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diff --git a/32463.txt b/32463.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7626520 --- /dev/null +++ b/32463.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1079 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Justice and Necessity of Taxing the +American Colonies, Demonstrated, by Unknown + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Justice and Necessity of Taxing the American Colonies, Demonstrated + Together with a Vindication of the Authority of Parliament + +Author: Unknown + +Release Date: May 20, 2010 [EBook #32463] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TAXING THE AMERICAN COLONIES *** + + + + +Produced by Ernest Schaal, Jana Srna and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + + + + + + + + + + + THE + JUSTICE and NECESSITY + OF + TAXING + THE + COLONIES. + + [Price One Shilling.] + + + + + + THE + JUSTICE and NECESSITY + OF + TAXING + THE + AMERICAN COLONIES, + Demonstrated. + + TOGETHER WITH A + VINDICATION + OF THE + Authority of Parliament. + + LONDON: + Printed for J. Almon, opposite Burlington-House in + Piccadilly, 1766. + + + + + + A + VINDICATION OF THE + Authority of Parliament, _&c._ + + +OF all the objects, which have since the revolution, engaged the +attention of the legislature, the proper method of adjusting our present +quarrels with the Americans is undoubtedly the most important. For as +the riches and power of Britain depend chiefly on trade, and that trade +on her colonies; it is evident that her very existence as the first of +commercial nations, turns upon this hinge. + +It cannot therefore be impertinent in any one modestly to offer his +sentiments on this topick; that by the confrontation of different +opinions we may strike out truth, as we do fire by the collision of +flints; and that, as much light as possible may be afforded to our +legislators to guide them through so dark and intricate a labyrinth. + +This is the more necessary, as there can be found no similar case in all +the records of history to serve as a precedent, or clew, to direct their +steps; and all they can do is to grope their way by their own industry, +and to employ their reason, as the only compass which can steer their +course aright to this land unknown. + +Without any farther preamble, therefore, I shall proceed to discuss this +point, and to state the case fairly between the two contending parties, +that those, who having like myself, no particular interest concerned, +have consequently little prepossession for either side, may be enabled +to form an adequate idea of the subject. + +While the colonies were under any apprehensions from the encroachments +of the French and Indians, they submitted to the British legislature +without reluctance; because they were sensible of their inability to +defend themselves, and of the necessity of taking shelter under the +wings of their mother. But no sooner were the French kites and Indian +vultures scared away, than they began to strut and to claim an +independent property to the dunghil. Their fear and their natural +affection forsook them at one and the same time. They now boast that +they owe their present happy state to no power on earth but themselves; +that they worked out their own salvation by their own right arm: +forgetting that, had we not conquered at Louisbourg, at Quebec, and many +other places; had we not constantly protected and defended them, the +French and Indians would have long ago reduced them to the situation of +the ancient Britons, and we should ere now have received some such +letter as this, inscribed, _The groans of the Americans. The +barbarians, on one hand, drive us into the sea; the sea on the other, +forces us back on the barbarians: so that we have only the hard +alternative left us, of perishing by the sword, or by the waves._ + +Their insolence is arrived to such a pitch that they are not ashamed to +assume to themselves the merit of bringing the last war but one to a +period. According to them, what obliged the enemy to listen to terms of +accommodation was not our success by sea, not the ruin of the French +navy, not the total stagnation of their trade, not the march of the +Russian auxiliaries; but the reduction, in a couple of short days, by a +couple of little cannon, of a little island hardly discernable in a map, +called Cape-Breton. + +This undutiful, this disobedient behaviour of Britain's children abroad, +owed, no doubt, its origin partly to the causes assigned above, and +partly to the murmurs and discontent of those at home; the Sacheveril +in London produced another in Boston; the spirit of disaffection and +mutiny, which the harangues of a general raised in the cyder counties, +those of a colonel conjured up in New-England. Out of one hydra many +more arose, and there wants a Hercules to crush them. But who has the +courage and skill to wield his club? In hopes that such a hero will +arise, I will endeavour to furnish him with weapons, and to show him how +to pierce the vitals of the monster. + +The most effectual way, in my opinion, of laying the spirit of +disaffection among the colonists, and of quieting the present +disturbances to the mutual satisfaction of each party, is to convince +the Americans that they ought to be taxed rather than the English, and +to prove that the interest of both is best promoted by leaving the power +of taxation in the hands of the British legislature; I shall therefore +address myself now to this task. + +In this age all the kingdoms in Europe maintain a standing military +force, which may be ready on all occasions to defend themselves, and to +seize every opportunity of annoying their foes; Great-Britain therefore +is obliged to keep, tho' contrary to the genius of its constitution, a +large body of regular troops in constant pay: and as America must have a +considerable share of these for its safeguard, on whom ought the burden +of supporting them to fall, but on the Americans, to whom they prove an +immediate benefit? Great-Britain is sufficiently exhausted already; she +has spilt plenty of her blood in their cause, she has expended many +millions in their service, and has by these means contracted an immense +load of debt, of which she is never likely to be eased. Must she then +expire under her pressures? Instead of being relieved, must a new burden +be laid on her shoulders to crush her entirely? A tax for the support of +American guards and garrisons must be raised somewhere; else all the +labour of the last war may be lost in a moment; the colonies may be +conquered by our enemies in one campaign. + +What then must be done? America must be taxed. By no means, says +America; I am sufficiently taxed already; the many restrictions and +prohibitions, under which I labour in point of trade, are an ample tax. +You gain of me by way of balance about half a million a year; let this +be applied to the defence of America, and it will be found an abundant +provision for all her wants. + +But why, good America, dost thou not also desire us to apply to the +defence of Spain and Turkey all that we gain by them annually? The +argument will hold equally good, and cannot be absurd in the latter case +without being so in the former. + +Why likewise, do'st thou not throw into the opposite scale the many +millions, which we have already laid out for thy preservation, and see +whether they do not make all, that we have ever drawn from thee, mount +up and kick the beam. + +Thou sayest indeed, that we receive in the general course of trade all +the specie, which thou can'st spare; and that it is cruel, nay, +impolitick, to exact more than thou can'st afford; as excessive imposts +always damp industry, create a despondency in merchants, and +incapacitate a state for furnishing its ordinary quota of taxes. + +But let me tell thee that the money raised by the stamp act, being all +necessary for paying the troops within thy own territories, must center +wholly in thyself, and therefore cannot possibly drain thee of thy +bullion. + +It is true, this act will hinder thee from sucking out the blood of thy +mother, and gorging thyself with the fruit of her labour. But at this +thou oughtest not to repine, as experience assures us that the most +certain method of rendering a body politick, as well as natural, +wholesome and long-lived, is to preserve a due equilibrium between its +different members; not to allow any part to rob another of its +nourishment, but, when there is any danger, any probability of such a +catastrophe, to make an immediate revulsion, for fear of an unnatural +superfetation, or of the absolute ruin and destruction of the whole. + +All countries, unaccustomed to taxes, are at first violently +prepossessed against them, though the price, which they give for their +liberty: like an ox untamed to the yoke, they show, at first, a very +stubborn neck, but by degrees become docile, and yield a willing +obedience. Scotland was very much averse to the tax on malt; but she is +so far from being ruined by it, that it has only taught her to double +her industry, and to supply, by labour, what she was obliged to give up +to the necessities of the state. Can America be said to be poorer, to be +more scanty of money than Scotland? No. What then follows? America must +be taxed. + +It is in vain to pretend that the increase of the American territories, +and of the commodities, which they furnish to the British markets, has +reduced the price of any article; or placed the ancient colonists in a +worse situation than before the war; and consequently rendered them +incapable of bearing any additional burden. + +Europe is still the same as in seventeen hundred and fifty-five, its +inhabitants are as numerous; therefore as Britons, with regard to it and +America, are, for the most part, but factors, the demand for American +goods must be as great, if not greater, than formerly; their value +cannot be diminished, nor can the Americans be worse situated than at +the commencement of the war. + +It is equally idle to pretend that a tax on America must prove +prejudicial to Britain. + +A tax for defending it must, as hinted above, be levied somewhere; +either in Britain or its colonies: and nothing is more manifest than +that those, on whom the tax is laid, or who advance the money, must be +the only sufferers, as in all dealings between two, what is taken from +the one is added to the other; it always requires some time to balance +accounts, by raising the price of commodities in proportion to the tax, +and to reduce every thing by the course of circulation to a level. What +America loses, Britain gains; the expences of the former are a saving to +the latter. All the world is sensible of the justness of this maxim, the +clamours of the colonists are a striking proof of it. If they were not +convinced of this truth, why grumble at the impost? If they did not know +that a tax upon them must prove comparatively detrimental to their +country, and serviceable to Britain, why exclaim against it? How absurd +then, is it to advance that as an argument for the abolition of the +tax, which was the principal one for opposing it? Indeed, to alledge +that England will gain more by laying the tax on herself, is to alledge +that a man, who gives his daughter an annual pension, becomes richer +than if he received an equal sum. + +I own, if Britain, by any channel, receives in return a larger portion +than she bestows, she gains by the bargain. But that cannot be the +present case; for by taxing herself she raises the price of provisions, +which encreases that of labour, and manufactures, not only at home, but +also in America, and all other foreign markets; by which means all her +rivals in trade undersell her; she diminishes the quantity of her +exports, the number of her artisans and people, and empoverishes herself +in general. Whereas by levying the tax on the colonies, she saves a +round sum of money annually; the price of her manufactures continues +nearly the same, and as the wants of the colonists, cannot be much +lessened, her exports are almost equally considerable; in short, the +foregoing prospect is wholly inverted. + +But why keep any Forces at all in America? She is sufficiently able to +defend herself. Every Male above sixteen years of age is enrolled in the +militia; they have arms, they are disciplined, their numbers are great, +and still upon the Increase: what more is wanting for her security? Is +she in greater danger now, that the French are exterminated, than she +was before the last war, when the enemy pressed vigorously upon her, and +yet hardly any troops were to be found throughout her whole extent? + +No; but lest the same Difficulties should recur, lest the same quarrels +which bred the last expensive and bloody War, should return, troops must +be maintained for her safeguard. Britain observes this policy within +herself; is it not absurd to imagine she would not follow the same +maxim with regard to her colonies? She keeps on foot a considerable +body of forces to be prepared on every emergency, not only to oppose a +public foe, but also to enforce the decisions of the civil magistrate. +And notwithstanding the antipathy which most people have to standing +armies, they have been found to be very useful; and no government, +antient or modern, can be named, which was not, without their +assistance, subject to bloody riots and insurrections. Nor is there any +danger to be apprehended from them, while their number is small, while +the sword is in the hands of the people in general, while, as in +America, there is a superior well regulated militia to check them, if +they should discover any sinister design against liberty. + +It is with a view of being useful to the mother country, that colonies +are first planted; this is part of their charter, a tacit condition, on +which they are allowed to depart and settle; therefore they are not +allowed by the laws of nature and nations to violate this agreement, as +long as the mother is able to avail herself of it, and treats them with +due Lenity and maternal affection. A few restrictions on their trade, in +order to pay off what debts they contracted, while yet in the nursery, +cannot be construed into acts of severity, and as little can a tax +intended for their own defence, and appropriated to that sole use. + +Upon the supposition that America is never to be taxed, this country, +which now groans, and is like long to groan under the weight of taxes, +will in time be left desolate, all its inhabitants will flock to +America, to enjoy the benefits of a less oppressive government, and to +mingle with a people of similar manners, religion and laws. Britain, the +assylum of liberty, the seat of arts and sciences, the glory of Europe, +and the envy of the world, will be ruined by her own ungrateful sons, +and become a desart. What neither Spain nor France, nor all the world +combined, could accomplish, America, the child of her own fostering, +will effect. + + _Quos neque Tydides, nec Larissaeus Achilles, + Non anni domuere decem, non mille carinae, + Vincentur_ pueris. + +America will prove a continual drain upon her industry and people, an +eternal spunge to suck up her vital moisture, and leave her a dry and +sapless trunk, exposed, without branches, without leaves, to the +inclemency of the weather. This event may be distant, but it is in the +womb of time; and must be brought forth, unless we have sufficient skill +to cause an abortion. + +But what does America gain by all this? A transitory independence +perhaps, on the most noble constitution, which the wit of man has been +hitherto able to invent. I say transitory independence, for the broken +and disjointed members of the American empire cannot be cemented and +consolidated into one firm mass; it is too unwieldy and unmanageable; it +is composed of particles too heterogeneous to be ever melted down into +one consistent and well digested system of liberty. Anarchy and +confusion will soon prevail, were it to attempt an union; and the loss +of liberty will tread fast upon their heels. For a free and extended +empire on a continent are incompatible: to think they are not is a +perfect solecism in politicks. No history furnishes us with an example; +foreign conquest, or the power with which the magistrate must be +entrusted, are an invincible obstacle in their way. It is in islands +alone, where one part of the people cannot be so easily employed to +oppress the other, where the sea separates them from conquerors and +great empires, that liberty can be deemed a native of the soil. What a +wretched exchange, then, would the Americans make! They would barter +liberty for slavery. + +But, say they, we are not represented in parliament. + +True; you are not; no more is one twentieth of the British nation; but +they may, when they become freeholders, or burgesses: so may you; +therefore complain not; for it is impossible to render any human +institution absolutely perfect. Were the English animated by your +spirit, they would overturn the constitution to-morrow. + +Like the colonies of all other countries, you enjoy the privilege of +being governed in the same manner, as the people, from which you are +derived. You have the same parliament, the same laws; you are all deemed +free-born Britons, and are intitled to all their immunities. What would +you have more? Would you reduce your protectors, your deliverers, your +parents to a state of servitude, by obliging them to pay taxes for you? +It is plain, too plain, excessive prosperity has rendered your heads +giddy, you attempt to soar higher than your strength will carry you, +than your safety will permit; it is incumbent on us, under whose care +you are, to clip your wings. + +You tell us you are very sober and temperate, that you fear the +influence of a standing army will corrupt you, and introduce profligacy +and debauchery. + +I take your word for it, and believe you are as sober, temperate, +upright, humane and virtuous, as the posterity of independents and +anabaptists, presbyterians and quakers, convicts and felons, savages and +negro-whippers, can be; that you are as loyal subjects, as obedient to +the laws, as zealous for the maintenance of order and good government, +as your late actions evince you to be; and I affirm that you have much +need of the gentlemen of the blade to polish and refine your manners, to +inspire you with an honest frankness and openness of behaviour, to rub +off the rust of puritanism, and to make you ashamed of proposing in your +assemblies, as you have lately done, to pay off no more debts due to +your original native country. + +I am only afraid that you will not be blest with enough of their +company; they will be obliged to live on the frontiers, in order to +check the Indians, and to preserve your hairy scalps untouched; they +must be constantly exposed to secret treachery, and open violence, for +your ease and security; and yet you will not contribute a single penny +for their support. + +In the name of wonder, what would you desire? Every farthing raised by +the stamps, and a great deal more from Britain, is necessary for your +defence, and is to be applied solely to that purpose: what more would +you ask? Would you, preferably to all the parts of the British +dominions, be exempted from taxes? + +Do you murmur because Britain is not taxed for you, or because you are +not allowed to lay the tax on what commodities you please? If the former +be the source of your discontent, you are very unnatural, and very +ungrateful: very unnatural, because you have no compassion, no +fellow-feeling for the distresses of your exhausted parent; very +ungrateful, because, after Britain has done so much for you, after she +has nourished and reared you up, from your sickly infancy to a vigorous +state of adolescence, or rather manhood, after she has conquered your +enemies, and placed you, if now you be not wanting to yourselves, beyond +the reach of French perfidy and fraud, you will not stretch forth your +hand to ease her, sinking under her burden, nor contribute to her +security, or more properly your own. + +But if the latter gave rise to your disaffection, you are very ill +informed, very short sighted, in not perceiving, that a general tax, for +the general defence of all America, could not be raised by +_peace-meal_, in every province separately. How could the quota of every +colony be ascertained; and, if it could be ascertained, how were the +colonists to be persuaded to grant it? We remember with what difficulty +they were induced to advance money for their own defence in the late +war, when the enemy was at their gates, when they fought _pro aris & +focis_, for their religion and property. Some of them have not, to this +day, contributed a single shilling. Are we to imagine, that they will be +more forward, more lavish now, when the danger is distant, and perhaps +imperceptible to the dull senses of most of them, than when it stared +them in the face, and threatened immediate ruin. Whoever thinks so, must +be a very weak politician, and ought to be sent to catch flies with +Domitian. + +Each assembly among you, forsooth, pretends to an equality with the +British parliament, and allows no laws binding but those, which are +imposed by itself. But mark the consequence. Every colony becomes at +once an independant kingdom, and the sovereign may become, in a short +time, absolute master, by playing the one against the other. + +But were the sovereign always virtuous enough not to avail himself of +this power, which with the greatest good nature, with the utmost +political foresight, you thus put into his hand, quarrels would, in all +probability, soon arise among you. It is well known you cannot boast of +much mutual love, or christian charity; the same spirit which actuated +your ancestors, and kindled the flames of civil war in this country, +still reigns among you, and wants but a single spark to raise a +combustion. + +You will tell me, perhaps, that notwithstanding the multiplicity of +governments, you may, like the Swiss cantons, live for ages in harmony +and unity. + +But I aver the contrary. The strength of the Protestants and Roman +Catholicks among them, is nearly equal, and keeps them in awe of each +other; but above all, the fear of being crushed by the surrounding +powers in case of intestine dissensions, prevents ambitious projects, +and secures the peace. But as neither of these is your case, you have +little reason to hope that you could preserve your liberties. Greece, as +soon as it ceased to dread the Persian monarch, fell immediately into +the hands of a despotick prince; you have no king of Persia to fear, how +then do you expect to remain free from slavery? Believe me, your safest +course is to continue in your dependence on Britain, where liberty is +naturalized, and where you are entitled to every blessing with which it +is attended. + +Can you be so weak as to imagine that the two houses of parliament will +allow you to set up a claim to uncontrollable authority in your several +provinces? Perhaps you do not comprehend how this will in time reduce +them, and consequently you to mere cyphers? I will inform you. The power +of the crown is, of late, greatly encreased, by the vast number of +places, which the last war, and the enormous growth of the national debt +have left at its disposal. Give it also but the management of the +colonies, exclusive of the parliament, and there needs no more, in a few +years, to render it despotick. + +Undoubtedly, the weight of this consideration was what moved the +British, to assume a superiority over the Irish parliament; and Ireland, +considerable a country as it is, submits to their controul; how can you +have the front to ask greater privileges? Indeed, till you are placed on +a quite different footing, you cannot expect even this indulgence: such +a number of scattered jarring governments would create so much +embarrassment and perplexity, as to be quite unmanageable. + +Some of you complain that the privileges granted by your charters are +invaded. + +But by whom, pray, were these privileges granted? By a king, who had no +power, I mean legal power, to grant you any privileges, which rendered +you independent of parliament, no more than he can make a corporation in +England independent of it. Talk not then, of such privileges; the spirit +of the British constitution could allow you none, by which you did not +remain subordinate to every branch of the legislature, and consequently +subordinate to parliament. The king makes but one member of the +legislature, and it is self-evident he cannot give away the rights and +privileges of the rest. He can grant any body of men a charter, by which +they are empowered to make bye-laws for their own government, but +farther his prerogative does not extend. He cannot free them from +obedience to acts of parliaments. + +Another, and a general complaint is, that you are taxed by a body of men +unacquainted with your circumstances. + +But who can be so well acquainted with the circumstances of the colonies +in general, as the British parliament? It is composed of men very well +versed in mercantile affairs, and much accustomed to the discussion of +intricate questions; many of them are merchants, and merchants that +trade to America and the West Indies. They are always ready to receive +information from any hand, and never proceed to business of importance, +till they have made the requisite inquiries. Nothing can be a better +proof of this, than their conduct with regard to the stamp act. A year +before it was passed, the ministers desired you to send agents over to +London, in order to propose your objections to the whole, or any part of +it; but you neglected this reasonable request; therefore, if the duty +on some articles should be too high, you have none but yourselves to +blame. + +How then can you pretend to set up your own knowledge in competition +with that of the British parliament? Every single assembly among you, +may, perhaps, be a better judge of its own province than it; but that is +all: a full and comprehensive idea of the whole they cannot be expected +to have; their own particular interest they may understand, but the +interest of the colonies in general is an object too large, too complex, +to be taken in at one view, and to be perfectly scanned by them. It is +the British legislature alone, whose close connection with all the +colonies, whose thorough acquaintance with their trade and with commerce +in general, is universally allowed, that is properly qualified for such +an arduous task. + +Thus have I shewn that the interest of both parties, of England and +America, is best promoted by adhering religiously to the ancient +system; that a claim of new privileges by the Americans, for they have +been taxed before by our parliament, will be attended with many +immediate disadvantages, and that the remote consequence will be their +own ruin and slavery. + +But if, after all, the prejudices of the Americans should be so great as +to make them reject all reasonable terms of accommodation, should they +be so tenacious of what they call their privileges, as to be fully +resolved on asserting an absolute independence on the parliament of +Great Britain. Should they be determined, rather than yield to it as +formerly, to proceed to the last extremity, I would, with all due +deference to the wisdom of parliament, advise a certain number of +contiguous provinces to be incorporated, and to be allowed parliaments +under the same restriction as that of Ireland. + +If they decline this equitable compromise, were I a member of either +House, I would give my vote for treating them as the Romans did the +Latins, when they attempted by force to make themselves denizens of +Rome. This step, I own, is dangerous, and very delicate in its +management, but in such a crisis, it is the only one which can, with any +dignity and prudence, be taken. + +Though the partizans of America, in order to throw dust in our eyes, and +erect a bug-bear to the ignorant, insinuate that the colonies would, in +this extremity, follow the example of the Low Countries under Philip the +Second, and call in the assistance of France and Spain. There is little +reason to be apprehensive on that score; for the case is by no means +parrellel: the Flemings and Dutch contended for ancient established +rights, which had been allowed such by their oppressors themselves; the +Americans assert privileges unknown, unheard of before; the Spaniards +were strangers and foreigners to the inhabitants of the Low Countries; +the Britons are brothers and relations to the Americans; the seventeen +provinces were cruelly oppressed by the king of Spain, and a few of his +counsellors; the colonies are moderately taxed by the whole body of the +British legislature. Is it credible then, that, in order to free +themselves from the gentle tutorage of their parent, they should run +directly into the jaws of ruin and slavery? It is more probable that, +when they hear of the final determination of this point against them by +our parliament, the weight and authority of that body, the most august +in the world, will make them sit down, like the Cyder counties, quiet +under their burden. + +But should they be so far infatuated as to act otherwise, it is in our +power to prevent any fatal consequence; the British fleet can soon bring +them to reason; all their capital towns lie defenceless on the edge of +the shore, and must always obey the dictates of the tremendous mouths of +cannon. This, however, is the last argument which ought to be used; for +it is always of consequence to preserve the affections of subjects, to +rule them by love rather than fear: nothing but the utmost contumacy, of +which, I trust in Heaven, they will never be guilty, can justify such a +violent measure. + + + F I N I S. + + + + +_Speedily will be Published._ + +_In two Volumes Octavo, Price_ 10s. _sewed, or_ 12s. _bound._ + + +An Authentic Collection of the SPEECHES and DEBATES in the British House +of Commons from the Year 1742, to the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748. +In the Debates of this Period, are many important Motions arising from a +Variety of interesting Events, both Domestic and Foreign. Several +material Changes in the Administration, were the Consequence of those +Debates. As the Attention of Parliament was occasionally employed upon a +long and expensive War with both France and Spain, and the Suppression +of an unnatural and intestine Rebellion; a Moment's Reflection will shew +this to have been one of the most important Periods in our History. It +is therefore to be regretted, that these Debates have not been collated +and digested before, and that so necessary a Work has been so long +neglected; a Work so essentially useful to every Member of Parliament, +and every Lover of Constitutional History. These Debates which are +principally compiled from authentic Notes taken in the House, are +arranged partly upon the same Plan with Chandler's Collection, which is +brought down to the Year 1742; but with such Improvements from the +Journals, and other authentic Papers, as, it is presumed, will render +them worthy the Notice of every British Legislator. + +Printed for J. Almon, opposite _Burlington-House_, in _Piccadilly_. + + +Of whom may be had, just published; + +I. The Double Mistake; a new Comedy; as it is now performing at the +Theatre-Royal, in Covent-Garden. Price 1s. 6d. + +II. The Royal Kalendar; containing new and very correct Lists of all the +public Offices, and both Houses of Parliament. Price only 6d.--The same +in an Annual Pocket-book. Price 1s. 6d. + +III. The late Occurrences in America, and Policy of Great-Britain, +considered. Price 1s. + +IV. Considerations on the Propriety of imposing Taxes in the British +Colonies. Price 1s. 6d. + +V. The Necessity of repealing the American Stamp-Act, demonstrated. +Price 1s. + +VI. The Grievances of the American Colonies, examined. Price 1s. + +VII. Dummer's Defence of the Provincial Charters. Price 1s. 6d. + +VIII. Considerations on behalf of the Colonies. Written at _Boston_. +Price 1s. + +IX. An Examination of the Rights of the Colonies, upon the Principles of +Law. Price 1s. + +X. The Principles of the late Changes, impartially examined. By a Son of +Candor. Third Edition. Price 1s. 6d. + +XI. THE SECURITY OF ENGLISHMEN's LIVES; or the Trust, Power, and Duty of +the GRAND JURIES of ENGLAND, explained according to the fundamentals of +the English Government, and the Declarations of the same made in +Parliament by many Statutes. First printed in the Year, 1681. Written by +the Right Honourable JOHN Lord SOMERS, Baron of Evesham, and Lord High +Chancellor of England. Price 1s. 6d. + +This excellent Tract has for many Years been very scarce, although +several Times strongly recommended by the best Writers on the English +Constitution; and in particular by the learned and able Author of the +_Letter upon Libels and Warrants_, &c. As that ingenious Work treats so +fully on the Rights and Privileges of Petit and Special Juries; this +admired Performance, on the Subject of Grand Juries, is thought to be +its proper Companion: and is therefore printed in the same Size, and at +the same Price. + +XII. A LETTER concerning Juries, Libels, Warrants, the Seizure of +Papers, and Sureties for the Peace or Behaviour. With a View to some +late Proceedings, and the Defence of them by the Majority, upon the +Principles of Law and the Constitution. Fifth Edition. Price only 1s. +6d. + +XIII. A POSTSCRIPT to the same, second Edition. Price 1s. + +XIV. A Letter from Candor to the Public Advertiser, on some late +interesting Trials, and other Points of civil Liberty. Second Edition. +Price 1s. + +XV. The Trial of Mr. William Owen (_never before printed_) Bookseller, +near Temple Bar, who was charged with the Publication of a Libel +against the Government in 1751, of which he was acquitted by a Jury of +free-born Englishmen, Citizens of London. The principal Speakers in this +Trial for the Crown, were, Sir Dudley Rider, Attorney-General, +afterwards the _famous_ Chief Justice of that Name, and Mr. William +Murray, Sollicitor-General, now Lord Mansfield and Chief Justice of the +King's Bench. For the Defendant, Mr. Ford, since dead; and Mr. Pratt, +now Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas: Whose Speeches are all +printed as nearly _verbatim_ as possible.--To which is prefixed, the +whole of the remarkable Trial of John Peter Zenger of New York, Printer, +(which for some Time has been very Scarce) who was also charged with +printing and publishing a Libel against the Government; of which he was +acquitted by an honest, independent Jury. With a Narrative of his Case. +Price only 1s. (Zenger's Trial alone was formerly sold for 1s. 6d.) + +XVI. The State of the Nation; with regard to its Income, Expenditure, +and unfunded Debt. Fifth Edition. Price 1s. + +XVII. The BUDGET. Eleventh Edition. Price 1s. + +XVIII. The Right of Appeal to Juries in Causes of Excise asserted. +Second Edit. Price 1s. + +XIX. The Rights of the Colonies, asserted and proved. By James Otis, +Esq; of Boston in New England, Second Edit. Price 2s. + +XX. An Account of the late Right Hon. Henry Bilson Legge. With Original +Papers. Price 1s. + + * * * * * + +Transcriber's Notes: + +Passages in italics are indicated by _underscores_. +Small caps have been replaced with Title cased text. + +Obsolete spellings of words (e.g., impolitick, antient, assylum, can'st, +etc.) have been retained; ct ligatures are represented as ct, and long s +as modern round s. + +Typesetting error on page 30: comlpain changed to complain. +Typesetting error on page 39: POSTCRIPT changed to POSTSCRIPT. + +On page 20, the last word of the three-sentence Latin passage was not +italicized in the original, so the last word was not marked as +italicized. + +Catchwords have been deleted. 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