animation is capable of being suspended without being + extinct. + </p> + <p> + Besides these, there are performances by slight of hand, and by persons + acting in concert, that have a miraculous appearance, which, when known, + are thought nothing of. And, besides these, there are mechanical and + optical deceptions. There is now an exhibition in Paris of ghosts or + spectres, which, though it is not imposed upon the spectators as a fact, + has an astonishing appearance. As, therefore, we know not the extent to + which either nature or art can go, there is no criterion to determine what + a miracle is; and mankind, in giving credit to appearances, under the idea + of their being miracles, are subject to be continually imposed upon. + </p> + <p> + Since then appearances are so capable of deceiving, and things not real + have a strong resemblance to things that are, nothing can be more + inconsistent than to suppose that the Almighty would make use of means, + such as are called miracles, that would subject the person who performed + them to the suspicion of being an impostor, and the person who related + them to be suspected of lying, and the doctrine intended to be supported + thereby to be suspected as a fabulous invention. + </p> + <p> + Of all the modes of evidence that ever were invented to obtain belief to + any system or opinion to which the name of religion has been given, that + of miracle, however successful the imposition may have been, is the most + inconsistent. For, in the first place, whenever recourse is had to show, + for the purpose of procuring that belief (for a miracle, under any idea of + the word, is a show) it implies a lameness or weakness in the doctrine + that is preached. And, in the second place, it is degrading the Almighty + into the character of a show-man, playing tricks to amuse and make the + people stare and wonder. It is also the most equivocal sort of evidence + that can be set up; for the belief is not to depend upon the thing called + a miracle, but upon the credit of the reporter, who says that he saw it; + and, therefore, the thing, were it true, would have no better chance of + being believed than if it were a lie. + </p> + <p> + Suppose I were to say, that when I sat down to write this book, a hand + presented itself in the air, took up the pen and wrote every word that is + herein written; would any body believe me? Certainly they would not. Would + they believe me a whit the more if the thing had been a fact? Certainly + they would not. Since then a real miracle, were it to happen, would be + subject to the same fate as the falsehood, the inconsistency becomes the + greater of supposing the Almighty would make use of means that would not + answer the purpose for which they were intended, even if they were real. + </p> + <p> + If we are to suppose a miracle to be something so entirely out of the + course of what is called nature, that she must go out of that course to + accomplish it, and we see an account given of such a miracle by the person + who said he saw it, it raises a question in the mind very easily decided, + which is,—Is it more probable that nature should go out of her + course, or that a man should tell a lie? We have never seen, in our time, + nature go out of her course; but we have good reason to believe that + millions of lies have been told in the same time; it is, therefore, at + least millions to one, that the reporter of a miracle tells a lie. + </p> + <p> + The story of the whale swallowing Jonah, though a whale is large enough to + do it, borders greatly on the marvellous; but it would have approached + nearer to the idea of a miracle, if Jonah had swallowed the whale. In + this, which may serve for all cases of miracles, the matter would decide + itself as before stated, namely, Is it more probable that a man should + have, swallowed a whale, or told a lie? + </p> + <p> + But suppose that Jonah had really swallowed the whale, and gone with it in + his belly to Nineveh, and to convince the people that it was true have + cast it up in their sight, of the full length and size of a whale, would + they not have believed him to have been the devil instead of a prophet? or + if the whale had carried Jonah to Nineveh, and cast him up in the same + public manner, would they not have believed the whale to have been the + devil, and Jonah one of his imps? + </p> + <p> + The most extraordinary of all the things called miracles, related in the + New Testament, is that of the devil flying away with Jesus Christ, and + carrying him to the top of a high mountain; and to the top of the highest + pinnacle of the temple, and showing him and promising to him all the + kingdoms of the world. How happened it that he did not discover America? + or is it only with kingdoms that his sooty highness has any interest. + </p> + <p> + I have too much respect for the moral character of Christ to believe that + he told this whale of a miracle himself: neither is it easy to account for + what purpose it could have been fabricated, unless it were to impose upon + the connoisseurs of miracles, as is sometimes practised upon the + connoisseurs of Queen Anne's farthings, and collectors of relics and + antiquities; or to render the belief of miracles ridiculous, by outdoing + miracle, as Don Quixote outdid chivalry; or to embarrass the belief of + miracles, by making it doubtful by what power, whether of God or of the + devil, any thing called a miracle was performed. It requires, however, a + great deal of faith in the devil to believe this miracle. + </p> + <p> + In every point of view in which those things called miracles can be placed + and considered, the reality of them is improbable, and their existence + unnecessary. They would not, as before observed, answer any useful + purpose, even if they were true; for it is more difficult to obtain belief + to a miracle, than to a principle evidently moral, without any miracle. + Moral principle speaks universally for itself. Miracle could be but a + thing of the moment, and seen but by a few; after this it requires a + transfer of faith from God to man to believe a miracle upon man's report. + Instead, therefore, of admitting the recitals of miracles as evidence of + any system of religion being true, they ought to be considered as symptoms + of its being fabulous. It is necessary to the full and upright character + of truth that it rejects the crutch; and it is consistent with the + character of fable to seek the aid that truth rejects. Thus much for + Mystery and Miracle. + </p> + <p> + As Mystery and Miracle took charge of the past and the present, Prophecy + took charge of the future, and rounded the tenses of faith. It was not + sufficient to know what had been done, but what would be done. The + supposed prophet was the supposed historian of times to come; and if he + happened, in shooting with a long bow of a thousand years, to strike + within a thousand miles of a mark, the ingenuity of posterity could make + it point-blank; and if he happened to be directly wrong, it was only to + suppose, as in the case of Jonah and Nineveh, that God had repented + himself and changed his mind. What a fool do fabulous systems make of man! + </p> + <p> + It has been shewn, in a former part of this work, that the original + meaning of the words prophet and prophesying has been changed, and that a + prophet, in the sense of the word as now used, is a creature of modern + invention; and it is owing to this change in the meaning of the words, + that the flights and metaphors of the Jewish poets, and phrases and + expressions now rendered obscure by our not being acquainted with the + local circumstances to which they applied at the time they were used, have + been erected into prophecies, and made to bend to explanations at the will + and whimsical conceits of sectaries, expounders, and commentators. Every + thing unintelligible was prophetical, and every thing insignificant was + typical. A blunder would have served for a prophecy; and a dish-clout for + a type. + </p> + <p> + If by a prophet we are to suppose a man to whom the Almighty communicated + some event that would take place in future, either there were such men, or + there were not. If there were, it is consistent to believe that the event + so communicated would be told in terms that could be understood, and not + related in such a loose and obscure manner as to be out of the + comprehension of those that heard it, and so equivocal as to fit almost + any circumstance that might happen afterwards. It is conceiving very + irreverently of the Almighty, to suppose he would deal in this jesting + manner with mankind; yet all the things called prophecies in the book + called the Bible come under this description. + </p> + <p> + But it is with Prophecy as it is with Miracle. It could not answer the + purpose even if it were real. Those to whom a prophecy should be told + could not tell whether the man prophesied or lied, or whether it had been + revealed to him, or whether he conceited it; and if the thing that he + prophesied, or pretended to prophesy, should happen, or some thing like + it, among the multitude of things that are daily happening, nobody could + again know whether he foreknew it, or guessed at it, or whether it was + accidental. A prophet, therefore, is a character useless and unnecessary; + and the safe side of the case is to guard against being imposed upon, by + not giving credit to such relations. + </p> + <p> + Upon the whole, Mystery, Miracle, and Prophecy, are appendages that belong + to fabulous and not to true religion. They are the means by which so many + Lo heres! and Lo theres! have been spread about the world, and religion + been made into a trade. The success of one impostor gave encouragement to + another, and the quieting salvo of doing some good by keeping up a pious + fraud protected them from remorse. + </p> + <p> + RECAPITULATION. + </p> + <p> + HAVING now extended the subject to a greater length than I first intended, + I shall bring it to a close by abstracting a summary from the whole. + </p> + <p> + First, That the idea or belief of a word of God existing in print, or in + writing, or in speech, is inconsistent in itself for the reasons already + assigned. These reasons, among many others, are the want of an universal + language; the mutability of language; the errors to which translations are + subject, the possibility of totally suppressing such a word; the + probability of altering it, or of fabricating the whole, and imposing it + upon the world. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, That the Creation we behold is the real and ever existing word + of God, in which we cannot be deceived. It proclaimeth his power, it + demonstrates his wisdom, it manifests his goodness and beneficence. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, That the moral duty of man consists in imitating the moral + goodness and beneficence of God manifested in the creation towards all his + creatures. That seeing as we daily do the goodness of God to all men, it + is an example calling upon all men to practise the same towards each + other; and, consequently, that every thing of persecution and revenge + between man and man, and every thing of cruelty to animals, is a violation + of moral duty. + </p> + <p> + I trouble not myself about the manner of future existence. I content + myself with believing, even to positive conviction, that the power that + gave me existence is able to continue it, in any form and manner he + pleases, either with or without this body; and it appears more probable to + me that I shall continue to exist hereafter than that I should have had + existence, as I now have, before that existence began. + </p> + <p> + It is certain that, in one point, all nations of the earth and all + religions agree. All believe in a God. The things in which they disgrace + are the redundancies annexed to that belief; and therefore, if ever an + universal religion should prevail, it will not be believing any thing new, + but in getting rid of redundancies, and believing as man believed at + first. ["In the childhood of the world," according to the first (French) + version; and the strict translation of the final sentence is: "Deism was + the religion of Adam, supposing him not an imaginary being; but none the + less must it be left to all men to follow, as is their right, the religion + and worship they prefer."—Editor.] Adam, if ever there was such a + man, was created a Deist; but in the mean time, let every man follow, as + he has a right to do, the religion and worship he prefers. + </p> + <p> + END OF PART I <a name="Elink2H_4_0020" id="Elink2H_4_0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + THE AGE OF REASON - PART II + </h2> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Contents + + * Preface + * Chapter I - The Old Testament + * Chapter II - The New Testament + * Chapter III - Conclusion +</pre> + <p> + <a name="Elink2H_PREF" id="Elink2H_PREF"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + PREFACE + </h2> + <p> + I HAVE mentioned in the former part of The Age of Reason that it had long + been my intention to publish my thoughts upon Religion; but that I had + originally reserved it to a later period in life, intending it to be the + last work I should undertake. The circumstances, however, which existed in + France in the latter end of the year 1793, determined me to delay it no + longer. The just and humane principles of the Revolution which Philosophy + had first diffused, had been departed from. The Idea, always dangerous to + Society as it is derogatory to the Almighty,—that priests could + forgive sins,—though it seemed to exist no longer, had blunted the + feelings of humanity, and callously prepared men for the commission of all + crimes. The intolerant spirit of church persecution had transferred itself + into politics; the tribunals, stiled Revolutionary, supplied the place of + an Inquisition; and the Guillotine of the Stake. I saw many of my most + intimate friends destroyed; others daily carried to prison; and I had + reason to believe, and had also intimations given me, that the same danger + was approaching myself. + </p> + <p> + Under these disadvantages, I began the former part of the Age of Reason; I + had, besides, neither Bible nor Testament [It must be borne in mind that + throughout this work Paine generally means by "Bible" only the Old + Testament, and speaks of the New as the "Testament."—Editor.] to + refer to, though I was writing against both; nor could I procure any; + notwithstanding which I have produced a work that no Bible Believer, + though writing at his ease and with a Library of Church Books about him, + can refute. Towards the latter end of December of that year, a motion was + made and carried, to exclude foreigners from the Convention. There were + but two, Anacharsis Cloots and myself; and I saw I was particularly + pointed at by Bourdon de l'Oise, in his speech on that motion. + </p> + <p> + Conceiving, after this, that I had but a few days of liberty, I sat down + and brought the work to a close as speedily as possible; and I had not + finished it more than six hours, in the state it has since appeared, [This + is an allusion to the essay which Paine wrote at an earlier part of 1793. + See Introduction.—Editor.] before a guard came there, about three in + the morning, with an order signed by the two Committees of Public Safety + and Surety General, for putting me in arrestation as a foreigner, and + conveying me to the prison of the Luxembourg. I contrived, in my way + there, to call on Joel Barlow, and I put the Manuscript of the work into + his hands, as more safe than in my possession in prison; and not knowing + what might be the fate in France either of the writer or the work, I + addressed it to the protection of the citizens of the United States. + </p> + <p> + It is justice that I say, that the guard who executed this order, and the + interpreter to the Committee of General Surety, who accompanied them to + examine my papers, treated me not only with civility, but with respect. + The keeper of the 'Luxembourg, Benoit, a man of good heart, shewed to me + every friendship in his power, as did also all his family, while he + continued in that station. He was removed from it, put into arrestation, + and carried before the tribunal upon a malignant accusation, but + acquitted. + </p> + <p> + After I had been in Luxembourg about three weeks, the Americans then in + Paris went in a body to the Convention to reclaim me as their countryman + and friend; but were answered by the President, Vadier, who was also + President of the Committee of Surety General, and had signed the order for + my arrestation, that I was born in England. [These excited Americans do + not seem to have understood or reported the most important item in + Vadeer's reply, namely that their application was "unofficial," i.e. not + made through or sanctioned by Gouverneur Morris, American Minister. For + the detailed history of all this see vol. iii.—Editor.] I heard no + more, after this, from any person out of the walls of the prison, till the + fall of Robespierre, on the 9th of Thermidor—July 27, 1794. + </p> + <p> + About two months before this event, I was seized with a fever that in its + progress had every symptom of becoming mortal, and from the effects of + which I am not recovered. It was then that I remembered with renewed + satisfaction, and congratulated myself most sincerely, on having written + the former part of The Age of Reason. I had then but little expectation of + surviving, and those about me had less. I know therefore by experience the + conscientious trial of my own principles. + </p> + <p> + I was then with three chamber comrades: Joseph Vanheule of Bruges, Charles + Bastfni, and Michael Robyns of Louvain. The unceasing and anxious + attention of these three friends to me, by night and day, I remember with + gratitude and mention with pleasure. It happened that a physician (Dr. + Graham) and a surgeon, (Mr. Bond,) part of the suite of General O'Hara, + [The officer who at Yorktown, Virginia, carried out the sword of + Cornwallis for surrender, and satirically offered it to Rochambeau instead + of Washington. Paine loaned him 300 pounds when he (O'Hara) left the + prison, the money he had concealed in the lock of his cell-door.—Editor.] + were then in the Luxembourg: I ask not myself whether it be convenient to + them, as men under the English Government, that I express to them my + thanks; but I should reproach myself if I did not; and also to the + physician of the Luxembourg, Dr. Markoski. + </p> + <p> + I have some reason to believe, because I cannot discover any other, that + this illness preserved me in existence. Among the papers of Robespierre + that were examined and reported upon to the Convention by a Committee of + Deputies, is a note in the hand writing of Robespierre, in the following + words: + </p> + <p> + "Demander que Thomas Paine soit decrete d'accusation, pour l'interet de + l'Amerique autant que de la France." + </p> + <p> + [Demand that Thomas Paine be decreed of accusation, for the interest of + America, as well as of France.] From what cause it was that the intention + was not put in execution, I know not, and cannot inform myself; and + therefore I ascribe it to impossibility, on account of that illness. + </p> + <p> + The Convention, to repair as much as lay in their power the injustice I + had sustained, invited me publickly and unanimously to return into the + Convention, and which I accepted, to shew I could bear an injury without + permitting it to injure my principles or my disposition. It is not because + right principles have been violated, that they are to be abandoned. + </p> + <p> + I have seen, since I have been at liberty, several publications written, + some in America, and some in England, as answers to the former part of + "The Age of Reason." If the authors of these can amuse themselves by so + doing, I shall not interrupt them, They may write against the work, and + against me, as much as they please; they do me more service than they + intend, and I can have no objection that they write on. They will find, + however, by this Second Part, without its being written as an answer to + them, that they must return to their work, and spin their cobweb over + again. The first is brushed away by accident. + </p> + <p> + They will now find that I have furnished myself with a Bible and + Testament; and I can say also that I have found them to be much worse + books than I had conceived. If I have erred in any thing, in the former + part of the Age of Reason, it has been by speaking better of some parts + than they deserved. + </p> + <p> + I observe, that all my opponents resort, more or less, to what they call + Scripture Evidence and Bible authority, to help them out. They are so + little masters of the subject, as to confound a dispute about authenticity + with a dispute about doctrines; I will, however, put them right, that if + they should be disposed to write any more, they may know how to begin. + </p> + <p> + THOMAS PAINE. October, 1795. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0018" id="Elink2HCH0018"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER I - THE OLD TESTAMENT + </h2> + <p> + IT has often been said that any thing may be proved from the Bible; but + before any thing can be admitted as proved by Bible, the Bible itself must + be proved to be true; for if the Bible be not true, or the truth of it be + doubtful, it ceases to have authority, and cannot be admitted as proof of + any thing. + </p> + <p> + It has been the practice of all Christian commentators on the Bible, and + of all Christian priests and preachers, to impose the Bible on the world + as a mass of truth, and as the word of God; they have disputed and + wrangled, and have anathematized each other about the supposeable meaning + of particular parts and passages therein; one has said and insisted that + such a passage meant such a thing, another that it meant directly the + contrary, and a third, that it meant neither one nor the other, but + something different from both; and this they have called understanding the + Bible. + </p> + <p> + It has happened, that all the answers that I have seen to the former part + of 'The Age of Reason' have been written by priests: and these pious men, + like their predecessors, contend and wrangle, and understand the Bible; + each understands it differently, but each understands it best; and they + have agreed in nothing but in telling their readers that Thomas Paine + understands it not. + </p> + <p> + Now instead of wasting their time, and heating themselves in fractious + disputations about doctrinal points drawn from the Bible, these men ought + to know, and if they do not it is civility to inform them, that the first + thing to be understood is, whether there is sufficient authority for + believing the Bible to be the word of God, or whether there is not? + </p> + <p> + There are matters in that book, said to be done by the express command of + God, that are as shocking to humanity, and to every idea we have of moral + justice, as any thing done by Robespierre, by Carrier, by Joseph le Bon, + in France, by the English government in the East Indies, or by any other + assassin in modern times. When we read in the books ascribed to Moses, + Joshua, etc., that they (the Israelites) came by stealth upon whole + nations of people, who, as the history itself shews, had given them no + offence; that they put all those nations to the sword; that they spared + neither age nor infancy; that they utterly destroyed men, women and + children; that they left not a soul to breathe; expressions that are + repeated over and over again in those books, and that too with exulting + ferocity; are we sure these things are facts? are we sure that the Creator + of man commissioned those things to be done? Are we sure that the books + that tell us so were written by his authority? + </p> + <p> + It is not the antiquity of a tale that is an evidence of its truth; on the + contrary, it is a symptom of its being fabulous; for the more ancient any + history pretends to be, the more it has the resemblance of a fable. The + origin of every nation is buried in fabulous tradition, and that of the + Jews is as much to be suspected as any other. + </p> + <p> + To charger the commission of things upon the Almighty, which in their own + nature, and by every rule of moral justice, are crimes, as all + assassination is, and more especially the assassination of infants, is + matter of serious concern. The Bible tells us, that those assassinations + were done by the express command of God. To believe therefore the Bible to + be true, we must unbelieve all our belief in the moral justice of God; for + wherein could crying or smiling infants offend? And to read the Bible + without horror, we must undo every thing that is tender, sympathising, and + benevolent in the heart of man. Speaking for myself, if I had no other + evidence that the Bible is fabulous, than the sacrifice I must make to + believe it to be true, that alone would be sufficient to determine my + choice. + </p> + <p> + But in addition to all the moral evidence against the Bible, I will, in + the progress of this work, produce such other evidence as even a priest + cannot deny; and show, from that evidence, that the Bible is not entitled + to credit, as being the word of God. + </p> + <p> + But, before I proceed to this examination, I will show wherein the Bible + differs from all other ancient writings with respect to the nature of the + evidence necessary to establish its authenticity; and this is is the more + proper to be done, because the advocates of the Bible, in their answers to + the former part of 'The Age of Reason,' undertake to say, and they put + some stress thereon, that the authenticity of the Bible is as well + established as that of any other ancient book: as if our belief of the one + could become any rule for our belief of the other. + </p> + <p> + I know, however, but of one ancient book that authoritatively challenges + universal consent and belief, and that is Euclid's Elements of Geometry; + [Euclid, according to chronological history, lived three hundred years + before Christ, and about one hundred before Archimedes; he was of the city + of Alexandria, in Egypt.—Author.] and the reason is, because it is a + book of self-evident demonstration, entirely independent of its author, + and of every thing relating to time, place, and circumstance. The matters + contained in that book would have the same authority they now have, had + they been written by any other person, or had the work been anonymous, or + had the author never been known; for the identical certainty of who was + the author makes no part of our belief of the matters contained in the + book. But it is quite otherwise with respect to the books ascribed to + Moses, to Joshua, to Samuel, etc.: those are books of testimony, and they + testify of things naturally incredible; and therefore the whole of our + belief, as to the authenticity of those books, rests, in the first place, + upon the certainty that they were written by Moses, Joshua, and Samuel; + secondly, upon the credit we give to their testimony. We may believe the + first, that is, may believe the certainty of the authorship, and yet not + the testimony; in the same manner that we may believe that a certain + person gave evidence upon a case, and yet not believe the evidence that he + gave. But if it should be found that the books ascribed to Moses, Joshua, + and Samuel, were not written by Moses, Joshua, and Samuel, every part of + the authority and authenticity of those books is gone at once; for there + can be no such thing as forged or invented testimony; neither can there be + anonymous testimony, more especially as to things naturally incredible; + such as that of talking with God face to face, or that of the sun and moon + standing still at the command of a man. + </p> + <p> + The greatest part of the other ancient books are works of genius; of which + kind are those ascribed to Homer, to Plato, to Aristotle, to Demosthenes, + to Cicero, etc. Here again the author is not an essential in the credit we + give to any of those works; for as works of genius they would have the + same merit they have now, were they anonymous. Nobody believes the Trojan + story, as related by Homer, to be true; for it is the poet only that is + admired, and the merit of the poet will remain, though the story be + fabulous. But if we disbelieve the matters related by the Bible authors + (Moses for instance) as we disbelieve the things related by Homer, there + remains nothing of Moses in our estimation, but an imposter. As to the + ancient historians, from Herodotus to Tacitus, we credit them as far as + they relate things probable and credible, and no further: for if we do, we + must believe the two miracles which Tacitus relates were performed by + Vespasian, that of curing a lame man, and a blind man, in just the same + manner as the same things are told of Jesus Christ by his historians. We + must also believe the miracles cited by Josephus, that of the sea of + Pamphilia opening to let Alexander and his army pass, as is related of the + Red Sea in Exodus. These miracles are quite as well authenticated as the + Bible miracles, and yet we do not believe them; consequently the degree of + evidence necessary to establish our belief of things naturally incredible, + whether in the Bible or elsewhere, is far greater than that which obtains + our belief to natural and probable things; and therefore the advocates for + the Bible have no claim to our belief of the Bible because that we believe + things stated in other ancient writings; since that we believe the things + stated in those writings no further than they are probable and credible, + or because they are self-evident, like Euclid; or admire them because they + are elegant, like Homer; or approve them because they are sedate, like + Plato; or judicious, like Aristotle. + </p> + <p> + Having premised these things, I proceed to examine the authenticity of the + Bible; and I begin with what are called the five books of Moses, Genesis, + Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. My intention is to shew that + those books are spurious, and that Moses is not the author of them; and + still further, that they were not written in the time of Moses nor till + several hundred years afterwards; that they are no other than an attempted + history of the life of Moses, and of the times in which he is said to have + lived, and also of the times prior thereto, written by some very ignorant + and stupid pretenders to authorship, several hundred years after the death + of Moses; as men now write histories of things that happened, or are + supposed to have happened, several hundred or several thousand years ago. + </p> + <p> + The evidence that I shall produce in this case is from the books + themselves; and I will confine myself to this evidence only. Were I to + refer for proofs to any of the ancient authors, whom the advocates of the + Bible call prophane authors, they would controvert that authority, as I + controvert theirs: I will therefore meet them on their own ground, and + oppose them with their own weapon, the Bible. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, there is no affirmative evidence that Moses is the + author of those books; and that he is the author, is altogether an + unfounded opinion, got abroad nobody knows how. The style and manner in + which those books are written give no room to believe, or even to suppose, + they were written by Moses; for it is altogether the style and manner of + another person speaking of Moses. In Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers, (for + every thing in Genesis is prior to the times of Moses and not the least + allusion is made to him therein,) the whole, I say, of these books is in + the third person; it is always, the Lord said unto Moses, or Moses said + unto the Lord; or Moses said unto the people, or the people said unto + Moses; and this is the style and manner that historians use in speaking of + the person whose lives and actions they are writing. It may be said, that + a man may speak of himself in the third person, and, therefore, it may be + supposed that Moses did; but supposition proves nothing; and if the + advocates for the belief that Moses wrote those books himself have nothing + better to advance than supposition, they may as well be silent. + </p> + <p> + But granting the grammatical right, that Moses might speak of himself in + the third person, because any man might speak of himself in that manner, + it cannot be admitted as a fact in those books, that it is Moses who + speaks, without rendering Moses truly ridiculous and absurd:—for + example, Numbers xii. 3: "Now the man Moses was very MEEK, above all the + men which were on the face of the earth." If Moses said this of himself, + instead of being the meekest of men, he was one of the most vain and + arrogant coxcombs; and the advocates for those books may now take which + side they please, for both sides are against them: if Moses was not the + author, the books are without authority; and if he was the author, the + author is without credit, because to boast of meekness is the reverse of + meekness, and is a lie in sentiment. + </p> + <p> + In Deuteronomy, the style and manner of writing marks more evidently than + in the former books that Moses is not the writer. The manner here used is + dramatical; the writer opens the subject by a short introductory + discourse, and then introduces Moses as in the act of speaking, and when + he has made Moses finish his harrangue, he (the writer) resumes his own + part, and speaks till he brings Moses forward again, and at last closes + the scene with an account of the death, funeral, and character of Moses. + </p> + <p> + This interchange of speakers occurs four times in this book: from the + first verse of the first chapter, to the end of the fifth verse, it is the + writer who speaks; he then introduces Moses as in the act of making his + harrangue, and this continues to the end of the 40th verse of the fourth + chapter; here the writer drops Moses, and speaks historically of what was + done in consequence of what Moses, when living, is supposed to have said, + and which the writer has dramatically rehearsed. + </p> + <p> + The writer opens the subject again in the first verse of the fifth + chapter, though it is only by saying that Moses called the people of + Israel together; he then introduces Moses as before, and continues him as + in the act of speaking, to the end of the 26th chapter. He does the same + thing at the beginning of the 27th chapter; and continues Moses as in the + act of speaking, to the end of the 28th chapter. At the 29th chapter the + writer speaks again through the whole of the first verse, and the first + line of the second verse, where he introduces Moses for the last time, and + continues him as in the act of speaking, to the end of the 33d chapter. + </p> + <p> + The writer having now finished the rehearsal on the part of Moses, comes + forward, and speaks through the whole of the last chapter: he begins by + telling the reader, that Moses went up to the top of Pisgah, that he saw + from thence the land which (the writer says) had been promised to Abraham, + Isaac, and Jacob; that he, Moses, died there in the land of Moab, that he + buried him in a valley in the land of Moab, but that no man knoweth of his + sepulchre unto this day, that is unto the time in which the writer lived + who wrote the book of Deuteronomy. The writer then tells us, that Moses + was one hundred and ten years of age when he died—that his eye was + not dim, nor his natural force abated; and he concludes by saying, that + there arose not a prophet since in Israel like unto Moses, whom, says this + anonymous writer, the Lord knew face to face. + </p> + <p> + Having thus shewn, as far as grammatical evidence implies, that Moses was + not the writer of those books, I will, after making a few observations on + the inconsistencies of the writer of the book of Deuteronomy, proceed to + shew, from the historical and chronological evidence contained in those + books, that Moses was not, because he could not be, the writer of them; + and consequently, that there is no authority for believing that the + inhuman and horrid butcheries of men, women, and children, told of in + those books, were done, as those books say they were, at the command of + God. It is a duty incumbent on every true deist, that he vindicates the + moral justice of God against the calumnies of the Bible. + </p> + <p> + The writer of the book of Deuteronomy, whoever he was, for it is an + anonymous work, is obscure, and also contradictory with himself in the + account he has given of Moses. + </p> + <p> + After telling that Moses went to the top of Pisgah (and it does not appear + from any account that he ever came down again) he tells us, that Moses + died there in the land of Moab, and that he buried him in a valley in the + land of Moab; but as there is no antecedent to the pronoun he, there is no + knowing who he was, that did bury him. If the writer meant that he (God) + buried him, how should he (the writer) know it? or why should we (the + readers) believe him? since we know not who the writer was that tells us + so, for certainly Moses could not himself tell where he was buried. + </p> + <p> + The writer also tells us, that no man knoweth where the sepulchre of Moses + is unto this day, meaning the time in which this writer lived; how then + should he know that Moses was buried in a valley in the land of Moab? for + as the writer lived long after the time of Moses, as is evident from his + using the expression of unto this day, meaning a great length of time + after the death of Moses, he certainly was not at his funeral; and on the + other hand, it is impossible that Moses himself could say that no man + knoweth where the sepulchre is unto this day. To make Moses the speaker, + would be an improvement on the play of a child that hides himself and + cries nobody can find me; nobody can find Moses. + </p> + <p> + This writer has no where told us how he came by the speeches which he has + put into the mouth of Moses to speak, and therefore we have a right to + conclude that he either composed them himself, or wrote them from oral + tradition. One or other of these is the more probable, since he has given, + in the fifth chapter, a table of commandments, in which that called the + fourth commandment is different from the fourth commandment in the + twentieth chapter of Exodus. In that of Exodus, the reason given for + keeping the seventh day is, because (says the commandment) God made the + heavens and the earth in six days, and rested on the seventh; but in that + of Deuteronomy, the reason given is, that it was the day on which the + children of Israel came out of Egypt, and therefore, says this + commandment, the Lord thy God commanded thee to kee the sabbath-day This + makes no mention of the creation, nor that of the coming out of Egypt. + There are also many things given as laws of Moses in this book, that are + not to be found in any of the other books; among which is that inhuman and + brutal law, xxi. 18, 19, 20, 21, which authorizes parents, the father and + the mother, to bring their own children to have them stoned to death for + what it pleased them to call stubbornness.—But priests have always + been fond of preaching up Deuteronomy, for Deuteronomy preaches up tythes; + and it is from this book, xxv. 4, they have taken the phrase, and applied + it to tything, that "thou shalt not muzzle the ox when he treadeth Out the + corn:" and that this might not escape observation, they have noted it in + the table of contents at the head of the chapter, though it is only a + single verse of less than two lines. O priests! priests! ye are willing to + be compared to an ox, for the sake of tythes. [An elegant pocket edition + of Paine's Theological Works (London. R. Carlile, 1822) has in its title a + picture of Paine, as a Moses in evening dress, unfolding the two tables of + his "Age of Reason" to a farmer from whom the Bishop of Llandaff (who + replied to this work) has taken a sheaf and a lamb which he is carrying to + a church at the summit of a well stocked hill.—Editor.]—Though + it is impossible for us to know identically who the writer of Deuteronomy + was, it is not difficult to discover him professionally, that he was some + Jewish priest, who lived, as I shall shew in the course of this work, at + least three hundred and fifty years after the time of Moses. + </p> + <p> + I come now to speak of the historical and chronological evidence. The + chronology that I shall use is the Bible chronology; for I mean not to go + out of the Bible for evidence of any thing, but to make the Bible itself + prove historically and chronologically that Moses is not the author of the + books ascribed to him. It is therefore proper that I inform the readers + (such an one at least as may not have the opportunity of knowing it) that + in the larger Bibles, and also in some smaller ones, there is a series of + chronology printed in the margin of every page for the purpose of showing + how long the historical matters stated in each page happened, or are + supposed to have happened, before Christ, and consequently the distance of + time between one historical circumstance and another. + </p> + <p> + I begin with the book of Genesis.—In Genesis xiv., the writer gives + an account of Lot being taken prisoner in a battle between the four kings + against five, and carried off; and that when the account of Lot being + taken came to Abraham, that he armed all his household and marched to + rescue Lot from the captors; and that he pursued them unto Dan. (ver. 14.) + </p> + <p> + To shew in what manner this expression of Pursuing them unto Dan applies + to the case in question, I will refer to two circumstances, the one in + America, the other in France. The city now called New York, in America, + was originally New Amsterdam; and the town in France, lately called Havre + Marat, was before called Havre-de-Grace. New Amsterdam was changed to New + York in the year 1664; Havre-de-Grace to Havre Marat in the year 1793. + Should, therefore, any writing be found, though without date, in which the + name of New-York should be mentioned, it would be certain evidence that + such a writing could not have been written before, and must have been + written after New Amsterdam was changed to New York, and consequently not + till after the year 1664, or at least during the course of that year. And + in like manner, any dateless writing, with the name of Havre Marat, would + be certain evidence that such a writing must have been written after + Havre-de-Grace became Havre Marat, and consequently not till after the + year 1793, or at least during the course of that year. + </p> + <p> + I now come to the application of those cases, and to show that there was + no such place as Dan till many years after the death of Moses; and + consequently, that Moses could not be the writer of the book of Genesis, + where this account of pursuing them unto Dan is given. + </p> + <p> + The place that is called Dan in the Bible was originally a town of the + Gentiles, called Laish; and when the tribe of Dan seized upon this town, + they changed its name to Dan, in commemoration of Dan, who was the father + of that tribe, and the great grandson of Abraham. + </p> + <p> + To establish this in proof, it is necessary to refer from Genesis to + chapter xviii. of the book called the Book of judges. It is there said + (ver. 27) that "they (the Danites) came unto Laish to a people that were + quiet and secure, and they smote them with the edge of the sword [the + Bible is filled with murder] and burned the city with fire; and they built + a city, (ver. 28,) and dwelt therein, and [ver. 29,] they called the name + of the city Dan, after the name of Dan, their father; howbeit the name of + the city was Laish at the first." + </p> + <p> + This account of the Danites taking possession of Laish and changing it to + Dan, is placed in the book of Judges immediately after the death of + Samson. The death of Samson is said to have happened B.C. 1120 and that of + Moses B.C. 1451; and, therefore, according to the historical arrangement, + the place was not called Dan till 331 years after the death of Moses. + </p> + <p> + There is a striking confusion between the historical and the chronological + arrangement in the book of judges. The last five chapters, as they stand + in the book, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, are put chronologically before all the + preceding chapters; they are made to be 28 years before the 16th chapter, + 266 before the 15th, 245 before the 13th, 195 before the 9th, go before + the 4th, and 15 years before the 1st chapter. This shews the uncertain and + fabulous state of the Bible. According to the chronological arrangement, + the taking of Laish, and giving it the name of Dan, is made to be twenty + years after the death of Joshua, who was the successor of Moses; and by + the historical order, as it stands in the book, it is made to be 306 years + after the death of Joshua, and 331 after that of Moses; but they both + exclude Moses from being the writer of Genesis, because, according to + either of the statements, no such a place as Dan existed in the time of + Moses; and therefore the writer of Genesis must have been some person who + lived after the town of Laish had the name of Dan; and who that person was + nobody knows, and consequently the book of Genesis is anonymous, and + without authority. + </p> + <p> + I come now to state another point of historical and chronological + evidence, and to show therefrom, as in the preceding case, that Moses is + not the author of the book of Genesis. + </p> + <p> + In Genesis xxxvi. there is given a genealogy of the sons and descendants + of Esau, who are called Edomites, and also a list by name of the kings of + Edom; in enumerating of which, it is said, verse 31, "And these are the + kings that reigned in Edom, before there reigned any king over the + children of Israel." + </p> + <p> + Now, were any dateless writing to be found, in which, speaking of any past + events, the writer should say, these things happened before there was any + Congress in America, or before there was any Convention in France, it + would be evidence that such writing could not have been written before, + and could only be written after there was a Congress in America or a + Convention in France, as the case might be; and, consequently, that it + could not be written by any person who died before there was a Congress in + the one country, or a Convention in the other. + </p> + <p> + Nothing is more frequent, as well in history as in conversation, than to + refer to a fact in the room of a date: it is most natural so to do, + because a fact fixes itself in the memory better than a date; secondly, + because the fact includes the date, and serves to give two ideas at once; + and this manner of speaking by circumstances implies as positively that + the fact alluded to is past, as if it was so expressed. When a person in + speaking upon any matter, says, it was before I was married, or before my + son was born, or before I went to America, or before I went to France, it + is absolutely understood, and intended to be understood, that he has been + married, that he has had a son, that he has been in America, or been in + France. Language does not admit of using this mode of expression in any + other sense; and whenever such an expression is found anywhere, it can + only be understood in the sense in which only it could have been used. + </p> + <p> + The passage, therefore, that I have quoted—that "these are the kings + that reigned in Edom, before there reigned any king over the children of + Israel," could only have been written after the first king began to reign + over them; and consequently that the book of Genesis, so far from having + been written by Moses, could not have been written till the time of Saul + at least. This is the positive sense of the passage; but the expression, + any king, implies more kings than one, at least it implies two, and this + will carry it to the time of David; and, if taken in a general sense, it + carries itself through all times of the Jewish monarchy. + </p> + <p> + Had we met with this verse in any part of the Bible that professed to have + been written after kings began to reign in Israel, it would have been + impossible not to have seen the application of it. It happens then that + this is the case; the two books of Chronicles, which give a history of all + the kings of Israel, are professedly, as well as in fact, written after + the Jewish monarchy began; and this verse that I have quoted, and all the + remaining verses of Genesis xxxvi. are, word for word, In 1 Chronicles i., + beginning at the 43d verse. + </p> + <p> + It was with consistency that the writer of the Chronicles could say as he + has said, 1 Chron. i. 43, "These are the kings that reigned in Edom, + before there reigned any king ever the children of Israel," because he was + going to give, and has given, a list of the kings that had reigned in + Israel; but as it is impossible that the same expression could have been + used before that period, it is as certain as any thing can be proved from + historical language, that this part of Genesis is taken from Chronicles, + and that Genesis is not so old as Chronicles, and probably not so old as + the book of Homer, or as AEsop's Fables; admitting Homer to have been, as + the tables of chronology state, contemporary with David or Solomon, and + AEsop to have lived about the end of the Jewish monarchy. + </p> + <p> + Take away from Genesis the belief that Moses was the author, on which only + the strange belief that it is the word of God has stood, and there remains + nothing of Genesis but an anonymous book of stories, fables, and + traditionary or invented absurdities, or of downright lies. The story of + Eve and the serpent, and of Noah and his ark, drops to a level with the + Arabian Tales, without the merit of being entertaining, and the account of + men living to eight and nine hundred years becomes as fabulous as the + immortality of the giants of the Mythology. + </p> + <p> + Besides, the character of Moses, as stated in the Bible, is the most + horrid that can be imagined. If those accounts be true, he was the wretch + that first began and carried on wars on the score or on the pretence of + religion; and under that mask, or that infatuation, committed the most + unexampled atrocities that are to be found in the history of any nation. + Of which I will state only one instance: + </p> + <p> + When the Jewish army returned from one of their plundering and murdering + excursions, the account goes on as follows (Numbers xxxi. 13): "And Moses, + and Eleazar the priest, and all the princes of the congregation, went + forth to meet them without the camp; and Moses was wroth with the officers + of the host, with the captains over thousands, and captains over hundreds, + which came from the battle; and Moses said unto them, 'Have ye saved all + the women alive?' behold, these caused the children of Israel, through the + counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass against the Lord in the matter of + Peor, and there was a plague among the congregation of the Lord. Now + therefore, 'kill every male among the little ones, and kill every woman + that hath known a man by lying with him; but all the women-children that + have not known a man by lying with him, keep alive for Yourselves.'" + </p> + <p> + Among the detestable villains that in any period of the world have + disgraced the name of man, it is impossible to find a greater than Moses, + if this account be true. Here is an order to butcher the boys, to massacre + the mothers, and debauch the daughters. + </p> + <p> + Let any mother put herself in the situation of those mothers, one child + murdered, another destined to violation, and herself in the hands of an + executioner: let any daughter put herself in the situation of those + daughters, destined as a prey to the murderers of a mother and a brother, + and what will be their feelings? It is in vain that we attempt to impose + upon nature, for nature will have her course, and the religion that + tortures all her social ties is a false religion. + </p> + <p> + After this detestable order, follows an account of the plunder taken, and + the manner of dividing it; and here it is that the profaneings of priestly + hypocrisy increases the catalogue of crimes. Verse 37, "And the Lord's + tribute of the sheep was six hundred and threescore and fifteen; and the + beeves were thirty and six thousand, of which the Lord's tribute was + threescore and twelve; and the asses were thirty thousand, of which the + Lord's tribute was threescore and one; and the persons were sixteen + thousand, of which the Lord's tribute was thirty and two." In short, the + matters contained in this chapter, as well as in many other parts of the + Bible, are too horrid for humanity to read, or for decency to hear; for it + appears, from the 35th verse of this chapter, that the number of + women-children consigned to debauchery by the order of Moses was + thirty-two thousand. + </p> + <p> + People in general know not what wickedness there is in this pretended word + of God. Brought up in habits of superstition, they take it for granted + that the Bible is true, and that it is good; they permit themselves not to + doubt of it, and they carry the ideas they form of the benevolence of the + Almighty to the book which they have been taught to believe was written by + his authority. Good heavens! it is quite another thing, it is a book of + lies, wickedness, and blasphemy; for what can be greater blasphemy, than + to ascribe the wickedness of man to the orders of the Almighty! + </p> + <p> + But to return to my subject, that of showing that Moses is not the author + of the books ascribed to him, and that the Bible is spurious. The two + instances I have already given would be sufficient, without any additional + evidence, to invalidate the authenticity of any book that pretended to be + four or five hundred years more ancient than the matters it speaks of, + refers to, them as facts; for in the case of pursuing them unto Dan, and + of the kings that reigned over the children of Israel; not even the flimsy + pretence of prophecy can be pleaded. The expressions are in the preter + tense, and it would be downright idiotism to say that a man could prophecy + in the preter tense. + </p> + <p> + But there are many other passages scattered throughout those books that + unite in the same point of evidence. It is said in Exodus, (another of the + books ascribed to Moses,) xvi. 35: "And the children of Israel did eat + manna until they came to a land inhabited; they did eat manna until they + came unto the borders of the land of Canaan." + </p> + <p> + Whether the children of Israel ate manna or not, or what manna was, or + whether it was anything more than a kind of fungus or small mushroom, or + other vegetable substance common to that part of the country, makes no + part of my argument; all that I mean to show is, that it is not Moses that + could write this account, because the account extends itself beyond the + life time of Moses. Moses, according to the Bible, (but it is such a book + of lies and contradictions there is no knowing which part to believe, or + whether any) died in the wilderness, and never came upon the borders of + 'the land of Canaan; and consequently, it could not be he that said what + the children of Israel did, or what they ate when they came there. This + account of eating manna, which they tell us was written by Moses, extends + itself to the time of Joshua, the successor of Moses, as appears by the + account given in the book of Joshua, after the children of Israel had + passed the river Jordan, and came into the borders of the land of Canaan. + Joshua, v. 12: "And the manna ceased on the morrow, after they had eaten + of the old corn of the land; neither had the children of Israel manna any + more, but they did eat of the fruit of the land of Canaan that year." + </p> + <p> + But a more remarkable instance than this occurs in Deuteronomy; which, + while it shows that Moses could not be the writer of that book, shows also + the fabulous notions that prevailed at that time about giants' In + Deuteronomy iii. 11, among the conquests said to be made by Moses, is an + account of the taking of Og, king of Bashan: "For only Og, king of Bashan, + remained of the race of giants; behold, his bedstead was a bedstead of + iron; is it not in Rabbath of the children of Ammon? nine cubits was the + length thereof, and four cubits the breadth of it, after the cubit of a + man." A cubit is 1 foot 9 888/1000 inches; the length therefore of the bed + was 16 feet 4 inches, and the breadth 7 feet 4 inches: thus much for this + giant's bed. Now for the historical part, which, though the evidence is + not so direct and positive as in the former cases, is nevertheless very + presumable and corroborating evidence, and is better than the best + evidence on the contrary side. + </p> + <p> + The writer, by way of proving the existence of this giant, refers to his + bed, as an ancient relick, and says, is it not in Rabbath (or Rabbah) of + the children of Ammon? meaning that it is; for such is frequently the + bible method of affirming a thing. But it could not be Moses that said + this, because Moses could know nothing about Rabbah, nor of what was in + it. Rabbah was not a city belonging to this giant king, nor was it one of + the cities that Moses took. The knowledge therefore that this bed was at + Rabbah, and of the particulars of its dimensions, must be referred to the + time when Rabbah was taken, and this was not till four hundred years after + the death of Moses; for which, see 2 Sam. xii. 26: "And Joab [David's + general] fought against Rabbah of the children of Ammon, and took the + royal city," etc. + </p> + <p> + As I am not undertaking to point out all the contradictions in time, + place, and circumstance that abound in the books ascribed to Moses, and + which prove to demonstration that those books could not be written by + Moses, nor in the time of Moses, I proceed to the book of Joshua, and to + shew that Joshua is not the author of that book, and that it is anonymous + and without authority. The evidence I shall produce is contained in the + book itself: I will not go out of the Bible for proof against the supposed + authenticity of the Bible. False testimony is always good against itself. + </p> + <p> + Joshua, according to Joshua i., was the immediate successor of Moses; he + was, moreover, a military man, which Moses was not; and he continued as + chief of the people of Israel twenty-five years; that is, from the time + that Moses died, which, according to the Bible chronology, was B.C. 1451, + until B.C. 1426, when, according to the same chronology, Joshua died. If, + therefore, we find in this book, said to have been written by Joshua, + references to facts done after the death of Joshua, it is evidence that + Joshua could not be the author; and also that the book could not have been + written till after the time of the latest fact which it records. As to the + character of the book, it is horrid; it is a military history of rapine + and murder, as savage and brutal as those recorded of his predecessor in + villainy and hypocrisy, Moses; and the blasphemy consists, as in the + former books, in ascribing those deeds to the orders of the Almighty. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, the book of Joshua, as is the case in the preceding + books, is written in the third person; it is the historian of Joshua that + speaks, for it would have been absurd and vainglorious that Joshua should + say of himself, as is said of him in the last verse of the sixth chapter, + that "his fame was noised throughout all the country."—I now come + more immediately to the proof. + </p> + <p> + In Joshua xxiv. 31, it is said "And Israel served the Lord all the days of + Joshua, and all the days of the elders that over-lived Joshua." Now, in + the name of common sense, can it be Joshua that relates what people had + done after he was dead? This account must not only have been written by + some historian that lived after Joshua, but that lived also after the + elders that out-lived Joshua. + </p> + <p> + There are several passages of a general meaning with respect to time, + scattered throughout the book of Joshua, that carries the time in which + the book was written to a distance from the time of Joshua, but without + marking by exclusion any particular time, as in the passage above quoted. + In that passage, the time that intervened between the death of Joshua and + the death of the elders is excluded descriptively and absolutely, and the + evidence substantiates that the book could not have been written till + after the death of the last. + </p> + <p> + But though the passages to which I allude, and which I am going to quote, + do not designate any particular time by exclusion, they imply a time far + more distant from the days of Joshua than is contained between the death + of Joshua and the death of the elders. Such is the passage, x. 14, where, + after giving an account that the sun stood still upon Gibeon, and the moon + in the valley of Ajalon, at the command of Joshua, (a tale only fit to + amuse children) [NOTE: This tale of the sun standing still upon Motint + Gibeon, and the moon in the valley of Ajalon, is one of those fables that + detects itself. Such a circumstance could not have happened without being + known all over the world. One half would have wondered why the sun did not + rise, and the other why it did not set; and the tradition of it would be + universal; whereas there is not a nation in the world that knows anything + about it. But why must the moon stand still? What occasion could there be + for moonlight in the daytime, and that too whilst the sun shined? As a + poetical figure, the whole is well enough; it is akin to that in the song + of Deborah and Barak, The stars in their courses fought against Sisera; + but it is inferior to the figurative declaration of Mahomet to the persons + who came to expostulate with him on his goings on, Wert thou, said he, to + come to me with the sun in thy right hand and the moon in thy left, it + should not alter my career. For Joshua to have exceeded Mahomet, he should + have put the sun and moon, one in each pocket, and carried them as Guy + Faux carried his dark lanthorn, and taken them out to shine as he might + happen to want them. The sublime and the ridiculous are often so nearly + related that it is difficult to class them separately. One step above the + sublime makes the ridiculous, and one step above the ridiculous makes the + sublime again; the account, however, abstracted from the poetical fancy, + shews the ignorance of Joshua, for he should have commanded the earth to + have stood still.—Author.] the passage says: "And there was no day + like that, before it, nor after it, that the Lord hearkened to the voice + of a man." + </p> + <p> + The time implied by the expression after it, that is, after that day, + being put in comparison with all the time that passed before it, must, in + order to give any expressive signification to the passage, mean a great + length of time:—for example, it would have been ridiculous to have + said so the next day, or the next week, or the next month, or the next + year; to give therefore meaning to the passage, comparative with the + wonder it relates, and the prior time it alludes to, it must mean + centuries of years; less however than one would be trifling, and less than + two would be barely admissible. + </p> + <p> + A distant, but general time is also expressed in chapter viii.; where, + after giving an account of the taking the city of Ai, it is said, ver. + 28th, "And Joshua burned Ai, and made it an heap for ever, a desolation + unto this day;" and again, ver. 29, where speaking of the king of Ai, whom + Joshua had hanged, and buried at the entering of the gate, it is said, + "And he raised thereon a great heap of stones, which remaineth unto this + day," that is, unto the day or time in which the writer of the book of + Joshua lived. And again, in chapter x. where, after speaking of the five + kings whom Joshua had hanged on five trees, and then thrown in a cave, it + is said, "And he laid great stones on the cave's mouth, which remain unto + this very day." + </p> + <p> + In enumerating the several exploits of Joshua, and of the tribes, and of + the places which they conquered or attempted, it is said, xv. 63, "As for + the Jebusites, the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the children of Judah could + not drive them out; but the Jebusites dwell with the children of Judah AT + JERUSALEM unto this day." The question upon this passage is, At what time + did the Jebusites and the children of Judah dwell together at Jerusalem? + As this matter occurs again in judges i. I shall reserve my observations + till I come to that part. + </p> + <p> + Having thus shewn from the book of Joshua itself, without any auxiliary + evidence whatever, that Joshua is not the author of that book, and that it + is anonymous, and consequently without authority, I proceed, as + before-mentioned, to the book of Judges. + </p> + <p> + The book of Judges is anonymous on the face of it; and, therefore, even + the pretence is wanting to call it the word of God; it has not so much as + a nominal voucher; it is altogether fatherless. + </p> + <p> + This book begins with the same expression as the book of Joshua. That of + Joshua begins, chap i. 1, Now after the death of Moses, etc., and this of + the Judges begins, Now after the death of Joshua, etc. This, and the + similarity of stile between the two books, indicate that they are the work + of the same author; but who he was, is altogether unknown; the only point + that the book proves is that the author lived long after the time of + Joshua; for though it begins as if it followed immediately after his + death, the second chapter is an epitome or abstract of the whole book, + which, according to the Bible chronology, extends its history through a + space of 306 years; that is, from the death of Joshua, B.C. 1426 to the + death of Samson, B.C. 1120, and only 25 years before Saul went to seek his + father's asses, and was made king. But there is good reason to believe, + that it was not written till the time of David, at least, and that the + book of Joshua was not written before the same time. + </p> + <p> + In Judges i., the writer, after announcing the death of Joshua, proceeds + to tell what happened between the children of Judah and the native + inhabitants of the land of Canaan. In this statement the writer, having + abruptly mentioned Jerusalem in the 7th verse, says immediately after, in + the 8th verse, by way of explanation, "Now the children of Judah had + fought against Jerusalem, and taken it;" consequently this book could not + have been written before Jerusalem had been taken. The reader will + recollect the quotation I have just before made from Joshua xv. 63, where + it said that the Jebusites dwell with the children of Judah at Jerusalem + at this day; meaning the time when the book of Joshua was written. + </p> + <p> + The evidence I have already produced to prove that the books I have + hitherto treated of were not written by the persons to whom they are + ascribed, nor till many years after their death, if such persons ever + lived, is already so abundant, that I can afford to admit this passage + with less weight than I am entitled to draw from it. For the case is, that + so far as the Bible can be credited as an history, the city of Jerusalem + was not taken till the time of David; and consequently, that the book of + Joshua, and of Judges, were not written till after the commencement of the + reign of David, which was 370 years after the death of Joshua. + </p> + <p> + The name of the city that was afterward called Jerusalem was originally + Jebus, or Jebusi, and was the capital of the Jebusites. The account of + David's taking this city is given in 2 Samuel, v. 4, etc.; also in 1 + Chron. xiv. 4, etc. There is no mention in any part of the Bible that it + was ever taken before, nor any account that favours such an opinion. It is + not said, either in Samuel or in Chronicles, that they "utterly destroyed + men, women and children, that they left not a soul to breathe," as is said + of their other conquests; and the silence here observed implies that it + was taken by capitulation; and that the Jebusites, the native inhabitants, + continued to live in the place after it was taken. The account therefore, + given in Joshua, that "the Jebusites dwell with the children of Judah" at + Jerusalem at this day, corresponds to no other time than after taking the + city by David. + </p> + <p> + Having now shown that every book in the Bible, from Genesis to Judges, is + without authenticity, I come to the book of Ruth, an idle, bungling story, + foolishly told, nobody knows by whom, about a strolling country-girl + creeping slily to bed to her cousin Boaz. [The text of Ruth does not imply + the unpleasant sense Paine's words are likely to convey.—Editor.] + Pretty stuff indeed to be called the word of God. It is, however, one of + the best books in the Bible, for it is free from murder and rapine. + </p> + <p> + I come next to the two books of Samuel, and to shew that those books were + not written by Samuel, nor till a great length of time after the death of + Samuel; and that they are, like all the former books, anonymous, and + without authority. + </p> + <p> + To be convinced that these books have been written much later than the + time of Samuel, and consequently not by him, it is only necessary to read + the account which the writer gives of Saul going to seek his father's + asses, and of his interview with Samuel, of whom Saul went to enquire + about those lost asses, as foolish people now-a-days go to a conjuror to + enquire after lost things. + </p> + <p> + The writer, in relating this story of Saul, Samuel, and the asses, does + not tell it as a thing that had just then happened, but as an ancient + story in the time this writer lived; for he tells it in the language or + terms used at the time that Samuel lived, which obliges the writer to + explain the story in the terms or language used in the time the writer + lived. + </p> + <p> + Samuel, in the account given of him in the first of those books, chap. ix. + 13 called the seer; and it is by this term that Saul enquires after him, + ver. 11, "And as they [Saul and his servant] went up the hill to the city, + they found young maidens going out to draw water; and they said unto them, + Is the seer here?" Saul then went according to the direction of these + maidens, and met Samuel without knowing him, and said unto him, ver. 18, + "Tell me, I pray thee, where the seer's house is? and Samuel answered + Saul, and said, I am the seer." + </p> + <p> + As the writer of the book of Samuel relates these questions and answers, + in the language or manner of speaking used in the time they are said to + have been spoken, and as that manner of speaking was out of use when this + author wrote, he found it necessary, in order to make the story + understood, to explain the terms in which these questions and answers are + spoken; and he does this in the 9th verse, where he says, "Before-time in + Israel, when a man went to enquire of God, thus he spake, Come let us go + to the seer; for he that is now called a prophet, was before-time called a + seer." This proves, as I have before said, that this story of Saul, + Samuel, and the asses, was an ancient story at the time the book of Samuel + was written, and consequently that Samuel did not write it, and that the + book is without authenticity. + </p> + <p> + But if we go further into those books the evidence is still more positive + that Samuel is not the writer of them; for they relate things that did not + happen till several years after the death of Samuel. Samuel died before + Saul; for i Samuel, xxviii. tells, that Saul and the witch of Endor + conjured Samuel up after he was dead; yet the history of matters contained + in those books is extended through the remaining part of Saul's life, and + to the latter end of the life of David, who succeeded Saul. The account of + the death and burial of Samuel (a thing which he could not write himself) + is related in i Samuel xxv.; and the chronology affixed to this chapter + makes this to be B.C. 1060; yet the history of this first book is brought + down to B.C. 1056, that is, to the death of Saul, which was not till four + years after the death of Samuel. + </p> + <p> + The second book of Samuel begins with an account of things that did not + happen till four years after Samuel was dead; for it begins with the reign + of David, who succeeded Saul, and it goes on to the end of David's reign, + which was forty-three years after the death of Samuel; and, therefore, the + books are in themselves positive evidence that they were not written by + Samuel. + </p> + <p> + I have now gone through all the books in the first part of the Bible, to + which the names of persons are affixed, as being the authors of those + books, and which the church, styling itself the Christian church, have + imposed upon the world as the writings of Moses, Joshua and Samuel; and I + have detected and proved the falsehood of this imposition.—And now + ye priests, of every description, who have preached and written against + the former part of the 'Age of Reason,' what have ye to say? Will ye with + all this mass of evidence against you, and staring you in the face, still + have the assurance to march into your pulpits, and continue to impose + these books on your congregations, as the works of inspired penmen and the + word of God? when it is as evident as demonstration can make truth appear, + that the persons who ye say are the authors, are not the authors, and that + ye know not who the authors are. What shadow of pretence have ye now to + produce for continuing the blasphemous fraud? What have ye still to offer + against the pure and moral religion of deism, in support of your system of + falsehood, idolatry, and pretended revelation? Had the cruel and murdering + orders, with which the Bible is filled, and the numberless torturing + executions of men, women, and children, in consequence of those orders, + been ascribed to some friend, whose memory you revered, you would have + glowed with satisfaction at detecting the falsehood of the charge, and + gloried in defending his injured fame. It is because ye are sunk in the + cruelty of superstition, or feel no interest in the honour of your + Creator, that ye listen to the horrid tales of the Bible, or hear them + with callous indifference. The evidence I have produced, and shall still + produce in the course of this work, to prove that the Bible is without + authority, will, whilst it wounds the stubbornness of a priest, relieve + and tranquillize the minds of millions: it will free them from all those + hard thoughts of the Almighty which priestcraft and the Bible had infused + into their minds, and which stood in everlasting opposition to all their + ideas of his moral justice and benevolence. + </p> + <p> + I come now to the two books of Kings, and the two books of Chronicles.—Those + books are altogether historical, and are chiefly confined to the lives and + actions of the Jewish kings, who in general were a parcel of rascals: but + these are matters with which we have no more concern than we have with the + Roman emperors, or Homer's account of the Trojan war. Besides which, as + those books are anonymous, and as we know nothing of the writer, or of his + character, it is impossible for us to know what degree of credit to give + to the matters related therein. Like all other ancient histories, they + appear to be a jumble of fable and of fact, and of probable and of + improbable things, but which distance of time and place, and change of + circumstances in the world, have rendered obsolete and uninteresting. + </p> + <p> + The chief use I shall make of those books will be that of comparing them + with each other, and with other parts of the Bible, to show the confusion, + contradiction, and cruelty in this pretended word of God. + </p> + <p> + The first book of Kings begins with the reign of Solomon, which, according + to the Bible chronology, was B.C. 1015; and the second book ends B.C. 588, + being a little after the reign of Zedekiah, whom Nebuchadnezzar, after + taking Jerusalem and conquering the Jews, carried captive to Babylon. The + two books include a space of 427 years. + </p> + <p> + The two books of Chronicles are an history of the same times, and in + general of the same persons, by another author; for it would be absurd to + suppose that the same author wrote the history twice over. The first book + of Chronicles (after giving the genealogy from Adam to Saul, which takes + up the first nine chapters) begins with the reign of David; and the last + book ends, as in the last book of Kings, soon, after the reign of + Zedekiah, about B.C. 588. The last two verses of the last chapter bring + the history 52 years more forward, that is, to 536. But these verses do + not belong to the book, as I shall show when I come to speak of the book + of Ezra. + </p> + <p> + The two books of Kings, besides the history of Saul, David, and Solomon, + who reigned over all Israel, contain an abstract of the lives of seventeen + kings, and one queen, who are stiled kings of Judah; and of nineteen, who + are stiled kings of Israel; for the Jewish nation, immediately on the + death of Solomon, split into two parties, who chose separate kings, and + who carried on most rancorous wars against each other. + </p> + <p> + These two books are little more than a history of assassinations, + treachery, and wars. The cruelties that the Jews had accustomed themselves + to practise on the Canaanites, whose country they had savagely invaded, + under a pretended gift from God, they afterwards practised as furiously on + each other. Scarcely half their kings died a natural death, and in some + instances whole families were destroyed to secure possession to the + successor, who, after a few years, and sometimes only a few months, or + less, shared the same fate. In 2 Kings x., an account is given of two + baskets full of children's heads, seventy in number, being exposed at the + entrance of the city; they were the children of Ahab, and were murdered by + the orders of Jehu, whom Elisha, the pretended man of God, had anointed to + be king over Israel, on purpose to commit this bloody deed, and + assassinate his predecessor. And in the account of the reign of Menahem, + one of the kings of Israel who had murdered Shallum, who had reigned but + one month, it is said, 2 Kings xv. 16, that Menahem smote the city of + Tiphsah, because they opened not the city to him, and all the women + therein that were with child he ripped up. + </p> + <p> + Could we permit ourselves to suppose that the Almighty would distinguish + any nation of people by the name of his chosen people, we must suppose + that people to have been an example to all the rest of the world of the + purest piety and humanity, and not such a nation of ruffians and + cut-throats as the ancient Jews were,—a people who, corrupted by and + copying after such monsters and imposters as Moses and Aaron, Joshua, + Samuel, and David, had distinguished themselves above all others on the + face of the known earth for barbarity and wickedness. If we will not + stubbornly shut our eyes and steel our hearts it is impossible not to see, + in spite of all that long-established superstition imposes upon the mind, + that the flattering appellation of his chosen people is no other than a + LIE which the priests and leaders of the Jews had invented to cover the + baseness of their own characters; and which Christian priests sometimes as + corrupt, and often as cruel, have professed to believe. + </p> + <p> + The two books of Chronicles are a repetition of the same crimes; but the + history is broken in several places, by the author leaving out the reign + of some of their kings; and in this, as well as in that of Kings, there is + such a frequent transition from kings of Judah to kings of Israel, and + from kings of Israel to kings of Judah, that the narrative is obscure in + the reading. In the same book the history sometimes contradicts itself: + for example, in 2 Kings, i. 17, we are told, but in rather ambiguous + terms, that after the death of Ahaziah, king of Israel, Jehoram, or Joram, + (who was of the house of Ahab), reigned in his stead in the second Year of + Jehoram, or Joram, son of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah; and in viii. 16, of + the same book, it is said, "And in the fifth year of Joram, the son of + Ahab, king of Israel, Jehoshaphat being then king of Judah, Jehoram, the + son of Jehoshaphat king of judah, began to reign." That is, one chapter + says Joram of Judah began to reign in the second year of Joram of Israel; + and the other chapter says, that Joram of Israel began to reign in the + fifth year of Joram of Judah. + </p> + <p> + Several of the most extraordinary matters related in one history, as + having happened during the reign of such or such of their kings, are not + to be found in the other, in relating the reign of the same king: for + example, the two first rival kings, after the death of Solomon, were + Rehoboam and Jeroboam; and in i Kings xii. and xiii. an account is given + of Jeroboam making an offering of burnt incense, and that a man, who is + there called a man of God, cried out against the altar (xiii. 2): "O + altar, altar! thus saith the Lord: Behold, a child shall be born unto the + house of David, Josiah by name, and upon thee shall he offer the priests + of the high places that burn incense upon thee, and men's bones shall be + burned upon thee." Verse 4: "And it came to pass, when king Jeroboam heard + the saying of the man of God, which had cried against the altar in Bethel, + that he put forth his hand from the altar, saying, Lay hold on him; and + his hand which he put out against him dried up so that he could not pull + it again to him." + </p> + <p> + One would think that such an extraordinary case as this, (which is spoken + of as a judgement,) happening to the chief of one of the parties, and that + at the first moment of the separation of the Israelites into two nations, + would, if it,. had been true, have been recorded in both histories. But + though men, in later times, have believed all that the prophets have said + unto them, it does appear that those prophets, or historians, disbelieved + each other: they knew each other too well. + </p> + <p> + A long account also is given in Kings about Elijah. It runs through + several chapters, and concludes with telling, 2 Kings ii. 11, "And it came + to pass, as they (Elijah and Elisha) still went on, and talked, that, + behold, there appeared a chariot of fire and horses of fire, and parted + them both asunder, and Elijah went up by a whirlwind into heaven." Hum! + this the author of Chronicles, miraculous as the story is, makes no + mention of, though he mentions Elijah by name; neither does he say + anything of the story related in the second chapter of the same book of + Kings, of a parcel of children calling Elisha bald head; and that this man + of God (ver. 24) "turned back, and looked upon them, and cursed them in + the name of the Lord; and there came forth two she-bears out of the wood, + and tare forty and two children of them." He also passes over in silence + the story told, 2 Kings xiii., that when they were burying a man in the + sepulchre where Elisha had been buried, it happened that the dead man, as + they were letting him down, (ver. 21) "touched the bones of Elisha, and he + (the dead man) revived, and stood up on his feet." The story does not tell + us whether they buried the man, notwithstanding he revived and stood upon + his feet, or drew him up again. Upon all these stories the writer of the + Chronicles is as silent as any writer of the present day, who did not + chose to be accused of lying, or at least of romancing, would be about + stories of the same kind. + </p> + <p> + But, however these two historians may differ from each other with respect + to the tales related by either, they are silent alike with respect to + those men styled prophets whose writings fill up the latter part of the + Bible. Isaiah, who lived in the time of Hezekiab, is mentioned in Kings, + and again in Chronicles, when these histories are speaking of that reign; + but except in one or two instances at most, and those very slightly, none + of the rest are so much as spoken of, or even their existence hinted at; + though, according to the Bible chronology, they lived within the time + those histories were written; and some of them long before. If those + prophets, as they are called, were men of such importance in their day, as + the compilers of the Bible, and priests and commentators have since + represented them to be, how can it be accounted for that not one of those + histories should say anything about them? + </p> + <p> + The history in the books of Kings and of Chronicles is brought forward, as + I have already said, to the year B.C. 588; it will, therefore, be proper + to examine which of these prophets lived before that period. + </p> + <p> + Here follows a table of all the prophets, with the times in which they + lived before Christ, according to the chronology affixed to the first + chapter of each of the books of the prophets; and also of the number of + years they lived before the books of Kings and Chronicles were written: + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +TABLE of the Prophets, with the time in which they lived before Christ, +and also before the books of Kings and Chronicles were written: + + Years Years before + NAMES. before Kings and Observations. + Christ. Chronicles. + + Isaiah............... 760 172 mentioned. + + + (mentioned only in + Jeremiah............. 629 41 the last [two] chapters + of Chronicles. + + Ezekiel.............. 595 7 not mentioned. + + Daniel............... 607 19 not mentioned. + + Hosea................ 785 97 not mentioned. + + Joel................. 800 212 not mentioned. + + Amos................. 789 199 not mentioned. + + Obadiah.............. 789 199 not mentioned. + + Jonah................ 862 274 see the note. + + Micah................ 750 162 not mentioned. + + Nahum................ 713 125 not mentioned. + + Habakkuk............. 620 38 not mentioned. + + Zepbaniah............ 630 42 not mentioned. +</pre> + <p> + Haggai Zechariah all three after the year 588 Medachi [NOTE In 2 Kings + xiv. 25, the name of Jonah is mentioned on account of the restoration of a + tract of land by Jeroboam; but nothing further is said of him, nor is any + allusion made to the book of Jonah, nor to his expedition to Nineveh, nor + to his encounter with the whale.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + This table is either not very honourable for the Bible historians, or not + very honourable for the Bible prophets; and I leave to priests and + commentators, who are very learned in little things, to settle the point + of etiquette between the two; and to assign a reason, why the authors of + Kings and of Chronicles have treated those prophets, whom, in the former + part of the 'Age of Reason,' I have considered as poets, with as much + degrading silence as any historian of the present day would treat Peter + Pindar. + </p> + <p> + I have one more observation to make on the book of Chronicles; after which + I shall pass on to review the remaining books of the Bible. + </p> + <p> + In my observations on the book of Genesis, I have quoted a passage from + xxxvi. 31, which evidently refers to a time, after that kings began to + reign over the children of Israel; and I have shown that as this verse is + verbatim the same as in 1 Chronicles i. 43, where it stands consistently + with the order of history, which in Genesis it does not, that the verse in + Genesis, and a great part of the 36th chapter, have been taken from + Chronicles; and that the book of Genesis, though it is placed first in the + Bible, and ascribed to Moses, has been manufactured by some unknown + person, after the book of Chronicles was written, which was not until at + least eight hundred and sixty years after the time of Moses. + </p> + <p> + The evidence I proceed by to substantiate this, is regular, and has in it + but two stages. First, as I have already stated, that the passage in + Genesis refers itself for time to Chronicles; secondly, that the book of + Chronicles, to which this passage refers itself, was not begun to be + written until at least eight hundred and sixty years after the time of + Moses. To prove this, we have only to look into 1 Chronicles iii. 15, + where the writer, in giving the genealogy of the descendants of David, + mentions Zedekiah; and it was in the time of Zedekiah that Nebuchadnezzar + conquered Jerusalem, B.C. 588, and consequently more than 860 years after + Moses. Those who have superstitiously boasted of the antiquity of the + Bible, and particularly of the books ascribed to Moses, have done it + without examination, and without any other authority than that of one + credulous man telling it to another: for, so far as historical and + chronological evidence applies, the very first book in the Bible is not so + ancient as the book of Homer, by more than three hundred years, and is + about the same age with AEsop's Fables. + </p> + <p> + I am not contending for the morality of Homer; on the contrary, I think it + a book of false glory, and tending to inspire immoral and mischievous + notions of honour; and with respect to AEsop, though the moral is in + general just, the fable is often cruel; and the cruelty of the fable does + more injury to the heart, especially in a child, than the moral does good + to the judgment. + </p> + <p> + Having now dismissed Kings and Chronicles, I come to the next in course, + the book of Ezra. + </p> + <p> + As one proof, among others I shall produce to shew the disorder in which + this pretended word of God, the Bible, has been put together, and the + uncertainty of who the authors were, we have only to look at the first + three verses in Ezra, and the last two in 2 Chronicles; for by what kind + of cutting and shuffling has it been that the first three verses in Ezra + should be the last two verses in 2 Chronicles, or that the last two in 2 + Chronicles should be the first three in Ezra? Either the authors did not + know their own works or the compilers did not know the authors. + </p> + <p> + Last Two Verses of 2 Chronicles. + </p> + <p> + Ver. 22. Now in the first year of Cyrus, King of Persia, that the word of + the Lord, spoken by the mouth of Jeremiah, might be accomplished, the Lord + stirred up the spirit of Cyrus, king of Persia, that he made a + proclamation throughout all his kingdom, and put it also in writing, + saying. + </p> + <p> + earth hath the Lord God of heaven given me; and he hath charged me to + build him an house in Jerusalem which is in Judah. Who is there among you + of all his people? the Lord his God be with him, and let him go up. *** + </p> + <p> + First Three Verses of Ezra. + </p> + <p> + Ver. 1. Now in the first year of Cyrus, king of Persia, that the word of + the Lord, by the mouth of Jeremiah, might be fulfilled, the Lord stirred + up the spirit of Cyrus, king of Persia, that he made a proclamation + throughout all his kingdom, and put it also in writing, saying. + </p> + <p> + 2. Thus saith Cyrus, king of Persia, The Lord God of heaven hath given me + all the kingdoms of the earth; and he hath charged me to build him an + house at Jerusalem, which is in Judah. + </p> + <p> + 3. Who is there among you of all his people? his God be with him, and let + him go up to Jerusalem, which is in Judah, and build the house of the Lord + God of Israel (he is the God) which is in Jerusalem. + </p> + <p> + *** The last verse in Chronicles is broken abruptly, and ends in the + middle of the phrase with the word 'up' without signifying to what place. + This abrupt break, and the appearance of the same verses in different + books, show as I have already said, the disorder and ignorance in which + the Bible has been put together, and that the compilers of it had no + authority for what they were doing, nor we any authority for believing + what they have done. [NOTE I observed, as I passed along, several broken + and senseless passages in the Bible, without thinking them of consequence + enough to be introduced in the body of the work; such as that, 1 Samuel + xiii. 1, where it is said, "Saul reigned one year; and when he had reigned + two years over Israel, Saul chose him three thousand men," &c. The + first part of the verse, that Saul reigned one year has no sense, since it + does not tell us what Saul did, nor say any thing of what happened at the + end of that one year; and it is, besides, mere absurdity to say he reigned + one year, when the very next phrase says he had reigned two for if he had + reigned two, it was impossible not to have reigned one. + </p> + <p> + Another instance occurs in Joshua v. where the writer tells us a story of + an angel (for such the table of contents at the head of the chapter calls + him) appearing unto Joshua; and the story ends abruptly, and without any + conclusion. The story is as follows:—Ver. 13. "And it came to pass, + when Joshua was by Jericho, that he lifted up his eyes and looked, and + behold there stood a man over against him with his sword drawn in his + hand; and Joshua went unto him and said unto him, Art thou for us, or for + our adversaries?" Verse 14, "And he said, Nay; but as captain of the host + of the Lord am I now come. And Joshua fell on his face to the earth, and + did worship and said unto him, What saith my Lord unto his servant?" Verse + 15, "And the captain of the Lord's host said unto Joshua, Loose thy shoe + from off thy foot; for the place whereon thou standeth is holy. And Joshua + did so."—And what then? nothing: for here the story ends, and the + chapter too. + </p> + <p> + Either this story is broken off in the middle, or it is a story told by + some Jewish humourist in ridicule of Joshua's pretended mission from God, + and the compilers of the Bible, not perceiving the design of the story, + have told it as a serious matter. As a story of humour and ridicule it has + a great deal of point; for it pompously introduces an angel in the figure + of a man, with a drawn sword in his hand, before whom Joshua falls on his + face to the earth, and worships (which is contrary to their second + commandment;) and then, this most important embassy from heaven ends in + telling Joshua to pull off his shoe. It might as well have told him to + pull up his breeches. + </p> + <p> + It is certain, however, that the Jews did not credit every thing their + leaders told them, as appears from the cavalier manner in which they speak + of Moses, when he was gone into the mount. As for this Moses, say they, we + wot not what is become of him. Exod. xxxii. 1.—Author. + </p> + <p> + The only thing that has any appearance of certainty in the book of Ezra is + the time in which it was written, which was immediately after the return + of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, about B.C. 536. Ezra (who, + according to the Jewish commentators, is the same person as is called + Esdras in the Apocrypha) was one of the persons who returned, and who, it + is probable, wrote the account of that affair. Nebemiah, whose book + follows next to Ezra, was another of the returned persons; and who, it is + also probable, wrote the account of the same affair, in the book that + bears his name. But those accounts are nothing to us, nor to any other + person, unless it be to the Jews, as a part of the history of their + nation; and there is just as much of the word of God in those books as + there is in any of the histories of France, or Rapin's history of England, + or the history of any other country. + </p> + <p> + But even in matters of historical record, neither of those writers are to + be depended upon. In Ezra ii., the writer gives a list of the tribes and + families, and of the precise number of souls of each, that returned from + Babylon to Jerusalem; and this enrolment of the persons so returned + appears to have been one of the principal objects for writing the book; + but in this there is an error that destroys the intention of the + undertaking. + </p> + <p> + The writer begins his enrolment in the following manner (ii. 3): "The + children of Parosh, two thousand one hundred seventy and four." Ver. 4, + "The children of Shephatiah, three hundred seventy and two." And in this + manner he proceeds through all the families; and in the 64th verse, he + makes a total, and says, the whole congregation together was forty and two + thousand three hundred and threescore. + </p> + <p> + But whoever will take the trouble of casting up the several particulars, + will find that the total is but 29,818; so that the error is 12,542. What + certainty then can there be in the Bible for any thing? + </p> + <p> + [Here Mr. Paine includes the long list of numbers from the Bible of all + the children listed and the total thereof. This can be had directly from + the Bible.] + </p> + <p> + Nehemiah, in like manner, gives a list of the returned families, and of + the number of each family. He begins as in Ezra, by saying (vii. 8): "The + children of Parosh, two thousand three hundred and seventy-two;" and so on + through all the families. (The list differs in several of the particulars + from that of Ezra.) In ver. 66, Nehemiah makes a total, and says, as Ezra + had said, "The whole congregation together was forty and two thousand + three hundred and threescore." But the particulars of this list make a + total but of 31,089, so that the error here is 11,271. These writers may + do well enough for Bible-makers, but not for any thing where truth and + exactness is necessary. + </p> + <p> + The next book in course is the book of Esther. If Madam Esther thought it + any honour to offer herself as a kept mistress to Ahasuerus, or as a rival + to Queen Vashti, who had refused to come to a drunken king in the midst of + a drunken company, to be made a show of, (for the account says, they had + been drinking seven days, and were merry,) let Esther and Mordecai look to + that, it is no business of ours, at least it is none of mine; besides + which, the story has a great deal the appearance of being fabulous, and is + also anonymous. I pass on to the book of Job. + </p> + <p> + The book of Job differs in character from all the books we have hitherto + passed over. Treachery and murder make no part of this book; it is the + meditations of a mind strongly impressed with the vicissitudes of human + life, and by turns sinking under, and struggling against the pressure. It + is a highly wrought composition, between willing submission and + involuntary discontent; and shows man, as he sometimes is, more disposed + to be resigned than he is capable of being. Patience has but a small share + in the character of the person of whom the book treats; on the contrary, + his grief is often impetuous; but he still endeavours to keep a guard upon + it, and seems determined, in the midst of accumulating ills, to impose + upon himself the hard duty of contentment. + </p> + <p> + I have spoken in a respectful manner of the book of Job in the former part + of the 'Age of Reason,' but without knowing at that time what I have + learned since; which is, that from all the evidence that can be collected, + the book of Job does not belong to the Bible. + </p> + <p> + I have seen the opinion of two Hebrew commentators, Abenezra and Spinoza, + upon this subject; they both say that the book of Job carries no internal + evidence of being an Hebrew book; that the genius of the composition, and + the drama of the piece, are not Hebrew; that it has been translated from + another language into Hebrew, and that the author of the book was a + Gentile; that the character represented under the name of Satan (which is + the first and only time this name is mentioned in the Bible) [In a later + work Paine notes that in "the Bible" (by which he always means the Old + Testament alone) the word Satan occurs also in 1 Chron. xxi. 1, and + remarks that the action there ascribed to Satan is in 2 Sam. xxiv. 1, + attributed to Jehovah ("Essay on Dreams"). In these places, however, and + in Ps. cix. 6, Satan means "adversary," and is so translated (A.S. + version) in 2 Sam. xix. 22, and 1 Kings v. 4, xi. 25. As a proper name, + with the article, Satan appears in the Old Testament only in Job and in + Zech. iii. 1, 2. But the authenticity of the passage in Zechariah has been + questioned, and it may be that in finding the proper name of Satan in Job + alone, Paine was following some opinion met with in one of the authorities + whose comments are condensed in his paragraph.—Editor.] does not + correspond to any Hebrew idea; and that the two convocations which the + Deity is supposed to have made of those whom the poem calls sons of God, + and the familiarity which this supposed Satan is stated to have with the + Deity, are in the same case. + </p> + <p> + It may also be observed, that the book shows itself to be the production + of a mind cultivated in science, which the Jews, so far from being famous + for, were very ignorant of. The allusions to objects of natural philosophy + are frequent and strong, and are of a different cast to any thing in the + books known to be Hebrew. The astronomical names, Pleiades, Orion, and + Arcturus, are Greek and not Hebrew names, and it does not appear from any + thing that is to be found in the Bible that the Jews knew any thing of + astronomy, or that they studied it, they had no translation of those names + into their own language, but adopted the names as they found them in the + poem. [Paine's Jewish critic, David Levi, fastened on this slip ("Defence + of the Old Testament," 1797, p. 152). In the original the names are Ash + (Arcturus), Kesil' (Orion), Kimah' (Pleiades), though the identifications + of the constellations in the A.S.V. have been questioned.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + That the Jews did translate the literary productions of the Gentile + nations into the Hebrew language, and mix them with their own, is not a + matter of doubt; Proverbs xxxi. i, is an evidence of this: it is there + said, The word of king Lemuel, the prophecy which his mother taught him. + This verse stands as a preface to the proverbs that follow, and which are + not the proverbs of Solomon, but of Lemuel; and this Lemuel was not one of + the kings of Israel, nor of Judah, but of some other country, and + consequently a Gentile. The Jews however have adopted his proverbs; and as + they cannot give any account who the author of the book of Job was, nor + how they came by the book, and as it differs in character from the Hebrew + writings, and stands totally unconnected with every other book and chapter + in the Bible before it and after it, it has all the circumstantial + evidence of being originally a book of the Gentiles. [The prayer known by + the name of Agur's Prayer, in Proverbs xxx.,—immediately preceding + the proverbs of Lemuel,—and which is the only sensible, + well-conceived, and well-expressed prayer in the Bible, has much the + appearance of being a prayer taken from the Gentiles. The name of Agur + occurs on no other occasion than this; and he is introduced, together with + the prayer ascribed to him, in the same manner, and nearly in the same + words, that Lemuel and his proverbs are introduced in the chapter that + follows. The first verse says, "The words of Agur, the son of Jakeh, even + the prophecy:" here the word prophecy is used with the same application it + has in the following chapter of Lemuel, unconnected with anything of + prediction. The prayer of Agur is in the 8th and 9th verses, "Remove far + from me vanity and lies; give me neither riches nor poverty, but feed me + with food convenient for me; lest I be full and deny thee and say, Who is + the Lord? or lest I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in + vain." This has not any of the marks of being a Jewish prayer, for the + Jews never prayed but when they were in trouble, and never for anything + but victory, vengeance, or riches.—Author. (Prov. xxx. 1, and xxxi. + 1) the word "prophecy" in these verses is translated "oracle" or "burden" + (marg.) in the revised version.—The prayer of Agur was quoted by + Paine in his plea for the officers of Excise, 1772.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + The Bible-makers, and those regulators of time, the Bible chronologists, + appear to have been at a loss where to place and how to dispose of the + book of Job; for it contains no one historical circumstance, nor allusion + to any, that might serve to determine its place in the Bible. But it would + not have answered the purpose of these men to have informed the world of + their ignorance; and, therefore, they have affixed it to the aera of B.C. + 1520, which is during the time the Israelites were in Egypt, and for which + they have just as much authority and no more than I should have for saying + it was a thousand years before that period. The probability however is, + that it is older than any book in the Bible; and it is the only one that + can be read without indignation or disgust. + </p> + <p> + We know nothing of what the ancient Gentile world (as it is called) was + before the time of the Jews, whose practice has been to calumniate and + blacken the character of all other nations; and it is from the Jewish + accounts that we have learned to call them heathens. But, as far as we + know to the contrary, they were a just and moral people, and not addicted, + like the Jews, to cruelty and revenge, but of whose profession of faith we + are unacquainted. It appears to have been their custom to personify both + virtue and vice by statues and images, as is done now-a-days both by + statuary and by painting; but it does not follow from this that they + worshipped them any more than we do.—I pass on to the book of, + </p> + <p> + Psalms, of which it is not necessary to make much observation. Some of + them are moral, and others are very revengeful; and the greater part + relates to certain local circumstances of the Jewish nation at the time + they were written, with which we have nothing to do. It is, however, an + error or an imposition to call them the Psalms of David; they are a + collection, as song-books are now-a-days, from different song-writers, who + lived at different times. The 137th Psalm could not have been written till + more than 400 years after the time of David, because it is written in + commemoration of an event, the captivity of the Jews in Babylon, which did + not happen till that distance of time. "By the rivers of Babylon we sat + down; yea, we wept when we remembered Zion. We hanged our harps upon the + willows, in the midst thereof; for there they that carried us away captive + required of us a song, saying, sing us one of the songs of Zion." As a man + would say to an American, or to a Frenchman, or to an Englishman, sing us + one of your American songs, or your French songs, or your English songs. + This remark, with respect to the time this psalm was written, is of no + other use than to show (among others already mentioned) the general + imposition the world has been under with respect to the authors of the + Bible. No regard has been paid to time, place, and circumstance; and the + names of persons have been affixed to the several books which it was as + impossible they should write, as that a man should walk in procession at + his own funeral. + </p> + <p> + The Book of Proverbs. These, like the Psalms, are a collection, and that + from authors belonging to other nations than those of the Jewish nation, + as I have shewn in the observations upon the book of Job; besides which, + some of the Proverbs ascribed to Solomon did not appear till two hundred + and fifty years after the death of Solomon; for it is said in xxv. i, + "These are also proverbs of Solomon which the men of Hezekiah, king of + Judah, copied out." It was two hundred and fifty years from the time of + Solomon to the time of Hezekiah. When a man is famous and his name is + abroad he is made the putative father of things he never said or did; and + this, most probably, has been the case with Solomon. It appears to have + been the fashion of that day to make proverbs, as it is now to make + jest-books, and father them upon those who never saw them. [A "Tom Paine's + Jest Book" had appeared in London with little or nothing of Paine in it.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + The book of Ecclesiastes, or the Preacher, is also ascribed to Solomon, + and that with much reason, if not with truth. It is written as the + solitary reflections of a worn-out debauchee, such as Solomon was, who + looking back on scenes he can no longer enjoy, cries out All is Vanity! A + great deal of the metaphor and of the sentiment is obscure, most probably + by translation; but enough is left to show they were strongly pointed in + the original. [Those that look out of the window shall be darkened, is an + obscure figure in translation for loss of sight.—Author.] From what + is transmitted to us of the character of Solomon, he was witty, + ostentatious, dissolute, and at last melancholy. He lived fast, and died, + tired of the world, at the age of fifty-eight years. + </p> + <p> + Seven hundred wives, and three hundred concubines, are worse than none; + and, however it may carry with it the appearance of heightened enjoyment, + it defeats all the felicity of affection, by leaving it no point to fix + upon; divided love is never happy. This was the case with Solomon; and if + he could not, with all his pretensions to wisdom, discover it beforehand, + he merited, unpitied, the mortification he afterwards endured. In this + point of view, his preaching is unnecessary, because, to know the + consequences, it is only necessary to know the cause. Seven hundred wives, + and three hundred concubines would have stood in place of the whole book. + It was needless after this to say that all was vanity and vexation of + spirit; for it is impossible to derive happiness from the company of those + whom we deprive of happiness. + </p> + <p> + To be happy in old age it is necessary that we accustom ourselves to + objects that can accompany the mind all the way through life, and that we + take the rest as good in their day. The mere man of pleasure is miserable + in old age; and the mere drudge in business is but little better: whereas, + natural philosophy, mathematical and mechanical science, are a continual + source of tranquil pleasure, and in spite of the gloomy dogmas of priests, + and of superstition, the study of those things is the study of the true + theology; it teaches man to know and to admire the Creator, for the + principles of science are in the creation, and are unchangeable, and of + divine origin. + </p> + <p> + Those who knew Benjamin Franklin will recollect, that his mind was ever + young; his temper ever serene; science, that never grows grey, was always + his mistress. He was never without an object; for when we cease to have an + object we become like an invalid in an hospital waiting for death. + </p> + <p> + Solomon's Songs, amorous and foolish enough, but which wrinkled fanaticism + has called divine.—The compilers of the Bible have placed these + songs after the book of Ecclesiastes; and the chronologists have affixed + to them the aera of B.C. 1014, at which time Solomon, according to the + same chronology, was nineteen years of age, and was then forming his + seraglio of wives and concubines. The Bible-makers and the chronologists + should have managed this matter a little better, and either have said + nothing about the time, or chosen a time less inconsistent with the + supposed divinity of those songs; for Solomon was then in the honey-moon + of one thousand debaucheries. + </p> + <p> + It should also have occurred to them, that as he wrote, if he did write, + the book of Ecclesiastes, long after these songs, and in which he exclaims + that all is vanity and vexation of spirit, that he included those songs in + that description. This is the more probable, because he says, or somebody + for him, Ecclesiastes ii. 8, I got me men-singers, and women-singers [most + probably to sing those songs], and musical instruments of all sorts; and + behold (Ver. ii), "all was vanity and vexation of spirit." The compilers + however have done their work but by halves; for as they have given us the + songs they should have given us the tunes, that we might sing them. + </p> + <p> + The books called the books of the Prophets fill up all the remaining part + of the Bible; they are sixteen in number, beginning with Isaiah and ending + with Malachi, of which I have given a list in the observations upon + Chronicles. Of these sixteen prophets, all of whom except the last three + lived within the time the books of Kings and Chronicles were written, two + only, Isaiah and Jeremiah, are mentioned in the history of those books. I + shall begin with those two, reserving, what I have to say on the general + character of the men called prophets to another part of the work. + </p> + <p> + Whoever will take the trouble of reading the book ascribed to Isaiah, will + find it one of the most wild and disorderly compositions ever put + together; it has neither beginning, middle, nor end; and, except a short + historical part, and a few sketches of history in the first two or three + chapters, is one continued incoherent, bombastical rant, full of + extravagant metaphor, without application, and destitute of meaning; a + school-boy would scarcely have been excusable for writing such stuff; it + is (at least in translation) that kind of composition and false taste that + is properly called prose run mad. + </p> + <p> + The historical part begins at chapter xxxvi., and is continued to the end + of chapter xxxix. It relates some matters that are said to have passed + during the reign of Hezekiah, king of Judah, at which time Isaiah lived. + This fragment of history begins and ends abruptly; it has not the least + connection with the chapter that precedes it, nor with that which follows + it, nor with any other in the book. It is probable that Isaiah wrote this + fragment himself, because he was an actor in the circumstances it treats + of; but except this part there are scarcely two chapters that have any + connection with each other. One is entitled, at the beginning of the first + verse, the burden of Babylon; another, the burden of Moab; another, the + burden of Damascus; another, the burden of Egypt; another, the burden of + the Desert of the Sea; another, the burden of the Valley of Vision: as you + would say the story of the Knight of the Burning Mountain, the story of + Cinderella, or the glassen slipper, the story of the Sleeping Beauty in + the Wood, etc., etc. + </p> + <p> + I have already shown, in the instance of the last two verses of 2 + Chronicles, and the first three in Ezra, that the compilers of the Bible + mixed and confounded the writings of different authors with each other; + which alone, were there no other cause, is sufficient to destroy the + authenticity of an compilation, because it is more than presumptive + evidence that the compilers are ignorant who the authors were. A very + glaring instance of this occurs in the book ascribed to Isaiah: the latter + part of the 44th chapter, and the beginning of the 45th, so far from + having been written by Isaiah, could only have been written by some person + who lived at least an hundred and fifty years after Isaiah was dead. + </p> + <p> + These chapters are a compliment to Cyrus, who permitted the Jews to return + to Jerusalem from the Babylonian captivity, to rebuild Jerusalem and the + temple, as is stated in Ezra. The last verse of the 44th chapter, and the + beginning of the 45th [Isaiah] are in the following words: "That saith of + Cyrus, he is my shepherd, and shall perform all my pleasure; even saying + to Jerusalem, thou shalt be built; and to the temple thy foundations shall + be laid: thus saith the Lord to his enointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I + have holden to subdue nations before him, and I will loose the loins of + kings to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be + shut; I will go before thee," etc. + </p> + <p> + What audacity of church and priestly ignorance it is to impose this book + upon the world as the writing of Isaiah, when Isaiah, according to their + own chronology, died soon after the death of Hezekiah, which was B.C. 698; + and the decree of Cyrus, in favour of the Jews returning to Jerusalem, + was, according to the same chronology, B.C. 536; which is a distance of + time between the two of 162 years. I do not suppose that the compilers of + the Bible made these books, but rather that they picked up some loose, + anonymous essays, and put them together under the names of such authors as + best suited their purpose. They have encouraged the imposition, which is + next to inventing it; for it was impossible but they must have observed + it. + </p> + <p> + When we see the studied craft of the scripture-makers, in making every + part of this romantic book of school-boy's eloquence bend to the monstrous + idea of a Son of God, begotten by a ghost on the body of a virgin, there + is no imposition we are not justified in suspecting them of. Every phrase + and circumstance are marked with the barbarous hand of superstitious + torture, and forced into meanings it was impossible they could have. The + head of every chapter, and the top of every page, are blazoned with the + names of Christ and the Church, that the unwary reader might suck in the + error before he began to read. + </p> + <p> + Behold a virgin shall conceive, and bear a son (Isa. vii. I4), has been + interpreted to mean the person called Jesus Christ, and his mother Mary, + and has been echoed through christendom for more than a thousand years; + and such has been the rage of this opinion, that scarcely a spot in it but + has been stained with blood and marked with desolation in consequence of + it. Though it is not my intention to enter into controversy on subjects of + this kind, but to confine myself to show that the Bible is spurious,—and + thus, by taking away the foundation, to overthrow at once the whole + structure of superstition raised thereon,—I will however stop a + moment to expose the fallacious application of this passage. + </p> + <p> + Whether Isaiah was playing a trick with Ahaz, king of Judah, to whom this + passage is spoken, is no business of mine; I mean only to show the + misapplication of the passage, and that it has no more reference to Christ + and his mother, than it has to me and my mother. The story is simply this: + </p> + <p> + The king of Syria and the king of Israel (I have already mentioned that + the Jews were split into two nations, one of which was called Judah, the + capital of which was Jerusalem, and the other Israel) made war jointly + against Ahaz, king of Judah, and marched their armies towards Jerusalem. + Ahaz and his people became alarmed, and the account says (Is. vii. 2), + Their hearts were moved as the trees of the wood are moved with the wind. + </p> + <p> + In this situation of things, Isaiah addresses himself to Ahaz, and assures + him in the name of the Lord (the cant phrase of all the prophets) that + these two kings should not succeed against him; and to satisfy Ahaz that + this should be the case, tells him to ask a sign. This, the account says, + Ahaz declined doing; giving as a reason that he would not tempt the Lord; + upon which Isaiah, who is the speaker, says, ver. 14, "Therefore the Lord + himself shall give you a sign; behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a + son;" and the 16th verse says, "And before this child shall know to refuse + the evil, and choose the good, the land which thou abhorrest or dreadest + [meaning Syria and the kingdom of Israel] shall be forsaken of both her + kings." Here then was the sign, and the time limited for the completion of + the assurance or promise; namely, before this child shall know to refuse + the evil and choose the good. + </p> + <p> + Isaiah having committed himself thus far, it became necessary to him, in + order to avoid the imputation of being a false prophet, and the + consequences thereof, to take measures to make this sign appear. It + certainly was not a difficult thing, in any time of the world, to find a + girl with child, or to make her so; and perhaps Isaiah knew of one + beforehand; for I do not suppose that the prophets of that day were any + more to be trusted than the priests of this: be that, however, as it may, + he says in the next chapter, ver. 2, "And I took unto me faithful + witnesses to record, Uriah the priest, and Zechariah the son of + Jeberechiah, and I went unto the prophetess, and she conceived and bare a + son." + </p> + <p> + Here then is the whole story, foolish as it is, of this child and this + virgin; and it is upon the barefaced perversion of this story that the + book of Matthew, and the impudence and sordid interest of priests in later + times, have founded a theory, which they call the gospel; and have applied + this story to signify the person they call Jesus Christ; begotten, they + say, by a ghost, whom they call holy, on the body of a woman engaged in + marriage, and afterwards married, whom they call a virgin, seven hundred + years after this foolish story was told; a theory which, speaking for + myself, I hesitate not to believe, and to say, is as fabulous and as false + as God is true. [In Is. vii. 14, it is said that the child should be + called Immanuel; but this name was not given to either of the children, + otherwise than as a character, which the word signifies. That of the + prophetess was called Maher-shalalhash-baz, and that of Mary was called + Jesus.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + But to show the imposition and falsehood of Isaiah we have only to attend + to the sequel of this story; which, though it is passed over in silence in + the book of Isaiah, is related in 2 Chronicles, xxviii; and which is, that + instead of these two kings failing in their attempt against Ahaz, king of + Judah, as Isaiah had pretended to foretel in the name of the Lord, they + succeeded: Ahaz was defeated and destroyed; an hundred and twenty thousand + of his people were slaughtered; Jerusalem was plundered, and two hundred + thousand women and sons and daughters carried into captivity. Thus much + for this lying prophet and imposter Isaiah, and the book of falsehoods + that bears his name. I pass on to the book of Jeremiah. This prophet, as + he is called, lived in the time that Nebuchadnezzar besieged Jerusalem, in + the reign of Zedekiah, the last king of Judah; and the suspicion was + strong against him that he was a traitor in the interest of + Nebuchadnezzar. Every thing relating to Jeremiah shows him to have been a + man of an equivocal character: in his metaphor of the potter and the clay, + (ch. xviii.) he guards his prognostications in such a crafty manner as + always to leave himself a door to escape by, in case the event should be + contrary to what he had predicted. In the 7th and 8th verses he makes the + Almighty to say, "At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and + concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and destroy it, if + that nation, against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will + repent me of the evil that I thought to do unto them." Here was a proviso + against one side of the case: now for the other side. Verses 9 and 10, "At + what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, + to build and to plant it, if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my + voice, then I will repent me of the good wherewith I said I would benefit + them." Here is a proviso against the other side; and, according to this + plan of prophesying, a prophet could never be wrong, however mistaken the + Almighty might be. This sort of absurd subterfuge, and this manner of + speaking of the Almighty, as one would speak of a man, is consistent with + nothing but the stupidity of the Bible. + </p> + <p> + As to the authenticity of the book, it is only necessary to read it in + order to decide positively that, though some passages recorded therein may + have been spoken by Jeremiah, he is not the author of the book. The + historical parts, if they can be called by that name, are in the most + confused condition; the same events are several times repeated, and that + in a manner different, and sometimes in contradiction to each other; and + this disorder runs even to the last chapter, where the history, upon which + the greater part of the book has been employed, begins anew, and ends + abruptly. The book has all the appearance of being a medley of unconnected + anecdotes respecting persons and things of that time, collected together + in the same rude manner as if the various and contradictory accounts that + are to be found in a bundle of newspapers, respecting persons and things + of the present day, were put together without date, order, or explanation. + I will give two or three examples of this kind. + </p> + <p> + It appears, from the account of chapter xxxvii. that the army of + Nebuchadnezzer, which is called the army of the Chaldeans, had besieged + Jerusalem some time; and on their hearing that the army of Pharaoh of + Egypt was marching against them, they raised the siege and retreated for a + time. It may here be proper to mention, in order to understand this + confused history, that Nebuchadnezzar had besieged and taken Jerusalem + during the reign of Jehoakim, the redecessor of Zedekiah; and that it was + Nebuchadnezzar who had make Zedekiah king, or rather viceroy; and that + this second siege, of which the book of Jeremiah treats, was in + consequence of the revolt of Zedekiah against Nebuchadnezzar. This will in + some measure account for the suspicion that affixes itself to Jeremiah of + being a traitor, and in the interest of Nebuchadnezzar,—whom + Jeremiah calls, xliii. 10, the servant of God. + </p> + <p> + Chapter xxxvii. 11-13, says, "And it came to pass, that, when the army of + the Chaldeans was broken up from Jerusalem, for fear of Pharaoh's army, + that Jeremiah went forth out of Jerusalem, to go (as this account states) + into the land of Benjamin, to separate himself thence in the midst of the + people; and when he was in the gate of Benjamin a captain of the ward was + there, whose name was Irijah... and he took Jeremiah the prophet, saying, + Thou fallest away to the Chaldeans; then Jeremiah said, It is false; I + fall not away to the Chaldeans." Jeremiah being thus stopt and accused, + was, after being examined, committed to prison, on suspicion of being a + traitor, where he remained, as is stated in the last verse of this + chapter. + </p> + <p> + But the next chapter gives an account of the imprisonment of Jeremiah, + which has no connection with this account, but ascribes his imprisonment + to another circumstance, and for which we must go back to chapter xxi. It + is there stated, ver. 1, that Zedekiah sent Pashur the son of Malchiah, + and Zephaniah the son of Maaseiah the priest, to Jeremiah, to enquire of + him concerning Nebuchadnezzar, whose army was then before Jerusalem; and + Jeremiah said to them, ver. 8, "Thus saith the Lord, Behold I set before + you the way of life, and the way of death; he that abideth in this city + shall die by the sword and by the famine, and by the pestilence; but he + that goeth out and falleth to the Chaldeans that besiege you, he shall + live, and his life shall be unto him for a prey." + </p> + <p> + This interview and conference breaks off abruptly at the end of the 10th + verse of chapter xxi.; and such is the disorder of this book that we have + to pass over sixteen chapters upon various subjects, in order to come at + the continuation and event of this conference; and this brings us to the + first verse of chapter xxxviii., as I have just mentioned. The chapter + opens with saying, "Then Shaphatiah, the son of Mattan, Gedaliah the son + of Pashur, and Jucal the son of Shelemiah, and Pashur the son of Malchiah, + (here are more persons mentioned than in chapter xxi.) heard the words + that Jeremiah spoke unto all the people, saying, Thus saith the Lord, He + that remaineth in this city, shall die by the sword, by famine, and by the + pestilence; but he that goeth forth to the Chaldeans shall live; for he + shall have his life for a prey, and shall live"; [which are the words of + the conference;] therefore, (say they to Zedekiah,) "We beseech thee, let + this man be put to death, for thus he weakeneth the hands of the men of + war that remain in this city, and the hands of all the people, in speaking + such words unto them; for this man seeketh not the welfare of the people, + but the hurt:" and at the 6th verse it is said, "Then they took Jeremiah, + and put him into the dungeon of Malchiah." + </p> + <p> + These two accounts are different and contradictory. The one ascribes his + imprisonment to his attempt to escape out of the city; the other to his + preaching and prophesying in the city; the one to his being seized by the + guard at the gate; the other to his being accused before Zedekiah by the + conferees. [I observed two chapters in I Samuel (xvi. and xvii.) that + contradict each other with respect to David, and the manner he became + acquainted with Saul; as Jeremiah xxxvii. and xxxviii. contradict each + other with respect to the cause of Jeremiah's imprisonment. + </p> + <p> + In 1 Samuel, xvi., it is said, that an evil spirit of God troubled Saul, + and that his servants advised him (as a remedy) "to seek out a man who was + a cunning player upon the harp." And Saul said, ver. 17, "Provide me now a + man that can play well, and bring him to me. Then answered one of his + servants, and said, Behold, I have seen a son of Jesse, the Bethlehemite, + that is cunning in playing, and a mighty man, and a man of war, and + prudent in matters, and a comely person, and the Lord is with him; + wherefore Saul sent messengers unto Jesse, and said, Send me David, thy + son. And (verse 21) David came to Saul, and stood before him, and he loved + him greatly, and he became his armour-bearer; and when the evil spirit + from God was upon Saul, (verse 23) David took his harp, and played with + his hand, and Saul was refreshed, and was well." + </p> + <p> + But the next chapter (xvii.) gives an account, all different to this, of + the manner that Saul and David became acquainted. Here it is ascribed to + David's encounter with Goliah, when David was sent by his father to carry + provision to his brethren in the camp. In the 55th verse of this chapter + it is said, "And when Saul saw David go forth against the Philistine + (Goliah) he said to Abner, the captain of the host, Abner, whose son is + this youth? And Abner said, As thy soul liveth, 0 king, I cannot tell. And + the king said, Enquire thou whose son the stripling is. And as David + returned from the slaughter of the Philistine, Abner took him and brought + him before Saul, with the head of the Philistine in his hand; and Saul + said unto him, Whose son art thou, thou young man? And David answered, I + am the son of thy servant, Jesse, the Betblehemite," These two accounts + belie each other, because each of them supposes Saul and David not to have + known each other before. This book, the Bible, is too ridiculous for + criticism.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + In the next chapter (Jer. xxxix.) we have another instance of the + disordered state of this book; for notwithstanding the siege of the city + by Nebuchadnezzar has been the subject of several of the preceding + chapters, particularly xxxvii. and xxxviii., chapter xxxix. begins as if + not a word had been said upon the subject, and as if the reader was still + to be informed of every particular respecting it; for it begins with + saying, ver. 1, "In the ninth year of Zedekiah king of Judah, in the tenth + month, came Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon, and all his army, against + Jerusalem, and besieged it," etc. + </p> + <p> + But the instance in the last chapter (lii.) is still more glaring; for + though the story has been told over and over again, this chapter still + supposes the reader not to know anything of it, for it begins by saying, + ver. i, "Zedekiah was one and twenty years old when he began to reign, and + he reigned eleven years in Jerusalem, and his mother's name was Hamutal, + the daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah." (Ver. 4,) "And it came to pass in the + ninth year of his reign, in the tenth month, that Nebuchadnezzar king of + Babylon came, he and all his army, against Jerusalem, and pitched against + it, and built forts against it," etc. + </p> + <p> + It is not possible that any one man, and more particularly Jeremiah, could + have been the writer of this book. The errors are such as could not have + been committed by any person sitting down to compose a work. Were I, or + any other man, to write in such a disordered manner, no body would read + what was written, and every body would suppose that the writer was in a + state of insanity. The only way, therefore, to account for the disorder + is, that the book is a medley of detached unauthenticated anecdotes, put + together by some stupid book-maker, under the name of Jeremiah; because + many of them refer to him, and to the circumstances of the times he lived + in. + </p> + <p> + Of the duplicity, and of the false predictions of Jeremiah, I shall + mention two instances, and then proceed to review the remainder of the + Bible. + </p> + <p> + It appears from chapter xxxviii. that when Jeremiah was in prison, + Zedekiah sent for him, and at this interview, which was private, Jeremiah + pressed it strongly on Zedekiah to surrender himself to the enemy. "If," + says he, (ver. 17,) "thou wilt assuredly go forth unto the king of + Babylon's princes, then thy soul shall live," etc. Zedekiah was + apprehensive that what passed at this conference should be known; and he + said to Jeremiah, (ver. 25,) "If the princes [meaning those of Judah] hear + that I have talked with thee, and they come unto thee, and say unto thee, + Declare unto us now what thou hast said unto the king; hide it not from + us, and we will not put thee to death; and also what the king said unto + thee; then thou shalt say unto them, I presented my supplication before + the king that he would not cause me to return to Jonathan's house, to die + there. Then came all the princes unto Jeremiah, and asked him, and "he + told them according to all the words the king had commanded." Thus, this + man of God, as he is called, could tell a lie, or very strongly + prevaricate, when he supposed it would answer his purpose; for certainly + he did not go to Zedekiah to make this supplication, neither did he make + it; he went because he was sent for, and he employed that opportunity to + advise Zedekiah to surrender himself to Nebuchadnezzar. + </p> + <p> + In chapter xxxiv. 2-5, is a prophecy of Jeremiah to Zedekiah in these + words: "Thus saith the Lord, Behold I will give this city into the hand of + the king of Babylon, and he will burn it with fire; and thou shalt not + escape out of his hand, but thou shalt surely be taken, and delivered into + his hand; and thine eyes shall behold the eyes of the king of Babylon, and + he shall speak with thee mouth to mouth, and thou shalt go to Babylon. Yet + hear the word of the Lord; O Zedekiah, king, of Judah, thus saith the + Lord, Thou shalt not die by the sword, but thou shalt die in Peace; and + with the burnings of thy fathers, the former kings that were before thee, + so shall they burn odours for thee, and they will lament thee, saying, Ah, + Lord! for I have pronounced the word, saith the Lord." + </p> + <p> + Now, instead of Zedekiah beholding the eyes of the king of Babylon, and + speaking with him mouth to mouth, and dying in peace, and with the burning + of odours, as at the funeral of his fathers, (as Jeremiah had declared the + Lord himself had pronounced,) the reverse, according to chapter Iii., 10, + 11 was the case; it is there said, that the king of Babylon slew the sons + of Zedekiah before his eyes: then he put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and + bound him in chains, and carried him to Babylon, and put him in prison + till the day of his death. + </p> + <p> + What then can we say of these prophets, but that they are impostors and + liars? + </p> + <p> + As for Jeremiah, he experienced none of those evils. He was taken into + favour by Nebuchadnezzar, who gave him in charge to the captain of the + guard (xxxix, 12), "Take him (said he) and look well to him, and do him no + harm; but do unto him even as he shall say unto thee." Jeremiah joined + himself afterwards to Nebuchadnezzar, and went about prophesying for him + against the Egyptians, who had marched to the relief of Jerusalem while it + was besieged. Thus much for another of the lying prophets, and the book + that bears his name. + </p> + <p> + I have been the more particular in treating of the books ascribed to + Isaiah and Jeremiah, because those two are spoken of in the books of Kings + and Chronicles, which the others are not. The remainder of the books + ascribed to the men called prophets I shall not trouble myself much about; + but take them collectively into the observations I shall offer on the + character of the men styled prophets. + </p> + <p> + In the former part of the 'Age of Reason,' I have said that the word + prophet was the Bible-word for poet, and that the flights and metaphors of + Jewish poets have been foolishly erected into what are now called + prophecies. I am sufficiently justified in this opinion, not only because + the books called the prophecies are written in poetical language, but + because there is no word in the Bible, except it be the word prophet, that + describes what we mean by a poet. I have also said, that the word + signified a performer upon musical instruments, of which I have given some + instances; such as that of a company of prophets, prophesying with + psalteries, with tabrets, with pipes, with harps, etc., and that Saul + prophesied with them, 1 Sam. x., 5. It appears from this passage, and from + other parts in the book of Samuel, that the word prophet was confined to + signify poetry and music; for the person who was supposed to have a + visionary insight into concealed things, was not a prophet but a seer, [I + know not what is the Hebrew word that corresponds to the word seer in + English; but I observe it is translated into French by Le Voyant, from the + verb voir to see, and which means the person who sees, or the seer.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + [The Hebrew word for Seer, in 1 Samuel ix., transliterated, is chozeh, the + gazer, it is translated in Is. xlvii. 13, "the stargazers."—Editor.] + (i Sam, ix. 9;) and it was not till after the word seer went out of use + (which most probably was when Saul banished those he called wizards) that + the profession of the seer, or the art of seeing, became incorporated into + the word prophet. + </p> + <p> + According to the modern meaning of the word prophet and prophesying, it + signifies foretelling events to a great distance of time; and it became + necessary to the inventors of the gospel to give it this latitude of + meaning, in order to apply or to stretch what they call the prophecies of + the Old Testament, to the times of the New. But according to the Old + Testament, the prophesying of the seer, and afterwards of the prophet, so + far as the meaning of the word "seer" was incorporated into that of + prophet, had reference only to things of the time then passing, or very + closely connected with it; such as the event of a battle they were going + to engage in, or of a journey, or of any enterprise they were going to + undertake, or of any circumstance then pending, or of any difficulty they + were then in; all of which had immediate reference to themselves (as in + the case already mentioned of Ahaz and Isaiah with respect to the + expression, Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son,) and not to any + distant future time. It was that kind of prophesying that corresponds to + what we call fortune-telling; such as casting nativities, predicting + riches, fortunate or unfortunate marriages, conjuring for lost goods, + etc.; and it is the fraud of the Christian church, not that of the Jews, + and the ignorance and the superstition of modern, not that of ancient + times, that elevated those poetical, musical, conjuring, dreaming, + strolling gentry, into the rank they have since had. + </p> + <p> + But, besides this general character of all the prophets, they had also a + particular character. They were in parties, and they prophesied for or + against, according to the party they were with; as the poetical and + political writers of the present day write in defence of the party they + associate with against the other. + </p> + <p> + After the Jews were divided into two nations, that of Judah and that of + Israel, each party had its prophets, who abused and accused each other of + being false prophets, lying prophets, impostors, etc. + </p> + <p> + The prophets of the party of Judah prophesied against the prophets of the + party of Israel; and those of the party of Israel against those of Judah. + This party prophesying showed itself immediately on the separation under + the first two rival kings, Rehoboam and Jeroboam. The prophet that cursed, + or prophesied against the altar that Jeroboam had built in Bethel, was of + the party of Judah, where Rehoboam was king; and he was way-laid on his + return home by a prophet of the party of Israel, who said unto him (i + Kings xiii.) "Art thou the man of God that came from Judah? and he said, I + am." Then the prophet of the party of Israel said to him "I am a prophet + also, as thou art, [signifying of Judah,] and an angel spake unto me by + the word of the Lord, saying, Bring him back with thee unto thine house, + that he may eat bread and drink water; but (says the 18th verse) he lied + unto him." The event, however, according to the story, is, that the + prophet of Judah never got back to Judah; for he was found dead on the + road by the contrivance of the prophet of Israel, who no doubt was called + a true prophet by his own party, and the prophet of Judah a lying prophet. + </p> + <p> + In 2 Kings, iii., a story is related of prophesying or conjuring that + shews, in several particulars, the character of a prophet. Jehoshaphat + king of Judah, and Joram king of Israel, had for a while ceased their + party animosity, and entered into an alliance; and these two, together + with the king of Edom, engaged in a war against the king of Moab. After + uniting and marching their armies, the story says, they were in great + distress for water, upon which Jehoshaphat said, "Is there not here a + prophet of the Lord, that we may enquire of the Lord by him? and one of + the servants of the king of Israel said here is Elisha. [Elisha was of the + party of Judah.] And Jehoshaphat the king of Judah said, The word of the + Lord is with him." The story then says, that these three kings went down + to Elisha; and when Elisha [who, as I have said, was a Judahmite prophet] + saw the King of Israel, he said unto him, "What have I to do with thee, + get thee to the prophets of thy father and the prophets of thy mother. Nay + but, said the king of Israel, the Lord hath called these three kings + together, to deliver them into the hands of the king of Moab," (meaning + because of the distress they were in for water;) upon which Elisha said, + "As the Lord of hosts liveth before whom I stand, surely, were it not that + I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, I would not look + towards thee nor see thee." Here is all the venom and vulgarity of a party + prophet. We are now to see the performance, or manner of prophesying. + </p> + <p> + Ver. 15. "'Bring me,' (said Elisha), 'a minstrel'; and it came to pass, + when the minstrel played, that the hand of the Lord came upon him." Here + is the farce of the conjurer. Now for the prophecy: "And Elisha said, + [singing most probably to the tune he was playing], Thus saith the Lord, + Make this valley full of ditches;" which was just telling them what every + countryman could have told them without either fiddle or farce, that the + way to get water was to dig for it. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +But as every conjuror is not famous alike for the same thing, so neither +were those prophets; for though all of them, at least those I have +spoken of, were famous for lying, some of them excelled in cursing. +Elisha, whom I have just mentioned, was a chief in this branch of +prophesying; it was he that cursed the forty-two children in the name +of the Lord, whom the two she-bears came and devoured. We are to suppose +that those children were of the party of Israel; but as those who will +curse will lie, there is just as much credit to be given to this story +of Elisha's two she-bears as there is to that of the Dragon of Wantley, +of whom it is said: + + Poor children three devoured be, + That could not with him grapple; + And at one sup he eat them up, + As a man would eat an apple. +</pre> + <p> + There was another description of men called prophets, that amused + themselves with dreams and visions; but whether by night or by day we know + not. These, if they were not quite harmless, were but little mischievous. + Of this class are, + </p> + <p> + EZEKIEL and DANIEL; and the first question upon these books, as upon all + the others, is, Are they genuine? that is, were they written by Ezekiel + and Daniel? + </p> + <p> + Of this there is no proof; but so far as my own opinion goes, I am more + inclined to believe they were, than that they were not. My reasons for + this opinion are as follows: First, Because those books do not contain + internal evidence to prove they were not written by Ezekiel and Daniel, as + the books ascribed to Moses, Joshua, Samuel, etc., prove they were not + written by Moses, Joshua, Samuel, etc. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, Because they were not written till after the Babylonish + captivity began; and there is good reason to believe that not any book in + the bible was written before that period; at least it is proveable, from + the books themselves, as I have already shown, that they were not written + till after the commencement of the Jewish monarchy. + </p> + <p> + Thirdly, Because the manner in which the books ascribed to Ezekiel and + Daniel are written, agrees with the condition these men were in at the + time of writing them. + </p> + <p> + Had the numerous commentators and priests, who have foolishly employed or + wasted their time in pretending to expound and unriddle those books, been + carred into captivity, as Ezekiel and Daniel were, it would greatly have + improved their intellects in comprehending the reason for this mode of + writing, and have saved them the trouble of racking their invention, as + they have done to no purpose; for they would have found that themselves + would be obliged to write whatever they had to write, respecting their own + affairs, or those of their friends, or of their country, in a concealed + manner, as those men have done. + </p> + <p> + These two books differ from all the rest; for it is only these that are + filled with accounts of dreams and visions: and this difference arose from + the situation the writers were in as prisoners of war, or prisoners of + state, in a foreign country, which obliged them to convey even the most + trifling information to each other, and all their political projects or + opinions, in obscure and metaphorical terms. They pretend to have dreamed + dreams, and seen visions, because it was unsafe for them to speak facts or + plain language. We ought, however, to suppose, that the persons to whom + they wrote understood what they meant, and that it was not intended + anybody else should. But these busy commentators and priests have been + puzzling their wits to find out what it was not intended they should know, + and with which they have nothing to do. + </p> + <p> + Ezekiel and Daniel were carried prisoners to Babylon, under the first + captivity, in the time of Jehoiakim, nine years before the second + captivity in the time of Zedekiah. The Jews were then still numerous, and + had considerable force at Jerusalem; and as it is natural to suppose that + men in the situation of Ezekiel and Daniel would be meditating the + recovery of their country, and their own deliverance, it is reasonable to + suppose that the accounts of dreams and visions with which these books are + filled, are no other than a disguised mode of correspondence to facilitate + those objects: it served them as a cypher, or secret alphabet. If they are + not this, they are tales, reveries, and nonsense; or at least a fanciful + way of wearing off the wearisomeness of captivity; but the presumption is, + they are the former. + </p> + <p> + Ezekiel begins his book by speaking of a vision of cherubims, and of a + wheel within a wheel, which he says he saw by the river Chebar, in the + land of his captivity. Is it not reasonable to suppose that by the + cherubims he meant the temple at Jerusalem, where they had figures of + cherubims? and by a wheel within a wheel (which as a figure has always + been understood to signify political contrivance) the project or means of + recovering Jerusalem? In the latter part of his book he supposes himself + transported to Jerusalem, and into the temple; and he refers back to the + vision on the river Chebar, and says, (xliii- 3,) that this last vision + was like the vision on the river Chebar; which indicates that those + pretended dreams and visions had for their object the recovery of + Jerusalem, and nothing further. + </p> + <p> + As to the romantic interpretations and applications, wild as the dreams + and visions they undertake to explain, which commentators and priests have + made of those books, that of converting them into things which they call + prophecies, and making them bend to times and circumstances as far remote + even as the present day, it shows the fraud or the extreme folly to which + credulity or priestcraft can go. + </p> + <p> + Scarcely anything can be more absurd than to suppose that men situated as + Ezekiel and Daniel were, whose country was over-run, and in the possession + of the enemy, all their friends and relations in captivity abroad, or in + slavery at home, or massacred, or in continual danger of it; scarcely any + thing, I say, can be more absurd than to suppose that such men should find + nothing to do but that of employing their time and their thoughts about + what was to happen to other nations a thousand or two thousand years after + they were dead; at the same time nothing more natural than that they + should meditate the recovery of Jerusalem, and their own deliverance; and + that this was the sole object of all the obscure and apparently frantic + writing contained in those books. + </p> + <p> + In this sense the mode of writing used in those two books being forced by + necessity, and not adopted by choice, is not irrational; but, if we are to + use the books as prophecies, they are false. In Ezekiel xxix. 11., + speaking of Egypt, it is said, "No foot of man shall pass through it, nor + foot of beast pass through it; neither shall it be inhabited for forty + years." This is what never came to pass, and consequently it is false, as + all the books I have already reviewed are.—I here close this part of + the subject. + </p> + <p> + In the former part of 'The Age of Reason' I have spoken of Jonah, and of + the story of him and the whale.—A fit story for ridicule, if it was + written to be believed; or of laughter, if it was intended to try what + credulity could swallow; for, if it could swallow Jonah and the whale it + could swallow anything. + </p> + <p> + But, as is already shown in the observations on the book of Job and of + Proverbs, it is not always certain which of the books in the Bible are + originally Hebrew, or only translations from the books of the Gentiles + into Hebrew; and, as the book of Jonah, so far from treating of the + affairs of the Jews, says nothing upon that subject, but treats altogether + of the Gentiles, it is more probable that it is a book of the Gentiles + than of the Jews, [I have read in an ancient Persian poem (Saadi, I + believe, but have mislaid the reference) this phrase: "And now the whale + swallowed Jonah: the sun set."—Editor.] and that it has been written + as a fable to expose the nonsense, and satyrize the vicious and malignant + character, of a Bible-prophet, or a predicting priest. + </p> + <p> + Jonah is represented, first as a disobedient prophet, running away from + his mission, and taking shelter aboard a vessel of the Gentiles, bound + from Joppa to Tarshish; as if he ignorantly supposed, by such a paltry + contrivance, he could hide himself where God could not find him. The + vessel is overtaken by a storm at sea; and the mariners, all of whom are + Gentiles, believing it to be a judgement on account of some one on board + who had committed a crime, agreed to cast lots to discover the offender; + and the lot fell upon Jonah. But before this they had cast all their wares + and merchandise over-board to lighten the vessel, while Jonah, like a + stupid fellow, was fast asleep in the hold. + </p> + <p> + After the lot had designated Jonah to be the offender, they questioned him + to know who and what he was? and he told them he was an Hebrew; and the + story implies that he confessed himself to be guilty. But these Gentiles, + instead of sacrificing him at once without pity or mercy, as a company of + Bible-prophets or priests would have done by a Gentile in the same case, + and as it is related Samuel had done by Agag, and Moses by the women and + children, they endeavoured to save him, though at the risk of their own + lives: for the account says, "Nevertheless [that is, though Jonah was a + Jew and a foreigner, and the cause of all their misfortunes, and the loss + of their cargo] the men rowed hard to bring the boat to land, but they + could not, for the sea wrought and was tempestuous against them." Still + however they were unwilling to put the fate of the lot into execution; and + they cried, says the account, unto the Lord, saying, "We beseech thee, O + Lord, let us not perish for this man's life, and lay not upon us innocent + blood; for thou, O Lord, hast done as it pleased thee." Meaning thereby, + that they did not presume to judge Jonah guilty, since that he might be + innocent; but that they considered the lot that had fallen upon him as a + decree of God, or as it pleased God. The address of this prayer shows that + the Gentiles worshipped one Supreme Being, and that they were not + idolaters as the Jews represented them to be. But the storm still + continuing, and the danger encreasing, they put the fate of the lot into + execution, and cast Jonah in the sea; where, according to the story, a + great fish swallowed him up whole and alive! + </p> + <p> + We have now to consider Jonah securely housed from the storm in the fish's + belly. Here we are told that he prayed; but the prayer is a made-up + prayer, taken from various parts of the Psalms, without connection or + consistency, and adapted to the distress, but not at all to the condition + that Jonah was in. It is such a prayer as a Gentile, who might know + something of the Psalms, could copy out for him. This circumstance alone, + were there no other, is sufficient to indicate that the whole is a made-up + story. The prayer, however, is supposed to have answered the purpose, and + the story goes on, (taking-off at the same time the cant language of a + Bible-prophet,) saying, "The Lord spake unto the fish, and it vomited out + Jonah upon dry land." + </p> + <p> + Jonah then received a second mission to Nineveh, with which he sets out; + and we have now to consider him as a preacher. The distress he is + represented to have suffered, the remembrance of his own disobedience as + the cause of it, and the miraculous escape he is supposed to have had, + were sufficient, one would conceive, to have impressed him with sympathy + and benevolence in the execution of his mission; but, instead of this, he + enters the city with denunciation and malediction in his mouth, crying, + "Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown." + </p> + <p> + We have now to consider this supposed missionary in the last act of his + mission; and here it is that the malevolent spirit of a Bible-prophet, or + of a predicting priest, appears in all that blackness of character that + men ascribe to the being they call the devil. + </p> + <p> + Having published his predictions, he withdrew, says the story, to the east + side of the city.—But for what? not to contemplate in retirement the + mercy of his Creator to himself or to others, but to wait, with malignant + impatience, the destruction of Nineveh. It came to pass, however, as the + story relates, that the Ninevites reformed, and that God, according to the + Bible phrase, repented him of the evil he had said he would do unto them, + and did it not. This, saith the first verse of the last chapter, + displeased Jonah exceedingly and he was very angry. His obdurate heart + would rather that all Nineveh should be destroyed, and every soul, young + and old, perish in its ruins, than that his prediction should not be + fulfilled. To expose the character of a prophet still more, a gourd is + made to grow up in the night, that promises him an agreeable shelter from + the heat of the sun, in the place to which he is retired; and the next + morning it dies. + </p> + <p> + Here the rage of the prophet becomes excessive, and he is ready to destroy + himself. "It is better, said he, for me to die than to live." This brings + on a supposed expostulation between the Almighty and the prophet; in which + the former says, "Doest thou well to be angry for the gourd? And Jonah + said, I do well to be angry even unto death. Then said the Lord, Thou hast + had pity on the gourd, for which thou hast not laboured, neither madest it + to grow, which came up in a night, and perished in a night; and should not + I spare Nineveh, that great city, in which are more than threescore + thousand persons, that cannot discern between their right hand and their + left?" + </p> + <p> + Here is both the winding up of the satire, and the moral of the fable. As + a satire, it strikes against the character of all the Bible-prophets, and + against all the indiscriminate judgements upon men, women and children, + with which this lying book, the bible, is crowded; such as Noah's flood, + the destruction of the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, the extirpation of + the Canaanites, even to suckling infants, and women with child; because + the same reflection 'that there are more than threescore thousand persons + that cannot discern between their right hand and their left,' meaning + young children, applies to all their cases. It satirizes also the supposed + partiality of the Creator for one nation more than for another. + </p> + <p> + As a moral, it preaches against the malevolent spirit of prediction; for + as certainly as a man predicts ill, he becomes inclined to wish it. The + pride of having his judgment right hardens his heart, till at last he + beholds with satisfaction, or sees with disappointment, the accomplishment + or the failure of his predictions.—This book ends with the same kind + of strong and well-directed point against prophets, prophecies and + indiscriminate judgements, as the chapter that Benjamin Franklin made for + the Bible, about Abraham and the stranger, ends against the intolerant + spirit of religious persecutions—Thus much for the book Jonah. [The + story of Abraham and the Fire-worshipper, ascribed to Franklin, is from + Saadi. (See my "Sacred Anthology," p. 61.) Paine has often been called a + "mere scoffer," but he seems to have been among the first to treat with + dignity the book of Jonah, so especially liable to the ridicule of + superficial readers, and discern in it the highest conception of Deity + known to the Old Testament.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + Of the poetical parts of the Bible, that are called prophecies, I have + spoken in the former part of 'The Age of Reason,' and already in this, + where I have said that the word for prophet is the Bible-word for Poet, + and that the flights and metaphors of those poets, many of which have + become obscure by the lapse of time and the change of circumstances, have + been ridiculously erected into things called prophecies, and applied to + purposes the writers never thought of. When a priest quotes any of those + passages, he unriddles it agreeably to his own views, and imposes that + explanation upon his congregation as the meaning of the writer. The whore + of Babylon has been the common whore of all the priests, and each has + accused the other of keeping the strumpet; so well do they agree in their + explanations. + </p> + <p> + There now remain only a few books, which they call books of the lesser + prophets; and as I have already shown that the greater are impostors, it + would be cowardice to disturb the repose of the little ones. Let them + sleep, then, in the arms of their nurses, the priests, and both be + forgotten together. + </p> + <p> + I have now gone through the Bible, as a man would go through a wood with + an axe on his shoulder, and fell trees. Here they lie; and the priests, if + they can, may replant them. They may, perhaps, stick them in the ground, + but they will never make them grow.—I pass on to the books of the + New Testament. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0020" id="Elink2HCH0020"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER II - THE NEW TESTAMENT + </h2> + <p> + THE New Testament, they tell us, is founded upon the prophecies of the + Old; if so, it must follow the fate of its foundation. + </p> + <p> + As it is nothing extraordinary that a woman should be with child before + she was married, and that the son she might bring forth should be + executed, even unjustly, I see no reason for not believing that such a + woman as Mary, and such a man as Joseph, and Jesus, existed; their mere + existence is a matter of indifference, about which there is no ground + either to believe or to disbelieve, and which comes under the common head + of, It may be so, and what then? The probability however is that there + were such persons, or at least such as resembled them in part of the + circumstances, because almost all romantic stories have been suggested by + some actual circumstance; as the adventures of Robinson Crusoe, not a word + of which is true, were suggested by the case of Alexander Selkirk. + </p> + <p> + It is not then the existence or the non-existence, of the persons that I + trouble myself about; it is the fable of Jesus Christ, as told in the New + Testament, and the wild and visionary doctrine raised thereon, against + which I contend. The story, taking it as it is told, is blasphemously + obscene. It gives an account of a young woman engaged to be married, and + while under this engagement, she is, to speak plain language, debauched by + a ghost, under the impious pretence, (Luke i. 35,) that "the Holy Ghost + shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee." + Notwithstanding which, Joseph afterwards marries her, cohabits with her as + his wife, and in his turn rivals the ghost. This is putting the story into + intelligible language, and when told in this manner, there is not a priest + but must be ashamed to own it. [Mary, the supposed virgin, mother of + Jesus, had several other children, sons and daughters. See Matt. xiii. 55, + 56.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + Obscenity in matters of faith, however wrapped up, is always a token of + fable and imposture; for it is necessary to our serious belief in God, + that we do not connect it with stories that run, as this does, into + ludicrous interpretations. This story is, upon the face of it, the same + kind of story as that of Jupiter and Leda, or Jupiter and Europa, or any + of the amorous adventures of Jupiter; and shews, as is already stated in + the former part of 'The Age of Reason,' that the Christian faith is built + upon the heathen Mythology. + </p> + <p> + As the historical parts of the New Testament, so far as concerns Jesus + Christ, are confined to a very short space of time, less than two years, + and all within the same country, and nearly to the same spot, the + discordance of time, place, and circumstance, which detects the fallacy of + the books of the Old Testament, and proves them to be impositions, cannot + be expected to be found here in the same abundance. The New Testament + compared with the Old, is like a farce of one act, in which there is not + room for very numerous violations of the unities. There are, however, some + glaring contradictions, which, exclusive of the fallacy of the pretended + prophecies, are sufficient to show the story of Jesus Christ to be false. + </p> + <p> + I lay it down as a position which cannot be controverted, first, that the + agreement of all the parts of a story does not prove that story to be + true, because the parts may agree, and the whole may be false; secondly, + that the disagreement of the parts of a story proves the whole cannot be + true. The agreement does not prove truth, but the disagreement proves + falsehood positively. + </p> + <p> + The history of Jesus Christ is contained in the four books ascribed to + Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.—The first chapter of Matthew begins + with giving a genealogy of Jesus Christ; and in the third chapter of Luke + there is also given a genealogy of Jesus Christ. Did these two agree, it + would not prove the genealogy to be true, because it might nevertheless be + a fabrication; but as they contradict each other in every particular, it + proves falsehood absolutely. If Matthew speaks truth, Luke speaks + falsehood; and if Luke speaks truth, Matthew speaks falsehood: and as + there is no authority for believing one more than the other, there is no + authority for believing either; and if they cannot be believed even in the + very first thing they say, and set out to prove, they are not entitled to + be believed in any thing they say afterwards. Truth is an uniform thing; + and as to inspiration and revelation, were we to admit it, it is + impossible to suppose it can be contradictory. Either then the men called + apostles were imposters, or the books ascribed to them have been written + by other persons, and fathered upon them, as is the case in the Old + Testament. + </p> + <p> + The book of Matthew gives (i. 6), a genealogy by name from David, up, + through Joseph, the husband of Mary, to Christ; and makes there to be + twent eight generations. The book of Luke gives also a genealogy by name + from Christ, through Joseph the husband of Mary, down to David, and makes + there to be forty-three generations; besides which, there is only the two + names of David and Joseph that are alike in the two lists.—I here + insert both genealogical lists, and for the sake of perspicuity and + comparison, have placed them both in the same direction, that is, from + Joseph down to David. + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + Genealogy, according to Genealogy, according to + Matthew. Luke. + + Christ Christ + 2 Joseph 2 Joseph + 3 Jacob 3 Heli + 4 Matthan 4 Matthat + 5 Eleazer 5 Levi + 6 Eliud 6 Melchl + 7 Achim 7 Janna + 8 Sadoc 8 Joseph + 9 Azor 9 Mattathias + 10 Eliakim 10 Amos + 11 Abiud 11 Naum + 12 Zorobabel 12 Esli + 13 Salathiel 13 Nagge + 14 Jechonias 14 Maath + 15 Josias 15 Mattathias + 16 Amon 16 Semei + 17 Manasses 17 Joseph + 18 Ezekias 18 Juda + 19 Achaz 19 Joanna + 20 Joatham 20 Rhesa + 21 Ozias 21 Zorobabel + 22 Joram 22 Salathiel + 23 Josaphat 23 Neri + 24 Asa 24 Melchi + 25 Abia 25 Addi + 26 Roboam 26 Cosam + 27 Solomon 27 Elmodam + 28 David * 28 Er + 29 Jose + 30 Eliezer + 31 Jorim + 32 Matthat + 33 Levi + 34 Simeon + 35 Juda + 36 Joseph + 37 Jonan + 38 Eliakim + 39 Melea + 40 Menan + 41 Mattatha + 42 Nathan + 43 David +</pre> + <p> + [NOTE: * From the birth of David to the birth of Christ is upwards of 1080 + years; and as the life-time of Christ is not included, there are but 27 + full generations. To find therefore the average age of each person + mentioned in the list, at the time his first son was born, it is only + necessary to divide 1080 by 27, which gives 40 years for each person. As + the life-time of man was then but of the same extent it is now, it is an + absurdity to suppose, that 27 following generations should all be old + bachelors, before they married; and the more so, when we are told that + Solomon, the next in succession to David, had a house full of wives and + mistresses before he was twenty-one years of age. So far from this + genealogy being a solemn truth, it is not even a reasonable lie. The list + of Luke gives about twenty-six years for the average age, and this is too + much.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + Now, if these men, Matthew and Luke, set out with a falsehood between them + (as these two accounts show they do) in the very commencement of their + history of Jesus Christ, and of who, and of what he was, what authority + (as I have before asked) is there left for believing the strange things + they tell us afterwards? If they cannot be believed in their account of + his natural genealogy, how are we to believe them when they tell us he was + the son of God, begotten by a ghost; and that an angel announced this in + secret to his mother? If they lied in one genealogy, why are we to believe + them in the other? If his natural genealogy be manufactured, which it + certainly is, why are we not to suppose that his celestial genealogy is + manufactured also, and that the whole is fabulous? Can any man of serious + reflection hazard his future happiness upon the belief of a story + naturally impossible, repugnant to every idea of decency, and related by + persons already detected of falsehood? Is it not more safe that we stop + ourselves at the plain, pure, and unmixed belief of one God, which is + deism, than that we commit ourselves on an ocean of improbable, + irrational, indecent, and contradictory tales? + </p> + <p> + The first question, however, upon the books of the New Testament, as upon + those of the Old, is, Are they genuine? were they written by the persons + to whom they are ascribed? For it is upon this ground only that the + strange things related therein have been credited. Upon this point, there + is no direct proof for or against; and all that this state of a case + proves is doubtfulness; and doubtfulness is the opposite of belief. The + state, therefore, that the books are in, proves against themselves as far + as this kind of proof can go. + </p> + <p> + But, exclusive of this, the presumption is that the books called the + Evangelists, and ascribed to Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, were not + written by Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John; and that they are impositions. + The disordered state of the history in these four books, the silence of + one book upon matters related in the other, and the disagreement that is + to be found among them, implies that they are the productions of some + unconnected individuals, many years after the things they pretend to + relate, each of whom made his own legend; and not the writings of men + living intimately together, as the men called apostles are supposed to + have done: in fine, that they have been manufactured, as the books of the + Old Testament have been, by other persons than those whose names they + bear. + </p> + <p> + The story of the angel announcing what the church calls the immaculate + conception, is not so much as mentioned in the books ascribed to Mark, and + John; and is differently related in Matthew and Luke. The former says the + angel, appeared to Joseph; the latter says, it was to Mary; but either + Joseph or Mary was the worst evidence that could have been thought of; for + it was others that should have testified for them, and not they for + themselves. Were any girl that is now with child to say, and even to swear + it, that she was gotten with child by a ghost, and that an angel told her + so, would she be believed? Certainly she would not. Why then are we to + believe the same thing of another girl whom we never saw, told by nobody + knows who, nor when, nor where? How strange and inconsistent is it, that + the same circumstance that would weaken the belief even of a probable + story, should be given as a motive for believing this one, that has upon + the face of it every token of absolute impossibility and imposture. + </p> + <p> + The story of Herod destroying all the children under two years old, + belongs altogether to the book of Matthew; not one of the rest mentions + anything about it. Had such a circumstance been true, the universality of + it must have made it known to all the writers, and the thing would have + been too striking to have been omitted by any. This writer tell us, that + Jesus escaped this slaughter, because Joseph and Mary were warned by an + angel to flee with him into Egypt; but he forgot to make provision for + John [the Baptist], who was then under two years of age. John, however, + who staid behind, fared as well as Jesus, who fled; and therefore the + story circumstantially belies itself. + </p> + <p> + Not any two of these writers agree in reciting, exactly in the same words, + the written inscription, short as it is, which they tell us was put over + Christ when he was crucified; and besides this, Mark says, He was + crucified at the third hour, (nine in the morning;) and John says it was + the sixth hour, (twelve at noon.) [According to John, (xix. 14) the + sentence was not passed till about the sixth hour (noon,) and consequently + the execution could not be till the afternoon; but Mark (xv. 25) Says + expressly that he was crucified at the third hour, (nine in the morning,)—Author.] + </p> + <p> + The inscription is thus stated in those books: + </p> + <p> + Matthew—This is Jesus the king of the Jews. Mark—The king of + the Jews. Luke—This is the king of the Jews. John—Jesus of + Nazareth the king of the Jews. + </p> + <p> + We may infer from these circumstances, trivial as they are, that those + writers, whoever they were, and in whatever time they lived, were not + present at the scene. The only one of the men called apostles who appears + to have been near to the spot was Peter, and when he was accused of being + one of Jesus's followers, it is said, (Matthew xxvi. 74,) "Then Peter + began to curse and to swear, saying, I know not the man:" yet we are now + called to believe the same Peter, convicted, by their own account, of + perjury. For what reason, or on what authority, should we do this? + </p> + <p> + The accounts that are given of the circumstances, that they tell us + attended the crucifixion, are differently related in those four books. + </p> + <p> + The book ascribed to Matthew says 'there was darkness over all the land + from the sixth hour unto the ninth hour—that the veil of the temple + was rent in twain from the top to the bottom—that there was an + earthquake—that the rocks rent—that the graves opened, that + the bodies of many of the saints that slept arose and came out of their + graves after the resurrection, and went into the holy city and appeared + unto many.' Such is the account which this dashing writer of the book of + Matthew gives, but in which he is not supported by the writers of the + other books. + </p> + <p> + The writer of the book ascribed to Mark, in detailing the circumstances of + the crucifixion, makes no mention of any earthquake, nor of the rocks + rending, nor of the graves opening, nor of the dead men walking out. The + writer of the book of Luke is silent also upon the same points. And as to + the writer of the book of John, though he details all the circumstances of + the crucifixion down to the burial of Christ, he says nothing about either + the darkness—the veil of the temple—the earthquake—the + rocks—the graves—nor the dead men. + </p> + <p> + Now if it had been true that these things had happened, and if the writers + of these books had lived at the time they did happen, and had been the + persons they are said to be—namely, the four men called apostles, + Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John,—it was not possible for them, as true + historians, even without the aid of inspiration, not to have recorded + them. The things, supposing them to have been facts, were of too much + notoriety not to have been known, and of too much importance not to have + been told. All these supposed apostles must have been witnesses of the + earthquake, if there had been any, for it was not possible for them to + have been absent from it: the opening of the graves and resurrection of + the dead men, and their walking about the city, is of still greater + importance than the earthquake. An earthquake is always possible, and + natural, and proves nothing; but this opening of the graves is + supernatural, and directly in point to their doctrine, their cause, and + their apostleship. Had it been true, it would have filled up whole + chapters of those books, and been the chosen theme and general chorus of + all the writers; but instead of this, little and trivial things, and mere + prattling conversation of 'he said this and she said that' are often + tediously detailed, while this most important of all, had it been true, is + passed off in a slovenly manner by a single dash of the pen, and that by + one writer only, and not so much as hinted at by the rest. + </p> + <p> + It is an easy thing to tell a lie, but it is difficult to support the lie + after it is told. The writer of the book of Matthew should have told us + who the saints were that came to life again, and went into the city, and + what became of them afterwards, and who it was that saw them; for he is + not hardy enough to say that he saw them himself;—whether they came + out naked, and all in natural buff, he-saints and she-saints, or whether + they came full dressed, and where they got their dresses; whether they + went to their former habitations, and reclaimed their wives, their + husbands, and their property, and how they were received; whether they + entered ejectments for the recovery of their possessions, or brought + actions of crim. con. against the rival interlopers; whether they remained + on earth, and followed their former occupation of preaching or working; or + whether they died again, or went back to their graves alive, and buried + themselves. + </p> + <p> + Strange indeed, that an army of saints should retum to life, and nobody + know who they were, nor who it was that saw them, and that not a word more + should be said upon the subject, nor these saints have any thing to tell + us! Had it been the prophets who (as we are told) had formerly prophesied + of these things, they must have had a great deal to say. They could have + told us everything, and we should have had posthumous prophecies, with + notes and commentaries upon the first, a little better at least than we + have now. Had it been Moses, and Aaron, and Joshua, and Samuel, and David, + not an unconverted Jew had remained in all Jerusalem. Had it been John the + Baptist, and the saints of the times then present, everybody would have + known them, and they would have out-preached and out-famed all the other + apostles. But, instead of this, these saints are made to pop up, like + Jonah's gourd in the night, for no purpose at all but to wither in the + morning.—Thus much for this part of the story. + </p> + <p> + The tale of the resurrection follows that of the crucifixion; and in this + as well as in that, the writers, whoever they were, disagree so much as to + make it evident that none of them were there. + </p> + <p> + The book of Matthew states, that when Christ was put in the sepulchre the + Jews applied to Pilate for a watch or a guard to be placed over the + septilchre, to prevent the body being stolen by the disciples; and that in + consequence of this request the sepulchre was made sure, sealing the stone + that covered the mouth, and setting a watch. But the other books say + nothing about this application, nor about the sealing, nor the guard, nor + the watch; and according to their accounts, there were none. Matthew, + however, follows up this part of the story of the guard or the watch with + a second part, that I shall notice in the conclusion, as it serves to + detect the fallacy of those books. + </p> + <p> + The book of Matthew continues its account, and says, (xxviii. 1,) that at + the end of the Sabbath, as it began to dawn, towards the first day of the + week, came Mary Magdalene and the other Mary, to see the sepulchre. Mark + says it was sun-rising, and John says it was dark. Luke says it was Mary + Magdalene and Joanna, and Mary the mother of James, and other women, that + came to the sepulchre; and John states that Mary Magdalene came alone. So + well do they agree about their first evidence! They all, however, appear + to have known most about Mary Magdalene; she was a woman of large + acquaintance, and it was not an ill conjecture that she might be upon the + stroll. [The Bishop of Llandaff, in his famous "Apology," censured Paine + severely for this insinuation against Mary Magdalene, but the censure + really falls on our English version, which, by a chapter-heading (Luke + vii.), has unwarrantably identified her as the sinful woman who anointed + Jesus, and irrevocably branded her.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + The book of Matthew goes on to say (ver. 2): "And behold there was a great + earthquake, for the angel of the Lord descended from heaven, and came and + rolled back the stone from the door, and sat upon it" But the other books + say nothing about any earthquake, nor about the angel rolling back the + stone, and sitting upon it and, according to their account, there was no + angel sitting there. Mark says the angel [Mark says "a young man," and + Luke "two men."—Editor.] was within the sepulchre, sitting on the + right side. Luke says there were two, and they were both standing up; and + John says they were both sitting down, one at the head and the other at + the feet. + </p> + <p> + Matthew says, that the angel that was sitting upon the stone on the + outside of the sepulchre told the two Marys that Christ was risen, and + that the women went away quickly. Mark says, that the women, upon seeing + the stone rolled away, and wondering at it, went into the sepulchre, and + that it was the angel that was sitting within on the right side, that told + them so. Luke says, it was the two angels that were Standing up; and John + says, it was Jesus Christ himself that told it to Mary Magdalene; and that + she did not go into the sepulchre, but only stooped down and looked in. + </p> + <p> + Now, if the writers of these four books had gone into a court of justice + to prove an alibi, (for it is of the nature of an alibi that is here + attempted to be proved, namely, the absence of a dead body by supernatural + means,) and had they given their evidence in the same contradictory manner + as it is here given, they would have been in danger of having their ears + cropt for perjury, and would have justly deserved it. Yet this is the + evidence, and these are the books, that have been imposed upon the world + as being given by divine inspiration, and as the unchangeable word of God. + </p> + <p> + The writer of the book of Matthew, after giving this account, relates a + story that is not to be found in any of the other books, and which is the + same I have just before alluded to. "Now," says he, [that is, after the + conversation the women had had with the angel sitting upon the stone,] + "behold some of the watch [meaning the watch that he had said had been + placed over the sepulchre] came into the city, and shawed unto the chief + priests all the things that were done; and when they were assembled with + the elders and had taken counsel, they gave large money unto the soldiers, + saying, Say ye, that his disciples came by night, and stole him away while + we slept; and if this come to the governor's ears, we will persuade him, + and secure you. So they took the money, and did as they were taught; and + this saying [that his disciples stole him away] is commonly reported among + the Jews until this day." + </p> + <p> + The expression, until this day, is an evidence that the book ascribed to + Matthew was not written by Matthew, and that it has been manufactured long + after the times and things of which it pretends to treat; for the + expression implies a great length of intervening time. It would be + inconsistent in us to speak in this manner of any thing happening in our + own time. To give, therefore, intelligible meaning to the expression, we + must suppose a lapse of some generations at least, for this manner of + speaking carries the mind back to ancient time. + </p> + <p> + The absurdity also of the story is worth noticing; for it shows the writer + of the book of Matthew to have been an exceeding weak and foolish man. He + tells a story that contradicts itself in point of possibility; for though + the guard, if there were any, might be made to say that the body was taken + away while they were asleep, and to give that as a reason for their not + having prevented it, that same sleep must also have prevented their + knowing how, and by whom, it was done; and yet they are made to say that + it was the disciples who did it. Were a man to tender his evidence of + something that he should say was done, and of the manner of doing it, and + of the person who did it, while he was asleep, and could know nothing of + the matter, such evidence could not be received: it will do well enough + for Testament evidence, but not for any thing where truth is concerned. + </p> + <p> + I come now to that part of the evidence in those books, that respects the + pretended appearance of Christ after this pretended resurrection. + </p> + <p> + The writer of the book of Matthew relates, that the angel that was sitting + on the stone at the mouth of the sepulchre, said to the two Marys (xxviii. + 7), "Behold Christ is gone before you into Galilee, there ye shall see + him; lo, I have told you." And the same writer at the next two verses (8, + 9,) makes Christ himself to speak to the same purpose to these women + immediately after the angel had told it to them, and that they ran quickly + to tell it to the disciples; and it is said (ver. 16), "Then the eleven + disciples went away into Galilee, into a mountain where Jesus had + appointed them; and, when they saw him, they worshipped him." + </p> + <p> + But the writer of the book of John tells us a story very different to + this; for he says (xx. 19) "Then the same day at evening, being the first + day of the week, [that is, the same day that Christ is said to have + risen,] when the doors were shut, where the disciples were assembled, for + fear of the Jews, came Jesus and stood in the midst of them." + </p> + <p> + According to Matthew the eleven were marching to Galilee, to meet Jesus in + a mountain, by his own appointment, at the very time when, according to + John, they were assembled in another place, and that not by appointment, + but in secret, for fear of the Jews. + </p> + <p> + The writer of the book of Luke xxiv. 13, 33-36, contradicts that of + Matthew more pointedly than John does; for he says expressly, that the + meeting was in Jerusalem the evening of the same day that he (Christ) + rose, and that the eleven were there. + </p> + <p> + Now, it is not possible, unless we admit these supposed disciples the + right of wilful lying, that the writers of these books could be any of the + eleven persons called disciples; for if, according to Matthew, the eleven + went into Galilee to meet Jesus in a mountain by his own appointment, on + the same day that he is said to have risen, Luke and John must have been + two of that eleven; yet the writer of Luke says expressly, and John + implies as much, that the meeting was that same day, in a house in + Jerusalem; and, on the other hand, if, according to Luke and John, the + eleven were assembled in a house in Jerusalem, Matthew must have been one + of that eleven; yet Matthew says the meeting was in a mountain in Galilee, + and consequently the evidence given in those books destroy each other. + </p> + <p> + The writer of the book of Mark says nothing about any meeting in Galilee; + but he says (xvi. 12) that Christ, after his resurrection, appeared in + another form to two of them, as they walked into the country, and that + these two told it to the residue, who would not believe them. [This + belongs to the late addition to Mark, which originally ended with xvi. 8.—Editor.] + Luke also tells a story, in which he keeps Christ employed the whole of + the day of this pretended resurrection, until the evening, and which + totally invalidates the account of going to the mountain in Galilee. He + says, that two of them, without saying which two, went that same day to a + village called Emmaus, three score furlongs (seven miles and a half) from + Jerusalem, and that Christ in disguise went with them, and stayed with + them unto the evening, and supped with them, and then vanished out of + their sight, and reappeared that same evening, at the meeting of the + eleven in Jerusalem. + </p> + <p> + This is the contradictory manner in which the evidence of this pretended + reappearance of Christ is stated: the only point in which the writers + agree, is the skulking privacy of that reappearance; for whether it was in + the recess of a mountain in Galilee, or in a shut-up house in Jerusalem, + it was still skulking. To what cause then are we to assign this skulking? + On the one hand, it is directly repugnant to the supposed or pretended + end, that of convincing the world that Christ was risen; and, on the other + hand, to have asserted the publicity of it would have exposed the writers + of those books to public detection; and, therefore, they have been under + the necessity of making it a private affair. + </p> + <p> + As to the account of Christ being seen by more than five hundred at once, + it is Paul only who says it, and not the five hundred who say it for + themselves. It is, therefore, the testimony of but one man, and that too + of a man, who did not, according to the same account, believe a word of + the matter himself at the time it is said to have happened. His evidence, + supposing him to have been the writer of Corinthians xv., where this + account is given, is like that of a man who comes into a court of justice + to swear that what he had sworn before was false. A man may often see + reason, and he has too always the right of changing his opinion; but this + liberty does not extend to matters of fact. + </p> + <p> + I now come to the last scene, that of the ascension into heaven.—Here + all fear of the Jews, and of every thing else, must necessarily have been + out of the question: it was that which, if true, was to seal the whole; + and upon which the reality of the future mission of the disciples was to + rest for proof. Words, whether declarations or promises, that passed in + private, either in the recess of a mountain in Galilee, or in a shut-up + house in Jerusalem, even supposing them to have been spoken, could not be + evidence in public; it was therefore necessary that this last scene should + preclude the possibility of denial and dispute; and that it should be, as + I have stated in the former part of 'The Age of Reason,' as public and as + visible as the sun at noon-day; at least it ought to have been as public + as the crucifixion is reported to have been.—But to come to the + point. + </p> + <p> + In the first place, the writer of the book of Matthew does not say a + syllable about it; neither does the writer of the book of John. This being + the case, is it possible to suppose that those writers, who affect to be + even minute in other matters, would have been silent upon this, had it + been true? The writer of the book of Mark passes it off in a careless, + slovenly manner, with a single dash of the pen, as if he was tired of + romancing, or ashamed of the story. So also does the writer of Luke. And + even between these two, there is not an apparent agreement, as to the + place where this final parting is said to have been. [The last nine verses + of Mark being ungenuine, the story of the ascension rests exclusively on + the words in Luke xxiv. 51, "was carried up into heaven,"—words + omitted by several ancient authorities.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + The book of Mark says that Christ appeared to the eleven as they sat at + meat, alluding to the meeting of the eleven at Jerusalem: he then states + the conversation that he says passed at that meeting; and immediately + after says (as a school-boy would finish a dull story,) "So then, after + the Lord had spoken unto them, he was received up into heaven, and sat on + the right hand of God." But the writer of Luke says, that the ascension + was from Bethany; that he (Christ) led them out as far as Bethany, and was + parted from them there, and was carried up into heaven. So also was + Mahomet: and, as to Moses, the apostle Jude says, ver. 9. That 'Michael + and the devil disputed about his body.' While we believe such fables as + these, or either of them, we believe unworthily of the Almighty. + </p> + <p> + I have now gone through the examination of the four books ascribed to + Matthew, Mark, Luke and John; and when it is considered that the whole + space of time, from the crucifixion to what is called the ascension, is + but a few days, apparently not more than three or four, and that all the + circumstances are reported to have happened nearly about the same spot, + Jerusalem, it is, I believe, impossible to find in any story upon record + so many and such glaring absurdities, contradictions, and falsehoods, as + are in those books. They are more numerous and striking than I had any + expectation of finding, when I began this examination, and far more so + than I had any idea of when I wrote the former part of 'The Age of + Reason.' I had then neither Bible nor Testament to refer to, nor could I + procure any. My own situation, even as to existence, was becoming every + day more precarious; and as I was willing to leave something behind me + upon the subject, I was obliged to be quick and concise. The quotations I + then made were from memory only, but they are correct; and the opinions I + have advanced in that work are the effect of the most clear and + long-established conviction,—that the Bible and the Testament are + impositions upon the world;—that the fall of man, the account of + Jesus Christ being the Son of God, and of his dying to appease the wrath + of God, and of salvation by that strange means, are all fabulous + inventions, dishonourable to the wisdom and power of the Almighty;—that + the only true religion is deism, by which I then meant and now mean the + belief of one God, and an imitation of his moral character, or the + practice of what are called moral virtues;—and that it was upon this + only (so far as religion is concerned) that I rested all my hopes of + happiness hereafter. So say I now—and so help me God. + </p> + <p> + But to retum to the subject.—Though it is impossible, at this + distance of time, to ascertain as a fact who were the writers of those + four books (and this alone is sufficient to hold them in doubt, and where + we doubt we do not believe) it is not difficult to ascertain negatively + that they were not written by the persons to whom they are ascribed. The + contradictions in those books demonstrate two things: + </p> + <p> + First, that the writers cannot have been eye-witnesses and ear-witnesses + of the matters they relate, or they would have related them without those + contradictions; and, consequently that the books have not been written by + the persons called apostles, who are supposed to have been witnesses of + this kind. + </p> + <p> + Secondly, that the writers, whoever they were, have not acted in concerted + imposition, but each writer separately and individually for himself, and + without the knowledge of the other. + </p> + <p> + The same evidence that applies to prove the one, applies equally to prove + both cases; that is, that the books were not written by the men called + apostles, and also that they are not a concerted imposition. As to + inspiration, it is altogether out of the question; we may as well attempt + to unite truth and falsehood, as inspiration and contradiction. + </p> + <p> + If four men are eye-witnesses and ear-witnesses to a scene, they will + without any concert between them, agree as to time and place, when and + where that scene happened. Their individual knowledge of the thing, each + one knowing it for himself, renders concert totally unnecessary; the one + will not say it was in a mountain in the country, and the other at a house + in town; the one will not say it was at sunrise, and the other that it was + dark. For in whatever place it was and whatever time it was, they know it + equally alike. + </p> + <p> + And on the other hand, if four men concert a story, they will make their + separate relations of that story agree and corroborate with each other to + support the whole. That concert supplies the want of fact in the one case, + as the knowledge of the fact supersedes, in the other case, the necessity + of a concert. The same contradictions, therefore, that prove there has + been no concert, prove also that the reporters had no knowledge of the + fact, (or rather of that which they relate as a fact,) and detect also the + falsehood of their reports. Those books, therefore, have neither been + written by the men called apostles, nor by imposters in concert.—How + then have they been written? + </p> + <p> + I am not one of those who are fond of believing there is much of that + which is called wilful lying, or lying originally, except in the case of + men setting up to be prophets, as in the Old Testament; for prophesying is + lying professionally. In almost all other cases it is not difficult to + discover the progress by which even simple supposition, with the aid of + credulity, will in time grow into a lie, and at last be told as a fact; + and whenever we can find a charitable reason for a thing of this kind, we + ought not to indulge a severe one. + </p> + <p> + The story of Jesus Christ appearing after he was dead is the story of an + apparition, such as timid imaginations can always create in vision, and + credulity believe. Stories of this kind had been told of the assassination + of Julius Caesar not many years before, and they generally have their + origin in violent deaths, or in execution of innocent persons. In cases of + this kind, compassion lends its aid, and benevolently stretches the story. + It goes on a little and a little farther, till it becomes a most certain + truth. Once start a ghost, and credulity fills up the history of its life, + and assigns the cause of its appearance; one tells it one way, another + another way, till there are as many stories about the ghost, and about the + proprietor of the ghost, as there are about Jesus Christ in these four + books. + </p> + <p> + The story of the appearance of Jesus Christ is told with that strange + mixture of the natural and impossible, that distinguishes legendary tale + from fact. He is represented as suddenly coming in and going out when the + doors are shut, and of vanishing out of sight, and appearing again, as one + would conceive of an unsubstantial vision; then again he is hungry, sits + down to meat, and eats his supper. But as those who tell stories of this + kind never provide for all the cases, so it is here: they have told us, + that when he arose he left his grave-clothes behind him; but they have + forgotten to provide other clothes for him to appear in afterwards, or to + tell us what he did with them when he ascended; whether he stripped all + off, or went up clothes and all. In the case of Elijah, they have been + careful enough to make him throw down his mantle; how it happened not to + be burnt in the chariot of fire, they also have not told us; but as + imagination supplies all deficiencies of this kind, we may suppose if we + please that it was made of salamander's wool. + </p> + <p> + Those who are not much acquainted with ecclesiastical history, may suppose + that the book called the New Testament has existed ever since the time of + Jesus Christ, as they suppose that the books ascribed to Moses have + existed ever since the time of Moses. But the fact is historically + otherwise; there was no such book as the New Testament till more than + three hundred years after the time that Christ is said to have lived. + </p> + <p> + At what time the books ascribed to Matthew, Mark, Luke and John, began to + appear, is altogether a matter of uncertainty. There is not the least + shadow of evidence of who the persons were that wrote them, nor at what + time they were written; and they might as well have been called by the + names of any of the other supposed apostles as by the names they are now + called. The originals are not in the possession of any Christian Church + existing, any more than the two tables of stone written on, they pretend, + by the finger of God, upon Mount Sinai, and given to Moses, are in the + possession of the Jews. And even if they were, there is no possibility of + proving the hand-writing in either case. At the time those four books were + written there was no printing, and consequently there could be no + publication otherwise than by written copies, which any man might make or + alter at pleasure, and call them originals. Can we suppose it is + consistent with the wisdom of the Almighty to commit himself and his will + to man upon such precarious means as these; or that it is consistent we + should pin our faith upon such uncertainties? We cannot make nor alter, + nor even imitate, so much as one blade of grass that he has made, and yet + we can make or alter words of God as easily as words of man. [The former + part of the 'Age of Reason' has not been published two years, and there is + already an expression in it that is not mine. The expression is: The book + of Luke was carried by a majority of one voice only. It may be true, but + it is not I that have said it. Some person who might know of that + circumstance, has added it in a note at the bottom of the page of some of + the editions, printed either in England or in America; and the printers, + after that, have erected it into the body of the work, and made me the + author of it. If this has happened within such a short space of time, + notwithstanding the aid of printing, which prevents the alteration of + copies individually, what may not have happened in a much greater length + of time, when there was no printing, and when any man who could write + could make a written copy and call it an original by Matthew, Mark, Luke, + or John?—Author.] + </p> + <p> + [The spurious addition to Paine's work alluded to in his footnote drew on + him a severe criticism from Dr. Priestley ("Letters to a Philosophical + Unbeliever," p. 75), yet it seems to have been Priestley himself who, in + his quotation, first incorporated into Paine's text the footnote added by + the editor of the American edition (1794). The American added: "Vide + Moshiem's (sic) Ecc. History," which Priestley omits. In a modern American + edition I notice four verbal alterations introduced into the above + footnote.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + About three hundred and fifty years after the time that Christ is said to + have lived, several writings of the kind I am speaking of were scattered + in the hands of divers individuals; and as the church had begun to form + itself into an hierarchy, or church government, with temporal powers, it + set itself about collecting them into a code, as we now see them, called + 'The New Testament.' They decided by vote, as I have before said in the + former part of the Age of Reason, which of those writings, out of the + collection they had made, should be the word of God, and which should not. + The Robbins of the Jews had decided, by vote, upon the books of the Bible + before. + </p> + <p> + As the object of the church, as is the case in all national establishments + of churches, was power and revenue, and terror the means it used, it is + consistent to suppose that the most miraculous and wonderful of the + writings they had collected stood the best chance of being voted. And as + to the authenticity of the books, the vote stands in the place of it; for + it can be traced no higher. + </p> + <p> + Disputes, however, ran high among the people then calling themselves + Christians, not only as to points of doctrine, but as to the authenticity + of the books. In the contest between the person called St. Augustine, and + Fauste, about the year 400, the latter says, "The books called the + Evangelists have been composed long after the times of the apostles, by + some obscure men, who, fearing that the world would not give credit to + their relation of matters of which they could not be informed, have + published them under the names of the apostles; and which are so full of + sottishness and discordant relations, that there is neither agreement nor + connection between them." + </p> + <p> + And in another place, addressing himself to the advocates of those books, + as being the word of God, he says, "It is thus that your predecessors have + inserted in the scriptures of our Lord many things which, though they + carry his name, agree not with his doctrine." This is not surprising, + since that we have often proved that these things have not been written by + himself, nor by his apostles, but that for the greatest part they are + founded upon tales, upon vague reports, and put together by I know not + what half-Jews, with but little agreement between them; and which they + have nevertheless published under the name of the apostles of our Lord, + and have thus attributed to them their own errors and their lies. [I have + taken these two extracts from Boulanger's Life of Paul, written in French; + Boulanger has quoted them from the writings of Augustine against Fauste, + to which he refers.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + This Bishop Faustus is usually styled "The Manichaeum," Augustine having + entitled his book, Contra Frustum Manichaeum Libri xxxiii., in which + nearly the whole of Faustus' very able work is quoted.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + The reader will see by those extracts that the authenticity of the books + of the New Testament was denied, and the books treated as tales, + forgeries, and lies, at the time they were voted to be the word of God. + But the interest of the church, with the assistance of the faggot, bore + down the opposition, and at last suppressed all investigation. Miracles + followed upon miracles, if we will believe them, and men were taught to + say they believed whether they believed or not. But (by way of throwing in + a thought) the French Revolution has excommunicated the church from the + power of working miracles; she has not been able, with the assistance of + all her saints, to work one miracle since the revolution began; and as she + never stood in greater need than now, we may, without the aid of + divination, conclude that all her former miracles are tricks and lies. + [Boulanger in his life of Paul, has collected from the ecclesiastical + histories, and the writings of the fathers as they are called, several + matters which show the opinions that prevailed among the different sects + of Christians, at the time the Testament, as we now see it, was voted to + be the word of God. The following extracts are from the second chapter of + that work: + </p> + <p> + [The Marcionists (a Christian sect) asserted that the evangelists were + filled with falsities. The Manichaeans, who formed a very numerous sect at + the commencement of Christianity, rejected as false all the New Testament, + and showed other writings quite different that they gave for authentic. + The Corinthians, like the Marcionists, admitted not the Acts of the + Apostles. The Encratites and the Sevenians adopted neither the Acts, nor + the Epistles of Paul. Chrysostom, in a homily which he made upon the Acts + of the Apostles, says that in his time, about the year 400, many people + knew nothing either of the author or of the book. St. Irene, who lived + before that time, reports that the Valentinians, like several other sects + of the Christians, accused the scriptures of being filled with + imperfections, errors, and contradictions. The Ebionites, or Nazarenes, + who were the first Christians, rejected all the Epistles of Paul, and + regarded him as an impostor. They report, among other things, that he was + originally a Pagan; that he came to Jerusalem, where he lived some time; + and that having a mind to marry the daughter of the high priest, he had + himself been circumcised; but that not being able to obtain her, he + quarrelled with the Jews and wrote against circumcision, and against the + observation of the Sabbath, and against all the legal ordinances.—Author.] + [Much abridged from the Exam. Crit. de la Vie de St. Paul, by N.A. + Boulanger, 1770.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + When we consider the lapse of more than three hundred years intervening + between the time that Christ is said to have lived and the time the New + Testament was formed into a book, we must see, even without the assistance + of historical evidence, the exceeding uncertainty there is of its + authenticity. The authenticity of the book of Homer, so far as regards the + authorship, is much better established than that of the New Testament, + though Homer is a thousand years the most ancient. It was only an + exceeding good poet that could have written the book of Homer, and, + therefore, few men only could have attempted it; and a man capable of + doing it would not have thrown away his own fame by giving it to another. + In like manner, there were but few that could have composed Euclid's + Elements, because none but an exceeding good geometrician could have been + the author of that work. + </p> + <p> + But with respect to the books of the New Testament, particularly such + parts as tell us of the resurrection and ascension of Christ, any person + who could tell a story of an apparition, or of a man's walking, could have + made such books; for the story is most wretchedly told. The chance, + therefore, of forgery in the Testament is millions to one greater than in + the case of Homer or Euclid. Of the numerous priests or parsons of the + present day, bishops and all, every one of them can make a sermon, or + translate a scrap of Latin, especially if it has been translated a + thousand times before; but is there any amongst them that can write poetry + like Homer, or science like Euclid? The sum total of a parson's learning, + with very few exceptions, is a, b, ab, and hic, haec, hoc; and their + knowledge of science is, three times one is three; and this is more than + sufficient to have enabled them, had they lived at the time, to have + written all the books of the New Testament. + </p> + <p> + As the opportunities of forgery were greater, so also was the inducement. + A man could gain no advantage by writing under the name of Homer or + Euclid; if he could write equal to them, it would be better that he wrote + under his own name; if inferior, he could not succeed. Pride would prevent + the former, and impossibility the latter. But with respect to such books + as compose the New Testament, all the inducements were on the side of + forgery. The best imagined history that could have been made, at the + distance of two or three hundred years after the time, could not have + passed for an original under the name of the real writer; the only chance + of success lay in forgery; for the church wanted pretence for its new + doctrine, and truth and talents were out of the question. + </p> + <p> + But as it is not uncommon (as before observed) to relate stories of + persons walking after they are dead, and of ghosts and apparitions of such + as have fallen by some violent or extraordinary means; and as the people + of that day were in the habit of believing such things, and of the + appearance of angels, and also of devils, and of their getting into + people's insides, and shaking them like a fit of an ague, and of their + being cast out again as if by an emetic—(Mary Magdalene, the book of + Mark tells us had brought up, or been brought to bed of seven devils;) it + was nothing extraordinary that some story of this kind should get abroad + of the person called Jesus Christ, and become afterwards the foundation of + the four books ascribed to Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Each writer told + a tale as he heard it, or thereabouts, and gave to his book the name of + the saint or the apostle whom tradition had given as the eye-witness. It + is only upon this ground that the contradictions in those books can be + accounted for; and if this be not the case, they are downright + impositions, lies, and forgeries, without even the apology of credulity. + </p> + <p> + That they have been written by a sort of half Jews, as the foregoing + quotations mention, is discernible enough. The frequent references made to + that chief assassin and impostor Moses, and to the men called prophets, + establishes this point; and, on the other hand, the church has + complimented the fraud, by admitting the Bible and the Testament to reply + to each other. Between the Christian-Jew and the Christian-Gentile, the + thing called a prophecy, and the thing prophesied of, the type and the + thing typified, the sign and the thing signified, have been industriously + rummaged up, and fitted together like old locks and pick-lock keys. The + story foolishly enough told of Eve and the serpent, and naturally enough + as to the enmity between men and serpents (for the serpent always bites + about the heel, because it cannot reach higher, and the man always knocks + the serpent about the head, as the most effectual way to prevent its + biting;) ["It shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel." Gen. + iii. 15.—Author.] this foolish story, I say, has been made into a + prophecy, a type, and a promise to begin with; and the lying imposition of + Isaiah to Ahaz, 'That a virgin shall conceive and bear a son,' as a sign + that Ahaz should conquer, when the event was that he was defeated (as + already noticed in the observations on the book of Isaiah), has been + perverted, and made to serve as a winder up. + </p> + <p> + Jonah and the whale are also made into a sign and type. Jonah is Jesus, + and the whale is the grave; for it is said, (and they have made Christ to + say it of himself, Matt. xii. 40), "For as Jonah was three days and three + nights in the whale's belly, so shall the Son of man be three days and + three nights in the heart of the earth." But it happens, awkwardly enough, + that Christ, according to their own account, was but one day and two + nights in the grave; about 36 hours instead of 72; that is, the Friday + night, the Saturday, and the Saturday night; for they say he was up on the + Sunday morning by sunrise, or before. But as this fits quite as well as + the bite and the kick in Genesis, or the virgin and her son in Isaiah, it + will pass in the lump of orthodox things.—Thus much for the + historical part of the Testament and its evidences. + </p> + <p> + Epistles of Paul—The epistles ascribed to Paul, being fourteen in + number, almost fill up the remaining part of the Testament. Whether those + epistles were written by the person to whom they are ascribed is a matter + of no great importance, since that the writer, whoever he was, attempts to + prove his doctrine by argument. He does not pretend to have been witness + to any of the scenes told of the resurrection and the ascension; and he + declares that he had not believed them. + </p> + <p> + The story of his being struck to the ground as he was journeying to + Damascus, has nothing in it miraculous or extraordinary; he escaped with + life, and that is more than many others have done, who have been struck + with lightning; and that he should lose his sight for three days, and be + unable to eat or drink during that time, is nothing more than is common in + such conditions. His companions that were with him appear not to have + suffered in the same manner, for they were well enough to lead him the + remainder of the journey; neither did they pretend to have seen any + vision. + </p> + <p> + The character of the person called Paul, according to the accounts given + of him, has in it a great deal of violence and fanaticism; he had + persecuted with as much heat as he preached afterwards; the stroke he had + received had changed his thinking, without altering his constitution; and + either as a Jew or a Christian he was the same zealot. Such men are never + good moral evidences of any doctrine they preach. They are always in + extremes, as well of action as of belief. + </p> + <p> + The doctrine he sets out to prove by argument, is the resurrection of the + same body: and he advances this as an evidence of immortality. But so much + will men differ in their manner of thinking, and in the conclusions they + draw from the same premises, that this doctrine of the resurrection of the + same body, so far from being an evidence of immortality, appears to me to + be an evidence against it; for if I have already died in this body, and am + raised again in the same body in which I have died, it is presumptive + evidence that I shall die again. That resurrection no more secures me + against the repetition of dying, than an ague-fit, when past, secures me + against another. To believe therefore in immortality, I must have a more + elevated idea than is contained in the gloomy doctrine of the + resurrection. + </p> + <p> + Besides, as a matter of choice, as well as of hope, I had rather have a + better body and a more convenient form than the present. Every animal in + the creation excels us in something. The winged insects, without + mentioning doves or eagles, can pass over more space with greater ease in + a few minutes than man can in an hour. The glide of the smallest fish, in + proportion to its bulk, exceeds us in motion almost beyond comparison, and + without weariness. Even the sluggish snail can ascend from the bottom of a + dungeon, where man, by the want of that ability, would perish; and a + spider can launch itself from the top, as a playful amusement. The + personal powers of man are so limited, and his heavy frame so little + constructed to extensive enjoyment, that there is nothing to induce us to + wish the opinion of Paul to be true. It is too little for the magnitude of + the scene, too mean for the sublimity of the subject. + </p> + <p> + But all other arguments apart, the consciousness of existence is the only + conceivable idea we can have of another life, and the continuance of that + consciousness is immortality. The consciousness of existence, or the + knowing that we exist, is not necessarily confined to the same form, nor + to the same matter, even in this life. + </p> + <p> + We have not in all cases the same form, nor in any case the same matter, + that composed our bodies twenty or thirty years ago; and yet we are + conscious of being the same persons. Even legs and arms, which make up + almost half the human frame, are not necessary to the consciousness of + existence. These may be lost or taken away and the full consciousness of + existence remain; and were their place supplied by wings, or other + appendages, we cannot conceive that it could alter our consciousness of + existence. In short, we know not how much, or rather how little, of our + composition it is, and how exquisitely fine that little is, that creates + in us this consciousness of existence; and all beyond that is like the + pulp of a peach, distinct and separate from the vegetative speck in the + kernel. + </p> + <p> + Who can say by what exceeding fine action of fine matter it is that a + thought is produced in what we call the mind? and yet that thought when + produced, as I now produce the thought I am writing, is capable of + becoming immortal, and is the only production of man that has that + capacity. + </p> + <p> + Statues of brass and marble will perish; and statues made in imitation of + them are not the same statues, nor the same workmanship, any more than the + copy of a picture is the same picture. But print and reprint a thought a + thousand times over, and that with materials of any kind, carve it in + wood, or engrave it on stone, the thought is eternally and identically the + same thought in every case. It has a capacity of unimpaired existence, + unaffected by change of matter, and is essentially distinct, and of a + nature different from every thing else that we know of, or can conceive. + If then the thing produced has in itself a capacity of being immortal, it + is more than a token that the power that produced it, which is the + self-same thing as consciousness of existence, can be immortal also; and + that as independently of the matter it was first connected with, as the + thought is of the printing or writing it first appeared in. The one idea + is not more difficult to believe than the other; and we can see that one + is true. + </p> + <p> + That the consciousness of existence is not dependent on the same form or + the same matter, is demonstrated to our senses in the works of the + creation, as far as our senses are capable of receiving that + demonstration. A very numerous part of the animal creation preaches to us, + far better than Paul, the belief of a life hereafter. Their little life + resembles an earth and a heaven, a present and a future state; and + comprises, if it may be so expressed, immortality in miniature. + </p> + <p> + The most beautiful parts of the creation to our eye are the winged + insects, and they are not so originally. They acquire that form and that + inimitable brilliancy by progressive changes. The slow and creeping + caterpillar worm of to day, passes in a few days to a torpid figure, and a + state resembling death; and in the next change comes forth in all the + miniature magnificence of life, a splendid butterfly. No resemblance of + the former creature remains; every thing is changed; all his powers are + new, and life is to him another thing. We cannot conceive that the + consciousness of existence is not the same in this state of the animal as + before; why then must I believe that the resurrection of the same body is + necessary to continue to me the consciousness of existence hereafter? + </p> + <p> + In the former part of 'The Agee of Reason.' I have called the creation the + true and only real word of God; and this instance, or this text, in the + book of creation, not only shows to us that this thing may be so, but that + it is so; and that the belief of a future state is a rational belief, + founded upon facts visible in the creation: for it is not more difficult + to believe that we shall exist hereafter in a better state and form than + at present, than that a worm should become a butterfly, and quit the + dunghill for the atmosphere, if we did not know it as a fact. + </p> + <p> + As to the doubtful jargon ascribed to Paul in 1 Corinthians xv., which + makes part of the burial service of some Christian sectaries, it is as + destitute of meaning as the tolling of a bell at the funeral; it explains + nothing to the understanding, it illustrates nothing to the imagination, + but leaves the reader to find any meaning if he can. "All flesh," says he, + "is not the same flesh. There is one flesh of men, another of beasts, + another of fishes, and another of birds." And what then? nothing. A cook + could have said as much. "There are also," says he, "bodies celestial and + bodies terrestrial; the glory of the celestial is one and the glory of the + terrestrial is the other." And what then? nothing. And what is the + difference? nothing that he has told. "There is," says he, "one glory of + the sun, and another glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars." + And what then? nothing; except that he says that one star differeth from + another star in glory, instead of distance; and he might as well have told + us that the moon did not shine so bright as the sun. All this is nothing + better than the jargon of a conjuror, who picks up phrases he does not + understand to confound the credulous people who come to have their fortune + told. Priests and conjurors are of the same trade. + </p> + <p> + Sometimes Paul affects to be a naturalist, and to prove his system of + resurrection from the principles of vegetation. "Thou fool" says he, "that + which thou sowest is not quickened except it die." To which one might + reply in his own language, and say, Thou fool, Paul, that which thou + sowest is not quickened except it die not; for the grain that dies in the + ground never does, nor can vegetate. It is only the living grains that + produce the next crop. But the metaphor, in any point of view, is no + simile. It is succession, and [not] resurrection. + </p> + <p> + The progress of an animal from one state of being to another, as from a + worm to a butterfly, applies to the case; but this of a grain does not, + and shows Paul to have been what he says of others, a fool. + </p> + <p> + Whether the fourteen epistles ascribed to Paul were written by him or not, + is a matter of indifference; they are either argumentative or dogmatical; + and as the argument is defective, and the dogmatical part is merely + presumptive, it signifies not who wrote them. And the same may be said for + the remaining parts of the Testament. It is not upon the Epistles, but + upon what is called the Gospel, contained in the four books ascribed to + Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, and upon the pretended prophecies, that the + theory of the church, calling itself the Christian Church, is founded. The + Epistles are dependant upon those, and must follow their fate; for if the + story of Jesus Christ be fabulous, all reasoning founded upon it, as a + supposed truth, must fall with it. + </p> + <p> + We know from history, that one of the principal leaders of this church, + Athanasius, lived at the time the New Testament was formed; [Athanasius + died, according to the Church chronology, in the year 371—Author.] + and we know also, from the absurd jargon he has left us under the name of + a creed, the character of the men who formed the New Testament; and we + know also from the same history that the authenticity of the books of + which it is composed was denied at the time. It was upon the vote of such + as Athanasius that the Testament was decreed to be the word of God; and + nothing can present to us a more strange idea than that of decreeing the + word of God by vote. Those who rest their faith upon such authority put + man in the place of God, and have no true foundation for future happiness. + Credulity, however, is not a crime, but it becomes criminal by resisting + conviction. It is strangling in the womb of the conscience the efforts it + makes to ascertain truth. We should never force belief upon ourselves in + any thing. + </p> + <p> + I here close the subject on the Old Testament and the New. The evidence I + have produced to prove them forgeries, is extracted from the books + themselves, and acts, like a two-edge sword, either way. If the evidence + be denied, the authenticity of the Scriptures is denied with it, for it is + Scripture evidence: and if the evidence be admitted, the authenticity of + the books is disproved. The contradictory impossibilities, contained in + the Old Testament and the New, put them in the case of a man who swears + for and against. Either evidence convicts him of perjury, and equally + destroys reputation. + </p> + <p> + Should the Bible and the Testament hereafter fall, it is not that I have + done it. I have done no more than extracted the evidence from the confused + mass of matters with which it is mixed, and arranged that evidence in a + point of light to be clearly seen and easily comprehended; and, having + done this, I leave the reader to judge for himself, as I have judged for + myself. + </p> + <p> + <a name="Elink2HCH0021" id="Elink2HCH0021"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + CHAPTER III - CONCLUSION + </h2> + <p> + IN the former part of 'The Age of Reason' I have spoken of the three + frauds, mystery, miracle, and Prophecy; and as I have seen nothing in any + of the answers to that work that in the least affects what I have there + said upon those subjects, I shall not encumber this Second Part with + additions that are not necessary. + </p> + <p> + I have spoken also in the same work upon what is celled revelation, and + have shown the absurd misapplication of that term to the books of the Old + Testament and the New; for certainly revelation is out of the question in + reciting any thing of which man has been the actor or the witness. That + which man has done or seen, needs no revelation to tell him he has done + it, or seen it—for he knows it already—nor to enable him to + tell it or to write it. It is ignorance, or imposition, to apply the term + revelation in such cases; yet the Bible and Testament are classed under + this fraudulent description of being all revelation. + </p> + <p> + Revelation then, so far as the term has relation between God and man, can + only be applied to something which God reveals of his will to man; but + though the power of the Almighty to make such a communication is + necessarily admitted, because to that power all things are possible, yet, + the thing so revealed (if any thing ever was revealed, and which, by the + bye, it is impossible to prove) is revelation to the person only to whom + it is made. His account of it to another is not revelation; and whoever + puts faith in that account, puts it in the man from whom the account + comes; and that man may have been deceived, or may have dreamed it; or he + may be an impostor and may lie. There is no possible criterion whereby to + judge of the truth of what he tells; for even the morality of it would be + no proof of revelation. In all such cases, the proper answer should be, + "When it is revealed to me, I will believe it to be revelation; but it is + not and cannot be incumbent upon me to believe it to be revelation before; + neither is it proper that I should take the word of man as the word of + God, and put man in the place of God." This is the manner in which I have + spoken of revelation in the former part of The Age of Reason; and which, + whilst it reverentially admits revelation as a possible thing, because, as + before said, to the Almighty all things are possible, it prevents the + imposition of one man upon another, and precludes the wicked use of + pretended revelation. + </p> + <p> + But though, speaking for myself, I thus admit the possibility of + revelation, I totally disbelieve that the Almighty ever did communicate + any thing to man, by any mode of speech, in any language, or by any kind + of vision, or appearance, or by any means which our senses are capable of + receiving, otherwise than by the universal display of himself in the works + of the creation, and by that repugnance we feel in ourselves to bad + actions, and disposition to good ones. [A fair parallel of the then + unknown aphorism of Kant: "Two things fill the soul with wonder and + reverence, increasing evermore as I meditate more closely upon them: the + starry heavens above me and the moral law within me." (Kritik + derpraktischen Vernunfe, 1788). Kant's religious utterances at the + beginning of the French Revolution brought on him a royal mandate of + silence, because he had worked out from "the moral law within" a principle + of human equality precisely similar to that which Paine had derived from + his Quaker doctrine of the "inner light" of every man. About the same time + Paine's writings were suppressed in England. Paine did not understand + German, but Kant, though always independent in the formation of his + opinions, was evidently well acquainted with the literature of the + Revolution, in America, England, and France.—Editor.] + </p> + <p> + The most detestable wickedness, the most horrid cruelties, and the + greatest miseries, that have afflicted the human race have had their + origin in this thing called revelation, or revealed religion. It has been + the most dishonourable belief against the character of the divinity, the + most destructive to morality, and the peace and happiness of man, that + ever was propagated since man began to exist. It is better, far better, + that we admitted, if it were possible, a thousand devils to roam at large, + and to preach publicly the doctrine of devils, if there were any such, + than that we permitted one such impostor and monster as Moses, Joshua, + Samuel, and the Bible prophets, to come with the pretended word of God in + his mouth, and have credit among us. + </p> + <p> + Whence arose all the horrid assassinations of whole nations of men, women, + and infants, with which the Bible is filled; and the bloody persecutions, + and tortures unto death and religious wars, that since that time have laid + Europe in blood and ashes; whence arose they, but from this impious thing + called revealed religion, and this monstrous belief that God has spoken to + man? The lies of the Bible have been the cause of the one, and the lies of + the Testament [of] the other. + </p> + <p> + Some Christians pretend that Christianity was not established by the + sword; but of what period of time do they speak? It was impossible that + twelve men could begin with the sword: they had not the power; but no + sooner were the professors of Christianity sufficiently powerful to employ + the sword than they did so, and the stake and faggot too; and Mahomet + could not do it sooner. By the same spirit that Peter cut off the ear of + the high priest's servant (if the story be true) he would cut off his + head, and the head of his master, had he been able. Besides this, + Christianity grounds itself originally upon the [Hebrew] Bible, and the + Bible was established altogether by the sword, and that in the worst use + of it—not to terrify, but to extirpate. The Jews made no converts: + they butchered all. The Bible is the sire of the [New] Testament, and both + are called the word of God. The Christians read both books; the ministers + preach from both books; and this thing called Christianity is made up of + both. It is then false to say that Christianity was not established by the + sword. + </p> + <p> + The only sect that has not persecuted are the Quakers; and the only reason + that can be given for it is, that they are rather Deists than Christians. + They do not believe much about Jesus Christ, and they call the scriptures + a dead letter. [This is an interesting and correct testimony as to the + beliefs of the earlier Quakers, one of whom was Paine's father.—Editor.] + Had they called them by a worse name, they had been nearer the truth. + </p> + <p> + It is incumbent on every man who reverences the character of the Creator, + and who wishes to lessen the catalogue of artificial miseries, and remove + the cause that has sown persecutions thick among mankind, to expel all + ideas of a revealed religion as a dangerous heresy, and an impious fraud. + What is it that we have learned from this pretended thing called revealed + religion? Nothing that is useful to man, and every thing that is + dishonourable to his Maker. What is it the Bible teaches us?—repine, + cruelty, and murder. What is it the Testament teaches us?—to believe + that the Almighty committed debauchery with a woman engaged to be married; + and the belief of this debauchery is called faith. + </p> + <p> + As to the fragments of morality that are irregularly and thinly scattered + in those books, they make no part of this pretended thing, revealed + religion. They are the natural dictates of conscience, and the bonds by + which society is held together, and without which it cannot exist; and are + nearly the same in all religions, and in all societies. The Testament + teaches nothing new upon this subject, and where it attempts to exceed, it + becomes mean and ridiculous. The doctrine of not retaliating injuries is + much better expressed in Proverbs, which is a collection as well from the + Gentiles as the Jews, than it is in the Testament. It is there said, (Xxv. + 2 I) "If thine enemy be hungry, give him bread to eat; and if he be + thirsty, give him water to drink:" [According to what is called Christ's + sermon on the mount, in the book of Matthew, where, among some other [and] + good things, a great deal of this feigned morality is introduced, it is + there expressly said, that the doctrine of forbearance, or of not + retaliating injuries, was not any part of the doctrine of the Jews; but as + this doctrine is found in "Proverbs," it must, according to that + statement, have been copied from the Gentiles, from whom Christ had + learned it. Those men whom Jewish and Christian idolators have abusively + called heathen, had much better and clearer ideas of justice and morality + than are to be found in the Old Testament, so far as it is Jewish, or in + the New. The answer of Solon on the question, "Which is the most perfect + popular govemment," has never been exceeded by any man since his time, as + containing a maxim of political morality, "That," says he, "where the + least injury done to the meanest individual, is considered as an insult on + the whole constitution." Solon lived about 500 years before Christ.—Author.] + but when it is said, as in the Testament, "If a man smite thee on the + right cheek, turn to him the other also," it is assassinating the dignity + of forbearance, and sinking man into a spaniel. + </p> + <p> + Loving, of enemies is another dogma of feigned morality, and has besides + no meaning. It is incumbent on man, as a moralist, that he does not + revenge an injury; and it is equally as good in a political sense, for + there is no end to retaliation; each retaliates on the other, and calls it + justice: but to love in proportion to the injury, if it could be done, + would be to offer a premium for a crime. Besides, the word enemies is too + vague and general to be used in a moral maxim, which ought always to be + clear and defined, like a proverb. If a man be the enemy of another from + mistake and prejudice, as in the case of religious opinions, and sometimes + in politics, that man is different to an enemy at heart with a criminal + intention; and it is incumbent upon us, and it contributes also to our own + tranquillity, that we put the best construction upon a thing that it will + bear. But even this erroneous motive in him makes no motive for love on + the other part; and to say that we can love voluntarily, and without a + motive, is morally and physically impossible. + </p> + <p> + Morality is injured by prescribing to it duties that, in the first place, + are impossible to be performed, and if they could be would be productive + of evil; or, as before said, be premiums for crime. The maxim of doing as + we would be done unto does not include this strange doctrine of loving + enemies; for no man expects to be loved himself for his crime or for his + enmity. + </p> + <p> + Those who preach this doctrine of loving their enemies, are in general the + greatest persecutors, and they act consistently by so doing; for the + doctrine is hypocritical, and it is natural that hypocrisy should act the + reverse of what it preaches. For my own part, I disown the doctrine, and + consider it as a feigned or fabulous morality; yet the man does not exist + that can say I have persecuted him, or any man, or any set of men, either + in the American Revolution, or in the French Revolution; or that I have, + in any case, returned evil for evil. But it is not incumbent on man to + reward a bad action with a good one, or to return good for evil; and + wherever it is done, it is a voluntary act, and not a duty. It is also + absurd to suppose that such doctrine can make any part of a revealed + religion. We imitate the moral character of the Creator by forbearing with + each other, for he forbears with all; but this doctrine would imply that + he loved man, not in proportion as he was good, but as he was bad. + </p> + <p> + If we consider the nature of our condition here, we must see there is no + occasion for such a thing as revealed religion. What is it we want to + know? Does not the creation, the universe we behold, preach to us the + existence of an Almighty power, that governs and regulates the whole? And + is not the evidence that this creation holds out to our senses infinitely + stronger than any thing we can read in a book, that any imposter might + make and call the word of God? As for morality, the knowledge of it exists + in every man's conscience. + </p> + <p> + Here we are. The existence of an Almighty power is sufficiently + demonstrated to us, though we cannot conceive, as it is impossible we + should, the nature and manner of its existence. We cannot conceive how we + came here ourselves, and yet we know for a fact that we are here. We must + know also, that the power that called us into being, can if he please, and + when he pleases, call us to account for the manner in which we have lived + here; and therefore without seeking any other motive for the belief, it is + rational to believe that he will, for we know beforehand that he can. The + probability or even possibility of the thing is all that we ought to know; + for if we knew it as a fact, we should be the mere slaves of terror; our + belief would have no merit, and our best actions no virtue. + </p> + <p> + Deism then teaches us, without the possibility of being deceived, all that + is necessary or proper to be known. The creation is the Bible of the + deist. He there reads, in the hand-writing of the Creator himself, the + certainty of his existence, and the immutability of his power; and all + other Bibles and Testaments are to him forgeries. The probability that we + may be called to account hereafter, will, to reflecting minds, have the + influence of belief; for it is not our belief or disbelief that can make + or unmake the fact. As this is the state we are in, and which it is proper + we should be in, as free agents, it is the fool only, and not the + philosopher, nor even the prudent man, that will live as if there were no + God. + </p> + <p> + But the belief of a God is so weakened by being mixed with the strange + fable of the Christian creed, and with the wild adventures related in the + Bible, and the obscurity and obscene nonsense of the Testament, that the + mind of man is bewildered as in a fog. Viewing all these things in a + confused mass, he confounds fact with fable; and as he cannot believe all, + he feels a disposition to reject all. But the belief of a God is a belief + distinct from all other things, and ought not to be confounded with any. + The notion of a Trinity of Gods has enfeebled the belief of one God. A + multiplication of beliefs acts as a division of belief; and in proportion + as anything is divided, it is weakened. + </p> + <p> + Religion, by such means, becomes a thing of form instead of fact; of + notion instead of principle: morality is banished to make room for an + imaginary thing called faith, and this faith has its origin in a supposed + debauchery; a man is preached instead of a God; an execution is an object + for gratitude; the preachers daub themselves with the blood, like a troop + of assassins, and pretend to admire the brilliancy it gives them; they + preach a humdrum sermon on the merits of the execution; then praise Jesus + Christ for being executed, and condemn the Jews for doing it. + </p> + <p> + A man, by hearing all this nonsense lumped and preached together, + confounds the God of the Creation with the imagined God of the Christians, + and lives as if there were none. + </p> + <p> + Of all the systems of religion that ever were invented, there is none more + derogatory to the Almighty, more unedifying to man, more repugnant to + reason, and more contradictory in itself, than this thing called + Christianity. Too absurd for belief, too impossible to convince, and too + inconsistent for practice, it renders the heart torpid, or produces only + atheists and fanatics. As an engine of power, it serves the purpose of + despotism; and as a means of wealth, the avarice of priests; but so far as + respects the good of man in general, it leads to nothing here or + hereafter. + </p> + <p> + The only religion that has not been invented, and that has in it every + evidence of divine originality, is pure and simple deism. It must have + been the first and will probably be the last that man believes. But pure + and simple deism does not answer the purpose of despotic governments. They + cannot lay hold of religion as an engine but by mixing it with human + inventions, and making their own authority a part; neither does it answer + the avarice of priests, but by incorporating themselves and their + functions with it, and becoming, like the government, a party in the + system. It is this that forms the otherwise mysterious connection of + church and state; the church human, and the state tyrannic. + </p> + <p> + Were a man impressed as fully and strongly as he ought to be with the + belief of a God, his moral life would be regulated by the force of belief; + he would stand in awe of God, and of himself, and would not do the thing + that could not be concealed from either. To give this belief the full + opportunity of force, it is necessary that it acts alone. This is deism. + </p> + <p> + But when, according to the Christian Trinitarian scheme, one part of God + is represented by a dying man, and another part, called the Holy Ghost, by + a flying pigeon, it is impossible that belief can attach itself to such + wild conceits. [The book called the book of Matthew, says, (iii. 16,) that + the Holy Ghost descended in the shape of a dove. It might as well have + said a goose; the creatures are equally harmless, and the one is as much a + nonsensical lie as the other. Acts, ii. 2, 3, says, that it descended in a + mighty rushing wind, in the shape of cloven tongues: perhaps it was cloven + feet. Such absurd stuff is fit only for tales of witches and wizards.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + It has been the scheme of the Christian church, and of all the other + invented systems of religion, to hold man in ignorance of the Creator, as + it is of government to hold him in ignorance of his rights. The systems of + the one are as false as those of the other, and are calculated for mutual + support. The study of theology as it stands in Christian churches, is the + study of nothing; it is founded on nothing; it rests on no principles; it + proceeds by no authorities; it has no data; it can demonstrate nothing; + and admits of no conclusion. Not any thing can be studied as a science + without our being in possession of the principles upon which it is + founded; and as this is not the case with Christian theology, it is + therefore the study of nothing. + </p> + <p> + Instead then of studying theology, as is now done, out of the Bible and + Testament, the meanings of which books are always controverted, and the + authenticity of which is disproved, it is necessary that we refer to the + Bible of the creation. The principles we discover there are eternal, and + of divine origin: they are the foundation of all the science that exists + in the world, and must be the foundation of theology. + </p> + <p> + We can know God only through his works. We cannot have a conception of any + one attribute, but by following some principle that leads to it. We have + only a confused idea of his power, if we have not the means of + comprehending something of its immensity. We can have no idea of his + wisdom, but by knowing the order and manner in which it acts. The + principles of science lead to this knowledge; for the Creator of man is + the Creator of science, and it is through that medium that man can see + God, as it were, face to face. + </p> + <p> + Could a man be placed in a situation, and endowed with power of vision to + behold at one view, and to contemplate deliberately, the structure of the + universe, to mark the movements of the several planets, the cause of their + varying appearances, the unerring order in which they revolve, even to the + remotest comet, their connection and dependence on each other, and to know + the system of laws established by the Creator, that governs and regulates + the whole; he would then conceive, far beyond what any church theology can + teach him, the power, the wisdom, the vastness, the munificence of the + Creator. He would then see that all the knowledge man has of science, and + that all the mechanical arts by which he renders his situation comfortable + here, are derived from that source: his mind, exalted by the scene, and + convinced by the fact, would increase in gratitude as it increased in + knowledge: his religion or his worship would become united with his + improvement as a man: any employment he followed that had connection with + the principles of the creation,—as everything of agriculture, of + science, and of the mechanical arts, has,—would teach him more of + God, and of the gratitude he owes to him, than any theological Christian + sermon he now hears. Great objects inspire great thoughts; great + munificence excites great gratitude; but the grovelling tales and + doctrines of the Bible and the Testament are fit only to excite contempt. + </p> + <p> + Though man cannot arrive, at least in this life, at the actual scene I + have described, he can demonstrate it, because he has knowledge of the + principles upon which the creation is constructed. We know that the + greatest works can be represented in model, and that the universe can be + represented by the same means. The same principles by which we measure an + inch or an acre of ground will measure to millions in extent. A circle of + an inch diameter has the same geometrical properties as a circle that + would circumscribe the universe. The same properties of a triangle that + will demonstrate upon paper the course of a ship, will do it on the ocean; + and, when applied to what are called the heavenly bodies, will ascertain + to a minute the time of an eclipse, though those bodies are millions of + miles distant from us. This knowledge is of divine origin; and it is from + the Bible of the creation that man has learned it, and not from the stupid + Bible of the church, that teaches man nothing. [The Bible-makers have + undertaken to give us, in the first chapter of Genesis, an account of the + creation; and in doing this they have demonstrated nothing but their + ignorance. They make there to have been three days and three nights, + evenings and mornings, before there was any sun; when it is the presence + or absence of the sun that is the cause of day and night—and what is + called his rising and setting that of morning and evening. Besides, it is + a puerile and pitiful idea, to suppose the Almighty to say, "Let there be + light." It is the imperative manner of speaking that a conjuror uses when + he says to his cups and balls, Presto, be gone—and most probably has + been taken from it, as Moses and his rod is a conjuror and his wand. + Longinus calls this expression the sublime; and by the same rule the + conjurer is sublime too; for the manner of speaking is expressively and + grammatically the same. When authors and critics talk of the sublime, they + see not how nearly it borders on the ridiculous. The sublime of the + critics, like some parts of Edmund Burke's sublime and beautiful, is like + a windmill just visible in a fog, which imagination might distort into a + flying mountain, or an archangel, or a flock of wild geese.—Author.] + </p> + <p> + All the knowledge man has of science and of machinery, by the aid of which + his existence is rendered comfortable upon earth, and without which he + would be scarcely distinguishable in appearance and condition from a + common animal, comes from the great machine and structure of the universe. + The constant and unwearied observations of our ancestors upon the + movements and revolutions of the heavenly bodies, in what are supposed to + have been the early ages of the world, have brought this knowledge upon + earth. It is not Moses and the prophets, nor Jesus Christ, nor his + apostles, that have done it. The Almighty is the great mechanic of the + creation, the first philosopher, and original teacher of all science. Let + us then learn to reverence our master, and not forget the labours of our + ancestors. + </p> + <p> + Had we, at this day, no knowledge of machinery, and were it possible that + man could have a view, as I have before described, of the structure and + machinery of the universe, he would soon conceive the idea of constructing + some at least of the mechanical works we now have; and the idea so + conceived would progressively advance in practice. Or could a model of the + universe, such as is called an orrery, be presented before him and put in + motion, his mind would arrive at the same idea. Such an object and such a + subject would, whilst it improved him in knowledge useful to himself as a + man and a member of society, as well as entertaining, afford far better + matter for impressing him with a knowledge of, and a belief in the + Creator, and of the reverence and gratitude that man owes to him, than the + stupid texts of the Bible and the Testament, from which, be the talents of + the preacher; what they may, only stupid sermons can be preached. If man + must preach, let him preach something that is edifying, and from the texts + that are known to be true. + </p> + <p> + The Bible of the creation is inexhaustible in texts. Every part of + science, whether connected with the geometry of the universe, with the + systems of animal and vegetable life, or with the properties of inanimate + matter, is a text as well for devotion as for philosophy—for + gratitude, as for human improvement. It will perhaps be said, that if such + a revolution in the system of religion takes place, every preacher ought + to be a philosopher. Most certainly, and every house of devotion a school + of science. + </p> + <p> + It has been by wandering from the immutable laws of science, and the light + of reason, and setting up an invented thing called "revealed religion," + that so many wild and blasphemous conceits have been formed of the + Almighty. The Jews have made him the assassin of the human species, to + make room for the religion of the Jews. The Christians have made him the + murderer of himself, and the founder of a new religion to supersede and + expel the Jewish religion. And to find pretence and admission for these + things, they must have supposed his power or his wisdom imperfect, or his + will changeable; and the changeableness of the will is the imperfection of + the judgement. The philosopher knows that the laws of the Creator have + never changed, with respect either to the principles of science, or the + properties of matter. Why then is it to be supposed they have changed with + respect to man? + </p> + <p> + I here close the subject. I have shown in all the foregoing parts of this + work that the Bible and Testament are impositions and forgeries; and I + leave the evidence I have produced in proof of it to be refuted, if any + one can do it; and I leave the ideas that are suggested in the conclusion + of the work to rest on the mind of the reader; certain as I am that when + opinions are free, either in matters of govemment or religion, truth will + finally and powerfully prevail. + </p> + <p> + END OF PART II <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + + + +End of the The Project Gutenberg's Compilation of the Writings of Thomas Paine + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THOMAS PAINE *** + +***** This file should be named 31270-h.htm or 31270-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/1/2/7/31270/ + +Produced by David Widger + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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