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diff --git a/33743-h/33743-h.html b/33743-h/33743-h.html new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bc38d42 --- /dev/null +++ b/33743-h/33743-h.html @@ -0,0 +1,25299 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?> +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en" xml:lang="en"><head><meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8" /><meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /><link rel="schema.DC" href="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" /><meta name="DC.Creator" content="Karl Otfried Müller" /><meta name="DC.Title" content="The History and Antiquities of the Doric Race, Vol. 1 of 2" /><meta name="DC.Date" content="September 17, 2010" /><meta name="DC.Language" content="English" /><meta name="DC.Publisher" content="Project Gutenberg" /><meta name="DC.Identifier" content="http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/33743" /><meta name="DC.Rights" content="This text is in the public domain." /><title>The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History and Antiquities of the Doric Race, Vol. 1 of 2 by Karl Otfried Müller</title><style type="text/css">/* +The Gnutenberg Press - default CSS2 stylesheet + +Any generated element will have a class "tei" and a class "tei-elem" +where elem is the element name in TEI. +The order of statements is important !!! 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You may copy it, + give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project + Gutenberg License <a href="#pglicense" class="tei tei-ref">included with this + eBook</a> or online at <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license" class="tei tei-xref">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a></p></div><pre class="pre tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">Title: The History and Antiquities of the Doric Race, Vol. 1 of 2 + +Author: Karl Otfried Müller + +Release Date: September 17, 2010 [Ebook #33743] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + + +***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF THE DORIC RACE, VOL. 1 OF 2*** +</pre></div> + </div> + <div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + + </div> + + <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">The History and Antiquities</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Of The</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.20em"><span style="font-size: 120%">Doric Race</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">by Karl Otfried Müller</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Professor in the University of Göttingen</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Translated From the German by</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Henry Tufnell, Esq.</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">And</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">George Cornewall Lewis, Esq., A.M.</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Student of Christ Church.</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Second Edition, Revised.</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.73em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Vol. I</span></p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">London:</p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">John Murray, Albemarle Street.</p> + <p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em">1839.</p> + </div> + <hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Contents</span></h1> + <ul class="tei tei-index tei-index-toc"><li><a href="#toc1">Extract +From +The Translators' Preface +To The First Edition.</a></li><li><a href="#toc3">Advertisement +To The Second Edition.</a></li><li><a href="#toc5">Introduction.</a></li><li><a href="#toc7">Book I. +History Of The Doric Race, From The Earliest +Times To The End Of The Peloponnesian War.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc9">Chapter I.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc11">Chapter II.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc13">Chapter III.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc15">Chapter IV.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc17">Chapter V.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc19">Chapter VI.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc21">Chapter VII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc23">Chapter VIII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc25">Chapter IX.</a></li><li><a href="#toc27">Book II. Religion And Mythology Of The Dorians.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc29">Chapter I.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc31">Chapter II.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc33">Chapter III.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc35">Chapter IV.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc37">Chapter V.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc39">Chapter VI.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc41">Chapter VII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc43">Chapter VIII.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc45">Chapter IX.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc47">Chapter X.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc49">Chapter XI.</a></li><li style="margin-left: 2em"><a href="#toc51">Chapter XII.</a></li><li><a href="#toc53">Appendix I.</a></li><li><a href="#toc55">Appendix II. Genealogy of Hellen.</a></li><li><a href="#toc57">Appendix III. The migration of the Dorians to Crete.</a></li><li><a href="#toc59">Appendix IV. History of the Greek congress or synedrion during the +Persian war.</a></li><li><a href="#toc61">Footnotes</a></li></ul> + </div> + + </div> +<div class="tei tei-body" style="margin-bottom: 6.00em; margin-top: 6.00em"> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pageiii">[pg iii]</span><a name="Pgiii" id="Pgiii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc1" id="toc1"></a> +<a name="pdf2" id="pdf2"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Extract +From +The Translators' Preface +To The First Edition.</span></h1> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The History, of which an English translation is +now offered to the public, forms the second and +third volumes of a work by Professor C. O. Müller, +entitled, <span class="tei tei-q">“Histories of Greek Tribes and Cities.”</span> +The first volume of this series was published separately +under the name of <span class="tei tei-q">“Orchomenos and the +Minyæ;”</span> and contains a most learned examination +of the mythology and early history of Orchomenos +and other towns of Bœotia, and of the migrations +of the Minyæ, together with other questions more +or less connected with these subjects. It is, in +every respect, a distinct and separate work from +the Dorians, comprised in the second and third volumes; +nor was it more incumbent on us to publish +a translation of that first volume, because it is +often referred to in the subsequent volumes, than of +the many other admirable works on Grecian history, +equally referred to, which are inaccessible to persons +not acquainted with the German language. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pageiv">[pg iv]</span><a name="Pgiv" id="Pgiv" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +At a time when a large part of the present translation +had been completed, the translators communicated +by letter to Professor Müller their intention +with regard to his work on the Dorians, and requested +him to read the manuscript of their translation before +it was printed, in case they should have anywhere +committed any errors, or failed to catch the import +of his words. To this request Mr. Müller, though +not personally known by either of the translators, +not only acceded, but, with an unexpected, and indeed +unhoped-for liberality, expressed his willingness +to contribute to our translation all the alterations and +additions which his reading had suggested since the +appearance of the original work. The manuscript +was accordingly transmitted, and carefully revised, +corrected, and enlarged by the author. Of the value +of these changes it would perhaps be improper that +we should speak in the terms which they seem to us +to deserve: of their number, however, as this can be +brought to a certain test, we will venture to assert, +that few books undergo so great changes after their +first publication; and that the present work may be +in strictness considered, not only a translation, but a +new edition of the original. In making these changes, +it was also the author's wish to clear up ambiguities +or obscurity of meaning, either by a change in the +expression, or a fuller development of the thought: +and we cannot help hoping, that even to a person +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagev">[pg v]</span><a name="Pgv" id="Pgv" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +acquainted with German, our translation will thus be +found in many places more explicit and satisfactory +than the original text. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Besides those alterations, which appear for the first +time in the following translation, the additions and +corrections published by the author in his <span class="tei tei-q">“Introduction +to a scientific System of Mythology”</span> have +been here incorporated; and a Dissertation on the +early history of the Macedonian nation, published +separately by the author, some time after the appearance +of the Dorians, has been inserted in the Appendix. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Not only has the small map of Macedonia, appended +to this Dissertation, been inserted in our +translation, in addition to the map of the Peloponnese, +which was alone contained in the original work, +but also a map of northern Greece, which, together +with the explanatory article inserted in the Appendix, +is now for the first time given to the public. These +three maps together furnish a complete geographical +picture of ancient Greece, from the promontory of +Tænarum to the north of Macedonia; and we may +be allowed to say, that in accuracy and fulness of +detail, they rival, if not excel, all other maps of the +same regions<a id="noteref_1" name="noteref_1" href="#note_1"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1</span></span></a>. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagevi">[pg vi]</span><a name="Pgvi" id="Pgvi" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +After the printing of the whole work (with the +exception of the Appendix) had been completed, the +sheets were sent to Mr. Müller, by which means not +only the translation of the original, but also of the +manuscript additions, have received the approbation +of the author. Any discrepancies, therefore, which +may appear between the translation and the original +must be considered as sanctioned by the author. The +translators at the same time think it right to state, +in case Mr. Müller should be exposed to any misrepresentations +in his own country, that in making +their translation they did not consider themselves +bound to follow the letter of the original, and have +sometimes indulged in a free paraphrase: while in +some places they suggested more considerable +changes, on account of the difference between the +opinions on many important subjects which generally +prevail in England and Germany. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +(1830.) +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="pagevii">[pg vii]</span><a name="Pgvii" id="Pgvii" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc3" id="toc3"></a> +<a name="pdf4" id="pdf4"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Advertisement +To The Second Edition.</span></h1> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The First Edition of the present Translation has +been revised by the Author; and he has supplied +several corrections and additions, which have been +inserted in their proper places. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The accounts of the geography of Peloponnesus +and Northern Greece, which were inserted in the +Appendix to the First Edition of the Translation, +have been omitted in the present Edition. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +April, 1839. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page001">[pg 001]</span><a name="Pg001" id="Pg001" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc5" id="toc5"></a> +<a name="pdf6" id="pdf6"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Introduction.</span></h1> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Origin of the Dorians in the North of Greece. § 2. Northern +boundary of Greece. § 3. The Macedonians. § 4. The Thessalians. +§ 5. Diffusion of the Illyrians in Western Greece. +§ 6. The Phrygians. § 7. The Thracians. § 8. The Hellenes, +Achæans, Minyans, Ionians, and Dorians. § 9. The Hylleans. +§ 10. Relation of the above nations to the Pelasgians. +§ 11. Difference between the Pelasgic and Hellenic religions. +§ 12. Early language of Greece, and its chief dialects. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. The Dorians derived their origin from those districts +in which the Grecian nation bordered towards +the north upon numerous and dissimilar races of barbarians. +As to the tribes which dwelt beyond these +boundaries we are indeed wholly destitute of information; +nor is there the slightest trace of any memorial +or tradition that the Greeks originally came from those +quarters. On these frontiers, however, the events took +place which effected an entire alteration in the internal +condition of the whole Grecian people, and here +were given many of those impulses, of which the +effects were so long and generally experienced. The +prevailing character of the events in question, was a +perpetual pressing forward of the barbarous races, +particularly of the Illyrians, into more southern districts; +yet Greece, although harassed, confined, nay +even compelled to abandon part of her territory, never +attempted to make a united resistance to their encroachments. +The cause of this negligence probably +was, that all her views being turned to the south, no +attention whatever was paid to the above quarters. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page002">[pg 002]</span><a name="Pg002" id="Pg002" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. To begin then by laying down a boundary line +(which may be afterwards modified for the sake of +greater accuracy), we shall suppose this to be the +mountain ridge, which stretches from Olympus to the +west as far as the Acroceraunian mountains (comprehending +the Cambunian ridge and mount Lacmon), +and in the middle comes in contact with the Pindus +chain, which stretches in a direction from north to +south. The western part of this chain separates the +furthest Grecian tribes from the great Illyrian nation, +which extended back as far as the Celts in the south +of Germany. Every clue respecting the connexion, +peculiarities, and original language of this people +must be interesting, and the dialects of the Albanians, +especially of those who inhabit the mountains where +the original customs and language have been preserved +in greater purity, will afford materials for inquiry.<a id="noteref_2" name="noteref_2" href="#note_2"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2</span></span></a> +For our present purpose it will be sufficient to state, +that they formed the northern boundary of the Grecian +nation, from which they were distinguished both by +their language and customs. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. In the fashion of wearing the mantle and dressing +the hair,<a id="noteref_3" name="noteref_3" href="#note_3"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">3</span></span></a> +and also in their dialect, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Macedonians</span></span> +bore a great resemblance to the Illyrians; +whence it is evident that the Macedonians belonged to +the Illyrian nation.<a id="noteref_4" name="noteref_4" href="#note_4"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">4</span></span></a> Notwithstanding which, there +can be no doubt that the Greeks were aboriginal<a id="noteref_5" name="noteref_5" href="#note_5"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">5</span></span></a> inhabitants +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page003">[pg 003]</span><a name="Pg003" id="Pg003" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of this district. The plains of Emathia, the +most beautiful district of the country, were occupied +by the Pelasgians,<a id="noteref_6" name="noteref_6" href="#note_6"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">6</span></span></a> who, according to Herodotus, also +possessed Creston above Chalcidice, to which place +they had come from Thessaliotis.<a id="noteref_7" name="noteref_7" href="#note_7"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">7</span></span></a> Hence the Macedonian +dialect was full of Greek radical words. And +that these had not been introduced by the royal family +(which was Hellenic by descent or adoption of manners) +is evident from the fact, that many signs of the +most simple ideas (which no language ever borrows +from another) were the same in both, as well as from +the circumstance that these words do not appear in +their Greek form, but have been modified according to +a native dialect.<a id="noteref_8" name="noteref_8" href="#note_8"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">8</span></span></a> In the Macedonian dialect there +occur grammatical forms which are commonly called +Æolic,<a id="noteref_9" name="noteref_9" href="#note_9"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">9</span></span></a> together with +many Arcadian<a id="noteref_10" name="noteref_10" href="#note_10"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">10</span></span></a> and +Thessalian<a id="noteref_11" name="noteref_11" href="#note_11"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">11</span></span></a> +words: and what perhaps is still more decisive, several +words, which, though not to be found in the Greek, +have been preserved in the Latin language.<a id="noteref_12" name="noteref_12" href="#note_12"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">12</span></span></a> There +does not appear to be any peculiar affinity with the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page004">[pg 004]</span><a name="Pg004" id="Pg004" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Doric dialect: hence we do not give much credit to +the otherwise unsupported assertion of Herodotus, of +an original identity of the Doric and Macednian +(Macedonian) nations. In other authors Macednus is +called the son of Lycaon, from whom the Arcadians +were said to be descended;<a id="noteref_13" name="noteref_13" href="#note_13"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">13</span></span></a> or Macedon is the brother +of Magnes, or a son of Æolus, according to Hesiod +and Hellanicus,<a id="noteref_14" name="noteref_14" href="#note_14"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">14</span></span></a> which are merely various attempts to +form a genealogical connexion between this semi-barbarian +race, and the rest of the Greek nation.<a id="noteref_15" name="noteref_15" href="#note_15"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">15</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thessalians</span></span>, as well as the Macedonians, +were, as it appears, an Illyrian race, who +subdued a native Greek population; but in this case +the body of the interlopers was smaller, while the +numbers and civilization of the aboriginal inhabitants +were considerable. Hence the Thessalians resembled +the Greeks more than any of the northern races with +which they were connected: hence their language in +particular was almost purely Grecian, and indeed bore +perhaps a greater affinity to the language of the ancient +epic poets than any other dialect.<a id="noteref_16" name="noteref_16" href="#note_16"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">16</span></span></a> But the chief +peculiarities of this nation with which we are acquainted +were not of a Grecian character. Of this +their national dress,<a id="noteref_17" name="noteref_17" href="#note_17"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">17</span></span></a> which consisted in part of the +flat and broad-brimmed hat καυσία and the chlamys +(which last was common to both nations, but was unknown +to the Greeks of Homer's time, and indeed +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page005">[pg 005]</span><a name="Pg005" id="Pg005" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +long afterwards,<a id="noteref_18" name="noteref_18" href="#note_18"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">18</span></span></a> until adopted as the costume of the +equestrian order at Athens), is a sufficient example. +The Thessalians, moreover, were beyond a doubt the +first to introduce into Greece the use of cavalry. More +important distinctions however than that first alleged +are perhaps to be found in their impetuous and passionate +character, and the low state of their intelligence. +The taste for the arts shown by the wealthy house of +the Scopadæ proves no more that such was the disposition +of the whole people, than the existence of the +same qualities in Archelaus argues their prevalence in +Macedonia. This is sufficient to distinguish them +from the race of the Greeks, so highly endowed by +nature. We are therefore induced to conjecture that +this nation, which a short time before the expedition of +the Heraclidæ, migrated from Thesprotia, and indeed +from the territory of Ephyra (Cichyrus) into the plain +of the Peneus, had originally come from Illyria. On +the other hand indeed, many points of similarity in the +customs of the Thessalians and Dorians might be +brought forward. Thus for example, the love for the +male sex (that usage peculiar to the Dorians) was also +common among the Illyrians, and the objects of affection +were, as at Sparta, called ἀίται;<a id="noteref_19" name="noteref_19" href="#note_19"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">19</span></span></a> the women also, +as amongst the Dorians, were addressed by the title of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ladies</span></span> (δέσποιναι), a title uncommon in Greece, and +expressive of the estimation in which they were held.<a id="noteref_20" name="noteref_20" href="#note_20"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">20</span></span></a> +A great freedom in the manners of the female sex was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page006">[pg 006]</span><a name="Pg006" id="Pg006" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +nevertheless customary among the Illyrians, who in +this respect bore a nearer resemblance to the northern +nations.<a id="noteref_21" name="noteref_21" href="#note_21"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">21</span></span></a> Upon the whole, however, these migrations +from the north had the effect of disseminating among +the Greeks manners and institutions which were +entirely unknown to their ancestors, as represented +by Homer. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. We will now proceed to inquire what was the +extent of territory gained by the Illyrians in the west +of Greece. Great part of Epirus had in early times +been inhabited by Pelasgians,<a id="noteref_22" name="noteref_22" href="#note_22"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">22</span></span></a> to which race the inhabitants +of Dodona are likewise affirmed by the best +authorities to have belonged, as well as the whole +nation of Thesprotians;<a id="noteref_23" name="noteref_23" href="#note_23"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">23</span></span></a> also the Chaonians at the +foot of the Acroceraunian mountains,<a id="noteref_24" name="noteref_24" href="#note_24"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">24</span></span></a> and the Chones, +Œnotrians, and Peucetians on the opposite coast of +Italy, are said to have been of this race.<a id="noteref_25" name="noteref_25" href="#note_25"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">25</span></span></a> The ancient +buildings, institutions, and religious worship of the +Epirots, are also manifestly of Pelasgic origin. We +suppose always that the Pelasgians were Greeks, +and spoke the Grecian language: an opinion in support +of which we will on this occasion only adduce a +few arguments. It must then be borne in mind, that +all the races whose migrations took place at a late +period, such as the Achæans, Ionians, Dorians, were +not (the last in particular) sufficiently powerful or +numerous to effect a complete change in the customs +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page007">[pg 007]</span><a name="Pg007" id="Pg007" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of a barbarous population;<a id="noteref_26" name="noteref_26" href="#note_26"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">26</span></span></a> that many districts, Arcadia +and Perrhæbia, for instance, remained entirely +Pelasgic, without being inhabited by any nation not of +Grecian origin; that the most ancient names, either +of Grecian places or mentioned in their traditions, +belonged indeed to a different era of the dialect, but +not to another language; that finally, the great similarity +between the Latin and Greek can only be explained +by supposing the Pelasgic language to have +formed the connecting link. Now the nations of +Epirus were almost reduced to a complete state of +barbarism by the operation of causes, which could only +have had their origin in Illyria;<a id="noteref_27" name="noteref_27" href="#note_27"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">27</span></span></a> and in the historic +age, the Ambracian bay was the boundary of Greece. +In later times, more than half of Ætolia ceased to be +Grecian, and without doubt adopted the manners and +language of the Illyrians;<a id="noteref_28" name="noteref_28" href="#note_28"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">28</span></span></a> from which point +the Athamanes, an Epirot and Illyrian nation, pressed +into the south of Thessaly.<a id="noteref_29" name="noteref_29" href="#note_29"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">29</span></span></a> Migrations and predatory +expeditions, such as the Encheleans had undertaken +in the fabulous times, continued without intermission +to repress and keep down the genuine +population of Greece. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page008">[pg 008]</span><a name="Pg008" id="Pg008" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. The Illyrians were in these ancient times also +bounded on the east by the Phrygians and Thracians, +as well as by the Pelasgians. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Phrygians</span></span> were +at this time the immediate neighbours of the Macedonians +in Lebæa, by whom they were called Brygians +(Βρύγες, Βρύγοι, Βρίγες);<a id="noteref_30" name="noteref_30" href="#note_30"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">30</span></span></a> they dwelt at the foot of +the snowy Bermius, where the fabulous rose-gardens +of king Midas were situated, while walking in which +the wise Silenus was said to have been taken prisoner. +They also fought from this place (as the Telegonia of +Eugammon related)<a id="noteref_31" name="noteref_31" href="#note_31"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">31</span></span></a> with the Thesprotians of Epirus. +At no great distance from hence were the Mygdonians, +the people nearest related to the Phrygians. According +to Xanthus, this nation did not migrate to +Asia until after the Trojan war.<a id="noteref_32" name="noteref_32" href="#note_32"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">32</span></span></a> But, in the first +place, the Cretan traditions begin with religious rites +and fables, which appear from the most ancient testimonies +to have been derived from Phrygians of Asia;<a id="noteref_33" name="noteref_33" href="#note_33"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">33</span></span></a> +and, secondly, the Armenians, who were beyond a doubt +of a kindred race to the Phrygians,<a id="noteref_34" name="noteref_34" href="#note_34"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">34</span></span></a> were considered +as an aboriginal nation in their own territory.<a id="noteref_35" name="noteref_35" href="#note_35"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">35</span></span></a> It will +therefore be sufficient to recognise the same race of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page009">[pg 009]</span><a name="Pg009" id="Pg009" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +men in Armenia, Asia Minor, and at the foot of +mount Bermius, without supposing that all the Armenians +and Phrygians emigrated from the latter +settlement on the Macedonian coast. The intermediate +space between Illyria and Asia, a district across +which numerous nations migrated in ancient times, +was peopled irregularly from so many sides, that the +national uniformity which seems to have once existed +in those parts was speedily deranged. The most important +documents respecting the connexion between +the Phrygian and other nations are the traces that +remain of its dialect. It was well known in Plato's +time that many primitive words of the Grecian language +were to be recognised with a slight alteration +in the Phrygian, such as πῦρ, ὕδωρ, χύων;<a id="noteref_36" name="noteref_36" href="#note_36"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">36</span></span></a> and the +great similarity of grammatical structure which the +Armenian now displays with the Greek, must be referred +to this original connexion.<a id="noteref_37" name="noteref_37" href="#note_37"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">37</span></span></a> The Phrygians +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page010">[pg 010]</span><a name="Pg010" id="Pg010" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in Asia must, however, have been intermixed with +Syrians, who not only established themselves on the +right bank of the Halys, but on the left also in +Lycaonia,<a id="noteref_38" name="noteref_38" href="#note_38"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">38</span></span></a> +and as far as Lycia,<a id="noteref_39" name="noteref_39" href="#note_39"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">39</span></span></a> and accordingly adopted +much of the Syrian language and religion.<a id="noteref_40" name="noteref_40" href="#note_40"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">40</span></span></a> Their +enthusiastic and frantic ceremonies had doubtless +always formed part of their religion: these they had +in common with their immediate neighbours the Thracians: +but the ancient Greeks appear to have been +almost entirely unacquainted with such rites. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thracians</span></span>, who settled in Pieria at the +foot of mount Olympus, and from thence came down +to mount Helicon, as being the originators of the +worship of Dionysus and the Muses, and the fathers +of Grecian poetry,<a id="noteref_41" name="noteref_41" href="#note_41"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">41</span></span></a> are a nation of the highest importance +in the history of civilization. We cannot +but suppose that they spoke a dialect very similar +to the Greek, since otherwise they could not have had +any considerable influence upon the latter people. +They were in all probability derived originally from +the country called Thrace in later times, where the +Bessians, a tribe of the nation of the Satræ,<a id="noteref_42" name="noteref_42" href="#note_42"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">42</span></span></a> +at the foot of Mount Pangæum, presided over the oracle of +Dionysus. Whether the whole of the populous races +of Edones, Odomantians, Odrysians, Treres, &c. are +to be considered as identical with the Thracians in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page011">[pg 011]</span><a name="Pg011" id="Pg011" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Pieria, or whether it is not more probable that these +barbarous nations<a id="noteref_43" name="noteref_43" href="#note_43"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">43</span></span></a> received from the Greeks their +general name of Thracians, with which they had been +familiar from early times, are questions which I shall +not attempt to determine. Into these nations, however, +a large number of Pæonians subsequently penetrated, +who had passed over at the time of a very +ancient migration of the Teucrians, together with the +Mysians.<a id="noteref_44" name="noteref_44" href="#note_44"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">44</span></span></a> To this Pæonian race the Pelagonians, on +the banks of the Axius, belonged; who also advanced +into Thessaly, as will be shown hereafter. Of the +Teucrians, however, we know nothing, excepting that +in concert with (Pelasgic) Dardanians they founded +the city of Troy,—where the language in use was +probably allied to the Grecian, and distinct from the +Phrygian.<a id="noteref_45" name="noteref_45" href="#note_45"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">45</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. Now it is within the mountainous barriers above +described that we must look for the origin of the +nations which in the heroic mythology are always +represented as possessing dominion and power, and are +always contrasted with an aboriginal population. +These, in my opinion, were northern branches of the +Grecian nation, which had overrun and subdued the +Greeks who dwelt further south. The most ancient +abode of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Hellenes</span></span> Proper (who in mythology +are merely a small nation in Phthia<a id="noteref_46" name="noteref_46" href="#note_46"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">46</span></span></a>) was situated, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page012">[pg 012]</span><a name="Pg012" id="Pg012" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +according to Aristotle, in Epirus, near Dodona, to +whose god Achilles<a id="noteref_47" name="noteref_47" href="#note_47"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">47</span></span></a> +prays, as being the ancient protector +of his family. In all probability the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Achæans</span></span>, +the ruling nation both of Thessaly and of Peloponnesus, +in the mythical times, were of the same race and origin +as the Hellenes. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Minyans</span></span>, Phlegyans, Lapithæ, +and Æolians of Corinth and Salmone, came originally +from the districts above Pieria, on the frontiers of +Macedonia, where the very ancient Orchomenus, +Minya, and Salmonia or Halmopia were situated.<a id="noteref_48" name="noteref_48" href="#note_48"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">48</span></span></a> Nor +is there less obscurity with regard to the northern settlements +of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ionians</span></span>; they appear, as it were, to +have fallen from heaven into Attica and Ægialea: they +were not, however, by any means identical with the +aboriginal inhabitants of these districts, and had, perhaps, +detached themselves from some northern, probably +Achæan, race.<a id="noteref_49" name="noteref_49" href="#note_49"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">49</span></span></a> +Lastly, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Dorians</span></span> are +mentioned in ancient legends and poems as established +in one extremity of the great mountain-chain of Upper +Greece, viz. at the foot of Olympus; there are, however, +reasons for supposing, that at an earlier period +they had dwelt at its other northern extremity, at the +furthest limit of the Grecian nation. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page013">[pg 013]</span><a name="Pg013" id="Pg013" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. We now turn our attention to the singular +nation of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Hylleans</span></span> (Ὑλλεῖς, Ὕλλοι), which is +supposed to have dwelt in Illyria, but is in many respects +connected in a remarkable manner with the +Dorians. The real place of its abode can hardly be +laid down; as the Hylleans are never mentioned in +any historical narrative, but always in mythical legends; +and they appear to have been known to the geographers +only from mythological writers. Yet they are generally +placed in the islands of Melita and Black-Corcyra, +to the south of Liburnia.<a id="noteref_50" name="noteref_50" href="#note_50"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">50</span></span></a> Now the name of the +Hylleans agrees strikingly with that of the first and +most noble tribe of the Dorians. Besides which, it is +stated, that, though dwelling among Illyrian races, +these Hylleans were nevertheless genuine <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Greeks</span></span>. +Moreover they, as well as the Doric Hylleans, were +supposed to have sprung from Hyllus, a son of Hercules, +whom that hero begot upon Melite, the daughter +of Ægæus:<a id="noteref_51" name="noteref_51" href="#note_51"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">51</span></span></a> here the name Ægæus refers to a river +in Corcyra, Melite to the island just mentioned. +Apollo was the chief god of the Dorians; and so +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page014">[pg 014]</span><a name="Pg014" id="Pg014" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +likewise these Hylleans were said to have concealed +under the earth, as the sign of inviolable sanctity, that +instrument of such importance in the religion of +Apollo, a tripod.<a id="noteref_52" name="noteref_52" href="#note_52"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">52</span></span></a> The country of the +Hylleans is described as a large peninsula, and compared to Peloponnesus: +it is said to have contained fifteen cities, +which, however, had not a more real existence than +the peninsula as large as Peloponnesus on the +Illyrian coast. How all these statements are to be +understood is hard to say. It appears, however, that +they can only be reconciled as follows: the Doric +Hylleans had a tradition, that they came originally +from these northern districts, which then bordered on +the Illyrians, and were afterwards occupied by that +people; and there still remained in those parts some +members of their tribe, some other Hylleans. This +notion of Greek Hylleans in the very north of Greece, +who also were descended from Hercules, and also worshipped +Apollo, was taken up and embellished by the +poets; although it is not likely that any one had really +ever seen these Hylleans and visited their country. +Like the Hyperboreans, they existed merely in tradition +and imagination. It is possible also that the Corcyræans, +in whose island there was an <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hyllæan</span></span>”</span> +harbour,<a id="noteref_53" name="noteref_53" href="#note_53"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">53</span></span></a> may have contributed to the formation +of these legends, as is shown by some circumstances +pointed out above; but it cannot be supposed that the +whole tradition arose from Corcyræan colonies. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. Here we might conclude our remarks on this +subject, did not the following important question deserve +some consideration. What relation can we suppose +to have existed between the races which migrated +into those northern districts, and the native tribes, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page015">[pg 015]</span><a name="Pg015" id="Pg015" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +what between the different races of Greece itself? All +inquiries on this subject lead us back to the Pelasgians, +who although not found in every part of ancient Greece +(for tradition makes so wide a distinction between them +and many other nations, that no confusion ever takes +place),<a id="noteref_54" name="noteref_54" href="#note_54"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">54</span></span></a> yet occur almost universally wherever early +civilization, ancient settlements, and worships of peculiar +sanctity and importance existed. And in fact +there is no doubt that most of the ancient religions of +Greece owed their origin to this race. The Zeus and +Dione of Dodona; Zeus and Heré of Argos; Hephæstus +and Athené of Athens; Demeter and Cora +of Eleusis; Hermes and Artemis of Arcadia, together +with Cadmus and the Cabiri of Thebes, cannot properly +be referred to any other origin. We must therefore +attribute to that nation an excessive readiness in +creating and metamorphosing objects of religious worship, +so that the same fundamental conceptions were +variously developed in different places; a variety which +was chiefly caused by the arbitrary neglect of, or adherence +to, particular parts of the same legend. In +many places also we may recognise the sameness of +character which pervaded the different worships of the +above gods; everywhere we see manifested in symbols, +names, rites, and legends, a uniformity of ideas and +feelings. The religions introduced from Phrygia and +Thrace, such as that of the Cretan Zeus and Dionysus +or Bacchus, may be easily distinguished by their more +enthusiastic character from the native Pelasgic worship. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page016">[pg 016]</span><a name="Pg016" id="Pg016" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +The Phœnician and Egyptian religions lay at a great +distance from the early Greeks, were almost unknown +even where they existed in the immediate neighbourhood, +were almost unintelligible when the Greeks attempted +to learn them, and repugnant to their nature +when understood. On the whole, the Pelasgic worship +appears to form part of a simple elementary +religion, which easily represented the various forms +produced by the changes of nature in different climates +and seasons, and which abounded in expressive signs +for all the shades of feeling which these phenomena +awakened. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +11. On the other hand, the religion of the northern +races (who as being of Hellenic descent are put in +contrast with the Pelasgians) had in early times taken +a more moral turn, to which their political relations +had doubtless contributed. The heroic life (which is +no fiction of the poets), the fondness for vigorous and +active exertion, the disinclination to the harmless occupations +of husbandry, which is so remarkably seen in +the conquering race of the Hellenes, necessarily +awakened and cherished an entirely different train of +religious feeling. Hence the Zeus Hellanius of +Æacus, the Zeus Laphystius of Athamas, and, finally, +the Doric Zeus, whose son is Apollo, the prophet and +warrior,<a id="noteref_55" name="noteref_55" href="#note_55"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">55</span></span></a> are rather representations of the moral order +and harmony of the universe, after the ancient method, +than of the creative powers of nature. I do not however +deny, that there was a time when these different +views had not as yet taken a separate direction. Thus +it may be shown, that the Apollo Lyceus of the Dorians +conveyed nearly the same notions as the Zeus Lycæus +of the Arcadians, although the worship of either deity +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page017">[pg 017]</span><a name="Pg017" id="Pg017" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +was developed independently of that of the other. Thus +also certain ancient Arcadian and Doric customs had, +in their main features, a considerable affinity. The +points of resemblance in these different worships can +be only perceived by comparison: tradition presents, +at the very first outset, an innumerable collection of +discordant forms of worship belonging to the several +races, but without explaining to us how they came to +be thus separated. For these different rites were not +united into a whole until they had been first divided; +and both by the connexion of worships and by the influence +of poetry new combinations were introduced, +which differed essentially from those of an earlier date. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +12. The language of the ancient Grecian race +(which, together with its religion, forms the most ancient +record of its history) must, if we may judge from +the varieties of dialect and from a comparison with the +Latin language, have been very perfect in its structure, +and rich and expressive in its flexions and formations; +though much of this was polished off by the Greeks +of later ages: in early times, distinctness and precision +in marking the primitive words and the inflections +being more attended to than facility of utterance. +Wherever the ancient forms had been preserved, they +sounded foreign and uncouth to more modern ears; +and the language of later times was greatly softened, +in comparison with the Latin. But the peculiarities of +the pure Doric dialect are (wherever they were not +owing to a faithful preservation of archaic forms) actual +deviations from the original dialect, and consequently +they do not occur in Latin; they bear, if I may be allowed +the expression, a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">northern</span></em> character. The use +of the article, which did not exist in the Latin language +or in that of epic poetry, can be ascribed to no other +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page018">[pg 018]</span><a name="Pg018" id="Pg018" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +cause than to immigrations of new tribes, and especially +to that of the Dorians. Its introduction must, as in +the Romance languages, be almost considered as the +sign of a great revolution. The peculiarities of the +Doric dialect must have existed before the period of +the migrations; since thus only can it be explained +how peculiar forms of the Doric dialect were common +to Crete, Argos, and Sparta: the same is also true of +the dialects which are generally considered as subdivisions +of the Æolic; the only reason for the resemblance +of the language of Lesbos to that of Bœotia being, that +Bœotians migrated at that period to Lesbos. The peculiarities +of the Ionic dialect may, on the other hand, +be viewed in great part as deviations caused by the +genial climate of Asia;<a id="noteref_56" name="noteref_56" href="#note_56"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">56</span></span></a> for the language of the Attic +race, to which the Ionians were most nearly related, +could hardly have differed so widely from that of the +colonies of Athens, if the latter had not been greatly +changed.<a id="noteref_57" name="noteref_57" href="#note_57"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">57</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page019">[pg 019]</span><a name="Pg019" id="Pg019" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc7" id="toc7"></a> +<a name="pdf8" id="pdf8"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Book I. +History Of The Doric Race, From The Earliest +Times To The End Of The Peloponnesian War.</span></h1> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc9" id="toc9"></a> +<a name="pdf10" id="pdf10"></a> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I" id="Book_I_Chapter_I" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter I.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Earliest Settlement of the Dorians in Thessaly. § 2. Description +of the Vale of Tempe. § 3. Of the Passes of Olympus. +§ 4. And of Hestiæotis. § 5. The Perrhæbians. § 6. +The Lapithæ. § 7. Limits of the Territory in Thessaly occupied +by the Dorians. § 8. Contents of the Epic Poem Ægimius. +§ 9. Doric Migration from Thessaly to Crete. § 10. +Relation of the Dorians to the Macedonians. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. <span class="tei tei-q">“From early times the Dorians and Ionians were +the chief races of the Grecian nation; the latter of +Pelasgic, the former of Hellenic origin; the latter +an aboriginal people, the former a people much addicted +to wandering. For the former, when under +the dominion of Deucalion, dwelt in Phthiotis; and +in the time of Dorus, the son of Hellen, they inhabited +the country at the foot of Ossa and Olympus, +which was called Hestiæotis. Afterwards, however, +being driven from Hestiæotis by the Cadmeans, +they dwelt under mount Pindus, and were called the +Macednian nation. From thence they again migrated +to Dryopis; and having passed from Dryopis +into Peloponnesus, they were called the Doric +race.”</span><a id="noteref_58" name="noteref_58" href="#note_58"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">58</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page020">[pg 020]</span><a name="Pg020" id="Pg020" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This connected account cannot be considered as derived +immediately from ancient tradition; but can only +be viewed as an attempt of the father of history to +arrange and reconcile various legends. Nor indeed is +it difficult to discover and examine the steps of the +argument which led him to this conclusion. It is +clear that he considers the genealogy of Hellen,<a id="noteref_59" name="noteref_59" href="#note_59"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">59</span></span></a> viz. +that he was the son of Deucalion and father of Dorus, +Xuthus, and Æolus, as an historical fact; although it +is at least more recent than the poems of Homer, +where the name of Hellenes does not include these +races, but is the appellation of a single nation in +Phthiotis: and that his object is to establish the position, +that the Dorians were the genuine Hellenes. +Now since Deucalion, the father of Hellen and grandfather +of Dorus, was supposed to have dwelt in Phthiotis,<a id="noteref_60" name="noteref_60" href="#note_60"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">60</span></span></a> +Herodotus represents the Dorians as also coming +from Phthiotis; although the people meant in these +legends by the names of Deucalion and Hellen were +the real ancient Hellenes, the Myrmidons,<a id="noteref_61" name="noteref_61" href="#note_61"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">61</span></span></a> who were +afterwards under the dominion of the Æacidæ,<a id="noteref_62" name="noteref_62" href="#note_62"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">62</span></span></a> and +are entirely distinct from the Dorians. Dorus was +next represented as succeeding Hellen as king of the +same people; and then, since the name of Dorus was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page021">[pg 021]</span><a name="Pg021" id="Pg021" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in these fabulous accounts connected with Hestiæotis, +he infers that the Dorians went thither from Phthiotis. +But the modern mythologist must of course abandon +this whole deduction as unfounded; and he can only +adopt the datum from which the historian started; +namely, that, according to ancient tradition, <span class="tei tei-q">“Dorus +dwelt at the foot of Olympus and Ossa.”</span> Here then +the real fact presents itself to us. The chain of Olympus, +the divider of nations, whose lofty summit is still +called by the inhabitants the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">celestial mansion</span></span>, is the +place in which the Dorians first appear in the history +of Greece. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. The mountain-valley, which in later times bore +the name of Thessaly, was bounded to the west by +Pindus, to the south by Othrys, to the east by Pelion +and Ossa, and to the north by Olympus, under which +name the ancient writers, for example Herodotus, also +include the chain which in after-times (probably from +an Illyrian word)<a id="noteref_63" name="noteref_63" href="#note_63"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">63</span></span></a> was called the Cambunian mount. +The course of the Peneus is so situated as to divide the +open plain to the south, the ancient Pelasgic Argos, +from the mountainous district to the north; towards the +north-east it breaks through the mountain-ridge, dividing +Ossa from Olympus; here too the river creeps +under the loftier heights of mount Olympus;<a id="noteref_64" name="noteref_64" href="#note_64"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">64</span></span></a> so that +the path passes along the side of the more rugged and +precipitous Ossa. This ravine was known by the ancient +generic name of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tempea</span></span> or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tempe</span></span> +(the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">cut</span></span>, +from τέμνω), and has been often poetically described, +but seldom sufficiently considered as bearing upon the +history of Greece.<a id="noteref_65" name="noteref_65" href="#note_65"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">65</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page022">[pg 022]</span><a name="Pg022" id="Pg022" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Before entering the pass, the traveller crosses a +small round valley, agreeably situated; at the end of +which on the left hand, where the mountains approach +one another on both sides, was the ancient fortress of +Gonnus (or Gonni), distant 160 stadia from Larissa, +the chief city of the plain.<a id="noteref_66" name="noteref_66" href="#note_66"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">66</span></span></a> From this point the mountains +close upon one another more rapidly, until they +rise on both sides of the glen in two rocky parapets, +forming a gully, where in many places a path has been +hewn along the river. About the middle of this path +there stands now, upon a bold projection of Ossa, a +fortress of Roman construction called Horæo-Castro, +covering also a cross glen of that mountain: it was +there probably that the strong-hold Gonnocondylum +stood; which appears to have taken its name from the +<span class="tei tei-q">“windings”</span> of the valley.<a id="noteref_67" name="noteref_67" href="#note_67"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">67</span></span></a> Not far from this spot is +the narrowest part of the ravine, hardly 100 feet in +width: which is stated in an inscription to have been +fortified by L. Cassius Longinus, the proconsul and +partisan of J. Cæsar; but, without the aid of fortification, +a few armed men would probably have been able +to stop the progress of a force many times their number. +The region has nothing beautiful or agreeable in +its appearance, but presents rather a look of savage +wildness: the perpendicular masses of rock of the +same kind of stone appear, as it were, to have been +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page023">[pg 023]</span><a name="Pg023" id="Pg023" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +rent asunder, and are without any covering of trees or +grass; the blackness of the shadows in the deep hollow, +and the dull echoes, increase the gloominess of +the impression: beneath bubble the silver waters of the +Peneus (ἀργυροδίνης).<a id="noteref_68" name="noteref_68" href="#note_68"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">68</span></span></a> Not far from this narrow +passage the defile opens towards the sea, to which the +Peneus flows through marshes; and from hence may +be seen the smiling country of Pieria, on the eastern +side of Olympus, particularly the plains of Phila, Heracleum, +and Leibethrum, which lead onwards to the +southern parts of Macedonia. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_3" id="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. This is the only road between Thessaly and the +northern districts, which passes in its whole length +along a valley; all the others are mountain-passes. +Such was the other road to Macedonia, which crossed +mount Olympus (ἐσβολὴ Ὀλυμπική).<a id="noteref_69" name="noteref_69" href="#note_69"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">69</span></span></a> This +road, too, begins at the strongly-fortified city of Gonnus, the key +of the country towards the north; and it then goes +along the southern side of Olympus, till it reaches the +cities of Azorum and Doliche. Between these two +towns is a place where three ways met.<a id="noteref_70" name="noteref_70" href="#note_70"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">70</span></span></a> The chief +road passes in a northerly direction over the summit +of the Cambunian chain to the Macedonian highlands; +and it was here that Xerxes set fire to the woods in +order to open a passage for his army, which the +Greeks had expected along the more practicable way +through Pieria and the valley of Tempe; and it was +often in the Roman wars traversed by large armies.<a id="noteref_71" name="noteref_71" href="#note_71"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">71</span></span></a> +From the south of Olympus two difficult mountain +roads led over the heights of Olympus, connecting +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page024">[pg 024]</span><a name="Pg024" id="Pg024" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Northern Thessaly with Pieria. The one avoided the +valley of Tempe, as it passed by the fortress of Lapathus +to the north of that defile,<a id="noteref_72" name="noteref_72" href="#note_72"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">72</span></span></a> then along the small +lake of Ascurias, whence there was a view of the +town of Dium on the sea-coast, at the distance of 96 +stadia; after which it descended into the plains of +Pieria. We should, however, more particularly notice +the other road, taking a more northern direction, and +passing over the lofty sides of Olympus, where formerly +there stood the castle of Petra, and the temple +of the Pythian Apollo, commonly called Pythium, +together with a village of the same name,<a id="noteref_73" name="noteref_73" href="#note_73"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">73</span></span></a> the height +of which Xenagoras, by a geometrical measurement, +ascertained to be 6096 Grecian feet.<a id="noteref_74" name="noteref_74" href="#note_74"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">74</span></span></a> +From this point +there was a mountain-pass leading down to the coast +to Heracleum and Phila in Pieria, and another way +led along the ridge of Olympus by difficult and dangerous +passages, as far as Upper Macedonia.<a id="noteref_75" name="noteref_75" href="#note_75"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">75</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +These mountain-passes and defiles have not been +explored by any modern traveller; but it was important +for our subject to discover their position from the +writings of the ancients. Not only did Perseus and +Æmilius Paulus here contend for the fate of Macedonia, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page025">[pg 025]</span><a name="Pg025" id="Pg025" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +but it was in this region that the Greek nations +of the heroic age disputed the possession of the +fertile Thessaly. There was once a time when through +these passes the nations pressed down, to whose lot +the finest parts of Greece were once to fall; here every +step was gained with labour, while the sons of the +mountain inured themselves to hardships in their incessant +wars. Of the numerous citadels which in +these districts cover every important point, the greater +number were probably built at a very early period. +Thus there were three fortresses<a id="noteref_76" name="noteref_76" href="#note_76"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">76</span></span></a> to defend the pass of +Olympus, or the road from Gonnus to Azorum and +Doliche, which two places, together with Pythium on +the mountain, were comprehended under the name of +the Pelagonian Tripolis.<a id="noteref_77" name="noteref_77" href="#note_77"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">77</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_4" id="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. The highlands which border on Macedonia are +so rarely mentioned in Grecian history, that we find +in them few names of places, while in the valley of the +Peneus there were always some traditional and historical +memorials extant. For although the northern +mountains were not destitute of fountains, grassy +slopes, and fertile pastures, still the nations continually +pressed downward to the fertile lands of the valley. In +this plain Gonnus and Elatea are succeeded by Mopsium +upon the right, and Gyrton and Phalanna on the +left of the stream; and soon afterwards Larissa stood +in the midst of the open country,<a id="noteref_78" name="noteref_78" href="#note_78"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">78</span></span></a> which had been +once deposited from the stagnant waters of the Peneus, +and being constantly irrigated, always produced a +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page026">[pg 026]</span><a name="Pg026" id="Pg026" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +plentiful crop. To the west of Larissa, in a narrower +part of the valley, where the hills approach the river +more from the north side, there stood, 40 stadia from +Larissa, the town of Argura,<a id="noteref_79" name="noteref_79" href="#note_79"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">79</span></span></a> and at the same distance +again the fort of Atrax; on the northern bank of the +river were the celebrated city of Pelinna<a id="noteref_80" name="noteref_80" href="#note_80"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">80</span></span></a> and the +castle of Pharcedon;<a id="noteref_81" name="noteref_81" href="#note_81"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">81</span></span></a> higher up on the left bank, +where the mountains on the north begin to recede and +form another plain, was the ancient city of Tricca.<a id="noteref_82" name="noteref_82" href="#note_82"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">82</span></span></a> +Between Tricca and Pelinna stood, as it appears, the +city of Œchalia, so celebrated in mythology; the ruins +of which have been perhaps discovered by a traveller +in some ancient walls of massive structure,<a id="noteref_83" name="noteref_83" href="#note_83"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">83</span></span></a> of which +Pouqueville saw many in this district. If now we +follow the Peneus, which runs from the north-west, +higher up the stream than Tricca, we come to the +mountain district of Hestiæotis. At about three and +a half hours from Tricca<a id="noteref_84" name="noteref_84" href="#note_84"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">84</span></span></a> is now situated the convent +Meteora, whose name alludes to its singular situation +upon lofty columns of rock:<a id="noteref_85" name="noteref_85" href="#note_85"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">85</span></span></a> from which place there +were two ways, one leading higher up the Peneus in a +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page027">[pg 027]</span><a name="Pg027" id="Pg027" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +westerly direction to Epirus, and the other passing +through Stymphæa to Elimiotis in Macedonia,<a id="noteref_86" name="noteref_86" href="#note_86"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">86</span></span></a> This +was about the situation of the ancient fortress of Gomphi, +which was near Pindus, and not very far from the +sources of the Peneus.<a id="noteref_87" name="noteref_87" href="#note_87"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">87</span></span></a> It is, indeed, probable that +the name Γόμφοι expresses the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">wedge-shaped</span></span> form of +these rocks. According to Strabo, Gomphi (in the +north-west), Tricca (in the south-west), Pelinna (in +the north-east), and the more recent city of Metropolis +(in the south-east), formed a square of fortresses, in +the middle of which was the ancient Ithome; which +Homer, from the steepness of the rock on which it +stood, calls the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">precipitous</span></span> +(κλωμακόεσσα or κλιμακόεσσα).<a id="noteref_88" name="noteref_88" href="#note_88"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">88</span></span></a> +From Meteora the Peneus may be followed +in a northerly direction to its origin from two small +streams; whence there was a path which wound over +the high chain of Pindus, and thus reached the +country of Epirus. This was in ancient times the +road which connected the two countries, and there still +remain on it several Cyclopian walls, the strongholds +of former ages. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. There had dwelt in the valley of the Peneus from +the earliest times a Pelasgic nation, which offered up +thanks to the gods for the possession of so fruitful a +territory at the festival of Peloria.<a id="noteref_89" name="noteref_89" href="#note_89"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">89</span></span></a> Their habits were +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page028">[pg 028]</span><a name="Pg028" id="Pg028" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +doubtless adapted to the nature of the country, which +has still the same effect on the modern inhabitants; +those who dwell near the river being of a soft and +peaceable disposition, while the mountaineers are of a +stronger and freer turn of mind.<a id="noteref_90" name="noteref_90" href="#note_90"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">90</span></span></a> Larissa was +the ancient capital of this nation.<a id="noteref_91" name="noteref_91" href="#note_91"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">91</span></span></a> But at a very early +time the primitive inhabitants were either expelled or +reduced to subjection, by more northern tribes.<a id="noteref_92" name="noteref_92" href="#note_92"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">92</span></span></a> Those +who had retired into the mountains became the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Perrhæbian</span></span> +nation, and always retained a certain degree +of independence. In the Homeric catalogue the +Perrhæbians are mentioned as dwelling on the hill +Cyphus under Olympus, and on the banks of the +Titaresius, which, flowing along the western edge of +Olympus, is distinguished by its clear and therefore +dark-coloured stream, from the muddy and white waters +of the Peneus.<a id="noteref_93" name="noteref_93" href="#note_93"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">93</span></span></a> At the present day the inhabitants of +its banks are remarkable for their healthy complexion, +while the Peneus is surrounded by a sickly +population.<a id="noteref_94" name="noteref_94" href="#note_94"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">94</span></span></a> +The ancients however were reminded by the Titaresius +of the Styx and of the infernal regions, not from any +natural circumstance, but because both among these +Perrhæbians and the Hellopian Pelasgians the name +and worship of Dodona had been established.<a id="noteref_95" name="noteref_95" href="#note_95"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">95</span></span></a> Accordingly +there seems to have been in both places a +Ψυχοπομπεῖον, or oracle of the dead. The prince of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page029">[pg 029]</span><a name="Pg029" id="Pg029" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +these Perrhæbians was called Guneus. So much may +be gathered from the passage in Homer. Afterwards, +in historical times, we find the Perrhæbians having +extended their limits to the Cambunian mountains, the +pass of Tempe, and the Peneus; and reaching to the +west beyond the chain of Pindus.<a id="noteref_96" name="noteref_96" href="#note_96"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">96</span></span></a> Gonnus and Atrax +were likewise Perrhæbian towns.<a id="noteref_97" name="noteref_97" href="#note_97"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">97</span></span></a> The Perrhæbians +maintained themselves in the mountains, even when +the Thessalians had seized upon the plain, not indeed +as an independent, but still as a separate, and, until the +Macedonian supremacy, as an Amphictyonic nation. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_6" id="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. The plain on either side of the Peneus was however +occupied by the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Lapithæ</span></span>, a race which derived +its origin from Almopia in Macedonia, and was at least +very nearly connected with the Minyans and Æolians +of Ephyra.<a id="noteref_98" name="noteref_98" href="#note_98"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">98</span></span></a> If it be allowed to speak of this heroic +race, of superhuman strength and courage, in the same +terms as of a real nation, we should say that the towns +Elatea, Gyrton, Mopsium, Larissa, Atrax, Œchalia, +Ithome, and Tricca, were under their dominion. Our +reason is, that the Lapithæ, Elatus, Cæneus, Mopsus, +Coronus, Eurytus and Hippodameia, were considered +by popular tradition as inhabitants of the above towns; +a belief indicated by the names of several of these +heroes. The two last of these towns were the native +places of the Asclepiadæ, whom the genealogical and +other legends always represent as connected with the +Lapithæ. In Homer the inhabitants of Tricca, +Ithome, and Œchalia are represented as following the +sons of Æsculapius; those of Argissa, Gyrton, Orthe, +Elone, and Oloosson are headed by the descendants of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page030">[pg 030]</span><a name="Pg030" id="Pg030" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Lapithæ. Now from the researches mentioned by +Strabo, it would seem that Orthe was the fortress of +Phalanna, Argissa the town Argura, both on the river +Peneus; Elone was a small town on mount Olympus, +as also Oloosson;<a id="noteref_99" name="noteref_99" href="#note_99"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">99</span></span></a> and it appears that the Homeric +catalogue agrees well enough with the other traditions, +and supposes the Lapithæ to have occupied the valley +of the Peneus, with some parts of the mountainous +country to the north. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. Thus much it was necessary to premise, in order +to give a faithful description of the spot in which the +Dorians first make their appearance in the traditions of +Greece. They bordered on the Lapithæ, but inhabited +the mountain district of Hestiæotis, according to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_100" name="noteref_100" href="#note_100"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">100</span></span></a> +instead of the champaign country, like the latter +race. Yet the same passage of that author implies that +Tempe was within the territory of Hestiæotis, and belonged +at that time to the Dorians; we shall see hereafter +how much this account is confirmed by the altar +of the Pythian Apollo in this valley.<a id="noteref_101" name="noteref_101" href="#note_101"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">101</span></span></a> It will moreover +be rendered probable that the Pythium above mentioned +was situated on the mountain heights. Hence +we may well suppose the whole Tripolis to have at one +time belonged to the Dorians; since even Azorium was +not always inhabited by Illyrian Pelagones, but had +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page031">[pg 031]</span><a name="Pg031" id="Pg031" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +once been held by the Hellenes.<a id="noteref_102" name="noteref_102" href="#note_102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">102</span></span></a> It is also probable +that Cyphus, a town said to have belonged to the +Perrhæbians, was under the dominion of the Dorians; +since this race possessed in their second settlement a +town called Acyphas.<a id="noteref_103" name="noteref_103" href="#note_103"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">103</span></span></a> It is remarkable that no direct +and positive account of any Doric town in this district +has been preserved, a circumstance to be attributed to +the loss of the epic poem of Ægimius. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_8" id="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. This poem, written in the Hesiodean tone (although +the author probably lived about the 30th Olympiad, 660 B.C. +in the last period of epic poetry),<a id="noteref_104" name="noteref_104" href="#note_104"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">104</span></span></a> +celebrated the most ancient exploits of the Doric race. +Thus it sung how Ægimius, the Doric prince, whilst +engaged in a difficult and dangerous war with the +Lapithæ, called to his assistance the wandering +Hercules, and by the promise of a third part of the +territory obtained his alliance; by which means the +enemies were beaten, their prince slain, and the disputed +territory conquered.<a id="noteref_105" name="noteref_105" href="#note_105"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">105</span></span></a> The name of the poem +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page032">[pg 032]</span><a name="Pg032" id="Pg032" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +is a sufficient proof that such would have been its +contents.<a id="noteref_106" name="noteref_106" href="#note_106"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">106</span></span></a> Probably the heroes of Iolcus and the +Phthiotans were also introduced as allies of the Lapithæ, +and at least the adventures of Phrixus and +Achilles.<a id="noteref_107" name="noteref_107" href="#note_107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">107</span></span></a> The scene of the second book was Eubœa, +the name of which island was there derived from +the cow Io;<a id="noteref_108" name="noteref_108" href="#note_108"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">108</span></span></a> the attack of Hercules upon the Eubœan +town of Œchalia also formed, as I conjecture, part of +the subject. Ægimius was, however, supposed to reign +in Hestiæotis, merely because the Dorians bordered in +this direction upon the Lapithæ; he was easily carried +over to the second settlements of the race under mount +Œta.<a id="noteref_109" name="noteref_109" href="#note_109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">109</span></span></a> This hero is in general the mythical progenitor +and hero of the Doric nation; hence Pindar called the +customs and laws of that people <span class="tei tei-q">“the ordinances of +Ægimius.”</span><a id="noteref_110" name="noteref_110" href="#note_110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">110</span></span></a> Nevertheless only two tribes +of the Dorians are stated to be descended from him, viz. the +Dymanes and Pamphylians; the third and most distinguished, +viz. the Hylleans, was supposed to be descended +from Hyllus the son of Hercules, and adopted +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page033">[pg 033]</span><a name="Pg033" id="Pg033" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +by Ægimius. And as the land in the Doric states was +equally divided between these three tribes, Hercules +was fabled to have received for his descendants a third +part of the territory, which belonged of right to the +Hylleans. This triple division of the land was expressly +mentioned by the epic poet, who used the word +τριχάϊκες to express that the Dorians had obtained +and shared among themselves, at a distance from their +native country (chiefly in Peloponnesus),<a id="noteref_111" name="noteref_111" href="#note_111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">111</span></span></a> a territory +apportioned into three parts. An examination of the +opinion, that the first race was distinguished from the +other two as of different origin, will be found in a following +chapter.<a id="noteref_112" name="noteref_112" href="#note_112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">112</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We must also refer our reader to the investigation +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page034">[pg 034]</span><a name="Pg034" id="Pg034" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the worship of Apollo, and the mythology of Hercules, +in the second book, since from these alone can +be collected the internal history of the Doric race during +its earliest period. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_9" id="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +9. One event which, even if it had not been noticed +by tradition, would still have been felt and recognised +from the effects it produced, is the migration of the +Dorians from the district of Olympus to Crete. It is, +indeed, a wonderful migration, being from one end of +the Grecian world to the other, and it presents a striking +anomaly in the history of the ancient colonies. We +must suppose that the Dorians, whilst in their first +settlements, excluded from the plain, and pressed by +want, or restless from inactivity, constructed piratical +canoes, manned these frail and narrow barks with +soldiers, who themselves worked at the oars, and thus +being changed from mountaineers into seamen—the +Normans of Greece—set sail for the distant island of +Crete. The earliest trace of the migration in question +is found in the Odyssey, in which poem it is +mentioned that the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">thrice-divided</span></span> Dorians formed a +part of the population of Crete.<a id="noteref_113" name="noteref_113" href="#note_113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">113</span></span></a> Andron +states, even with geographical accuracy, that these Dorians came +to Crete from Hestiæotis, at that time called Doris, +under Tectaphus, the son of Dorus, together with +Achæans and some Pelasgians who had remained in +Thessaly.<a id="noteref_114" name="noteref_114" href="#note_114"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">114</span></span></a> According to Dicæarchus, the Dorians +migrated to Crete from Pelasgiotis;<a id="noteref_115" name="noteref_115" href="#note_115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">115</span></span></a> by which is +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page035">[pg 035]</span><a name="Pg035" id="Pg035" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +meant the same district as that called by Andron +Hestiæotis, since Pelasgiotis and Hestiæotis bordered +on each other in the vicinity of Tempe. Again, +Diodorus affirms that Asterius king of Crete, the +adopted father of Minos, the legislator, was the son +of Tectamus (Teutamus).<a id="noteref_116" name="noteref_116" href="#note_116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">116</span></span></a> The essential parts of +these statements are rendered certain by two proofs: +the first of these is, that the worship of Apollo was +practised in Crete with precisely the same ceremonies +as at Tempe, and connected with many of the same +traditions; the second is, the very remote period at +which the principles of the Doric constitution were +systematized and established in Crete, so that they +afterwards became a model and standard for other +states of that race. This gives us the fullest right to +consider Minos of Cnosus as a Dorian. We may +assert, with still more reason, that the name of Minos +indicates a period in which the Doric invaders united +a part of the island into one state, and, by extending +their power over the Cyclades and many maritime districts, +obtained, according to the expression of Herodotus, +Thucydides, and Aristotle, the dominion of the +sea. To discredit this Doric migration would be to +reject the simple explanation of many facts recorded +in later history. At the same time, however, we do +not mean to throw any doubt upon the later migrations +from Peloponnesus, when it had already fallen +under the power of the Dorians.<a id="noteref_117" name="noteref_117" href="#note_117"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">117</span></span></a> We only assert that +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page036">[pg 036]</span><a name="Pg036" id="Pg036" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +these took place at too late a period to account for +many unquestionable facts. The portion of Crete first +occupied by the Dorians was, according to Staphylus, +the eastern coast;<a id="noteref_118" name="noteref_118" href="#note_118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">118</span></span></a> or, to speak more accurately, the +eastern side of the north coast. Here stood the Minoan +town of Cnosus, with its harbour Heracleum and colony +Apollonia. From this point the dominion, customs, +and worship of the Dorians were at a very early period +extended over the districts inhabited by the Eteocretans, +Pelasgians, and Cydonians; and, with the help of later +migrations, pervaded the whole island.<a id="noteref_119" name="noteref_119" href="#note_119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">119</span></span></a> And although +the different dialects could still be distinguished at the +time of Homer,<a id="noteref_120" name="noteref_120" href="#note_120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">120</span></span></a> yet in later times the Doric appears to +have been universally adopted.<a id="noteref_121" name="noteref_121" href="#note_121"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">121</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_10" id="Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +10. We now return to the passage of Herodotus, of +which a part has been already quoted; <span class="tei tei-q">“When however +the Dorians were driven out by the Cadmeans, +they dwelt under Mount Pindus, and were called the +Macednian nation.”</span> In this passage the author alludes +to the legend, that the Cadmeans, being expelled +from Thebes by the Argives, fled to the Encheleans of +Illyria, where they bordered upon Homolè, a Magnesian +mountain near the valley of Tempe. In this +settlement they would certainly be in the neighbourhood +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page037">[pg 037]</span><a name="Pg037" id="Pg037" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the Dorians. But we should bear in mind how +perplexed is the fable which we have before +us.<a id="noteref_122" name="noteref_122" href="#note_122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">122</span></span></a> The +predatory excursion of the Encheleans to Phocis and +Bœotia appears to admit of no doubt, as it was noticed +by a Delphian oracle of tolerable antiquity, and by the +tradition of the Thebans. The same horde may in its +passage have also disturbed the Dorians in their settlements; +but it is no less wonderful, that fugitive Thebans +should have voluntarily taken refuge with the Encheleans +in Illyria, than that this latter nation should have +driven the Dorians from their settlements. It may be +true that some northern hordes expelled the Dorians +from mount Olympus, since at a later period we find +the Pæonian (Teucrian) race of the Pelagones, who +had descended from the Axius,<a id="noteref_123" name="noteref_123" href="#note_123"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">123</span></span></a> and made themselves +masters of the Tripolis, Azorum, Doliche, and Pythium, +in possession of their ancient settlements. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +As to the statement of Herodotus, that the Macednians, +or ancient Macedonians (who in his lifetime inhabited +the territory between the rivers Haliacmon and +Lydias, from the mountains to the coast),<a id="noteref_124" name="noteref_124" href="#note_124"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">124</span></span></a> were derived +from the Dorians when dwelling under mount +Pindus, he probably followed some accounts of the +Macedonians, who, not satisfied with establishing the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page038">[pg 038]</span><a name="Pg038" id="Pg038" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Doric origin of their royal family, wished to claim +the same honour for the whole nation: but there does +not appear to be any historical foundation for this statement. +For the Macedonians, as was above remarked, +were indeed for the most part Greeks, but neither their +language or customs authorize us to consider them as +Dorians.<a id="noteref_125" name="noteref_125" href="#note_125"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">125</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc11" id="toc11"></a> +<a name="pdf12" id="pdf12"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter II.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Migration of the Dorians from Thessaly to the Valley of +Œta and Parnassus. § 2. District of Œta. § 3. Limits of +Doris. § 4. The Dryopians. § 5. The Malians. § 6. The +Ænianes. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. <span class="tei tei-q">“From thence,”</span> Herodotus proceeds to relate, +<span class="tei tei-q">“the race of the Dorians migrated to Dryopis, afterwards +called Doris, or the Doric Tetrapolis.”</span> Here +also it will be necessary to give some illustration of +the geography of the country; beginning at Thermopylæ +(the point at which mount Œta comes in +contact with the sea) to the broken ridge where it is +swallowed up in Parnassus, and both ranges are lost +in the mountains of Pindus, and where this latter, the +grand chain of Greece, is separated and branches off +in different directions. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Following the plain of Phocis, which lies between +mounts Œta and Parnassus, and is watered by the +Cephisus, we presently find the mountains approaching +each other from both sides, and contracting the valley +of the river. The last towns of Phocis in this direction +are, Amphicæa, Tithronium and Drymæa, still to be +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page039">[pg 039]</span><a name="Pg039" id="Pg039" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +recognised in ruins, and places bearing the name of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Palæocastro</span></span>.<a id="noteref_126" name="noteref_126" href="#note_126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">126</span></span></a> Proceeding thence westward to the +higher country, we soon arrive at the sources of the +river Cephisus, which cannot be mistaken, since it +immediately forms a stream of considerable size. The +Cephisus indeed rises not in Œta but in Parnassus, +and runs first to the north-east, in order to make a +bend afterwards to the south-east.<a id="noteref_127" name="noteref_127" href="#note_127"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">127</span></span></a> The situation is +particularly indicated by the ancient citadel of a town, +situated close to the source, upon a steep projection of +Parnassus; this place must be recognised as Lilæa. +The scenery around is of a grand and bold description. +Twenty stadia from hence was situated Charadra, where +a mountain-torrent joined the Cephisus. But the river +Pindus, which falls into the Cephisus not far from +Lilæa, comes down from a much greater elevation. +These valleys, lying to the north-west of Lilæa,<a id="noteref_128" name="noteref_128" href="#note_128"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">128</span></span></a> constitute +the proper district of Doris, little described in +detail by the ancients, and never till a short time since +visited by modern travellers. The steep citadel, about +an hour and a half's distance from Lilæa, situated +upon a projection of Parnassus near the village of +Mariolatis, is perhaps Bœum. The ancient walls in +the valley towards the west near Stagni must be set +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page040">[pg 040]</span><a name="Pg040" id="Pg040" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +down as the fortress of Cytinium.<a id="noteref_129" name="noteref_129" href="#note_129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">129</span></span></a> +Erineus should probably be sought for in the defiles of Œta, nearer +the sources of the stream just mentioned.<a id="noteref_130" name="noteref_130" href="#note_130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">130</span></span></a> Near +Œta was situated Acyphas,<a id="noteref_131" name="noteref_131" href="#note_131"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">131</span></span></a> probably the same as the +city of Pindus<a id="noteref_132" name="noteref_132" href="#note_132"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">132</span></span></a> above Erineus, and of the same name +as the river; both which names the Dorians had +brought with them from their early settlements. This +corner of land, placed under the chief mountain-chain +of Greece, and hanging over the plains which extend +from thence, was bounded by the upper districts of +Ætolia, by the territory of the Ozolian Locrians, +Phocis, and southern Thessaly.<a id="noteref_133" name="noteref_133" href="#note_133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">133</span></span></a> From Cytinium a +mountain-path led along the side of Parnassus to the +country of the Locrians:<a id="noteref_134" name="noteref_134" href="#note_134"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">134</span></span></a> this also has been explored +by modern travellers. This pass made the small +stronghold of Cytinium so important as a military post, +that Philip of Macedon, when he invaded Northern +Greece before the battle of Chæronea, immediately occupied +Elatea and Cytinium<a id="noteref_135" name="noteref_135" href="#note_135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">135</span></span></a>, evidently as a key to the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page041">[pg 041]</span><a name="Pg041" id="Pg041" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +western districts. From Delphi another mountain-path +(which was reckoned by an ancient traveller at +180 stadia<a id="noteref_136" name="noteref_136" href="#note_136"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">136</span></span></a>) +crossed over in the direction of Lilæa. +The modern road to the north, from the valley of +Pindus, likewise goes along a mountain-pass through +the defiles and ravines of Œta, to the opposite side of +the valley of the Spercheus, now called +Hellada.<a id="noteref_137" name="noteref_137" href="#note_137"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">137</span></span></a> If +this was passable in ancient times, it formed the communication +between Doris and the country of the +Malians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. Mount Œta stretches in a westerly direction for +the length of 200 stadia towards the Malian bay, which +it reaches at Thermopylæ. It separates Doris, Phocis, +and the Epicnemidian Locrians from the valley of the +Spercheus. The passes connected with it are, first, +the one just mentioned: secondly, another from Phocis +to the rocky glen of Trachinia;<a id="noteref_138" name="noteref_138" href="#note_138"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">138</span></span></a> and, lastly, that of +Thermopylæ, together with the upper path, made +famous by the battle with the Persians. The pass of +Thermopylæ is formed on one side by the steep declivity +of the mountain, and on the other by a deep and impassable +salt-marsh: these in the narrowest part are +only 60 paces distant from each other:<a id="noteref_139" name="noteref_139" href="#note_139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">139</span></span></a> in the middle +arise the hot sulphurous springs, which gave the name +to the defile. At no great distance from these lies the +little plain of Anthela, breaking into two narrow parts +of the pass. At the northern entrance of the passage +there are still the ruins of a wall, which has perhaps +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page042">[pg 042]</span><a name="Pg042" id="Pg042" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +served as a barrier against the invasions of Thessalian, +Persian, and Roman armies. Near this spot the brook +Asopus rises from the side of the mountain. At the +southern end of the pass was the small town of +Alpenus, its whole length being about five miles. +From Thermopylæ the paved and raised military road +leads northward over the Spercheus to Thessaly, southward +by Alpenus, Scarpheia, and Thronium, and from +thence to Elatea, and thus to the land of Phocis. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Although the broken and precipitous form of both +mountain and valley rendered the chain of Œta little +suited for human habitation, yet there was in ancient +times a considerable number of cities reaching in a +line from the Doric Tetrapolis, as far as the sea. +Amphanæa must have been built upon mount Œta, but +in the direction of Trachinia; so that, with a little latitude +of expression, it was considered as in Thessaly.<a id="noteref_140" name="noteref_140" href="#note_140"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">140</span></span></a> +Rhoduntia and Teichius were fortified heights on the +road over mount Œta.<a id="noteref_141" name="noteref_141" href="#note_141"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">141</span></span></a> Phricium was situated near +Thermopylæ on the Locrian side; from this place some +colonists went to the Æolian Cume, and Larissa +Phriconis.<a id="noteref_142" name="noteref_142" href="#note_142"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">142</span></span></a> +On the other side, upon the slope of the +mountain above the valley of the small streams Melas +and Dyras, lay Trachis. Heraclea was situated six +stadia from the ancient Trachis.<a id="noteref_143" name="noteref_143" href="#note_143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">143</span></span></a> Not far from hence +Ægoneia was probably situated.<a id="noteref_144" name="noteref_144" href="#note_144"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">144</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. Having now marked out the topography of this +district by traces, which, although not as clear as could +be wished, are yet perfectly accurate, we will next proceed +to inquire concerning the small native tribes which +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page043">[pg 043]</span><a name="Pg043" id="Pg043" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +at different periods settled in these parts, and particularly +concerning the Dorians themselves. Doris, in +the limited meaning of the term, was the valley of the +river Pindus. Whenever the Doric <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tripolis</span></span> is mentioned, +the three cities meant are Bœum, Cytinium, +and Erineus;<a id="noteref_145" name="noteref_145" href="#note_145"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">145</span></span></a> which last place, as being the most considerable, +appears to have been also called Dorium:<a id="noteref_146" name="noteref_146" href="#note_146"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">146</span></span></a> +but when writers speak of a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tetrapolis</span></span>, Acyphas (or +Pindus) is added as a fourth town.<a id="noteref_147" name="noteref_147" href="#note_147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">147</span></span></a> This is the +country which Dorus the son of Hellen is said to have +inhabited, when he brought together his nation on the +side of Parnassus;<a id="noteref_148" name="noteref_148" href="#note_148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">148</span></span></a> a tradition which totally loses +sight of the more ancient settlements of the Doric +race. It appears, however, that the Dorians, whilst +confined within these limits, did not rest content with +the possession of this narrow valley, but occupied +several places along mount Œta, of which Amphanæa +was one.<a id="noteref_149" name="noteref_149" href="#note_149"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">149</span></span></a> +An unknown writer<a id="noteref_150" name="noteref_150" href="#note_150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">150</span></span></a> named six Doric +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page044">[pg 044]</span><a name="Pg044" id="Pg044" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +towns,—viz., Erineus, Cytinium, Bœum, Lilæum, +Carphæa and Dryope: of which, by Lilæum is meant +the town of Lilæa, by Carphæa probably Tarphe near +Thermopylæ,<a id="noteref_151" name="noteref_151" href="#note_151"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">151</span></span></a> and by Dryope the country which had +once belonged to the Dryopians. There was therefore +probably a time when the heights near the sources of +the Cephisus, and a narrow strip of land along mount +Œta, as far as the sea, were in the possession of the +Dorians. Nay this was even partly the case in the +Persian war; for even at that time Doris stretched in +a narrow tongue of land thirty stadia broad, between +the Malians and Phoceans, nearly as far as Thermopylæ:<a id="noteref_152" name="noteref_152" href="#note_152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">152</span></span></a> +Scylax also mentions the Dorians as inhabitants +of the sea-coast.<a id="noteref_153" name="noteref_153" href="#note_153"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">153</span></span></a> This district, however, +near mount Œta is that which the Dryopians had formerly +inhabited (as may be shown from a passage of Herodotus)<a id="noteref_154" name="noteref_154" href="#note_154"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">154</span></span></a>, +before they were entirely dispossessed by the +Dorians, their neighbours in the Tetrapolis. Thus, +by means of this geographical investigation we have +arrived at an historical event. It seems probable that +the Dorians, having moved by slow degrees from Hestiæotis +to mount Œta, first gained possession of the +furthest extremity of the mountain-valley, and thence +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page045">[pg 045]</span><a name="Pg045" id="Pg045" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +gradually spread towards the coast over the land of +the Dryopians. This race indeed generally did not +press all at once, but passed slowly into districts which +had been seized by some part of them at an earlier +period.<a id="noteref_155" name="noteref_155" href="#note_155"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">155</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_II_Section_4" id="Book_I_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Dryopians</span></span> (the fragments of whose history +we here introduce) are an aboriginal nation, +which may be called Pelasgic, since Aristotle and +others assign to them an Arcadian origin.<a id="noteref_156" name="noteref_156" href="#note_156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">156</span></span></a> Their +affinity with the Arcadians is confirmed by the worship +paid by them to Demeter Chthonia, to Cora Melibœa, +and Hades Clymenus: which bore a great resemblance +to those of Phigaleia, Thelpusa, and other towns +in Arcadia.<a id="noteref_157" name="noteref_157" href="#note_157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">157</span></span></a> Their territory bordered upon that of +the Malians, so that they extended into the valley of +the Spercheus beyond Œta, and in the other direction +as far as Parnassus;<a id="noteref_158" name="noteref_158" href="#note_158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">158</span></span></a> to the east their settlements +reached to Thermopylæ.<a id="noteref_159" name="noteref_159" href="#note_159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">159</span></span></a> Their expulsion is related +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page046">[pg 046]</span><a name="Pg046" id="Pg046" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in a manner entirely mythical, being connected with +the propagation of the worship of Apollo (which is +intimately allied with the migrations of the Dorians), +and also with the adventures of Hercules; but when +a clue to this method of narration is once discovered, +it will be found to be equally, or perhaps more, instructive, +and to convey much fuller information than +a bare historical narrative. In the present instance, +the Pythian Apollo is represented as the god to whom +the vanquished Dryopians are sent as slaves, and who +despatches them to +Peloponnesus;<a id="noteref_160" name="noteref_160" href="#note_160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">160</span></span></a> and Hercules, in +conjunction with the Trachinians, subdues and consecrates +them to Apollo, or assigns to them settlements +in Argolis, but allots their land to the Dorians or +Malians.<a id="noteref_161" name="noteref_161" href="#note_161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">161</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +From this tradition we might perhaps infer that +the Dryopians accompanied the Dorians in their +migration to Peloponnesus, and settled there with +them. But the situation of the places belonging to +the Dryopians makes it necessary to seek some other +explanation; for the colonies of this race lie scattered +over so many coasts and islands, that they can only +have been planted by single expeditions over the sea. +In Argolis, for instance, they built Hermione, Asine, +and Eion (Halieis), upon projecting headlands and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page047">[pg 047]</span><a name="Pg047" id="Pg047" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +promontories; in Eubœa, Styra and Carystus belonged +to them;<a id="noteref_162" name="noteref_162" href="#note_162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">162</span></span></a> among the islands they had settlements +in Cythnos<a id="noteref_163" name="noteref_163" href="#note_163"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">163</span></span></a> and perhaps Myconos; they had +also penetrated as far as Ionia and Cyprus.<a id="noteref_164" name="noteref_164" href="#note_164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">164</span></span></a> Hence +it must be inferred that the Dryopians, harassed or +dislodged by their neighbours, dispersed in various +directions over the sea. It is, however, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">historically</span></em> +certain that a great part of the Dryopians were consecrated +as a subject people to the Pythian Apollo (an +usage of ancient times, of which there are many instances), +and that for a long time they served as such; +for even in the fragmentary history of the destruction +of Crissa (Olymp. 47, 590 B.C.), we find <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Craugallidæ</span></span> +mentioned together with the Crissæans,<a id="noteref_165" name="noteref_165" href="#note_165"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">165</span></span></a> which was a +name of the Dryopians derived from a fabulous ancestor.<a id="noteref_166" name="noteref_166" href="#note_166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">166</span></span></a> +The condition of the subjects of temples, and +consequently of these Craugallidæ, will be treated of +at large in another +place.<a id="noteref_167" name="noteref_167" href="#note_167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">167</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. But the Dorians, though hostile to their neighbours +the Dryopians, were on friendly terms with the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Malians</span></span>. This people dwelt in the valley of the +Spercheus, enclosed on all sides by rocky mountains, +and open only in the direction of the sea; they were +divided into the inhabitants of the coast, the Sacerdotal, +and the Trachinians.<a id="noteref_168" name="noteref_168" href="#note_168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">168</span></span></a> The second of these classes +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page048">[pg 048]</span><a name="Pg048" id="Pg048" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +probably dwelt near to the Amphictyonic temple at +Thermopylæ, the third on the rocky declivities of mount +Œta. These are the people who were in such close +alliance with the Dorians, that Diodorus speaks of +Trachis as the mother-town of Lacedæmon.<a id="noteref_169" name="noteref_169" href="#note_169"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">169</span></span></a> The +friendship between Ceyx and Hercules, together with +that of his sons, is the mythical expression for this connexion. +The Malians were always a warlike people, +those persons only who had served as hoplites being +admitted to a share in the government.<a id="noteref_170" name="noteref_170" href="#note_170"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">170</span></span></a> Their country +was however chiefly famous for its slingers and +darters.<a id="noteref_171" name="noteref_171" href="#note_171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">171</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. In after-times there came into these districts a +nation which the ancient traditions of the country do +not recognise, viz. the Hellenic <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ænianes</span></span> or Œtæans; +the latter name denoting the region in which that +nation was settled, the former their race;<a id="noteref_172" name="noteref_172" href="#note_172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">172</span></span></a> although I do not assert +that the fourteen Œtæan communities<a id="noteref_173" name="noteref_173" href="#note_173"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">173</span></span></a> +constituted the entire nation of the Ænianes. For +they also dwelt on the banks of the Inachus, and about the sources of the Spercheus, +near the city of Hypata.<a id="noteref_174" name="noteref_174" href="#note_174"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">174</span></span></a> +In early times they had inhabited the inland parts of +Thessaly, and about the end of the fabulous period they +descended into those settlements, from which in later times they were dislodged +by the Illyrian Athamanes.<a id="noteref_175" name="noteref_175" href="#note_175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">175</span></span></a> +Although the Ænianes did not disavow a certain dependence +on the Delphian oracle, and though they +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page049">[pg 049]</span><a name="Pg049" id="Pg049" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +adopted among their traditions the fables respecting +Hercules, anciently prevalent in their new +settlements,<a id="noteref_176" name="noteref_176" href="#note_176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">176</span></span></a> +yet on account of their geographical position they lived +in opposition and hostility to the Malians and Dorians;<a id="noteref_177" name="noteref_177" href="#note_177"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">177</span></span></a> +who, as Strabo states, had been deprived by them of a +part of their territory.<a id="noteref_178" name="noteref_178" href="#note_178"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">178</span></span></a> Nay more, it is probable +that the emigration of the Dorians which conquered +Peloponnesus, was in some way or other connected +with the arrival of the Ænianes in this region. There +was an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ancient enmity</span></em> between the Lacedæmonians +and the Œtæans.<a id="noteref_179" name="noteref_179" href="#note_179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">179</span></span></a> It was chiefly on this account that +Sparta founded the town of Heraclea in the country of +Trachinia; which would doubtless have caused the revival +of an important Doric power in this part of +Greece, had not the jealousy of the Thessalians and +Dolopians, and even of the Malians themselves, been +awakened at its first establishment. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thus much concerning the situation of the Dorians +in their settlements near mount Œta. The subject +however is not yet exhausted; for we have still to trace +the origin of the great influence which the establishment +of the Dorians at Lycorea upon Parnassus had on +the religion of Delphi (for that Lycorea was a Doric +town will be made probable hereafter), as well as to +treat of the Amphictyonic league, in the founding of +which a very large share doubtless belonged to the +Dorians: but the discussion of both these points must +be deferred to the second +book.<a id="noteref_180" name="noteref_180" href="#note_180"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">180</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +As to the colonies of the Doric cities near mount +Parnassus, Bulis on the frontiers of Phocis and Bœotia, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page050">[pg 050]</span><a name="Pg050" id="Pg050" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +on the Crissæan gulf, was probably founded +from thence at the time of the Doric +migration.<a id="noteref_181" name="noteref_181" href="#note_181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">181</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc13" id="toc13"></a> +<a name="pdf14" id="pdf14"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter III.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Migration of the Dorians into Peloponnesus represented as +the return of the descendants of Hercules. § 2. Improbability +of the common account. § 3. Sources of the common account. +§ 4. Legends inconsistent with the common account. § 5. Common +account. The Heraclidæ fly from Trachis to Attica, and +are assisted by the Athenians against Eurystheus. § 6. Expeditions +of the Heraclidæ into Peloponnesus. § 7. Junction +of the Heraclidæ with the Dorians. § 8. The Heraclidæ pass +into Peloponnesus by Rhium. § 9. Connexion of the Dorians +with the Locrians and Ætolians. § 10. Tisamenus +and the Peloponnesians defeated by the Dorians. § 11. Partition +of Peloponnesus. § 12. Immediate consequences of the +immigration of the Dorians. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. The most important, and the most fertile in consequences, +of all the migrations of Grecian races, and +which continued even to the latest periods to exert its +influence upon the Greek character, was the expedition +of the Dorians into Peloponnesus. It is however +so completely enveloped in fables, and these were +formed at a very early period in so connected a manner, +that it is useless to examine it in detail, without first +endeavouring to separate the component parts. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The traditionary name of this expedition is <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the +Return of the descendants of Hercules</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_182" name="noteref_182" href="#note_182"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">182</span></span></a> Hercules, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page051">[pg 051]</span><a name="Pg051" id="Pg051" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the son of Zeus is (even in the Iliad), both by birth and +destiny, the hereditary prince of Tiryns and Mycenæ, +and ruler of the surrounding nations.<a id="noteref_183" name="noteref_183" href="#note_183"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">183</span></span></a> But through +some evil chance Eurystheus obtained the precedency, +and the son of Zeus was compelled to serve him. +Nevertheless he is represented as having bequeathed +to his descendants his claims to the dominion of +Peloponnesus, which they afterwards made good in +conjunction with the Dorians; Hercules having also +performed such actions in behalf of this race, that his +descendants were always entitled to the possession of +one-third of the territory. The heroic life of Hercules +was therefore the mythical title, through which the +Dorians were made to appear, not as unjustly invading, +but merely as reconquering, a country which had belonged +to their princes in former times. Hence Hercules +is reported to have made war with some degree +of propriety, and subdued the principal countries of the +Doric race (except his native country Argos), Lacedæmon +and the Messenian Pylus, to have established +the national festival at Olympia, and even to have laid +the foundation of the most distant colonies. To esteem +as real these conquests and settlements, these mythical +forerunners of real history, is incompatible with a clear +view of these matters; and we could scarce seriously +ask even the most credulous, how, at a time when +sieges were in the highest degree tedious, Hercules +could have stormed and taken so many fortresses, surrounded +with almost impregnable walls?<a id="noteref_184" name="noteref_184" href="#note_184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">184</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +A severer criticism enjoins us to trace the mythical +narrative to its centre, and attempt to ascertain +whether the sovereign race of the Dorians did really +spring from the early sovereigns of Mycenæ; such +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page052">[pg 052]</span><a name="Pg052" id="Pg052" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +being not only the epic account, but also the tradition +countenanced in Sparta itself. Tyrtæus said, in his +poem called the Eunomia, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zeus himself gave this +territory</span></span> (Laconia) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">to the race of Hercules; united +with whom we</span></span> (the Dorians) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">left the stormy Erineus, +and reached the wide island of Pelops</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_185" name="noteref_185" href="#note_185"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">185</span></span></a> +And a still more important proof is the reply of king +Cleomenes, mentioned by Herodotus, who, when forbidden +by the priestess in the Acropolis of Athens +to enter the temple, as being a Dorian, answered, <span class="tei tei-q">“I +am no Dorian, but an Achæan,”</span> referring to his +descent from Hercules.<a id="noteref_186" name="noteref_186" href="#note_186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">186</span></span></a> From this it would appear +that there was amongst the Dorians an Achæan phratria, +to which the kings of Argos, Sparta, and Messenia, +and the founders and rulers of Corinth, Sicyon, +Epidaurus, Ægina, Rhodes, Cos, &c., belonged; and +which, in conjunction with the Dorians, only recovered +by conquest its hereditary rights.<a id="noteref_187" name="noteref_187" href="#note_187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">187</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_2" id="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. It is certainly hazardous at once to reject an +extensive and connected system of heroic traditions, +for the sake of establishing in its place a conjecture +which sacrifices reports recognised by ages prior to +historical information, and celebrated by the earliest +poets, to a mere theory of historical probability. We +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page053">[pg 053]</span><a name="Pg053" id="Pg053" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +must, however, recollect that mythical legends present +in general merely the views and opinions of nations on +the origin of their actual condition; these opinions +being at the same time more often directed and determined +by religious and other notions, especially by a +certain feeling of justice, than by real tradition, and +therefore they frequently conceal, rather than express, +historical truth. The following remarks, partly deduced +from inquiries which will follow, may serve +to contrast with each other the characteristics of history +and mythology. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the first place, if we consider the narrative in +question as a plain historical statement, and consequently +suppose the Heraclidæ to have been expatriated +Achæans, the same supposition must be extended +to the whole tribe of Hylleans. For Hyllus, +the representative of the Hylleans, is called the son +of Hercules; and it was with reference to that tribe +that the third part of the territory was secured to +the descendants of Hercules: hence also Pindar calls +the Dorians universally the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">descendants of Hercules +and Ægimius</span></span>.<a id="noteref_188" name="noteref_188" href="#note_188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">188</span></span></a> In this case, then, the Pamphylians +and Dymanes would alone remain as Dorians proper. +It is, however, by no means probable, that, if the most +distinguished part of the Doric people had been of +Achæan descent, the difference between the language, +religion, and customs of these two races would have +been so strongly and precisely marked. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the second place, everything that is related +concerning the exploits of Hercules in the north of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page054">[pg 054]</span><a name="Pg054" id="Pg054" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Greece refers exclusively to the history of the Dorians; +and conversely all the actions of the Doric race +in their earlier settlements are mythically represented +under the person of Hercules. Now this cannot be +accounted for by supposing that there was only a +temporary connexion between this hero and the Doric +race. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Lastly, if we compare as much of the fables concerning +Hercules related below as refers to the Dorians, +with those current among the ancient Argives, +and if we separate in mind the links by which the +epic poets gave them an apparent historical connexion, +we shall find no real resemblance between +the two. The worship of Apollo, which can in almost +every case be shown to have been the real motive +which actuated the Dorians, was wholly foreign to +the Argives. If then an Achæan tribe did arrive +amongst the Dorians, bringing with it the story of +Hercules, or a hero so called, this latter people must +have applied and developed his mythology in a manner +wholly different from those to whom they owed it. +And after all, we should be obliged to suppose that +long before their irruption into Peloponnesus, these +Heraclidæ had been so intermixed with the Dorians, +that their traditions were formed entirely +according to the disposition of that race, since Hercules +in Thessaly is represented as a complete Dorian. +Here, however, we are again at variance with the +fable, which represents the Heraclidæ as having fled +to the Dorians a short time only before their entry into +Peloponnesus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thus we are continually met with contradictions, +and never enabled to obtain a clear view of the +question, unless we assent to the proposition that +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page055">[pg 055]</span><a name="Pg055" id="Pg055" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Hercules, from a very remote period, was both a +Dorian and Peloponnesian hero, and particularly the +hero of the Hyllean tribe, which in the earliest settlements +of the Dorians had probably united itself with +two other small nations, the Heraclidæ being the +hereditary princes of the Doric race. The story of +the Heraclidæ being descended from the Argive Hercules, +who performed the commands of Eurystheus, +was not invented till after Peloponnesus had been introduced +into the tradition. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_3" id="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. There is hardly any part of the traditional +history of Greece whose real sources are so little +known to us as the expedition of the Heraclidæ. +No one can fail to perceive that it possesses the same +mythical character as the Trojan war; and yet we +are deprived of that which renders the examination +of a mythical narrative so instructive, viz. the traditional +lore scattered in such abundance throughout +the ancient epic poems. This event, however, early +as it was, lay without the range of the epic poetry; +and therefore, whenever circumstances connected with +it were mentioned, they must have been introduced +either accidentally or in reference to some other subject. +In no one large class of epic poems was this +event treated at length, neither by the cyclic poets, nor +the authors of the Νόστοι. In the Ἠοῖαι attributed to +Hesiod, it appears only to have been alluded to in a +few short passages.<a id="noteref_189" name="noteref_189" href="#note_189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">189</span></span></a> Herodotus nevertheless mentions +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page056">[pg 056]</span><a name="Pg056" id="Pg056" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +poets who related the migration of the Heraclidæ and +Dorians into Laconia.<a id="noteref_190" name="noteref_190" href="#note_190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">190</span></span></a> Perhaps these belonged to the +class who carried on the mythical fables genealogically, +as Cinæthon the Laconian, and also Asius, who celebrated +the descent of Hercules, and appears, from the +character of his poems, to have also commemorated his +descendants.<a id="noteref_191" name="noteref_191" href="#note_191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">191</span></span></a> Or they may have been the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">historical +poets</span></span>, such as Eumelus the Corinthian, although those +alluded to by Herodotus cannot have composed a +separate poetical history (as the former did of +Corinth); since they would doubtless have followed +the national tradition of Sparta; and this, with respect +to the first princes of the Heraclidæ, differed from the +accounts of all the poets with which Herodotus was +acquainted, and was not the general tradition of +Greece.<a id="noteref_192" name="noteref_192" href="#note_192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">192</span></span></a> And doubtless many such local traditions +were preserved amongst particular nations, concerning +an event which for a long time determined the condition +of Peloponnesus. Thus the Tegeatans<a id="noteref_193" name="noteref_193" href="#note_193"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">193</span></span></a> celebrated +the combat of Echemus their general with +Hyllus. Whether the early historians collected these +accounts from oral record, or whether they derived +them from the poets above mentioned (although the +latter is more in their manner), cannot be determined; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page057">[pg 057]</span><a name="Pg057" id="Pg057" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +for there are only extant two fragments of these writers +concerning the Heraclidæ, one of Hecatæus, the other +of Pherecydes, which connect immediately with the +death of Hercules, and therefore do not prove that these +authors wrote any continuous account of the history of +this migration. The early tradition received a fuller +development in the Attic drama; but it was unavoidably +represented in a very partial view. The Heraclidæ +of Æschylus, and the Iolaus of Sophocles might, +like the Heraclidæ of Euripides, have had on the whole +the tendency to celebrate those merits which the +Athenians are made to commend in Herodotus,<a id="noteref_194" name="noteref_194" href="#note_194"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">194</span></span></a> even +before the battle of Platæa, viz., their good offices towards +the Heraclidæ, at the time when they took +refuge in Attica. The last-named tragedian, in his +Temenidæ, Archelaus, and Cresphontes, went further +into the history of the Doric states, and descended lower +into the historical period, than any poet before his time; +his reason having, perhaps, been, the exhaustion of the +legitimate mythical materials.<a id="noteref_195" name="noteref_195" href="#note_195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">195</span></span></a> Now these Attic +tragedians manifestly took for their basis the narrative +given by Apollodorus, himself an Athenian, as +may be shown by some particular circumstances. +Perhaps Ephorus rested more upon the earlier poets +and historians, as far as we are acquainted with their +statements; but his narrative, even if it were extant, +could, no more than those of the former, be considered +as proceeding from a critical examination; since, in +the first place, from a total misapprehension of the +character of tradition, he forced everything into history, +and then endeavoured to restore the deficiencies of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page058">[pg 058]</span><a name="Pg058" id="Pg058" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +oral narrative by probable reasoning; of the fallaciousness +of which method we will bring forward some +proofs. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_4" id="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. After what has been said, we will forbear to +apologize for merely offering a few remarks on the +origin and meaning of the traditions which concern +the Doric migration, instead of endeavouring to give +a history of that event. And, indeed, we might bring +forward some most marvellous legends, but on that very +account the better fitted to convince every one what is +the nature of the ground on which we stand. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the Ἠοῖαι attributed to Hesiod, it was stated +that Polycaon the son of Butes, whose name represents +the ancient (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> Lelegean) population of Messene, +married Euæchme (Εὐαίχμη, viz. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">celebrated for the +spear</span></span>) the daughter of Hyllus, and grand-daughter of +Hercules. In this simple and unpretending manner +the early tradition conveyed the idea that the Hylleans +and Dorians had, by the power of the spear, made +themselves masters of Messene, and united themselves +with the original inhabitants.<a id="noteref_196" name="noteref_196" href="#note_196"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">196</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the Laconian village of Abia, there was a temple +of Hercules, which was said to have been built by +Abia the nurse of Glenus, the brother of Hyllus.<a id="noteref_197" name="noteref_197" href="#note_197"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">197</span></span></a> It +was, therefore, supposed that Hyllus and Glenus themselves +came to Laconia. Pausanias endeavours to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page059">[pg 059]</span><a name="Pg059" id="Pg059" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +reconcile the local tradition with the received history, +and assumes that Abia had fled hither after the death +of Hyllus; which, however, is inconsistent with the +common account that Peloponnesus was in the hands +of the enemy, and that the battle in which Hyllus +fell was at the Isthmus. We come now to the common +relation of the order of events. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_5" id="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +5. According to this account, the Heraclidæ, after +the death of their father, were in Trachis with their +host Ceyx, who generously protected them for a time, +but was afterwards forced, by the threats of Eurystheus, +to refuse them any longer refuge; Ceyx, according to +Hecatæus,<a id="noteref_198" name="noteref_198" href="#note_198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">198</span></span></a> was compelled to say to them, <span class="tei tei-q">“I have not +the power to assist you; withdraw therefore to another +nation;”</span> and upon this they sought an asylum +in Attica. Those early historians, however, who stated +that Hercules died as king in Mycenæ, gave an entirely +different account of this circumstance, viz., that Eurystheus, +after the death of Hercules, expelled his sons, +and again usurped the dominion,<a id="noteref_199" name="noteref_199" href="#note_199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">199</span></span></a> and they fled in consequence +to Attica. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +At Athens they sat as suppliants at the altar of +Pity, received the protection of Theseus or Demophon, +dwelt in the Tetrapolis,<a id="noteref_200" name="noteref_200" href="#note_200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">200</span></span></a> and fought, together +with the Athenians, under the command of Hyllus +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page060">[pg 060]</span><a name="Pg060" id="Pg060" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and Iolaus (to whose prayers the gods had granted a +second youth), at the pass of Sciron, a battle against +Eurystheus; Macaria (probably an entirely symbolical +being, but here the daughter of Hercules) +having previously offered herself as an expiatory sacrifice. +In this action they conquered the Argive +king, whom Alcmene with womanish vengeance put to +death, and whose tomb the Athenians showed before +the temple of the Pallenian Minerva.<a id="noteref_201" name="noteref_201" href="#note_201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">201</span></span></a> This is the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page061">[pg 061]</span><a name="Pg061" id="Pg061" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +fable so much celebrated by the tragedians and +orators, a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">locus communis</span></span> as it were, which the Athenians +sometimes even mentioned in their decrees,<a id="noteref_202" name="noteref_202" href="#note_202"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">202</span></span></a> or +wherever it served to show how poorly the Peloponnesians +had requited their ancient benefactors. What +credit a Lacedæmonian would have given to these +stories, we know not; Pindar certainly knew nothing +of them, for he states that Iolaus had near <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Thebes</span></span> received +a momentary renewal of youthful vigour for the +purpose of putting to death Eurystheus, after which he +immediately expired, and was buried by the Thebans +in the family tomb of Amphitryon.<a id="noteref_203" name="noteref_203" href="#note_203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">203</span></span></a> In this account +Eurystheus is represented as having been conquered in +the neighbourhood of Thebes, and in consequence by a +Theban army. It is not however necessary to esteem +the Athenian tradition as altogether groundless, and +purposely invented: it was probably founded on some +actual event, and afterwards modified and embellished. +The connecting link was without doubt the temple of +Hercules in Attica. It was natural that, if the Athenians +worshipped that hero, they should wish to have +had the merit of protecting his descendants. Hence the +sons of Hercules were said to have dwelt in the Tetrapolis +at Marathon, where was the chief temple of Hercules +in Attica, and in the neighbourhood of which +flowed the fountain Macaria, represented as a daughter +of that hero. It was on this account, as is reported, +that the entire Tetrapolis was during the Peloponnesian +war spared by the Lacedæmonians. Many circumstances, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page062">[pg 062]</span><a name="Pg062" id="Pg062" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +which will hereafter be brought forward, +seem to show that an union and intercourse subsisted +between the Dorians of Peloponnesus and some of +the northern towns of Attica,<a id="noteref_204" name="noteref_204" href="#note_204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">204</span></span></a> +the foundation of which +appears to have been laid in the times of the Doric +migration, by a settlement of Dorians and Bœotians in +these towns. But this settlement had doubtless, when +those fables were invented, been already lost in the +mass of the Athenian people. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. After this battle, won by the aid of the Athenians, +the Heraclidæ are said (and with good reason, +as they were assisted by the Athenians) to have obtained +possession of all Peloponnesus, and to have +ruled undisturbed for one year (or some fixed period); +at the expiration of which, a pestilence (like a tragical +catastrophe) drove them back again to Attica. The +mythologists make use of this time to send Tlepolemus +the Heraclide to Rhodes, in order that he may +arrive there before the Trojan war. Of all this, however, +Pherecydes could have known nothing, as he +relates that Hyllus, having conquered Eurystheus, +went to Thebes,<a id="noteref_205" name="noteref_205" href="#note_205"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">205</span></span></a> without subduing Peloponnesus, and +there with the other Heraclidæ formed a settlement +near the gate of Electra, a circumstance which we +shall advert to hereafter.<a id="noteref_206" name="noteref_206" href="#note_206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">206</span></span></a> +In Peloponnesus, however, +according to the traditions chronologically arranged, +Eurystheus was succeeded by the Pelopidæ, +who accordingly appear as the expellers of the legitimate +sovereigns of the race of Perseus.<a id="noteref_207" name="noteref_207" href="#note_207"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">207</span></span></a> Whether +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page063">[pg 063]</span><a name="Pg063" id="Pg063" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +any such circumstance was known to the early poets +is very much to be doubted; but it is at least clear, +that in this case we are not in possession of the real +tradition itself, but of scientific combinations of it. +Against these new sovereigns were directed the expeditions +of the Heraclidæ, of which it is generally stated +that there were three. The account given of them +follows the general idea of an entire dependence of the +Dorians on the Delphian oracle;<a id="noteref_208" name="noteref_208" href="#note_208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">208</span></span></a> but the misconception +of its injunctions, which embarrasses and perplexes +the whole question, may, we think, be attributed +entirely to the invention of the Athenians. The +oracle mentioned the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">third fruit</span></span>, +and the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">narrow passage +by sea</span></span> (στενυγρὰ), as the time and way of the +promised return, which the Athenians falsely interpreted +to mean the third <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">year</span></span>, and the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Isthmus of +Corinth</span></span>. But the account given in Apollodorus, nearly +falling into Iambic or Trochaic metre, leaves no doubt +that he took his account of the oracle from the Attic +tragedians,<a id="noteref_209" name="noteref_209" href="#note_209"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">209</span></span></a> as was remarked above. Deceived by +these predictions, Hyllus forced his way into Peloponnesus +in the third year, and found at the Isthmus +the Arcadians, Ionians, and Achæans of the peninsula +already assembled. In a single combat with Echemus +the son of Aëropus, the prince of Tegea, Hyllus fell, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page064">[pg 064]</span><a name="Pg064" id="Pg064" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and was buried in Megara; upon which the Heraclidæ +promised not to renew the attempt for fifty or +one hundred years from that time.<a id="noteref_210" name="noteref_210" href="#note_210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">210</span></span></a> Here every one +will recognise the battle of the Tegeate with the Hyllean +as an ancient tradition. But in the arrangement, +by which it was contrived that the expeditions of the +Heraclidæ should not be placed during the Trojan war +and the youth of Orestes, we do not hesitate to suspect +the industry of ancient systematic mythologists. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. When the Heraclidæ had been once separated +from the Dorians as belonging to a different race, and +Hyllus set down as only the adopted son of the Doric +king, it immediately became a matter of doubt at what +time the junction of the Dorians and Heraclidæ in one +expedition should be fixed. Sometimes the Dorians +are represented as joining the Heraclidæ before the +first, sometimes before the second, sometimes before +the third expedition; by one writer as setting out from +Hestiæotis, and by another from Parnassus.<a id="noteref_211" name="noteref_211" href="#note_211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">211</span></span></a> There +were doubtless no real traditional grounds for any one +report; and still less any sufficient to place the name +Hyllus, and the events connected with it, at any fixed +epoch. Hence also Hyllus is at one time called the +contemporary of Atreus, and at another of +Orestes;<a id="noteref_212" name="noteref_212" href="#note_212"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">212</span></span></a> +Pamphylus and Dymas are stated to have lived from +the time of Hercules to the conquest of +Peloponnesus.<a id="noteref_213" name="noteref_213" href="#note_213"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">213</span></span></a> +Nor is there any absurdity in this, inasmuch as they are +the collective names of races which existed throughout +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page065">[pg 065]</span><a name="Pg065" id="Pg065" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +this whole period. The descendants of Hyllus, however, +are no longer races, but, as it appears, real persons; +viz., his son Cleodæus,<a id="noteref_214" name="noteref_214" href="#note_214"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">214</span></span></a> and his grandson +Aristomachus. These names stood at the head of the +genealogy of the Heraclidæ; as, for example, of the +kings of Sparta; and they can hardly have been mere +creations of fancy. From their succession is probably +calculated the celebrated epoch of the expedition of the +Heraclidæ, viz., 80 years after the Trojan war, which +was without doubt determined by the early historians, +since Thucydides was acquainted with it. The Alexandrine +critics generally adopted it, as we know +expressly of Eratosthenes, Crates, and Apollodorus.<a id="noteref_215" name="noteref_215" href="#note_215"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">215</span></span></a> +But all that is recounted of the expeditions of these two +princes, however small in amount,<a id="noteref_216" name="noteref_216" href="#note_216"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">216</span></span></a> cannot have been +acknowledged by those who, like Herodotus, and probably +all the early writers, stated the armistice after the +death of Hyllus as lasting 100 years.<a id="noteref_217" name="noteref_217" href="#note_217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">217</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. At length Apollo himself opens the eyes of the +Heraclidæ to the meaning of the oracle. It was not +across the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Isthmus</span></span>, but +over the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Straits of Rhium</span></span>, that +they were to cross into Peloponnesus, and after the +third <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">generation</span></em> had died away. They therefore first +sailed from Naupactus, to the Molycrian promontory +(Antirrhium), and thence to Rhium in Peloponnesus, +which was only five stadia distant.<a id="noteref_218" name="noteref_218" href="#note_218"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">218</span></span></a> That the Dorians +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page066">[pg 066]</span><a name="Pg066" id="Pg066" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +actually came on that side into Peloponnesus, is a statement +which may be looked on as certain; agreeing (as +it does) with the fact that the countries near the Isthmus +were the last to which the Dorians penetrated. +The name <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Naupactus</span></span> implies the existence of ship-building +there in early times;<a id="noteref_219" name="noteref_219" href="#note_219"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">219</span></span></a> and there was a tradition +that the Heraclidæ passed over on rafts, imitations of +which were afterwards publicly exposed at a festival, +and called Στεμματιαῖα, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">crowned with garlands</span></span>.<a id="noteref_220" name="noteref_220" href="#note_220"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">220</span></span></a> +This festival was doubtless the Carnea, since the Carnean +Apollo was worshipped at Sparta under the name +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stemmatias</span></span>. Now it is also stated that the Acarnanian +soothsayer Carnus (who was reported to have +founded the worship of the Carnean Apollo) was killed +at the time of this expedition by Hippotes the son of +Phylas, for which reason the Heraclidæ offered expiatory +sacrifices to his memory.<a id="noteref_221" name="noteref_221" href="#note_221"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">221</span></span></a> We see from this +that some rites of a peculiar worship of Apollo were +observed at this passage, which were probably for the +most part of an expiatory nature. Now I have shown +elsewhere, that the Carnean or Hyacinthian worship of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page067">[pg 067]</span><a name="Pg067" id="Pg067" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Ægidæ originated at Thebes, and prevailed in +Peloponnesus before the arrival of the Dorians, particularly +at Amyclæ:<a id="noteref_222" name="noteref_222" href="#note_222"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">222</span></span></a> consequently, that prevalent near +the straits of Naupactus might have been another, probably +an Acarnanian<a id="noteref_223" name="noteref_223" href="#note_223"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">223</span></span></a> branch of the religion of Apollo, +which was afterwards incorporated in the Carnean festival; +a supposition which, if admitted, would enable us +to explain many statements of ancient authors. The +religious rites and festivals are in fact often so intermingled +and confused together, that it is necessary to +trace their component parts to many and distant sources. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_9" id="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +9. At their passage from Naupactus the Dorians +stood in great need of the friendship and assistance of +the native races, the Ozolian Locrians and Ætolians. +The Locrians occupied Naupactus in early times;<a id="noteref_224" name="noteref_224" href="#note_224"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">224</span></span></a> the +Ætolians were their immediate neighbours, and their +powerful city of Calydon was the mistress of the region. +The Locrians are said to have aided the Dorians in +their passage, by deceiving the Peloponnesians with +false beacons;<a id="noteref_225" name="noteref_225" href="#note_225"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">225</span></span></a> and we shall meet hereafter with traces +of a lasting amity between the Locrians and Sparta. +A most singular, but, doubtless for that very reason, a +most ancient dress, has been given by mythology to the +union of the Dorians and Ætolians. This connexion, +which was indispensable for the passage from Naupactus, +is also found implied in other legends, the general +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page068">[pg 068]</span><a name="Pg068" id="Pg068" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +character of tradition being to express the same thing +in various ways. Of these we may mention the marriage +of Hercules with Deianira, the daughter of Œneus +the Calydonian.<a id="noteref_226" name="noteref_226" href="#note_226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">226</span></span></a> At this time the Dorians were ordered +by the oracle to seek a person with three eyes for +a leader. This person they recognised in Oxylus the +Ætolian, who either sat upon a horse, himself having +one eye, or rode upon a one-eyed mule. Difficult as it +is to rest satisfied with this interpretation of the oracle, +so casual a circumstance having no connexion with the +general course of events, yet it appears impossible to +discover the true meaning of the word τριόφθαλμος.<a id="noteref_227" name="noteref_227" href="#note_227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">227</span></span></a> +In all probability this expression for the whole Ætolian +race was only delivered in a mythical shape, and the +sorry explanation was not invented until a late +period.<a id="noteref_228" name="noteref_228" href="#note_228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">228</span></span></a> +The family of Oxylus is stated to have come from +Calydon; so that the Ætolians (who in later times +made themselves masters of Elis) appear to have come +for the most part from that place.<a id="noteref_229" name="noteref_229" href="#note_229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">229</span></span></a> There existed, +however, an ancient alliance and affinity between the +inhabitants of Elis, the Epeans, and the Ætolians who +dwelt on the farther side of the Corinthian gulf; and +Oxylus himself was said to have originally belonged to +Elis;<a id="noteref_230" name="noteref_230" href="#note_230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">230</span></span></a> hence it does not appear that there was any +actual war between these two states, but only that the +Ætolians were received by the Eleans, and admitted to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page069">[pg 069]</span><a name="Pg069" id="Pg069" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the rights of citizenship;<a id="noteref_231" name="noteref_231" href="#note_231"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">231</span></span></a> and at the same time the +same honours were permitted to the heroes and heroines +of the Ætolians as to their own.<a id="noteref_232" name="noteref_232" href="#note_232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">232</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. The systematised tradition next makes mention +of a battle which took place between the united force +of Peloponnesus, under the command of Tisamenus, +the grandson of Agamemnon, and the sons of Aristomachus; +in which the latter were victorious, and +Peloponnesus fell into their possession. According +as it suits the object of the narrator, this engagement +is either represented to have been both by sea and land, +and to have taken place at the passage,<a id="noteref_233" name="noteref_233" href="#note_233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">233</span></span></a> or after the +march through Arcadia. We may fairly suppose that +it was inferred merely on probable grounds that a +battle <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">must</span></em> have been fought by Tisamenus, whom the +tradition represented as prince of the Achæans at the +capture of Ægialea.<a id="noteref_234" name="noteref_234" href="#note_234"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">234</span></span></a> Many traditions agree in stating +that the Heraclidæ at that time took the road through +Arcadia; Oxylus is said to have led them by this way, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page070">[pg 070]</span><a name="Pg070" id="Pg070" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +that they might not be envious of his fertile territory +of Elis;<a id="noteref_235" name="noteref_235" href="#note_235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">235</span></span></a> Cresphontes is moreover stated to have been +the brother-in-law of Cypselus king of Arcadia, who +had his royal seat at Basilis, on the Alpheus, in the +country of the Parrhasians.<a id="noteref_236" name="noteref_236" href="#note_236"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">236</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_11" id="Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +11. Next comes the division of Peloponnesus among +the three brothers Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodamus, +or his sons. We have to thank the tragedians +alone for the invention and embellishment of this fable;<a id="noteref_237" name="noteref_237" href="#note_237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">237</span></span></a> +that it contains little or no truth is at once evident; for +it was not till long after this time that the Dorians possessed +the larger part of Peloponnesus;<a id="noteref_238" name="noteref_238" href="#note_238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">238</span></span></a> and a +division of lands not yet conquered is without example +in Grecian history. At the same time it is related +that, upon the altars whereon the brothers sacrificed to +their grandfather Zeus, there was found a frog for +Argos, a snake for Sparta, and a fox for Messenia. +It seems however probable that these are mere symbols, +by which the inventors (perhaps the hostile Athenians) +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page071">[pg 071]</span><a name="Pg071" id="Pg071" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +attempted to represent the character of those +nations. For it cannot be supposed that national arms +or ensigns are meant; unless indeed we give credit to +the pretended discovery of Fourmont, who affirms that +he found in the temple of the Amyclæan Apollo a +shield with the inscription of Teleclus as general +(βάγος), with a snake in the middle; and another of +Anaxidamus, with a snake and two foxes.<a id="noteref_239" name="noteref_239" href="#note_239"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">239</span></span></a> But he +has represented the shield of so extraordinary a form, +with sharp ends, and indentures on the sides, that the +fraud is at once open to detection; and consequently +the supposition that the snake was the armorial bearing +of Sparta remains entirely unfounded.<a id="noteref_240" name="noteref_240" href="#note_240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">240</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +12. Although we cannot here give a complete account +of the great revolution which the irruption of +the Dorians universally produced in the condition of +the different races of Greece,<a id="noteref_241" name="noteref_241" href="#note_241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">241</span></span></a> it may nevertheless be +remarked, that a very large portion of the Achæans, +who originally came from Phthia, retired to the northern +coast of Peloponnesus, and compelled the Ionians to +pass over to Attica. The reduction of the principal +fortress of this country, the Posidonian Helice, is ascribed +to Tisamenus; and that Helice was in fact the +abode of the most distinguished families of the Achæan +nation is evident from the legend, that Oxylus the +Ætolian, at the command of the oracle, shared the dominion +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page072">[pg 072]</span><a name="Pg072" id="Pg072" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +with Agorius, a Pelopid, who was descended +from Penthilus the son of Orestes, and dwelt at +Helice.<a id="noteref_242" name="noteref_242" href="#note_242"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">242</span></span></a> +The chronological difficulty of Oxylus being called +the cotemporary of a grandson of Penthilus is not of +much importance. At Helice was also shown the +tomb of Tisamenus, whose supposed ashes the Spartans +(doubtless with the idea of thus making amends +for the injustice of his expulsion) afterwards brought +to their city, as they also did the corpse of Orestes at +Tegea.<a id="noteref_243" name="noteref_243" href="#note_243"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">243</span></span></a> But hereupon follows a series of +migrations to Æolis in Asia, which was founded in later times, in +which the numbers of the Achæan race predominated. +Although Orestes is called a leader of the first +expedition,<a id="noteref_244" name="noteref_244" href="#note_244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">244</span></span></a> +he probably is only put for his descendants: Penthilus +also is perhaps put only for that part of his +descendants who went with the colony to Lesbos and +Æolis. For all the Penthilidæ did not go; we find +indeed Penthilidæ in Mitylene;<a id="noteref_245" name="noteref_245" href="#note_245"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">245</span></span></a> and others at Helice, +as we have just seen. Pisander, a Laconian Achæan, +is also mentioned as having gone with the expedition of +Orestes; and there were men of his family in Tenedos +at the time of Pindar.<a id="noteref_246" name="noteref_246" href="#note_246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">246</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page073">[pg 073]</span><a name="Pg073" id="Pg073" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc15" id="toc15"></a> +<a name="pdf16" id="pdf16"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IV.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Physical Structure of Greece and Peloponnesus. § 2. +Physical Structure of Arcadia. § 3. Of Laconia. § 4. Of +Argolis. § 5. Of Achaia and Elis. § 6. Improvement of the +Soil by artificial means. § 7. Early Cultivation of the Soil by +the Pelasgians and Leleges. § 8. Numbers of the Doric Invaders. +§ 9. Mode by which they conquered Peloponnesus. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. So wonderful is the physical organization of +Greece, that each of its parts has received its peculiar +destination and a distinct character; it is like a body +whose members are different in form, but between +which a mutual connexion and dependence necessarily +exists. The northern districts as far as Thessaly are +the nutritive organs which from time to time introduced +fresh and vigorous supplies: as we approach the south, +its structure assumes a more marked and decided form, +and is impressed with more peculiar features. Attica +and the islands may be considered as extremities, which, +as it were, served as the active instruments for the body +of Greece, and by which it was kept in constant connexion +with others; while Peloponnesus, on the +other hand, seems formed for a state of life, occupied +more with its own than external concerns, and whose +interests and feelings centred in itself. As it was the +extremity of Greece, there also appeared to be an end +set by nature to all change of place and habitation; and +hence the character of the Peloponnesians was firm, +steady, and exclusive. With good reason therefore +was the region where these principles predominated considered +by the Greeks as the centre and acropolis<a id="noteref_247" name="noteref_247" href="#note_247"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">247</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page074">[pg 074]</span><a name="Pg074" id="Pg074" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of their countries; and those who possessed it were +universally acknowledged to rank as first in Greece. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. This character of Peloponnesus will become +more evident, if we examine the peculiar nature of its +mountain-chains. Though the Isthmus of Corinth +connected the peninsula with the continent by a narrow +neck of land, yet it was not traversed in its whole +length by any continuous chain of mountains; the +Œnean hills being entirely separated from the mountains +of Peloponnesus.<a id="noteref_248" name="noteref_248" href="#note_248"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">248</span></span></a> The principal elevations in +Peloponnesus form very nearly a circle, the circumference +of which passes over the mountains of Pholoë, +Lampe, Aroanius, Cyllene, Artemisium, Parthenium, +and Parnon; then over Boreum, and from thence up +to the northern rise of mount Taygetus, and finally +over mount Lycaon along the river Alpheus. The +highest ridge appears to be that part of Cyllene which +looks to Parnon: the height of Cyllene, according to +the statement of Dicæarchus,<a id="noteref_249" name="noteref_249" href="#note_249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">249</span></span></a> was not quite 15 stadia; +according to another measurement, it was nine stadia +wanting 80 feet;<a id="noteref_250" name="noteref_250" href="#note_250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">250</span></span></a> a considerable height, when it is +remembered that the sea is near, and that Peloponnesus +is the last link of the great chain, which runs down +from the north of Macedonia. But the eastern plains +also, for instance that of Tegea, are at a great height +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page075">[pg 075]</span><a name="Pg075" id="Pg075" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +above the sea, and are often covered with snow late in +the spring.<a id="noteref_251" name="noteref_251" href="#note_251"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">251</span></span></a> Now from the circle of mountains which +has been pointed out, all the rivers of any note take +their rise; and from it all the mountainous ranges diverge, +which form the many headlands and points of +Peloponnesus. The interior part of the country however +has only one opening towards the western sea, +through which all its waters flow out united in the +Alpheus. The peculiar character of this inland tract +is also increased by the circumstance of its being intersected +by some lower secondary chains of hills, which +compel the waters of the valleys nearest to the great +chains either to form lakes, or to seek a vent by subterraneous +passages.<a id="noteref_252" name="noteref_252" href="#note_252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">252</span></span></a> Hence it is that in the +mountainous district in the north-east of Peloponnesus many +streams disappear, and again emerge from the earth. +This region is <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Arcadia</span></span>; a country consisting of +ridges of hills and elevated plains, and of deep and +narrow valleys, with streams flowing through channels +formed by precipitous rocks; a country so manifestly +separated by nature from the rest of Peloponnesus, +that, although not politically united, it was always considered +in the light of a single community. Its +climate was extremely cold; the atmosphere dense, +particularly in the mountains to the north:<a id="noteref_253" name="noteref_253" href="#note_253"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">253</span></span></a> the effect +which this had on the character and dispositions of the +inhabitants has been described in a masterly manner by +Polybius, himself a native of Arcadia. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Laconia</span></span> is formed by two mountain-chains +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page076">[pg 076]</span><a name="Pg076" id="Pg076" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +running immediately from Arcadia, and enclosing the +river Eurotas, whose source is separated from that of +an Arcadian stream by a very trifling elevation. The +Eurotas is, for some way below the city of Sparta, a +rapid mountain-stream; then, after forming a cascade, +it stagnates into a morass; but lower down it passes +over a firm soil in a gentle and direct course.<a id="noteref_254" name="noteref_254" href="#note_254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">254</span></span></a> Near +the town of Sparta rocks and hills approach the banks +on both sides, and almost entirely shut in the river both +above and below the town:<a id="noteref_255" name="noteref_255" href="#note_255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">255</span></span></a> this enclosed plain is +without doubt the <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hollow</span></span> +Lacedæmon”</span> of Homer.<a id="noteref_256" name="noteref_256" href="#note_256"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">256</span></span></a> +Here the narrowness of the valley, and the heights of +Taygetus, projecting above in a lofty parapet, increase +the heat of summer, both by concentrating the sun-beams, +as it were, into a focus, and by presenting a +barrier to the cool sea-breezes;<a id="noteref_257" name="noteref_257" href="#note_257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">257</span></span></a> whilst in winter the +cold is doubly violent. The same natural circumstances +produce violent storms of rain, and the numerous +mountain-torrents frequently cause inundations +in the narrow valleys.<a id="noteref_258" name="noteref_258" href="#note_258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">258</span></span></a> The mountains, although +running in connected chains, are yet very much interrupted; +their broken and rugged forms were by the +ancients attributed to earthquakes;<a id="noteref_259" name="noteref_259" href="#note_259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">259</span></span></a> one of which +caused so great consternation at Sparta a short time +before the war with the Helots. The country is not +however destitute of plains; that indeed along the lower +part of the Eurotas is one of the finest in Greece, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page077">[pg 077]</span><a name="Pg077" id="Pg077" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +stretching towards the south, and protected by mountains +from the north wind: moreover, the maritime +district, surrounded by rocks, from Malea to Epidaurus +Limera (Malvasia), is extremely fertile.<a id="noteref_260" name="noteref_260" href="#note_260"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">260</span></span></a> Nor are the +valleys on the frontiers of Messenia less productive; +towards the promontory of Tænarum however the soil +continually becomes harder, drier, and more ferruginous. +The error of supposing that this country was +nearly a desert appears from the very large number of +its vegetable productions mentioned by Theophrastus +and others: Alcman and Theognis also celebrate its +wines: vines were planted up to the very summit of +mount Taygetus, and laboriously watered from fountains +in forests of plane-trees;<a id="noteref_261" name="noteref_261" href="#note_261"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">261</span></span></a> the country was in this +respect able to provide for its own wants. But the +most valuable product, in the estimation of the new inhabitants, was +doubtless the iron of the mountains.<a id="noteref_262" name="noteref_262" href="#note_262"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">262</span></span></a> +More fortunate still was the situation of the country +for purposes of defence, the interior of Laconia being +only accessible from Arcadia, Argolis, and Messenia +by narrow passes and mountain-roads; and the most +fertile part is the least exposed to the inroads of enemies +from those quarters: the want of harbours<a id="noteref_263" name="noteref_263" href="#note_263"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">263</span></span></a> likewise +contributes to the natural isolation of Laconia +from other lands. Euripides has on the whole very +successfully seized the peculiar character of the country +in the following lines, and contrasted it with the more +favoured territory of Messenia:<a id="noteref_264" name="noteref_264" href="#note_264"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">264</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page078">[pg 078]</span><a name="Pg078" id="Pg078" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"> +<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Far spreads Laconia's ample bound,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">With high-heap'd rocks encompass'd round,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">The invader's threat despising;</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">But ill its bare and rugged soil</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Rewards the ploughman's painful toil;</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">Scant harvests there are rising.</span></div> +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">While o'er Messenia's beauteous land</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Wide-watering streams their arms expand,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">Of nature's gifts profuse;</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Bright plenty crowns her smiling plain;</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">The fruitful tree, the full-ear'd grain,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">Their richest stores produce.</span></div> +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 0.90em; margin-top: 0.90em"> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Large herds her spacious valleys fill,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">On many a soft-descending hill</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">Her flocks unnumber'd stray;</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">No fierce extreme her climate knows,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left"><span style="font-size: 90%">Nor chilling frost, nor wintry snows,</span></div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left; margin-left: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">Nor dogstar's scorching ray.</span></div> +</div> +</div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +For along the banks of the Pamisus (which, notwithstanding +the shortness of its course, is one of the +broadest rivers in Peloponnesus), down to the Messenian +bay, there runs a large and beautiful valley, justly +called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Macaria</span></span>, or <span class="tei tei-q">“The Happy,”</span> and well worth the +artifice by which Cresphontes is said to have obtained +it. To the north, more in the direction of Arcadia, +lies the plain of Stenyclarus, surrounded by a hilly +barrier. The western part of the country is more +mountainous, though without any such heights as +mount Taygetus; towards the river Neda, on the +frontiers of Arcadia, the country assumes a character +of the wildest and most romantic beauty. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Argolis</span></span> is formed by a ridge of hills which +branches from Mount Cyllene and Parthenium in +Arcadia, and is connected with it by a mountain-chain, +very much broken, and abounding in ravines and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page079">[pg 079]</span><a name="Pg079" id="Pg079" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +caverns (hence called Τρητὸν);<a id="noteref_265" name="noteref_265" href="#note_265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">265</span></span></a> through which runs +the celebrated <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Contoporia</span></span>,<a id="noteref_266" name="noteref_266" href="#note_266"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">266</span></span></a> a road cut out, as it were, +between walls of rock, connecting Argos with Corinth. +By similar passes Cleonæ, Nemea, and Phlius, more +to the south, and eastwards Mycenæ, Tiryns, and +Epidaurus, were connected; and this natural division +into many small districts had a considerable effect +upon the political state of Argos. The southern part +of this chain ends in a plain, at the opening of which, +and near the pass just alluded to, was situated Mycenæ, +and in a wider part of it the city of Argos. The +nature of this anciently cultivated plain is very remarkable; +it was, as is evident, gradually formed +by the torrents which constantly filled up the bay +between the mountains; and hence it was originally +little else than fen and morass.<a id="noteref_267" name="noteref_267" href="#note_267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">267</span></span></a> Inachus, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the +stream</span></span>,”</span> and Melia, the daughter of Oceanus, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the +damp valley</span></span>”</span> (where ash-trees, μελίαι, grow), were +called the parents of the ancient Argives; and +the epithet <span class="tei tei-q">“thirsty”</span> (πολυδίψιον Ἄργος), which is +applied to Argos in ancient poems, refers only to the +scarcity of spring-water in the neighbourhood of the +town. Yet, notwithstanding the rugged nature of the +rest of Argolis, there are, both in the interior and near +the sea, here and there, small plains, which by the +fertility of their soil attract and encourage the husbandman; +the south-eastern coast slopes regularly +down to the sea. To the north of the mountain-ridge +which bounded Argolis, extending from the Isthmus +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page080">[pg 080]</span><a name="Pg080" id="Pg080" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +as far as a narrow pass on the boundaries of Achaia, +there is a beautiful, and in ancient times highly-celebrated +plain, in which Corinth and Sicyon were +situated.<a id="noteref_268" name="noteref_268" href="#note_268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">268</span></span></a> With respect to the progress of civilization +at Argos, it is important to know that the mountains +between that town and Corinth contain copper:<a id="noteref_269" name="noteref_269" href="#note_269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">269</span></span></a> accordingly, +in the former town the forging of metals +appears to have been early introduced; and hence arose +the ancient celebrity of the Argive shields.<a id="noteref_270" name="noteref_270" href="#note_270"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">270</span></span></a> But +no precious metal has been ever found in any part of +Peloponnesus: a circumstance which greatly tended +to direct the attention of its inhabitants to agriculture +and war, rather than commerce and manufactures. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. That region which was in later times called +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Achaia</span></span>, is only a narrow tract of land along the +coast, lying upon the slope of the northern mountain-range +of Arcadia. Hence most of the Achæan cities +are situated on hills above the sea, and some few in +enclosed valleys. The sources of the numerous +streams by which the country is watered lie almost +without exception in Arcadia, whose frontiers here +reach beyond the water-line. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But the lowest slope of Peloponnesus, and the most +gradual inclination to the sea, is on the western side; +and it is in this quarter that we find the largest extent +of champaign country in the peninsula, which, being +surrounded by the chain beginning from mounts Scollis +and Pholoë, was hence called the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Hollow Elis</span></span>. +It was a most happy circumstance that these wide +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page081">[pg 081]</span><a name="Pg081" id="Pg081" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +plains enjoyed an almost uninterrupted state of peace. +Towards the coast the soil becomes sandy; a broad +line of sand stretches along the sea nearly as far as +the Triphylian Pylos, which from this circumstance is so frequently spoken of by +Homer as <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the sandy</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_271" name="noteref_271" href="#note_271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">271</span></span></a> +As this tract of country is very little raised above the +level of the sea, a number of small lakes or lagoons +have been formed, which extend along the greatest +part of the coast, and are sometimes connected with +one another, sometimes with the sea. Such being the +nature of the country, the river Alpheus runs gently +between low chains of hills and through small valleys +into the sea. Towards the south the country becomes +more mountainous, and approaches more to the character +of Arcadia. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. If now we picture to ourselves this singular +country before the improvements of art and agriculture, +it presents to the mind a very extraordinary +appearance. The waters of Arcadia are evidently +more calculated to fill up the deep ravines and hollows +of that country, or to produce irregular inundations, +than to fertilise the soil by quiet and gentle streams. +The valleys of Stymphalus, Pheneus, Orchomenus, +and Caphyæ in Arcadia required canals, dams, &c., +before they could be used for the purposes of husbandry. +One part of the plain of Argos was carefully +drained, in order to prevent it becoming a part of the +marshes of Lerna. In the lower part of the course +of the Eurotas it was necessary to use some artificial +means for confining the river: and that this care was +at some time bestowed on it, is evident from the remains +of quays,<a id="noteref_272" name="noteref_272" href="#note_272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">272</span></span></a> which give to the river the appearance +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page082">[pg 082]</span><a name="Pg082" id="Pg082" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of a canal. The ancient Nestorian Pylus was +situated on a river (Anigrus), which even now, when +it overflows, makes the country a very unhealthy place +of residence; and no traveller can pass a night at +Lerna without danger. Thus in many parts of Peloponnesus +it was necessary, not merely for the use of +the soil, but even for the sake of health and safety, +to regulate nature by the exertions of art. At the +present time, from the inactivity of the natives, the +inevitable consequence of oppression, so bad an atmosphere +prevails in some parts of the country, that, +instead of producing, as formerly, a vigorous and +healthy race, one sickly generation follows another +to the grave. And that improvements of this kind +were begun in the earliest periods, is evident from +the fact, that the traces of primitive cities are discovered +in those very valleys which had most need +of human labour.<a id="noteref_273" name="noteref_273" href="#note_273"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">273</span></span></a> This induction is also confirmed +by the evidence of many traditions. The scanty accounts +respecting the earliest times of Sparta relate, +that Myles, the son of the earth-born Lelex, built +mills, and ground corn at Alesiæ; and that he had +a son named Eurotas, who conducted the water stagnating +in the level plain into the sea by a canal, which +was afterwards called by his name.<a id="noteref_274" name="noteref_274" href="#note_274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">274</span></span></a> Indeed the situation +of Sparta seems to imply that the standing water +was first drained off:<a id="noteref_275" name="noteref_275" href="#note_275"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">275</span></span></a> nay, even in later times, it was +possible, by stopping the course of the river, to lay +most of the country between Sparta and the opposite +heights under water.<a id="noteref_276" name="noteref_276" href="#note_276"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">276</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page083">[pg 083]</span><a name="Pg083" id="Pg083" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. The consideration of these natural circumstances +and traditions obliges us to suppose that the races which +were looked on as the ancient inhabitants of Peloponnesus +(the Pelasgians in the east and north, and the +Leleges in the south and west) were the first who +brought the land to that state of cultivation in which it +afterwards remained in this and other parts of Greece. +And perhaps it was these two nations alone to whom +the care of husbandry, cattle, and everything connected +with the products of the soil, belonged through all +times and changes. For, in the first place, the +numbers of the invading Achæans, Ionians, and afterwards +of the Dorians, were very inconsiderable, as compared +with the whole population of Peloponnesus; and, +secondly, these races conquered the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">people</span></em> as well as +the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">country</span></em>, and enjoyed an independent and easy life +by retaining both in their possession: so that, whatever +tribe might obtain the sovereign power, the former +nations always constituted the mass of the population. +By means of these usurpations agriculture was kept in +a constant state of dependence and obscurity, so that +we seldom hear of the improvement of the country, +which is a necessary part of the husbandman's business. +Agriculture was, however, always followed with great +energy and success. For in the time of the Peloponnesian +war, when the population of Peloponnesus must +have been very great, it produced more corn than it +consumed, and there was a constant export from +Laconia and Arcadia downwards to the coast of +Corinth.<a id="noteref_277" name="noteref_277" href="#note_277"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">277</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. It is not with a view of founding any calculation +upon them, but merely of giving a general idea of the +numerical force of a Greek tribe (which many would +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page084">[pg 084]</span><a name="Pg084" id="Pg084" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +suppose to be a large nation), that I offer the following +remarks. At the flourishing period of the Doric +power, about the time of the Persian war, Sparta, +which had then conquered Messenia, contained 8000 +families, Argos above 6000; while in Sicyon, Corinth, +Phlius, Epidaurus, and Ægina, the Dorians were not +so numerous, the constitution being even more oligarchical +in those states. Although in the colonies, +where they were less confined by want of sufficient +space, and by the severity of the laws, the inhabitants +multiplied very rapidly, yet the number of original +colonists, as many of them as were Dorians, was very +small. Now since in the states of Peloponnesus, even +after they had been firmly established, the number of +inhabitants, particularly of Dorians, never, from several +causes, much increased,<a id="noteref_278" name="noteref_278" href="#note_278"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">278</span></span></a> it seems probable that +at the time of their first irruption the whole number of +their males was not above 20,000.<a id="noteref_279" name="noteref_279" href="#note_279"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">279</span></span></a> Nor were the +earlier settlements of Achæans and Ionians more considerable. +For the Ionians, as is evident from their +traditions, appear as a military race in Attica, and probably +formed, though perhaps together with many +families of a different origin, one, and certainly the +least, of four tribes (the ὅπλητες<a id="noteref_280" name="noteref_280" href="#note_280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">280</span></span></a>). The arrival of the +Achæans is represented in ancient traditions in the following +simple manner: <span class="tei tei-q">“Archander and Architeles, +the sons of Achæus, having been driven from Phthiotis, +came to Argos and Lacedæmon.”</span><a id="noteref_281" name="noteref_281" href="#note_281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">281</span></span></a> Their +names signify <span class="tei tei-q">“the ruler,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“the chief governor.”</span> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page085">[pg 085]</span><a name="Pg085" id="Pg085" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Certainly the Achæans did not come to till the ground; +as is also evident from the fact that, when dislodged by +the Dorians, and driven to the northern coast, they +took possession of Patræ, dwelt only in the town, and +did not disperse themselves into the smaller villages.<a id="noteref_282" name="noteref_282" href="#note_282"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">282</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It seems pretty certain that the Dorians migrated +together with their wives and children. The Spartans +would not have bestowed so much attention as they did +on women of a different race; and all the domestic +institutions of the Dorians would have been formed in +a manner very unlike that which really obtained. This +circumstance alone completely distinguishes the migration +of the Dorians from that of the Ionians, who +having, according to Herodotus, sailed from Attica +without any women, took native Carian women for +wives, or rather for slaves, who, according to the same +writer, did not even dare to address their husbands by +their proper names. And this was probably the case +with all the early settlements beyond the sea, since the +form of the ancient Greek galley hardly admitted of +the transport of women. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. It would have been less difficult to explain by +what superiority the Dorians conquered Peloponnesus, +had they gained it in open battle. For, since it appears, +that Homer describes the mode of combat in use among +the ancient Achæans, the method of fighting with lines +of heavy armed men, drawn up in close and regular +order, must have been introduced into Peloponnesus by +the Dorians; amongst whom Tyrtæus describes it as +established. And it is evident that the chariots and +darts of the Homeric heroes could never have prevailed +against the charge of a deep and compact body armed +with long lances. But it is more difficult still to comprehend +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page086">[pg 086]</span><a name="Pg086" id="Pg086" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +how the Dorians could have entered those +inaccessible fortifications, of which Peloponnesus was +full; since their nation never was skilful in the art of +besieging, and main force was here of no avail. How, +I ask, did they storm the citadel of Acro-Corinthus, +that Gibraltar of Peloponnesus?<a id="noteref_283" name="noteref_283" href="#note_283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">283</span></span></a> how the Argive +Larissa, and similar fortresses? On these points, however, +some accounts have been preserved with regard +to the conquest of Argos and Corinth, which, from +their agreement with each other, and with the circumstances +of the places, must pass as credible historical +memorials. From these we learn that the Dorians +always endeavoured to fortify some post at a short +distance from the ancient stronghold; and from thence +ravaged the country by constant incursions, and, kept +up this system of vexation and petty attack, until the +defenders either hazarded a battle, or surrendered their +city. Thus at a late period the places were still shown +from whence Temenus and Aletes had carried on contests +of this nature with success.<a id="noteref_284" name="noteref_284" href="#note_284"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">284</span></span></a> And even in historical +times this mode of waging war in an enemy's +country (called ἐπιτειχισμὸς τῃ χώρᾳ) was not unfrequently +employed against places, which could not be +directly attacked.<a id="noteref_285" name="noteref_285" href="#note_285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">285</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page087">[pg 087]</span><a name="Pg087" id="Pg087" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc17" id="toc17"></a> +<a name="pdf18" id="pdf18"></a> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V" id="Book_I_Chapter_V" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter V.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Reduction of Argos by the Dorians. § 2. Of Sicyon. § 3. Of +Phlius and Cleonæ. § 4. Of the Actè, Epidaurus, Ægina, and +Trœzen. § 5. Independence of Mycenæ and Tiryns. § 6. Ancient +homage of the towns of the Actè to Argolis. § 7. Territory +of the Dryopians in Argolis. § 8. Reduction of Corinth by the +Dorians. § 9. Ancient inhabitants of Corinth. § 10. Reduction +of Megara by the Dorians. § 11. Reduction of Laconia +by the Dorians under Aristodemus. § 12. Resistance of +Amyclæ. Position of Sparta. § 13. Resistance of other +Laconian towns to the Dorians. § 14. Traditions respecting +Eurysthenes and Procles. § 15. Reduction of Messenia by the +Dorians. § 16. Political state of Messenia. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_1" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. Before the time of the Dorians, Mycenæ, situated +in the higher part of the plain at the extremity +of the mountain-chain, had doubtless been the most +important and distinguished place in Argolis; and +Argos, although the seat of the earliest civilization +was dependent upon and inferior to it. At Mycenæ +were the Cyclopian hall of Eurystheus,<a id="noteref_286" name="noteref_286" href="#note_286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">286</span></span></a> and the sumptuous +palace of Agamemnon; and though, as Thucydides +correctly says, the fortified town was of inconsiderable +extent, yet it abounded with stupendous and +richly-carved monuments, whose semi-barbarous but +artificial splendour formed a striking contrast with the +unornamented and simple style introduced after the +Doric period.<a id="noteref_287" name="noteref_287" href="#note_287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">287</span></span></a> The Doric conquerors, on the other +hand, did not commence their operations upon fortresses +secured alike by nature and art, but advanced +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page088">[pg 088]</span><a name="Pg088" id="Pg088" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +into the interior from the coast. For near the sea +between Lerna and Nauplia, on the mouth of the +Phrixus,<a id="noteref_288" name="noteref_288" href="#note_288"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">288</span></span></a> there was a fortified place named Temenium, +from which Temenus the son of Aristomachus, together +with the Dorians, carried on a war with Tisamenus +and the Achæans, and probably harassed them +by repeated incursions, until they were obliged to +hazard an open battle. From thence the Dorians, +after severe struggles, made themselves masters of the +town of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Argos</span></span>.<a id="noteref_289" name="noteref_289" href="#note_289"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">289</span></span></a> It is related in an isolated tradition, +that Ergiæus, a descendant of Diomed, stole and gave +to Temenus the Palladium brought by his ancestor +from Troy to Argos, which immediately occasioned the +surrender of the city.<a id="noteref_290" name="noteref_290" href="#note_290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">290</span></span></a> Argos was therefore supposed +to have been taken by Temenus himself. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_2" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. The further extension of the Doric power is, +however, attributed not to Temenus, but to his sons; +for such the Doric tradition calls Ceisus, Cerynes, +Phalces, and Agræus or Agæus.<a id="noteref_291" name="noteref_291" href="#note_291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">291</span></span></a> Of these, Ceisus +is represented to have governed at Argos, and Phalces +to have gone to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sicyon</span></span>. The ancient Meconè or +Sicyon had in early times been in the power of the +Ionians, and afterwards subject to the Achæans of +Argos. The very copious mythology of this ancient +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page089">[pg 089]</span><a name="Pg089" id="Pg089" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +city contains symbolical and historical elements of +the most various nature: we will only touch upon a +part of the story immediately preceding the Doric +invasion. Phæstus, a son of Hercules, is stated to +have been king of Argos before that event; and having +gone to Crete, where he founded the town of his +name,<a id="noteref_292" name="noteref_292" href="#note_292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">292</span></span></a> to have been succeeded by his descendants +Rhopalus, Hippolytus, and Lacestades, the last of +whom lived on terms of friendship with Phalces. +Between them, however, Zeuxippus, a son of Apollo +and of the nymph Hyllis,<a id="noteref_293" name="noteref_293" href="#note_293"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">293</span></span></a> is placed. We here perceive +the traces of a connexion between Phæstus in Crete, +and the introduction of the worship of Apollo and +Hercules; this tradition, however, cannot authorise us +to draw any chronological inferences. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_3" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. Whether <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Phlius</span></span> (situated in a corner of Arcadia, +in a beautiful valley, whence arise the four +sources of the Asopus<a id="noteref_294" name="noteref_294" href="#note_294"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">294</span></span></a>) was founded from Sicyon or +Argos, was a matter of contention between these two towns: the +latter simply called Phlias the son of Ceisus.<a id="noteref_295" name="noteref_295" href="#note_295"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">295</span></span></a> +This <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Phlias</span></span>, however, is nothing else than the country +personified; the name being derived from φλέω or +φλιδάω, and signifying <span class="tei tei-q">“damp,”</span> or <span class="tei tei-q">“abounding in +springs,”</span> which appellation was fully merited by the +nature of the spot. Hence Phlias was with more reason +called the son of Dionysus (Φλεὺς, Φλεὼν), who loved +to dwell in such valleys. There is, therefore, greater +probability in the account of the Sicyonians, that +Phalces and Rhegnidas were the founders of the Doric +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page090">[pg 090]</span><a name="Pg090" id="Pg090" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +dominion;<a id="noteref_296" name="noteref_296" href="#note_296"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">296</span></span></a> it being moreover easier to force a way to +Phliasia from Sicyon along the Asopus, than from +Argos. It is known, that Pythagoras the Samian +derived his origin from a certain Hippasus, who had +quitted Phlius on that occasion; and the Ionic town +of Clazomenæ is said to have been partly founded by +some inhabitants of Cleonæ and Phliasia, who had been expelled by +the Dorians;<a id="noteref_297" name="noteref_297" href="#note_297"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">297</span></span></a> from which two facts +we are justified in inferring the existence of a connexion +between the early inhabitants of these places +and the Ionians. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Cleonæ</span></span>, situated in a narrow +valley, where the mountains open towards Corinth, and +bordering upon Phlius, appears from this account to +have been colonised at the same time with that town, +but probably from Argos. For we find that the ruling +power was there in the hands of the same Heraclide +family, of which a branch went from Argos to +Epidaurus.<a id="noteref_298" name="noteref_298" href="#note_298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">298</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_4" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Acte</span></span> (as the northern coast of Argolis, +over against Attica, was called)<a id="noteref_299" name="noteref_299" href="#note_299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">299</span></span></a> was reduced, according +to the account of Ephorus, by Deiphontes and +Agæus.<a id="noteref_300" name="noteref_300" href="#note_300"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">300</span></span></a> The former of these, who was called a descendant +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page091">[pg 091]</span><a name="Pg091" id="Pg091" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Ctesippus, and son-in-law of Temenus, +and whose fortunes afforded materials for the tragic +poets, made himself master of the town of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Epidaurus</span></span>, +and dislodged the Ionians from thence: these latter, +under the command of their king Pityreus, crossed +over to Attica, whence the king's son Procles went +subsequently, at the general Ionic migration, to Samos.<a id="noteref_301" name="noteref_301" href="#note_301"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">301</span></span></a> +Of the Dorians of Epidaurus, however, a part under +the conduct of Triacon withdrew to +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ægina</span></span>,<a id="noteref_302" name="noteref_302" href="#note_302"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">302</span></span></a> in which +place Hellenes of Thessaly had formerly ruled, and +united the island and mother-state into one commonwealth, +with equal rights, and the same magistrates. +Now since besides Epidaurus, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Trœzen</span></span> alone belonged +to the Actè, and since both Agæus and Deiphontes are +mentioned as the Dorian colonisers of this coast, it was +probably this Agæus who brought Trœzen under the +rule of the Dorians.<a id="noteref_303" name="noteref_303" href="#note_303"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">303</span></span></a> +In this city, too, he must have +encountered some Ionians; since both the mythical +genealogies and religious rites of the ancient Trœzen +attest a close connexion between its earlier inhabitants +and the +Athenians.<a id="noteref_304" name="noteref_304" href="#note_304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">304</span></span></a> For Trœzen even shared with the +Ionic cities in the peculiar worship of the Apaturian +Athene, as the goddess of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">phratriæ</span></span> +and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">gentes</span></span>;<a id="noteref_305" name="noteref_305" href="#note_305"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">305</span></span></a> as +also in that of Poseidon and his son Theseus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_5" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +5. The accounts already given show that Sicyon, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page092">[pg 092]</span><a name="Pg092" id="Pg092" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Phlius, Cleonæ, Epidaurus, Trœzen, and Ægina received +their share of Doric inhabitants either mediately +or immediately from Argos. We can only regret the +want of any accurate accounts respecting Mycenæ and +Tiryns; the conquest of which cities must have been +most difficult; but, when accomplished, decisive for +the sovereignty of the Dorians. Pindar<a id="noteref_306" name="noteref_306" href="#note_306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">306</span></span></a> considers +the expulsion of the Achæan Danai from the gulf of Argos, +and from Mycenæ, as identical with the expedition of +the Heraclidæ; and Strabo states that the Argives +united Mycenæ with themselves.<a id="noteref_307" name="noteref_307" href="#note_307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">307</span></span></a> +Nevertheless we find that in the Persian war Mycenæ and Tiryns were +still independent states, and it admits of a doubt whether +they had previously belonged for any length of time to +Argos. That some ancient inhabitants at least still +maintained themselves in the mountains above Argos, +is shown by the instance of the Orneatæ. The inhabitants +of Orneæ, a town on the mountainous frontier +of Mantinea, having long been hostile to the Dorians, +and at war with the Sicyonians,<a id="noteref_308" name="noteref_308" href="#note_308"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">308</span></span></a> were at length overpowered +by Argos, and degraded to the state of +periœci.<a id="noteref_309" name="noteref_309" href="#note_309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">309</span></span></a> +Now, since it is more probable that such a +proceeding took place against the people of a different +race, than against a colony of Argos, and also as there +is nowhere any mention of a Doric settlement at Orneæ, +it is evident that the inhabitants of Orneæ had up to +that time been either Achæans or Arcadians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. Although from the foregoing accounts it appears +that Argos almost entirely lost its power over the towns +which it had been the means of bringing under the rule +of the Dorians, yet in early times there existed certain +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page093">[pg 093]</span><a name="Pg093" id="Pg093" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +obligations on the part of these cities towards Argos, +which at a later period became mere forms. There was +in Argos, upon the Larissa, a temple of Apollo Pythaëus, +which had probably been erected soon after the +invasion of the Dorians, as a sanctuary of the national +deity who had led them into the country. It was a +temple common to all the surrounding district, though +belonging more particularly to the Argives.<a id="noteref_310" name="noteref_310" href="#note_310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">310</span></span></a> The +Epidaurians were bound at certain seasons to send +sacrifices to it.<a id="noteref_311" name="noteref_311" href="#note_311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">311</span></span></a> The Dryopians in early times, and +afterwards also, in their character of Craugallidæ, or +servants of the Delphian god, had at Asine and Hermione +erected temples to Apollo Pythaëus, in acknowledgment +of a similar dependence; and this was the +only one spared by the Argives at the destruction of +the former town.<a id="noteref_312" name="noteref_312" href="#note_312"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">312</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. The fragments preserved respecting the ancient +history of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Dryopians</span></span> having been collected in a +previous chapter,<a id="noteref_313" name="noteref_313" href="#note_313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">313</span></span></a> +we shall here only remark that this +people possessed a considerable district in the most +southern part of Argolis, the boundaries of which, so +long as they remained inviolate, were defined by two +points, viz. the temple of Demeter Thermesia on the +frontier between Hermione and Trœzen, eighty stadia +from Cape Scyllæum, and a hill between Asine, Epidaurus, +and Trœzen,<a id="noteref_314" name="noteref_314" href="#note_314"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">314</span></span></a> and they may still be +pointed out with tolerable certainty. Hercules, who, according to +the Doric tradition, brought the Dryopians hither, had +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page094">[pg 094]</span><a name="Pg094" id="Pg094" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +accurately marked out these boundaries. It is, however, +also related that the Dryopians established themselves +beyond these limits at Nemea<a id="noteref_315" name="noteref_315" href="#note_315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">315</span></span></a> in Argolis: this, +however, as well as Olympia, was not any particular +town, but merely the name of a valley, and particularly +of a temple of Zeus there situated. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_8" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. The history of the establishment of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corinth</span></span>, +though marvellous and obscure, contains nevertheless +some historical traces by no means unworthy of remark. +In the first place, it is stated that this town did <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">not</span></em> +receive its inhabitants from Argos. The purport of +the tradition is as follows: <span class="tei tei-q">“When Hippotes at the +time of the passage of the Dorians from Naupactus +slew the soothsayer, he was banished (according to +Apollodorus for ten years),<a id="noteref_316" name="noteref_316" href="#note_316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">316</span></span></a> during which time he +led a roaming and predatory life;”</span><a id="noteref_317" name="noteref_317" href="#note_317"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">317</span></span></a> whence his son +was called Ἀλήτης, or the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Wanderer</span></span>.<a id="noteref_318" name="noteref_318" href="#note_318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">318</span></span></a> It is also +recorded in the fragment of a tradition<a id="noteref_319" name="noteref_319" href="#note_319"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">319</span></span></a> that Hippotes, +when crossing the Melian gulf, imprecated against +those who wished to remain behind, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">That their vessels +might be leaky, and themselves the slaves of their +wives.</span></span>”</span> In like manner his son Aletes passed through +the territory at that time called Ephyra, where he received +from scorn a clod of earth;<a id="noteref_320" name="noteref_320" href="#note_320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">320</span></span></a> which in the ancient oracular language was a +symbol of sovereignty.<a id="noteref_321" name="noteref_321" href="#note_321"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">321</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page095">[pg 095]</span><a name="Pg095" id="Pg095" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +We might almost guess from these traditions that the +Dorian warriors had harassed, and at length subdued +the ancient Ephyreans, by ravaging their lands, and +by repeated invasions. This is confirmed by the very credible +account of Thucydides relating to this point.<a id="noteref_322" name="noteref_322" href="#note_322"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">322</span></span></a> +There was in the mountainous country, about sixty +stadia from Corinth, and twelve from the Saronic gulf, +a hill called Solygius, of which the Dorians had once +taken possession for the purpose of making war against +the Æolian inhabitants of Corinth. This hill was, however +(at least in the time of Thucydides), entirely +unfortified. Here we may recognise the very same +method of waging war as in the account of Temenus +given above, a method which in the Peloponnesian war +was adopted by the Spartans at the fortifying of +Decelea. Again, it is related in a tradition connected +with the Hellotian festival, that at the taking of Corinth +the Dorians set fire to the town, and even to the temple +of Athene, in which the women had taken refuge.<a id="noteref_323" name="noteref_323" href="#note_323"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">323</span></span></a> +In another it is stated that Aletes, being advised by an +oracle to attack the city on a <span class="tei tei-q">“crowned day,”</span> took it +during a great funeral solemnity by the treachery of +the youngest daughter of Creon: these, however, are +for the most part mere attempts at an historical interpretation +of ancient festival ceremonies. As Aletes +(according to his genealogy) lived one generation after +the conquerors of Peloponnesus, the capture of Corinth +was dated thirty years after the expedition of the +Heraclidæ;<a id="noteref_324" name="noteref_324" href="#note_324"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">324</span></span></a> whence probably also arose the error of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page096">[pg 096]</span><a name="Pg096" id="Pg096" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +supposing that there had previously been Dorians at +Corinth; as it was supposed that the Dorians had +obtained their whole dominion over Peloponnesus at +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> time, by <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> expedition. The city appears to have +received the name of Corinth at this time, instead of +its former one of Ephyra;<a id="noteref_325" name="noteref_325" href="#note_325"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">325</span></span></a> and it +seems that the Dorians called it with a certain preference <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The +Corinth of Zeus</span></span>;”</span> although ancient interpreters have +in vain laboured to give a satisfactory explanation +of this name. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. The early inhabitants of Corinth were, according +to the expression of Thucydides,<a id="noteref_326" name="noteref_326" href="#note_326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">326</span></span></a> Æolians; and their +traditions and religion show that they were very nearly connected with the +Minyans of Iolcus and Orchomenus.<a id="noteref_327" name="noteref_327" href="#note_327"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">327</span></span></a> +Their kings were the Sisyphidæ, whose +genealogy closes with Hyantidas and Doridas. We +find in the last name the same confusion which has been +pointed out (amongst others) in the legend of Thessalus +the son of Jason,<a id="noteref_328" name="noteref_328" href="#note_328"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">328</span></span></a> viz., that the arrival of a different +nation was expressed by connecting the new +comers genealogically with the heroes of the ruling +race. Thus Doridas, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the Dorians in a patronymic +form, is the descendant of Sisyphus. Here begins the +sovereignty of the Dorians; who, however, did not, as +Pausanias<a id="noteref_329" name="noteref_329" href="#note_329"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">329</span></span></a> +states, altogether expel the ancient inhabitants, +but formed the aristocratic class of the new +state. Pindar and Callimachus, indeed, call the whole +Corinthian nation <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Aletiadæ</span></span><a id="noteref_330" name="noteref_330" href="#note_330"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">330</span></span></a> but merely by a poetical +license; the only lineal descendants of Aletes being the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page097">[pg 097]</span><a name="Pg097" id="Pg097" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +ruling house, the Bacchiadæ, from which for a long +time were taken the kings and Prytanes of Corinth +and all its colonies. There were, however, at Corinth +distinguished families of a different origin. The family +of Cypselus, which afterwards obtained possession +of the tyranny, was, according to Herodotus, of the +blood of the Lapithæ, and descended from +Cæneus.<a id="noteref_331" name="noteref_331" href="#note_331"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">331</span></span></a> +They came, according to Pausanias, from Gonusa, +near Sicyon, to assist the Dorians against Corinth:<a id="noteref_332" name="noteref_332" href="#note_332"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">332</span></span></a> +Aletes, however, at the advice of an oracle, at first +refused to receive them, but presently admitted them +into the city, where they afterwards overthrew his own +descendants. We shall allow this narrative, which +contains a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">post eventum</span></span> prophecy of the tyranny of +the Cypselidæ, to rest on its own merits, remarking +only that the Cænidæ had more reason to assist the +ancient Æolians than the Dorians; and shall merely +infer from it the existence of distinguished families in +Corinth not of Doric descent. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. As in this chapter we have hitherto rather followed +a geographical than a chronological arrangement, +we will now pass to the founding of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Megara</span></span>.<a id="noteref_333" name="noteref_333" href="#note_333"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">333</span></span></a> +That event is represented by the ancient tradition as +connected with the expedition of the Peloponnesians +against Athens;<a id="noteref_334" name="noteref_334" href="#note_334"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">334</span></span></a> which is doubtless a correct statement, +since Megara had before that epoch been closely +united with Attica, and comprehended in Ionia. This +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page098">[pg 098]</span><a name="Pg098" id="Pg098" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +expedition was, according to most authors, undertaken +by the whole Peloponnesus; by some, however, the +Corinthians are called the real authors of it, and Aletes +the leader, Althæmenes of Argos, the son of Ceisus, +being nevertheless joined with him. The defeat of +the Doric invaders, by the voluntary sacrifice of Codrus, +has been a favourite subject both with poets and +rhetoricians.<a id="noteref_335" name="noteref_335" href="#note_335"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">335</span></span></a> +It is sufficient for our purpose to oppose +to this celebrated legend an obscure tradition that some +Athenians, whom Lycophron calls Codri, had a share +in the expedition of the Heraclidæ.<a id="noteref_336" name="noteref_336" href="#note_336"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">336</span></span></a> Whether or not +the Ionians and Dorians met at the borders on this +occasion, thus much is certain, that Megara in consequence +of this invasion became a Doric town, and +indeed soon afterwards a Corinthian colony.<a id="noteref_337" name="noteref_337" href="#note_337"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">337</span></span></a> It also +remained for some time in complete dependence on +Corinth, as Ægina upon Epidaurus; in proof of +which it is mentioned that the Megarians were bound +to mourn for every death that occurred in the family +of the Bacchiadæ at Corinth.<a id="noteref_338" name="noteref_338" href="#note_338"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">338</span></span></a> When, however, the +internal strength of Megara increased, it ventured to +dissolve this connexion, and, in defiance of the Corinth +of Zeus, to rout the Corinthians in the field.<a id="noteref_339" name="noteref_339" href="#note_339"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">339</span></span></a> The +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page099">[pg 099]</span><a name="Pg099" id="Pg099" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +border-wars of the Megarians and Corinthians were +carried on without intermission.<a id="noteref_340" name="noteref_340" href="#note_340"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">340</span></span></a> Megara appears not +to have raised itself to the situation of a ruling city till +after it had obtained its independence; since in earlier +times it had been one of the five hamlets (κῶμαι) into +which the country was divided, viz. the Heræans, +Piræans, Megarians, Cynosyrians, and Tripodiscians.<a id="noteref_341" name="noteref_341" href="#note_341"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">341</span></span></a> +These small communities also waged war with each +other, but with a singular lenity, of which some almost +marvellous accounts have been preserved; the conquerors +carried their prisoners home, treated them as +guests and companions, who were hence called δορύξενοι, +in opposition to δορυάλωτοι. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +11. We now turn to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Laconia</span></span>, which, according +to the above-mentioned legend concerning the division +of Peloponnesus, fell to the share of Aristodemus or +his sons.<a id="noteref_342" name="noteref_342" href="#note_342"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">342</span></span></a> According to the common tradition (which +was derived from the epic poets<a id="noteref_343" name="noteref_343" href="#note_343"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">343</span></span></a>) the twin brothers +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page100">[pg 100]</span><a name="Pg100" id="Pg100" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Eurysthenes and Procles<a id="noteref_344" name="noteref_344" href="#note_344"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">344</span></span></a> took possession of Sparta +after the death of their father; whereas the national +tradition of Sparta, as Herodotus informs us, represented +Aristodemus himself as having been the first +ruler,<a id="noteref_345" name="noteref_345" href="#note_345"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">345</span></span></a> and the double dominion of his children as not +having been settled till after his death; the first-born, +however, enjoying a certain degree of precedence.<a id="noteref_346" name="noteref_346" href="#note_346"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">346</span></span></a> This is, indeed, +contradicted by the account of Thucydides,<a id="noteref_347" name="noteref_347" href="#note_347"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">347</span></span></a> +who mentions as a Lacedæmonian tradition, +that the kings who first took possession of Lacedæmon +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> Eurysthenes and Procles) were conducted thither +with dances and sacrifices, an honour which at the +command of the Delphian oracle was afterwards given +to Pleistoanax at his restoration. This variation, however, +is perhaps merely the effect of a pardonable +negligence in the author. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_12" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_12" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +12. It is, however, far more difficult to ascertain +what was the condition of Laconia immediately after +the invasion of the Dorians. For it is plain that the +history, as it was arranged by Ephorus, and derived +from him to other authors, is in contradiction with +many isolated traditions, but which for that very +reason are of the greater importance. So far, indeed, +from the whole of the Laconian territory immediately +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page101">[pg 101]</span><a name="Pg101" id="Pg101" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +falling into the hands of the Dorians,<a id="noteref_348" name="noteref_348" href="#note_348"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">348</span></span></a> it is certain that +a powerful fortress of the ancient Achæans, at a short +distance from Sparta itself, held out for nearly three +centuries after the Doric invasion. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There was a saying, well known in antiquity, of the +<span class="tei tei-q">“silent Amyclæ;”</span> thus called because its citizens had +been so often alarmed by the report of the enemy +coming, that they at last made a law that no one should +give tidings of the enemy's approach; in consequence +of which the town was at length taken.<a id="noteref_349" name="noteref_349" href="#note_349"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">349</span></span></a> This proverb, +and the story on which it was founded, prove the +existence of a long and determined contest between the +two neighbouring cities. They also confirm the account +of Pausanias, that the Dorians in the reign of +Teleclus built a temple<a id="noteref_350" name="noteref_350" href="#note_350"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">350</span></span></a> to Zeus Tropæus, because +they had at length, after a tedious and severe struggle, +overcome the Achæans of Amyclæ and taken their +city. This city of Amyclæ, one of the most ancient +and considerable in Peloponnesus, of which there still +remains a fort situated upon a rock on the side of +mount Taygetus, was therefore so far from being reduced +by the Spartans immediately, that it held out +until the reign of Teleclus, 278 years after the invasion, +a short time before the first Messenian war; and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page102">[pg 102]</span><a name="Pg102" id="Pg102" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +then was only taken after a tedious contest, which, +from the proximity of Amyclæ and Sparta, must have +been very dangerous to the latter city. Now it is not +possible that before this victory Amyclæ and Sparta, +distant only 20 stadia (2-1/2 miles) from each other, +should have been engaged in constant war, as it must +have soon ended in the destruction of one or the other +city: their truces and armistices were, however, doubtless +interrupted frequently by sudden incursions. The +important territory near mount Taygetus belonged at +that time to Amyclæ, and all this country was still +in the possession of the Achæans, with whom some +Minyans from Lemnos, and Cadmean Greeks, known +by the name of Ægidæ, had united themselves. This +is the territory from which the colonies of Thera, +Melos, and Gortyna proceeded; so, according to +Pindar, Amyclæ was the point from which the first +colonies to Lesbos and Tenedos set out, and also (as +may be inferred from other notices) those Achæans +who took possession of Patræ.<a id="noteref_351" name="noteref_351" href="#note_351"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">351</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Sparta, on the other hand, must have been of very +slight importance before the Doric migration; by +which event alone it was enabled to become the ruler +of all the surrounding states. For, in the first place, +Sparta was not built in the same manner as Mycenæ, +Tiryns, and other ruling cities founded before the Doric +invasion; the Acropolis is a hill of inconsiderable +height, and easy of ascent, without any trace of ancient +fortifications or walls. Secondly, it is remarkably +deficient in monuments and local memorials of the +times of the Pelopidæ and other mythical princes; +much as the Spartans in other instances clung to traditions +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page103">[pg 103]</span><a name="Pg103" id="Pg103" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and records of this kind: while Amyclæ and +Therapne had these in great abundance. Amyclæ, in a beautiful and +well-wooded country,<a id="noteref_352" name="noteref_352" href="#note_352"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">352</span></span></a> was the abode of +Tyndareus and his family; here were the tombs of +Cassandra and Agamemnon, who, according to a native tradition +(preserved by Stesichorus and Simonides),<a id="noteref_353" name="noteref_353" href="#note_353"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">353</span></span></a> +ruled in this city. At no great distance was situated +the town of Therapne. Alcman calls it the <span class="tei tei-q">“well-fortified +Therapne;”</span><a id="noteref_354" name="noteref_354" href="#note_354"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">354</span></span></a> Pindar mentions its high situation;<a id="noteref_355" name="noteref_355" href="#note_355"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">355</span></span></a> +by which they clearly imply a position and fortification +similar to that of Tiryns. The latter also +calls it the ancient metropolis of the Achæans, amongst +whom the Dioscuri lived; here were the subterraneous +cemeteries of Castor and Pollux,<a id="noteref_356" name="noteref_356" href="#note_356"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">356</span></span></a> vaulted, perhaps, +in the ancient manner; here also the temples of +the Brothers and of Helen in the Phœbæum, and +many remains of the ancient symbolical religion.<a id="noteref_357" name="noteref_357" href="#note_357"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">357</span></span></a> It +is also very remarkable, that on the banks of the +Eurotas, in the district between Therapne and Amyclæ, +there should have been discovered a building<a id="noteref_358" name="noteref_358" href="#note_358"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">358</span></span></a> which +resembles the well-known treasury at Mycenæ, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page104">[pg 104]</span><a name="Pg104" id="Pg104" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +which affords a certain proof that the dominion of the +Pelopidæ extended to this district. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But although the local traditions make it probable +that the ante-Doric rulers of the country dwelt in +Amyclæ and Therapne, yet Homer describes Sparta +as the residence of the Pelopidæ, transferring, apparently, +the circumstances of his own time to an earlier +period. Homer sometimes calls Lacedæmon the abode +of Menelaus; by Lacedæmon meaning the entire +country, and especially the valley round Sparta, which +agrees far better with the epithet of <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hollow</span></em> Lacedæmon,”</span> +than the district of Amyclæ, which opens down to +the sea.<a id="noteref_359" name="noteref_359" href="#note_359"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">359</span></span></a> Sometimes he expressly +mentions Sparta as the city in which Menelaus has fixed his +abode.<a id="noteref_360" name="noteref_360" href="#note_360"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">360</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_13" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_13" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +13. Amyclæ, however, is not the only Achæan city +which was not reduced by the Dorians till a late period. +Ægys, on the frontiers of Arcadia, is said to have been +taken from the Achæans by Archelaus and Charilaus +a short time before Lycurgus; Pharis, together with +Geronthræ, by Teleclus;<a id="noteref_361" name="noteref_361" href="#note_361"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">361</span></span></a> and Helos in the +plains, near the mouth of the Eurotas, by Alcamenes, the +son of Teleclus.<a id="noteref_362" name="noteref_362" href="#note_362"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">362</span></span></a> So long as these places belonged to +the Achæans, the Spartans were shut out from the +sea, and surrounded on all sides by the possessions of +a different race. It appears, however, that other +places besides Sparta were held by the Dorians themselves +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page105">[pg 105]</span><a name="Pg105" id="Pg105" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +previously to their obtaining possession of the +whole of Laconia; such were, for instance, Bœæ near +Malea,<a id="noteref_363" name="noteref_363" href="#note_363"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">363</span></span></a> +and perhaps also Abia on the confines of +Messenia.<a id="noteref_364" name="noteref_364" href="#note_364"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">364</span></span></a> +But of the numerous contests which +doubtless took place at this period, little information +has come down to us, as they just lie between the provinces +of mythology and history. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thus much, however, we may with safety say, +that Ephorus is clearly in error when he mentions +a division of Laconia made by the Dorians, immediately +after their conquest, for the sake of an undisturbed +dominion over the country.<a id="noteref_365" name="noteref_365" href="#note_365"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">365</span></span></a> The same historian +further states that <span class="tei tei-q">“Sparta was reserved by +the Dorians as the seat of their own empire; that +Amyclæ<a id="noteref_366" name="noteref_366" href="#note_366"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">366</span></span></a> was granted to Philonomus, who had +delivered the country to them by treachery, and that +governors were sent into the other four divisions.”</span> +Also, that <span class="tei tei-q">“the principal towns of these four provinces +were Las, Epidaurus Limera (or Gytheium), Ægys, +and Pharis; of which the first served as the citadel +of Laconia,<a id="noteref_367" name="noteref_367" href="#note_367"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">367</span></span></a> the second as an excellent harbour, the +third as a convenient arsenal for the wars with +Arcadia, and the fourth as an internal point of union. +That the periœci dwelt in these towns, and were +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page106">[pg 106]</span><a name="Pg106" id="Pg106" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +dependent upon the Spartans, though without losing +their freedom.”</span> This account doubtless suited the +historical style of Ephorus; but it does not agree with +the isolated but genuine traditions already mentioned. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The division into six provinces is nevertheless, in +my opinion, to be considered as an historical fact; only +the arrangement could not have been made till a much +later period. Of these provinces, the first comprehended +the district of the city; the second, the mountain-chain +of Taygetus, with the western coast; the +third, the Laconian gulf; the fourth, perhaps the +modern Zaconia, on the eastern side of the Eurotas; +the fifth, the northern frontier; and the sixth, the lower +valley of the Eurotas. The reality of such a division +is also confirmed by the existence of a similar one in +Messenia; which is spoken of by other writers besides +Ephorus.<a id="noteref_368" name="noteref_368" href="#note_368"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">368</span></span></a> For this country is also said to have been +divided by Cresphontes, so that Stenyclarus was the +habitation of the Dorians and their king, under whose +authority were placed the Messenian districts of Pylos, +Rhium, Mesola, and Hyamia; of these, Pylos apparently +comprehended the whole western coast; Rhium +is the promontory of Methone and the neighbouring +southern coast; Hyamia may perhaps be the shore of +the Messenian bay nearest to the frontiers of Laconia; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page107">[pg 107]</span><a name="Pg107" id="Pg107" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Mesola signifies the midland district<a id="noteref_369" name="noteref_369" href="#note_369"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">369</span></span></a> near the Pamisus; +and Stenyclarus is the northern plain of +Messenia. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_14" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_14" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +14. We have now another instance of the arbitrary +manner in which Ephorus composed his history by +probable arguments. He proceeds upon the fact that +Eurysthenes and Procles, although the founders of +Sparta, were not honoured as such (as ἀρχηγέται), +that they did not enjoy any divine honour, did not give +their name to any tribe, &c. (Now the very first of +these statements is false; for Eurysthenes and Procles, +according to the native tradition, were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">not</span></em> the founders +of Sparta, as was shown above.) Hence Ephorus +infers that they must have offended the Dorians; and +he finds the cause of this offence in the adoption of +foreign citizens, through whose assistance they had +extended their power. This instance is a sufficient +justification for our rejecting the historical system of +Ephorus, and neglecting the results which he obtained +by it. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There must have been many stories concerning +Eurysthenes and Procles current in ancient times +which have not come down to us. There was a +general tradition of their continual discord; and we +know that the military fame of Procles was as great +as that of Eurysthenes was insignificant.<a id="noteref_370" name="noteref_370" href="#note_370"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">370</span></span></a> There is, +however, something peculiarly worthy of notice in an incidental +remark of Cicero,<a id="noteref_371" name="noteref_371" href="#note_371"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">371</span></span></a> that Procles died a year +before Eurysthenes. Could there have been chronicles +of so early a period, or is it possible that tradition +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page108">[pg 108]</span><a name="Pg108" id="Pg108" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +should preserve such precise dates? It is also a remarkable +statement that the wives of both kings were +likewise twin sisters, Lathria and Anaxandra by name, +daughters of Thersander king of the Cleonæans, +whose descent we mentioned above.<a id="noteref_372" name="noteref_372" href="#note_372"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">372</span></span></a> Some great +heroic actions of Soüs<a id="noteref_373" name="noteref_373" href="#note_373"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">373</span></span></a> (the <span class="tei tei-q">“violent”</span>), the son of +Procles, were also celebrated in Sparta.<a id="noteref_374" name="noteref_374" href="#note_374"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">374</span></span></a> It was even +said that he had carried on war against the Cleitorians; +and it was related, that in the narrow valley of Cleitor, +when surrounded by enemies, and oppressed by intolerable +thirst, he promised to give up all his conquests, +on the condition of himself and his army being allowed +to drink from the fountain: that upon this he offered +the crown to any one who would abstain from drinking, +but, no one being willing to gain it at this price, he +moistened himself with water from the fountain, and +departed without drinking.<a id="noteref_375" name="noteref_375" href="#note_375"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">375</span></span></a> But a Spartan king +would hardly have ventured, even some centuries afterwards, +to lead an army through the hostile territory of +Arcadia, to a place at so considerable a distance as +Cleitor, leaving behind so many hollow defiles, ravines, +and mountains. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_15" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_15" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +15. In the country which from this time forth +obtained the name of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Messenia</span></span>,<a id="noteref_376" name="noteref_376" href="#note_376"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">376</span></span></a> Pylos was before +the Doric migration the most important town, whither +the family of the Nelidæ had retired from the Triphylian +territory.<a id="noteref_377" name="noteref_377" href="#note_377"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">377</span></span></a> The Dorians under +Cresphontes<a id="noteref_378" name="noteref_378" href="#note_378"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">378</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page109">[pg 109]</span><a name="Pg109" id="Pg109" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +at first seated themselves in the opposite part of the +country, at Stenyclarus, in the midland region; they +must however have soon pressed so closely upon +Pylos, that part of the inhabitants was forced to +emigrate. For that many of the noble families, both +at Athens and in Asia Minor, came originally from +Pylos, is placed out of doubt by the agreement of +many national and family traditions; and it is equally +certain that they did not leave Peloponnesus long +before the Ionic migration. Mimnermus, the most +ancient witness to this fact, says that the founders +of his native city Colophon came from the Nelean +Pylos;<a id="noteref_379" name="noteref_379" href="#note_379"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">379</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, he calls Andræmon, the founder of +Colophon, a Pylian; where it almost seems that the +poet meant a direct migration from that place. Pylos +however (though it is generally considered to have +been in the possession of the Dorians from this epoch) +probably remained for some time an independent town, +with a limited territory; even in the second Messenian war some +Nestoridæ went as allies to the Messenians;<a id="noteref_380" name="noteref_380" href="#note_380"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">380</span></span></a> +and, after the defeat of the Messenians, the Pylians +and the Methonæans were able to harbour them for a +considerable time.<a id="noteref_381" name="noteref_381" href="#note_381"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">381</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_16" id="Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_16" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +16. Of the internal condition of Messenia we cannot +even know so much as of that of Laconia, since, at +the cessation of its political existence, its monuments, +and even its inhabitants, perished; and thus all means +of perpetuating a knowledge of its former state were +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page110">[pg 110]</span><a name="Pg110" id="Pg110" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +entirely lost. Yet, setting aside the accounts of +Ephorus, there remain some very simple circumstances +from which we may form an idea of the condition +of the country. It is related, that when Cresphontes +was treacherously assassinated, the Arcadians, +in conjunction with the kings of Sparta and Ceisus +king of Argos, re-established in his place his son +Æpytus,<a id="noteref_382" name="noteref_382" href="#note_382"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">382</span></span></a> who had been brought up with Cypselus the +Arcadian, the father of his mother Merope,<a id="noteref_383" name="noteref_383" href="#note_383"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">383</span></span></a> and who +rendered himself so celebrated, that all his descendants +were called Æpytidæ. The name of Æpytus is +evidently connected with Æpytis, a district on the +frontiers of Arcadia and Messenia, near the ancient +Andania, the earliest seat of civilization and religious +worship in the country. The names of his descendants, +Glaucus, Isthmius, Dotades, Sybotas (swine-herd), +Phintas (or Φιλητὴς), are in remarkable contrast +with those of the Lacedæmonian kings, as Eurysthenes +(widely-ruling), Procles (the renowned), Agis +(the general), Soüs (the violent), Echestratus (the +general), Eurypon (the widely-reigning), Labotas +(shepherd of the people), and so forth; for, whilst the +latter signify powerful warrior princes, there sounds in +the former something peaceable and pastoral. What +Pausanias relates of these Messenian princes refers +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page111">[pg 111]</span><a name="Pg111" id="Pg111" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +almost exclusively to a peaceful office—viz., the establishment +of festivals; the gods also to whom they +were consecrated agree with the same general character. +Glaucus and Isthmius, we are told, established +or promoted the worship of Æsculapius at +Gerenia and Pharæ: Sybotas joined to the ancient +worship of the great gods at Andania the funeral +sacrifices of the hero Eurytus, brought over from the +Thessalian to the Messenian Œchalia; and others in +the same manner. In fact this Cabirian worship of +Demeter at Andania, allied to that prevalent in Attica +at Eleusis and Phyla, was one of the most ancient in +Peloponnesus, and at that time flourished in Messenia;<a id="noteref_384" name="noteref_384" href="#note_384"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">384</span></span></a> +whereas, according to Herodotus, the Dorians +everywhere exterminated the ancient rites of Demeter.<a id="noteref_385" name="noteref_385" href="#note_385"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">385</span></span></a> +Hence also the mystical consecration of +Andania was discontinued as long as Messenia was +governed by the Spartans, and it fell into oblivion, +until many centuries afterwards Epaminondas solemnly +re-established it, either from the mere recollection +of the inhabitants, or, if the account be true, +upon the authority of an inscription on a tin plate +found in a brazen urn, containing some obscure words +referring to ancient mystic ceremonies.<a id="noteref_386" name="noteref_386" href="#note_386"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">386</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The re-establishment of Æpytus may, however, have +been effected by the threefold alliance of both the +princes and nations of Argos, Sparta, and Messenia, +by which they guaranteed their respective rights, an +alliance of which Plato has preserved a faint, though +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page112">[pg 112]</span><a name="Pg112" id="Pg112" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +undoubted trace, marked out in the spirit of his political +philosophy.<a id="noteref_387" name="noteref_387" href="#note_387"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">387</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +From the settlements of the Dorians <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">within</span></em> Peloponnesus, +we now turn to those <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">without</span></em> that peninsula. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc19" id="toc19"></a> +<a name="pdf20" id="pdf20"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VI.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Doric colonies of Argos, Epidaurus, and Trœzen. § 2. +Doric league of Asia Minor. § 3. Mythical accounts of the +colonization of Halicarnassus, Rhodes, Cos, Nisyrus, Carpathos, +and Casos. § 4. Rhodian colonies. § 5 and 6. Legends +respecting the foundation of Mallus, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, +and Phaselis. § 7 and 8. Colonies of Corinth. § 9 and 10. +Colonies of Megara. § 11 and 12. Colonies of Sparta. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_1" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. On account of the multiplicity of subjects which +it will be now necessary to consider, we shall be +compelled to shorten the discussion of several points, +and to take for granted many collateral questions, +except where we may be encouraged to enter into +greater detail by the hope of disclosing fresh fields for +the inquiries of others. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It will be the most convenient method to make the +mother-states the basis of our arrangement, as these +are known with far greater certainty than the dates of +the foundation of their respective colonies; by which +means we shall also be enabled to take in a regular +order those settlements which lie near to, and were +connected with, one another. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +First, the colonies of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Argos</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Epidaurus</span></span>, and +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Trœzen</span></span>. We will treat of these together, as they +all lie in the same direction, and as the colonies of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page113">[pg 113]</span><a name="Pg113" id="Pg113" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the two last states more or less recognised the supremacy +of Argos, and not unfrequently followed a +common leader. These extend as far as the southern +extremity of Asia Minor. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The Dorians on the south-western coast of Asia +Minor derived their origin, according to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_388" name="noteref_388" href="#note_388"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">388</span></span></a> +from Peloponnesus. And indeed they were generally +considered a colony of Argos<a id="noteref_389" name="noteref_389" href="#note_389"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">389</span></span></a> (from which state +Strabo derives Rhodes, Halicarnassus, Cnidus, and +Cos), led by princes of the Heraclidæ, from whom the +noble families of Rhodes—for example, the Eratidæ +or Diagoridæ at Ialysus—claimed to be descended.<a id="noteref_390" name="noteref_390" href="#note_390"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">390</span></span></a> +This emigration was considered contemporary, and as +having some connexion with the expedition of Althæmenes, +the son of Ceisus, from Argos to Crete.<a id="noteref_391" name="noteref_391" href="#note_391"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">391</span></span></a> +Now we know from Herodotus<a id="noteref_392" name="noteref_392" href="#note_392"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">392</span></span></a> that the Coans, +Calydnians, and Nisyrians came from Epidaurus; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page114">[pg 114]</span><a name="Pg114" id="Pg114" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +yet, as is evident from arguments already brought +forward, two different expeditions cannot be understood +to have taken place. Thus also Ægina was +called a colony of Argos as well as of Epidaurus. +The account of Herodotus is confirmed by the similarity +of the worship of Æsculapius at Cos and at +Epidaurus, which was sufficiently great to prove a +colonial connexion.<a id="noteref_393" name="noteref_393" href="#note_393"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">393</span></span></a> We have also a tradition of +some sacred missions between Cos and Epidaurus; a +ship of the latter is said to have brought a serpent of Æsculapius +to the former state.<a id="noteref_394" name="noteref_394" href="#note_394"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">394</span></span></a> If this is considered +as an historical fact, we may, as it appears, deduce +more from it than is commonly inferred—viz. that the +Doric colonists of Cos, Calydna, &c. remained in Epidaurus +a sufficient time before their passage into Asia +Minor to adopt the worship of Æsculapius. And +since we find that the worship of Æsculapius also +prevailed in Cnidos and Rhodes,<a id="noteref_395" name="noteref_395" href="#note_395"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">395</span></span></a> it may be fairly inferred, +that of the inhabitants of these islands a part +at least passed through Epidaurus. This is further +confirmed by the orator Aristides, who, on the authority +of the national tradition, states of the Rhodians, +<span class="tei tei-q">“that from ancient times they had been +Dorians, and had had Heraclidæ and Asclepiadæ +for their princes.”</span><a id="noteref_396" name="noteref_396" href="#note_396"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">396</span></span></a> Thus also there were families +of the Asclepiadæ and Heraclidæ at Cos, to the former +of which Hippocrates was related on his father's side, to the +latter on his mother's.<a id="noteref_397" name="noteref_397" href="#note_397"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">397</span></span></a> Contemporaneous +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page115">[pg 115]</span><a name="Pg115" id="Pg115" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +with this migration from Argos and Epidaurus was +that from Trœzen,<a id="noteref_398" name="noteref_398" href="#note_398"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">398</span></span></a> in which Halicarnassus, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the citadel +upon the sea</span></span> (ἁλι-κάρηνον), was founded; which fact +also receives confirmation from the similarity of religious +worship.<a id="noteref_399" name="noteref_399" href="#note_399"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">399</span></span></a> And indeed there is reason for +believing that it was only one Doric tribe, the Dymanes, +which colonized this city,<a id="noteref_400" name="noteref_400" href="#note_400"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">400</span></span></a> who strengthened +themselves by collecting together the earlier inhabitants, +the Leleges and Carians.<a id="noteref_401" name="noteref_401" href="#note_401"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">401</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_2" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. Those towns, however, only which composed +the Doric Tripolis of Rhodes (a number which probably +originated from the division of the tribes), together +with Cnidos, Cos, and Halicarnassus, formed the +regular Doric league (before the separation of Halicarnassus +called the Hexapolis, afterwards the Pentapolis). +The members of this alliance met on the +Triopian promontory to celebrate in public national +festivals the rites of Apollo and Demeter, which last +were of extreme antiquity;<a id="noteref_402" name="noteref_402" href="#note_402"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">402</span></span></a> +its influence in political affairs +was however probably very inconsiderable.<a id="noteref_403" name="noteref_403" href="#note_403"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">403</span></span></a> +But, besides those already mentioned, many towns and islands +in this district were peopled by Dorians.<a id="noteref_404" name="noteref_404" href="#note_404"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">404</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page116">[pg 116]</span><a name="Pg116" id="Pg116" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +The small island of Telos, near Triopium, was probably +dependent upon Lindos:<a id="noteref_405" name="noteref_405" href="#note_405"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">405</span></span></a> Nisyrus and Calydna +(or Calymna) have been already mentioned; the inhabitants +were Epidaurian Dorians, who belonged to +the colony of Cos:<a id="noteref_406" name="noteref_406" href="#note_406"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">406</span></span></a> Carpathus also received some +Argive colonists. It is said to have been taken by +Ioclus, the son of Demoleon, an Argive by descent.<a id="noteref_407" name="noteref_407" href="#note_407"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">407</span></span></a> +Syme also was colonised from Cnidos: of this town +we shall make further mention when speaking of +the Laconian settlements. The inhabitants of Astypalæa +were partly derived from Megara;<a id="noteref_408" name="noteref_408" href="#note_408"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">408</span></span></a> their Doric origin is attested by the dialect +of decrees now extant;<a id="noteref_409" name="noteref_409" href="#note_409"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">409</span></span></a> +and by the same circumstance we are enabled +to recognise as a Doric colony Anaphe,<a id="noteref_410" name="noteref_410" href="#note_410"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">410</span></span></a> which is situated near the Doric +islands of Thera, Pholegandros,<a id="noteref_411" name="noteref_411" href="#note_411"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">411</span></span></a> +and Melos; the position of these islands, +together forming a chain across the southern part +of the Ægæan sea, shows that they were colonized +in a connected and regular succession. Myndus, +however, upon the mainland had received inhabitants +from the same town as Halicarnassus;<a id="noteref_412" name="noteref_412" href="#note_412"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">412</span></span></a> perhaps Mylasa had also had some connexion +with the Dorians.<a id="noteref_413" name="noteref_413" href="#note_413"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">413</span></span></a> +Cryassa in Caria was colonised by inhabitants +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page117">[pg 117]</span><a name="Pg117" id="Pg117" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the Doric island of Melos.<a id="noteref_414" name="noteref_414" href="#note_414"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">414</span></span></a> Even Synnada +and Noricum, further to the interior in Phrygia, had +inhabitants of Doric origin;<a id="noteref_415" name="noteref_415" href="#note_415"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">415</span></span></a> yet the Spartan settlement +in Noricum is a fact which it is difficult to +understand; and with regard to the former we are +wholly unable to state how the Dorians could have +penetrated thus far. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +I have now, though not without in some measure +forestalling the regular course of these investigations, +given an account of all the known cities in this territory +which were founded by Dorians of Peloponnesus; +and if to these we add the colonies from Rhodes upon +the opposite coast of Asia, and the cities of Lycia +founded from the island of Crete, in which the Doric +dialect was doubtless spoken, we shall have before +us a very extensive range of colonies belonging to +that race. Some of these were probably dependent +upon the more considerable; many on the contrary +stood entirely alone, some very early disagreements +having, as it appears, separated and estranged them +from the league of the six towns.<a id="noteref_416" name="noteref_416" href="#note_416"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">416</span></span></a> Hence the Calymnians +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page118">[pg 118]</span><a name="Pg118" id="Pg118" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +(or Calydnians) at a later period, on the occasion +of embarrassing lawsuits, had recourse not to the +larger states of the same race, but to the Iasians (who, +though a colony from Argos, had afterwards learned +the habits and character of the Ionic race by a settlement +from Miletus),<a id="noteref_417" name="noteref_417" href="#note_417"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">417</span></span></a> which nation sent them five +judges. This circumstance, however, may be accounted +for by a temporary resemblance of their constitutions.<a id="noteref_418" name="noteref_418" href="#note_418"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">418</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_3" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. Having thus put together the most simple historical +accounts respecting the foundation of these +Doric cities, we have still to examine the mythical +narrations with which they are accompanied, and +which were invented by representing the same colonies +under different names, and attributing a false antiquity +to their establishment. That this was in fact the case +is evident from the mythical account which is connected +with the colony of Trœzen, viz. <span class="tei tei-q">“that Anthes +and his son Aëtius, ancient princes of the Trœzenians, had in +early times founded Halicarnassus.”</span><a id="noteref_419" name="noteref_419" href="#note_419"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">419</span></span></a> +This tradition, however, contradicts itself, when compared +with the additional account in Callimachus,<a id="noteref_420" name="noteref_420" href="#note_420"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">420</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-q">“that Anthes had taken out Dymanes with him;”</span> +which was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">exclusively</span></em> a civil division of the Dorians. +It is therefore far preferable to follow the statement of +Pausanias,<a id="noteref_421" name="noteref_421" href="#note_421"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">421</span></span></a> that the descendants of Aëtius passed over +to Halicarnassus and Myndus long after his death. It +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page119">[pg 119]</span><a name="Pg119" id="Pg119" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +must not, however, from this circumstance be inferred +that these descendants of Aëtius were leaders of the +colony, since it was necessary that these should be +Doric Heraclidæ. But they were in all probability a +family which cultivated the worship of Poseidon in +preference to any other, and carried it over with them +to the colony. But that a family of this kind, and +with it the tradition and name of Anthes, actually prevailed +in Halicarnassus, is seen also from the poetical +name of the Halicarnassians (Antheadæ.)<a id="noteref_422" name="noteref_422" href="#note_422"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">422</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There is also a great similarity in the part which +Tlepolemus bears in the history of the colonisation of +Rhodes. In this case also the mythical hero is represented +as coming from Argos,<a id="noteref_423" name="noteref_423" href="#note_423"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">423</span></span></a> as well as the historical +colony, only at an earlier period. But, it may be objected, +the colony is related to have come immediately +from Epidaurus, and not the hero. We have, however, +still an evident trace of mythical genealogies of Rhodes, +in which Tlepolemus was represented as immediately +connected with the Heraclidæ of Epidaurus. For Pindar +celebrates the Diagoridæ as descended on the father's +side from Zeus, from Amyntor on the mother's, because both +these were the grandfathers of Tlepolemus.<a id="noteref_424" name="noteref_424" href="#note_424"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">424</span></span></a> +Now Deiphontes of Epidaurus was also descended +on his mother's side from Amyntor, and was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page120">[pg 120]</span><a name="Pg120" id="Pg120" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +therefore very nearly related to Tlepolemus. We may +also probably suppose that there was in this Argive and +Epidaurian colony a family which derived itself from +Tlepolemus the son of Hercules, by which means the +traditions concerning him were connected with this +migration.<a id="noteref_425" name="noteref_425" href="#note_425"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">425</span></span></a> The same want of consistency which we +observed above, may here also be perceived in the statement +of Homer, that the colony of Tlepolemus was +divided into three parts, according to the different races +of the settlers;<a id="noteref_426" name="noteref_426" href="#note_426"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">426</span></span></a> whence it is evident that he was always +considered as a Doric prince. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thirdly, the colony of Cos, Nisyrus, Carpathus, +and Casos also possessed leaders or heroic founders, +whose expedition is reported to have taken place at +a time different from that at which the colony was +founded, and is placed back in a remote period, viz. +Phidippus and Antiphus, sons of Thessalus the Heraclide, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page121">[pg 121]</span><a name="Pg121" id="Pg121" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +or of Hercules himself. Their origin is derived +by the fable from the irruption of Hercules into +Cos, where he made pregnant the daughter of Euryphylus; +afterwards they are said to have migrated to +Ephyra in Thesprotia, and their descendants to have +gone from thence to Thessaly, where the Aleuadæ, the +most distinguished and the wealthiest family of Larissa, +claimed them as ancestors.<a id="noteref_427" name="noteref_427" href="#note_427"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">427</span></span></a> +Again, I do not deny that +Heraclide families in exile at Cos derived their origin +from both these heroes (it was indeed by this means +that the name of Thessalus found its way into the +Asclepiad family of Hippocrates); but that these families +were born in the island of Cos itself, is evidently +a patriotic invention of the Coans. There were, as we +have seen, traditions respecting Phidippus and Antiphus +in Cos, and also at Ephyra in Thesprotia; which +traditions the fables and poems respecting the returns +of the heroes from Troy, endeavoured to reconcile, by +making Antiphus reach Ephyra, after a series of wanderings, +instead of going directly to Cos; a supposition +which will not gain many believers. It is also plain from the +epigram of Aristotle,<a id="noteref_428" name="noteref_428" href="#note_428"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">428</span></span></a> that, according +to the traditions of Ephyra, that city was considered as +the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">native country</span></em>, and the domicile of the two heroes; +and therefore was in direct opposition to the Coan tradition. +Now that a Heraclide family should have gone +from Cos to Ephyra in Epirus, is contrary to all other +examples of the migrations of Greek races and colonies, +and all that we know of the dispersion of Heraclide +clans or families. On the other hand, a part of +the mythology of Hercules, which appears to be of +great antiquity,<a id="noteref_429" name="noteref_429" href="#note_429"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">429</span></span></a> refers to this Ephyra in Epirus; and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page122">[pg 122]</span><a name="Pg122" id="Pg122" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +it was then quite natural, that with the conquest of +Ephyra (a fabulous exploit of Hercules) the origin of +a branch of the Heraclidæ should be connected, who +then came with the Dorians into Peloponnesus, and +by means of the Epidaurian colony to the island of +Cos. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. The favourable situations of these Doric cities +on islands and promontories, possessing roadsteads and +harbours convenient for maritime intercourse, attracted +in early times a considerable number of colonies. It +is remarkable that the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Rhodians</span></span> should have founded +fewer and less considerable colonies on the coast of +Asia Minor than in the countries to the west: for, +with the exception of Peræa, which was not till later +times dependent on this island, the only Rhodian +towns in Asia Minor were Gagæ<a id="noteref_430" name="noteref_430" href="#note_430"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">430</span></span></a> and Corydalla<a id="noteref_431" name="noteref_431" href="#note_431"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">431</span></span></a> in +Lycia, Phaselis,<a id="noteref_432" name="noteref_432" href="#note_432"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">432</span></span></a> on the confines of Lycia and Pamphylia, +and Soli in Cilicia.<a id="noteref_433" name="noteref_433" href="#note_433"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">433</span></span></a> On the other hand, in +Olymp. 16. 4. 713 B.C., according to Thucydides, +about the time of their colonising Phaselis, they founded +in Sicily the splendid city of Gela, the mother-town of +Agrigentum. This colony was sent from Lindus, which furnished +its leader Antiphemus (or Deinomenes.)<a id="noteref_434" name="noteref_434" href="#note_434"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">434</span></span></a> +It was accompanied by inhabitants of the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page123">[pg 123]</span><a name="Pg123" id="Pg123" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +small island of Telos;<a id="noteref_435" name="noteref_435" href="#note_435"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">435</span></span></a> and was at the same time joined +by some Cretan emigrants. That however the numbers +of those who came from the first-mentioned town +predominated, is shown by the original name of the +settlement, Λίνδιοι, and by the religion there established. +Doric institutions were common to all the founders +above mentioned, and were consequently established in +their settlements.<a id="noteref_436" name="noteref_436" href="#note_436"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">436</span></span></a> The connexion and intercourse +with those islands continued without interruption; +hence it was that, in later times, the family of Phalaris, +coming from Astypalæa, found a welcome +reception at Agrigentum;<a id="noteref_437" name="noteref_437" href="#note_437"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">437</span></span></a> and the family of the +Emmenidæ, which overthrew Phalaris, had come from +the same region, viz. from Thera.<a id="noteref_438" name="noteref_438" href="#note_438"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">438</span></span></a> Moreover, Parthenope, +in the country of the Osci, and Elpiæ, or +Salapiæ, in the territory of the Daunians (in the +founding of which the inhabitants of Cos had a share), +were beyond a doubt settlements of the Rhodians; and +indeed this same people penetrated even to Iberia at +an early period, and there founded Rhode; and we +have also traces of their presence at the mouth of the +Rhone.<a id="noteref_439" name="noteref_439" href="#note_439"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">439</span></span></a> Hence also, perhaps, arose the account of +the expedition of Tlepolemus to the Balearic islands; +which account, and the statement that Sybaris was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page124">[pg 124]</span><a name="Pg124" id="Pg124" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +founded by him, may be understood merely as mythical +expressions for the voyages undertaken by the Rhodians +in the western sea. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_5" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +5. It is, however, a matter even of still greater +difficulty to determine the true history of several cities +in Asia Minor, which are reported by tradition to have +been colonies of Argos, and generally of the greatest +antiquity. But it requires nothing short of absolute +superstition to believe that Tarsus was founded by Io, +or Perseus the Argive,<a id="noteref_440" name="noteref_440" href="#note_440"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">440</span></span></a> who, with his descendant +Hercules, was worshipped in this place as a tutelar +deity;<a id="noteref_441" name="noteref_441" href="#note_441"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">441</span></span></a> or that Mallus, Mopsuestia, Mopsucrene, and +Phaselis were founded by Argive soothsayers at the +time of the Trojan war.<a id="noteref_442" name="noteref_442" href="#note_442"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">442</span></span></a> To these may be added +Aspendus in Pamphylia, Curium in Cyprus, and even Ione, near Antiochia, +in Syria,<a id="noteref_443" name="noteref_443" href="#note_443"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">443</span></span></a> the founding of which +place is attributed to the Argives. For, without considering +the period at which the ancient Peloponnesians +are represented to have undertaken such +distant (and at that time impossible) voyages round +the Chelidonian islands, it is most singular that Argos, +which is at no time mentioned among the maritime +nations of Greece, should have planted upon that one +line of coast a series of colonies in so connected an +order, and so completely useless to herself. We will +therefore venture to advance an hypothesis, to which, +though perhaps no complete proofs of it can be adduced, +we have still sufficient traces to lead us, viz. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page125">[pg 125]</span><a name="Pg125" id="Pg125" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +that all these towns were colonised from Rhodes; but +that, by a form frequently in use, they were led out in +the name of Argos, the mother-country of Rhodes, and +under the auspices of Argive gods and +heroes.<a id="noteref_444" name="noteref_444" href="#note_444"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">444</span></span></a> In the +first place, Argives and Rhodians are mentioned together +as founders; as in the instance of Soli, which +nevertheless only defended the Rhodians as a sister +state before the Roman senate.<a id="noteref_445" name="noteref_445" href="#note_445"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">445</span></span></a> Of the manner in +which heroes were adopted as founders, the city just +mentioned furnishes a good instance. For the Argive +soothsayer Amphilochus is said to have come hither, +who, according to poems that went under the name of +Hesiod, had been put to death by Apollo at +Soli.<a id="noteref_446" name="noteref_446" href="#note_446"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">446</span></span></a> The +following example gives a still clearer notion of the +manner in which these fables were formed. The +Rhodians built Phaselis at the same time with Gela +(Olymp. 16. 713 B.C.); the founder is called Lacius, +whom the Delphian oracle had sent to the east, as it +had Antiphemus to the west.<a id="noteref_447" name="noteref_447" href="#note_447"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">447</span></span></a> Now it is shown in +another part of this +work<a id="noteref_448" name="noteref_448" href="#note_448"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">448</span></span></a> that Lacius is a Cretan +form for Rhacius; and this was the name of the husband +of Manto, and father of Mopsus, the ancient +mythical prophet of the temple at Claros. For, leaving +no doubt that this person is intended, the tradition +also says, that this Mopsus, the son of Rhacius, +founded Phaselis:<a id="noteref_449" name="noteref_449" href="#note_449"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">449</span></span></a> Pamphylia itself is called the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page126">[pg 126]</span><a name="Pg126" id="Pg126" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +daughter of Rhacius and of Manto;<a id="noteref_450" name="noteref_450" href="#note_450"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">450</span></span></a> and lastly, the +same Lacius is represented as a contemporary of +Mopsus, and as having been sent out by Manto as a +founder at the same time with the latter.<a id="noteref_451" name="noteref_451" href="#note_451"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">451</span></span></a> +The inference that we must draw is, that there was no such +individual as Lacius who led the Lindians in person to +Phaselis, but that he was merely a mythical being, and +represents the Clarian oracle, which seems to have co-operated +on this occasion.<a id="noteref_452" name="noteref_452" href="#note_452"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">452</span></span></a> Those who are versed in +the interpretation of mythical narratives will also +hence infer, that the same was the case with his contrary, +Ἀντιόφημος. In order, however, to give the +mother-state, Argos, a share in the mythical account +of the foundation of the Pamphylian colonies, it was +necessary that Amphilochus, who belonged to the +family of the Amythaonidæ, should, together with +Calchas, have some connexion with them all; and, in +fact, it is not impossible that soothsayers from Argos, +who called themselves descendants of this prophet and +hero, were procured by the Rhodians for this service. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. We may now penetrate somewhat deeper into +the obscure traditions of the Cilician cities Mallus, +Mopsuestia, and Mopsucrene. In the fables concerning +the founding of these towns, Amphilochus and +Mopsus are always mentioned together; at the same +time that the account of their Argive origin is very +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page127">[pg 127]</span><a name="Pg127" id="Pg127" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +much brought into notice. Cicero calls both these +prophets on this occasion kings of Argos.<a id="noteref_453" name="noteref_453" href="#note_453"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">453</span></span></a> Here +then we may also assume that soothsayers were +brought from the mother-country, and suppose that +the prophets of the Amphilochian oracle of Mallus +were actually natives of Argos; and although, as will +be shown below, the influence of the Clarian worship +was also felt,<a id="noteref_454" name="noteref_454" href="#note_454"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">454</span></span></a> yet the persons who were the real +colonisers could only have been a sea-faring people, +such as the Rhodians. In consequence, however, of +these settlements having been founded at a very early +period, when all colonies were as yet entirely dependent +upon the oracles, and therefore were always +under the direction of prophets, and as an inventive +and imaginative spirit was then in full vigour, their +true history has been enveloped in a thick cloud of +mythological fiction, which we have at least begun +to remove. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_7" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. We next proceed to the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corinthian</span></span> colonies, +the geographical situation of which alone affords a +remarkable result with regard to the maritime expeditions +undertaken by the mother-country. For +although Corinth had two harbours, Lechæum in +the Crisæan, and Cenchreæ in the Saronic gulf, it +it evident that all its colonies were sent out from the +western port. They were founded, almost without +exception, on the coasts of the Ionian sea; at the +entrance of which the Corinthians had, perhaps at a very +early period, founded the city of Molycreium.<a id="noteref_455" name="noteref_455" href="#note_455"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">455</span></span></a> +Notwithstanding this, the very first colony from Corinth, +the date of which is known within a few years +(Olymp. 5. 760-757 B.C.),<a id="noteref_456" name="noteref_456" href="#note_456"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">456</span></span></a> ventured to cross the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page128">[pg 128]</span><a name="Pg128" id="Pg128" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Ionian sea, and to found in the most beautiful part of +Sicily the renowned city of Syracuse. The founder +was Archias a Heraclide, and probably also of the +family of the Bacchiadæ;<a id="noteref_457" name="noteref_457" href="#note_457"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">457</span></span></a> he was followed by Corinthians, +chiefly from the borough of Tenea;<a id="noteref_458" name="noteref_458" href="#note_458"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">458</span></span></a> and on +the road was joined by some Dorians from Megara;<a id="noteref_459" name="noteref_459" href="#note_459"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">459</span></span></a> +the expedition was also accompanied by a prophet +of the sacred family of Olympia, the Iamidæ, whose +descendants flourished at Syracuse in the time of +Pindar.<a id="noteref_460" name="noteref_460" href="#note_460"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">460</span></span></a> It appears, however, that Syracuse at that +time borrowed many religious institutions from +Olympia, as is proved by the worship of Arethusa, +of Artemis Ortygia, and of the Olympian +Zeus.<a id="noteref_461" name="noteref_461" href="#note_461"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">461</span></span></a> These +original founders built a town in the island of Ortygia, +the name of which can be explained only from the +worship of the goddess just mentioned. The lands +taken from the aboriginal Sicilians they divided into +lots, according to the number of the colonists. For +the method universally observed in founding these +colonies was, that the adventurers received before-hand +a promise of a share in the territory—which also +was called a lot. On the occasion of this very settlement, +Æthiops, a Corinthian glutton, is said to have +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page129">[pg 129]</span><a name="Pg129" id="Pg129" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +sold a promise of this kind to a companion for one +honey-cake.<a id="noteref_462" name="noteref_462" href="#note_462"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">462</span></span></a> Eumelus the Bacchiad, the celebrated +poet of Corinth, seems to have been one of these +colonists,<a id="noteref_463" name="noteref_463" href="#note_463"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">463</span></span></a> as he is mentioned in connexion with +Archias. Although the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">demus</span></span>, or populace of the +city, chiefly perhaps consisted of inhabitants of various +nations, who put themselves under the protection of +this colony, and although the territory around was +peopled by Sicilian bondsmen, yet in its dialect, and +probably for a considerable period in its customs also, +Syracuse remained a purely Doric state: as the +women in Theocritus say,<a id="noteref_464" name="noteref_464" href="#note_464"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">464</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Our origin is Corinthian, +and therefore we speak the language of Peloponnesus. +For it is permitted, I suppose, to the +Dorians to speak Doric.</span></span>”</span> Hence the Syracusans +were so greatly pleased with an ambassador from +Lucania, who had learnt to speak Doric in order +to address them in their native tongue.<a id="noteref_465" name="noteref_465" href="#note_465"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">465</span></span></a> Syracuse +increased so rapidly in population and power, +that seventy years after its foundation it colonized +Acræ, and also Enna, situated in the centre of the +island; twenty years after this, the town of Casmenæ; and in +forty-five more, Camarina. Also some Syracusan<a id="noteref_466" name="noteref_466" href="#note_466"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">466</span></span></a> +fugitives named Myletidæ, together with Chalcideans +from Zancle, are said to have founded Himera: +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page130">[pg 130]</span><a name="Pg130" id="Pg130" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +hence the dialect there in use was a mixture of Chalcidean +and Doric; but the institutions were entirely +Chalcidean. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_8" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. The other Corinthian colonies, as has been +already remarked, were all situated to the east of +the Ionian sea. The nearest of these are, besides their colony +of Molycreium, Chalcis in Ætolia,<a id="noteref_467" name="noteref_467" href="#note_467"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">467</span></span></a> and +Solium in Acarnania;<a id="noteref_468" name="noteref_468" href="#note_468"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">468</span></span></a> further on, we find that Ambracia was +in very early times founded by Corinth,<a id="noteref_469" name="noteref_469" href="#note_469"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">469</span></span></a> +and accordingly was governed by a brother of +Periander;<a id="noteref_470" name="noteref_470" href="#note_470"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">470</span></span></a> by the influence of this settlement Amphilochian +Argos changed its language and customs +for those of the Greeks.<a id="noteref_471" name="noteref_471" href="#note_471"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">471</span></span></a> Anactorium was founded +by the Corinthians, under the command of Periander, +in conjunction with the Corcyræans. At the same +time, and in connexion with the same persons, they +occupied the island of Leucadia;<a id="noteref_472" name="noteref_472" href="#note_472"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">472</span></span></a> to the possession of +which, however, the Corcyræans, as they were at that +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page131">[pg 131]</span><a name="Pg131" id="Pg131" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +time subject to Corinth, had no just claim; and Themistocles +unquestionably did wrong in attributing any +such right to them;<a id="noteref_473" name="noteref_473" href="#note_473"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">473</span></span></a> the Leucadians also always +remained firm to their real parent-state. Next comes +Corcyra itself, the founding of which by Chersicrates +the Bacchiad<a id="noteref_474" name="noteref_474" href="#note_474"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">474</span></span></a> is represented as having been a secondary +branch of the colony sent to Syracuse;<a id="noteref_475" name="noteref_475" href="#note_475"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">475</span></span></a> but +it had at a very early period set itself up as a rival +to the mother-state in the Ionian sea, whose ancient +power had been probably broken before the Persian +war. On the opposite coast lay Epidamnus, which +city was chiefly founded by Corcyræans, but under +the command of Phalius, the son of Eratocleides, a +Corinthian Heraclide, whom the Corcyræans, according +to the ancient colonial law, had sent for, together with +some of his countrymen (in Olymp. 38. 2. 629 B.C. +according to Eusebius), and were afterwards strengthened +by emigrants from Dyspontium in Pisatis.—Lastly, +Gylax, a Corinthian, together with 200 of +his own countrymen, and a greater number of Corcyræans, +founded Apollonia in the time of Periander. +Here ends the list of Corinthian colonies, which formed +a strong and continuous chain along the coast; and +thus even the barbarians of the interior, especially the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page132">[pg 132]</span><a name="Pg132" id="Pg132" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Epirots of Thesprotia, were forced to maintain a perpetual +connexion with Corinth:<a id="noteref_476" name="noteref_476" href="#note_476"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">476</span></span></a> hence also the kings +of the Lyncestæ in Macedonia esteemed it an honour +to derive their origin from the Bacchiadæ.<a id="noteref_477" name="noteref_477" href="#note_477"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">477</span></span></a> At a still further distance lay the island of Issa, which was +colonized from Syracuse.<a id="noteref_478" name="noteref_478" href="#note_478"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">478</span></span></a> Corcyra, however, possessed settlements as far as the +Flanatian gulf.<a id="noteref_479" name="noteref_479" href="#note_479"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">479</span></span></a> +From these facts it is evident that there was a time +when Corinth predominated in these seas; and by +means of Corcyra and Ambracia, and other towns, +ruled over many nations of barbarians. But the loss +of Corcyra, which had been at war with its mother-state +in the 28th Olympiad (about 668 B.C.),<a id="noteref_480" name="noteref_480" href="#note_480"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">480</span></span></a> even +before the time of Periander (though it was for a short +time again reduced to subjection by the enterprising +Cypselidæ), was an incurable wound for Corinth. The +other colonies, however, showed a remarkable obedience +to her.<a id="noteref_481" name="noteref_481" href="#note_481"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">481</span></span></a> It was not till after the loss of their +maritime dominion in these quarters (an event which +had nevertheless taken place before the Persian war) +that the Corinthians appear to have founded Potidæa +on the opposite side of Greece in Chalcidice, which +colony they sought to retain in their power by continually +interfering in its internal administration, and +for this purpose sent thither every year magistrates +named Epidemiurgi.<a id="noteref_482" name="noteref_482" href="#note_482"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">482</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Megara</span></span>, on the other hand, was induced by +its situation to send even its first colonies to the opposite +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page133">[pg 133]</span><a name="Pg133" id="Pg133" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +side of Greece on the Thracian coast. Thus in Olymp. 17. 3. +710 B.C. it founded Astæus in Bithynia;<a id="noteref_483" name="noteref_483" href="#note_483"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">483</span></span></a> +afterwards Chalcedon, on the entrance of the +Bosporus<a id="noteref_484" name="noteref_484" href="#note_484"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">484</span></span></a> in Olymp. 26. 2. 675 B.C. (according to +Eusebius); and 17 years later (Olymp. 30. 3. 658 +B.C.) Byzantium in a more favoured spot, opposite +to Chalcedon.<a id="noteref_485" name="noteref_485" href="#note_485"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">485</span></span></a> The Argives also had a share in the +foundation of this town; for which fact we may trust +the general assertion of Hesychius of Miletus, that +his circumstantial and fabulous history of the early +times of this city was derived from ancient poets and +historians. For the transmission of the worship of +Here (whose temple both at Byzantium and Argos +was on the citadel),<a id="noteref_486" name="noteref_486" href="#note_486"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">486</span></span></a> and the traditions concerning Io, +the attendant of the Argive Here, confirm in a manner +which does not admit of a doubt, the pretensions of +Argos to a share in this colony. Io, who was represented +with horns on her forehead, is said to have here +produced to Zeus a daughter, Ceroëssa the <span class="tei tei-q">“Horned”</span> +by name (which is, however, only a different name for +Io herself), who being suckled by the nymph Semestra, +afterwards brought forth Byzas.<a id="noteref_487" name="noteref_487" href="#note_487"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">487</span></span></a> Thence the +fable of the cow swimming over the sea became peculiar +to this place.<a id="noteref_488" name="noteref_488" href="#note_488"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">488</span></span></a> In other respects the combinations +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page134">[pg 134]</span><a name="Pg134" id="Pg134" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of religious ceremonies as found at Byzantium, +almost exactly resembled that which existed in Megara. +Nay, so carefully did the Byzantians, though +far removed from their mother-state, preserve the +remembrance of it, that they carried over almost all +the names of their native country and the neighbouring +region. We find on the coast a temple of Poseidon, +whose son was named Byzas; also of Demeter +and Cora; the Scironian rocks, an Isthmian promontory, +with the tomb of Hipposthenes a Megarean hero, +the temple of Apollo on the high promontory of +Metopum; also an altar of Saron, a pretended hero, +whose name referred to the Saronic gulf.<a id="noteref_489" name="noteref_489" href="#note_489"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">489</span></span></a> Thus +Byzantium was never estranged from its Peloponnesian +ancestors, although it adopted a large number of +additional colonists,<a id="noteref_490" name="noteref_490" href="#note_490"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">490</span></span></a> and ruled over Thracian subjects. +Moreover, the prevailing dialect, which occurs in some +public decrees still extant, remained for a long time +Doric.<a id="noteref_491" name="noteref_491" href="#note_491"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">491</span></span></a> The Byzantians, together with the Chalcedonians, +either at the time of the expedition of Darius +against the Scythians, or of the Ionic revolt, founded +Mesambria on the Pontus,<a id="noteref_492" name="noteref_492" href="#note_492"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">492</span></span></a> which some consider as +a colony of Megara. The Megareans had also founded +Selymbria even before the settlement of Byzantium,<a id="noteref_493" name="noteref_493" href="#note_493"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">493</span></span></a> +and probably carried on from this place a war with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page135">[pg 135]</span><a name="Pg135" id="Pg135" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Samians at Perinthus,<a id="noteref_494" name="noteref_494" href="#note_494"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">494</span></span></a> when that island was still +governed by Geomori, before the time of Polycrates. +Moreover, the Megareans had a large share in the +founding of Heraclea on the Pontus; for although +they were strengthened by some Tanagræans from +Bœotia, their numbers so predominated that this city +was in general considered as Doric.<a id="noteref_495" name="noteref_495" href="#note_495"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">495</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_10" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +10. Megara, however, at the same time founded +some very considerable colonies to the west, viz., in +Sicily. It will be sufficient to state in general terms +that Hybla in Sicily was a Megarean colony, established +in the 13th Olympiad (about 728 B.C.), and +was even called Megara.<a id="noteref_496" name="noteref_496" href="#note_496"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">496</span></span></a> It probably kept up a +constant intercourse with the mother-state; since +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page136">[pg 136]</span><a name="Pg136" id="Pg136" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Theognis, who was a Megarean from Sicily, according +to Plato, dwelt nevertheless for a long time in the +Megara near Athens, to which state many of his +poems refer.<a id="noteref_497" name="noteref_497" href="#note_497"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">497</span></span></a> The founding of the small town of +Trogilus, and of the more important city of Thapsos, +preceded the building of Megara. A century later, +some inhabitants of Megara founded Selinus in the +neighbourhood of that part of the island, which town +was in early times held by the Phœnicians, in later +times by the Carthaginians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_11" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +11. The colonies of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sparta</span></span>, which still remain +to be considered, were more numerous than would +be expected of a state so averse to maritime affairs. +In the history of the migrations of the Heraclidæ, we +find introduced the colonies of Thera, Melos, Gortyna, +and Cyrene; which, although for the sake of honour +they recognised Sparta as their mother-state, had been +in fact founded by Achæans, Minyans, and Ægidæ, +who dwelt at that time in a state of almost entire independence +in a district of Laconia.<a id="noteref_498" name="noteref_498" href="#note_498"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">498</span></span></a> All these states, +however, retained the Doric name; and Cyrene, +though even the founders married Libyan women,<a id="noteref_499" name="noteref_499" href="#note_499"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">499</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page137">[pg 137]</span><a name="Pg137" id="Pg137" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +always preserved to the utmost of its power the institutions, customs, and +language of its mother-country.<a id="noteref_500" name="noteref_500" href="#note_500"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">500</span></span></a> +The founding of Cnidos also took place at an early period, and +was generally ascribed to the Lacedæmonians.<a id="noteref_501" name="noteref_501" href="#note_501"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">501</span></span></a> +The leader of the colony was, according to +Diodorus, one Hippotes.<a id="noteref_502" name="noteref_502" href="#note_502"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">502</span></span></a> Syme also was at that time +peopled from Cnidos.<a id="noteref_503" name="noteref_503" href="#note_503"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">503</span></span></a> The principal religion of +this city, that of Aphrodite<a id="noteref_504" name="noteref_504" href="#note_504"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">504</span></span></a> (who was here worshipped in +a three-fold capacity), was without doubt the same as +that which existed at Cythera, having been carried +over by the Lacedæmonian colonists. The splendid +city of Cnidos, protected toward the east by an Acropolis, +which both its Cyclopian architecture<a id="noteref_505" name="noteref_505" href="#note_505"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">505</span></span></a> and +fabulous history prove to have existed before the time +of the Dorians, was situated on a neck of land, with a +harbour on each side, one of which was among the +largest in Greece. Thus fitted by nature for commerce, +Cnidos also founded colonies of its own, among +which Lipara, established (in Olymp. 50, about 580 +B.C.) upon one of the Æolian islands under the direction +of descendants of Hippotes,<a id="noteref_506" name="noteref_506" href="#note_506"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">506</span></span></a> overcame the Etruscans +in several wars, and adorned Delphi with offerings +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page138">[pg 138]</span><a name="Pg138" id="Pg138" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of victory.<a id="noteref_507" name="noteref_507" href="#note_507"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">507</span></span></a> Another colony from Cnidos, remarkable +chiefly for its distance from the mother-country, is +Black-Corcyra, on the coast of Illyria. Lacedæmon +herself, however, is said to have sent out colonies to +Phrygia, Pisidia, and Cyprus. In the former country, +Pisistratus, a Spartan, is said to have founded Noricum +near Celænæ on the river Marsyas.<a id="noteref_508" name="noteref_508" href="#note_508"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">508</span></span></a> Selge in Pisidia +is generally considered by the ancients to have been a +Lacedæmonian colony, and we frequently find on coins +of a late date this origin recognised. The representative +of the state is Hercules the Doric hero: moreover, +the free spirit, the bravery, and the good laws of +the Selgæans (although the reverse is sometimes attributed +to them) were derived from their mother-state.<a id="noteref_509" name="noteref_509" href="#note_509"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">509</span></span></a> +The wrestling youths in the act of grasping +one another (ἀκροχειριζόμενοι) represented on their +coins, bespeak a love for gymnastic exercises. It +should, however, be remembered, that the founders of +this colony were, according to a more exact statement, +Amyclæans,<a id="noteref_510" name="noteref_510" href="#note_510"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">510</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> fugitive Periœci, who perhaps had +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page139">[pg 139]</span><a name="Pg139" id="Pg139" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +passed through Cnidos in their way to these districts. +It appears that the Selgæans founded Sagalassus,<a id="noteref_511" name="noteref_511" href="#note_511"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">511</span></span></a> +which city is styled on its coins <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Lacedæmonian</span></span>. +Perhaps Praxander went at the same time from +Therapne in Laconia, with Cephas of Olenus (both +Achæans by birth) to the island of Cyprus, where +they founded Lapathus and Ceronia.<a id="noteref_512" name="noteref_512" href="#note_512"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">512</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_12" id="Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_12" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +12. But the most celebrated of all the Lacedæmonian +colonies, and which really proceeded from +Sparta, was Tarentum. The history of its origin is +buried in fable, in the accounts of the first Messenian +war; the accompanying circumstances will be +mentioned below. The leader of this colony was +Phalanthus, son of Aratus, a Heraclide.<a id="noteref_513" name="noteref_513" href="#note_513"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">513</span></span></a> Taras, on +the other hand, is called the son of Poseidon, because +this colony carried over the worship of that deity from +Tænarum to Italy. These emigrants also brought +with them other religious rites, as for instance the worship +of Hyacinthus;<a id="noteref_514" name="noteref_514" href="#note_514"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">514</span></span></a> likewise many names from their +native country, as that of the Eurotas, which they gave to the +river Galæsus.<a id="noteref_515" name="noteref_515" href="#note_515"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">515</span></span></a> But the fruitful and luxuriant +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page140">[pg 140]</span><a name="Pg140" id="Pg140" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +territory to which they had moved, its soft and voluptuous +climate, and the commerce, for which Tarentum +was well situated,<a id="noteref_516" name="noteref_516" href="#note_516"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">516</span></span></a> and always open (although it +never carried it on in an active manner), helped to engender +that effeminacy of character, which gave countenance +to the fable of the founders having been the sons of unmarried +women (παρθενίαι). Still, amidst all its +degeneracy, Tarentum retained a certain degree of +dependence on its mother-country: at the foundation +of Heraclea the Tarentines allowed Cleandridas a +Spartan to be one of the original colonists.<a id="noteref_517" name="noteref_517" href="#note_517"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">517</span></span></a> The friendship, moreover, of the Cnidians +with the Tarentines,<a id="noteref_518" name="noteref_518" href="#note_518"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">518</span></span></a> +as well as that with the Cyreneans, was founded +on the recognition of a common origin. The colony +of Croton (Olymp. 19. 2. 703 B.C., according to +Eusebius) consisted indeed of Achæans, who came +partly from the maritime town of Rhypæ,<a id="noteref_519" name="noteref_519" href="#note_519"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">519</span></span></a> +and partly from Laconia:<a id="noteref_520" name="noteref_520" href="#note_520"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">520</span></span></a> it must, however, have been established +under the authority of the Doric state of Sparta, +since Apollo and Hercules, the Doric god and hero, +were here worshipped with especial honour;<a id="noteref_521" name="noteref_521" href="#note_521"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">521</span></span></a> the early +constitution was also Doric; and although in general +we are not to look for truth in the poetry of Ovid, yet +in this instance we may credit his statement that Myscellus +the founder was a Heraclide.<a id="noteref_522" name="noteref_522" href="#note_522"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">522</span></span></a> In like manner +the Locrians, who (in Olymp. 24. 2. 683 B.C.) +founded Locri, must have procured Spartans as +leaders,<a id="noteref_523" name="noteref_523" href="#note_523"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">523</span></span></a> since (as their coins also show) they paid particular +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page141">[pg 141]</span><a name="Pg141" id="Pg141" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +honours to the Dioscuri, in time of distress in +war the statues of these gods having been sent to them +from Sparta, as being a people of the same origin;<a id="noteref_524" name="noteref_524" href="#note_524"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">524</span></span></a> +and even in the Peloponnesian war they still adhered +to the cause of Sparta.<a id="noteref_525" name="noteref_525" href="#note_525"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">525</span></span></a> Of a nature wholly different +were the rapid and transitory settlements of Dorieus +the son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, which this +noble adventurer founded in Sicily and Libya; when, +scorning to submit to a worthless brother, and confiding +in his own strength, he hoped to obtain by conquest +a kingdom in a distant country.<a id="noteref_526" name="noteref_526" href="#note_526"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">526</span></span></a> Finally, the Lyctians +of Crete and other inhabitants of this island +called themselves colonists of Sparta. In all probability +many of the ancient Doric cities of this country +received fresh settlers from Lacedæmon; which state, +at the beginning of the Olympiads<a id="noteref_527" name="noteref_527" href="#note_527"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">527</span></span></a> in +the time of Alcamenes, and even during the life of +Lycurgus,<a id="noteref_528" name="noteref_528" href="#note_528"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">528</span></span></a> +exercised a very considerable influence upon the internal +affairs of Crete. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Having taken a view of the Doric settlements +without Peloponnesus, we now return to the history +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page142">[pg 142]</span><a name="Pg142" id="Pg142" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of that peninsula, which we will divide into two periods, +namely, before and after the 40th Olympiad, or +the year 620 B.C. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc21" id="toc21"></a> +<a name="pdf22" id="pdf22"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VII.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Sources of the early history of Peloponnesus. § 2. Quoit +of Iphitus, Registers of Victors at the Olympic and Carnean +Games, Registers at Sicyon and Argos. § 3. Registers of +the Spartan Kings. § 4. Spartan Rhetras, Land-marks. § 5. +Lyric Poets, Oral Tradition, and Political Institutions. § 6. +Mythical character of Lycurgus. § 7. Lycurgus founder of +the sacred armistice of Olympia. § § 8. and 9. Messenian +wars: sources of the history of them. § 10. First Messenian +war. § 11. Second Messenian war. § 12. Influence in Arcadia +obtained by the Spartans. § 13. Limited ascendancy +of Argos in Argolis. § 14. Disputes between Argos and +Sparta. § 15. Pheidon of Argos. § 16. Further struggles +between Argos and Sparta. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. Before we begin to collect and arrange the +accounts extant concerning the early history of Peloponnesus, +it will be first necessary to ascertain what +are our sources of information respecting the events +of this period. For the epic poets, who carried on +an uninterrupted series of traditions on the events of +the mythical ages, and have thus thrown over this +dark period some faint glimmerings which may in +many places be condensed into a distinct and useful +light, only touch on a few points of the period whose +history we are about to examine. On the other hand, +indeed, the art of writing was during this time introduced +among the Greeks through their intercourse +with Asia; but that a long time elapsed before it +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page143">[pg 143]</span><a name="Pg143" id="Pg143" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +came into general use, is evident from the almost +surprising imperfection of those written documents +which have been preserved to us of a date anterior to +the 60th Olympiad, in comparison with the great +perfection of the works of Grecian art. For this +reason, writing was long regarded in Greece as a +foreign craft, and letters were considered (for example +in the Tean curses) as Phœnician symbols. +Nevertheless, these few and scanty registers are the +first materials for real history and chronology now +extant. As such, the following have been made +known to us from Peloponnesus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_2" id="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Quoit of Iphitus</span></span>, upon which was inscribed +in a circle the formula for proclaiming the +sacred armistice of Elis, and in which Iphitus and +Lycurgus were mentioned as the founders of it.<a id="noteref_529" name="noteref_529" href="#note_529"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">529</span></span></a> +There is no reason for doubting its genuineness, which +was recognised by Aristotle, and the institution which +it mentioned was considered by all ancient writers as +a real fact.<a id="noteref_530" name="noteref_530" href="#note_530"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">530</span></span></a> Secondly, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">lists of the +conquerors at the Olympic games</span></span> brought down uninterruptedly +from the victory of Chorœbus,<a id="noteref_531" name="noteref_531" href="#note_531"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">531</span></span></a> which always recorded +the conquerors in the foot-race, and in later times at +least those in the other games.<a id="noteref_532" name="noteref_532" href="#note_532"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">532</span></span></a> It is probable that +they were originally engraved on single pillars, and +afterwards collected under the inspection of the Hellanodicæ.<a id="noteref_533" name="noteref_533" href="#note_533"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">533</span></span></a> +Similar catalogues of conquerors in other +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page144">[pg 144]</span><a name="Pg144" id="Pg144" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +games, besides the four great ones, were also probably +not uncommon, but they were generally inscribed on +separate pillars, and were therefore of little use to the +historian.<a id="noteref_534" name="noteref_534" href="#note_534"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">534</span></span></a> The names of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">conquerors at the Carnean +games</span></span> at Sparta were also registered, so that +Hellanicus was enabled to compose from them a work +called Καρνεονῖκαι. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">register at Sicyon</span></span> contained +a list of the priestesses of Here at Argos, and the +poets and musicians of the games.<a id="noteref_535" name="noteref_535" href="#note_535"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">535</span></span></a> But +this also contained fabulous accounts: for example, the invention +of playing and singing on the harp by Amphion. +Nor were the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">catalogues of the priestesses of Here</span></span>, +which were probably kept at Argos, altogether free +from fable, as may be perceived from the fragments +of Hellanicus's chronological work on these priestesses, +which was probably founded on the official catalogues.<a id="noteref_536" name="noteref_536" href="#note_536"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">536</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. There were also at Lacedæmon public registers, +in which Plutarch found mention of the daughters +of Agesilaus;<a id="noteref_537" name="noteref_537" href="#note_537"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">537</span></span></a> and in those of the earliest times the +same author discovered the Pythian oracle concerning +Lycurgus,<a id="noteref_538" name="noteref_538" href="#note_538"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">538</span></span></a> the same that Herodotus refers to in his +first book. These doubtless contained the names of +all the kings, and probably also the years of their +reigns, as far back as Procles, who, according to a +statement noticed above, died one year before his +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page145">[pg 145]</span><a name="Pg145" id="Pg145" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +brother Eurysthenes.<a id="noteref_539" name="noteref_539" href="#note_539"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">539</span></span></a> This fact could hardly have +been derived from any other source than some national +annals, though it is not impossible that it was first +transferred to them from oral narrative; in which +case, however, it is difficult to understand how tradition, +contrary to its general character, preserved dates. +It was without doubt from these registers that Charon +of Lampsacus, before the time of Herodotus, composed +his work entitled, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Prytanes, or Rulers, +of Lacedæmon</span></span>;”</span><a id="noteref_540" name="noteref_540" href="#note_540"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">540</span></span></a> in which he also noticed +the sacred offerings and monuments of ancient times.<a id="noteref_541" name="noteref_541" href="#note_541"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">541</span></span></a> +With respect to the chronological labours of Timæus, +Polybius<a id="noteref_542" name="noteref_542" href="#note_542"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">542</span></span></a> says that <span class="tei tei-q">“this writer compared the ephors +with the kings of Lacedæmon from the beginning, +and the archons at Athens and priestesses at Argos +with the conquerors at the Olympic games, and +noted the errors which the cities had made in the +registration, even when they only differed by three +months.”</span> Eratosthenes and Apollodorus founded +their chronology, especially before the Olympiads, +upon the same list of the kings;<a id="noteref_543" name="noteref_543" href="#note_543"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">543</span></span></a> they both nearly +agreed in reckoning 327 or 328 years from the expedition +of the Heraclidæ to the first Olympiad (776 +B.C.),<a id="noteref_544" name="noteref_544" href="#note_544"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">544</span></span></a> which calculation would have been impossible +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page146">[pg 146]</span><a name="Pg146" id="Pg146" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +if the duration of each king's reign had not been +known; for if this computation is made by generations, +reckoning about three to a century, quite a +different number comes out.<a id="noteref_545" name="noteref_545" href="#note_545"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">545</span></span></a> Lycurgus, however, +was placed by Eratosthenes 108 years before the first +Olympiad;<a id="noteref_546" name="noteref_546" href="#note_546"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">546</span></span></a> in which computation he certainly went +on the authority of the Quoit of Iphitus; which agrees +with the statement of Apollodorus, that Homer, who +according to this chronologist flourished 148 years +before the first Olympiad, was a contemporary of +Lycurgus when the latter was a young man.<a id="noteref_547" name="noteref_547" href="#note_547"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">547</span></span></a>—It +appears, however, that the name of Lycurgus was not +preserved in any register of the kings, since in that +case it would have been impossible that he should +have been called by Herodotus the guardian of his +nephew Labotas the Eurysthenid,<a id="noteref_548" name="noteref_548" href="#note_548"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">548</span></span></a> by +Simonides (who lived in great intimacy with king Pausanias)<a id="noteref_549" name="noteref_549" href="#note_549"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">549</span></span></a> the son +of Prytanis and brother of Eunomus the Proclid, and +by others the son of Eunomus and guardian of his +nephew Charilaus,<a id="noteref_550" name="noteref_550" href="#note_550"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">550</span></span></a> had there existed any genealogy of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page147">[pg 147]</span><a name="Pg147" id="Pg147" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +him which was sufficiently accredited. Hence we +must infer that these catalogues only contained the +names of the kings, and not even of the royal guardians +or protectors, such as Lycurgus. On the other hand, +the variations in the enumeration of the kings are +unimportant, being confined to this, that in the pedigree +of the Proclidæ Herodotus<a id="noteref_551" name="noteref_551" href="#note_551"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">551</span></span></a> (or his transcribers) +leaves out the name of Soüs, which occurs in all the +rest, and, contrary to Pausanias, changes the order of +Eunomus and Polydectes. Since the name of Polydectes +is entirely wanting in Simonides and Eusebius, +it is probable that Polydectes and Eunomus are only +different names of the same king; and that Polydectes +was the proper name, and Eunomus a title +of honour.<a id="noteref_552" name="noteref_552" href="#note_552"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">552</span></span></a> Upon this hypothesis we obtain the following +series of kings of the Proclid line—Prytanis, +Polydectes, Charilaus, with tolerable certainty. There +must also have been registers of the names and years +of the princes of Corinth, and the family of the Bacchiadæ, +since no one could have had the boldness to +invent them.<a id="noteref_553" name="noteref_553" href="#note_553"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">553</span></span></a> Indeed there were altogether many +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page148">[pg 148]</span><a name="Pg148" id="Pg148" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +pedigrees, particularly of the Heraclidæ: as, for example, +of families at Cyrene,<a id="noteref_554" name="noteref_554" href="#note_554"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">554</span></span></a> +and the Ptolemies;<a id="noteref_555" name="noteref_555" href="#note_555"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">555</span></span></a> +their authority, however, could not have been very +great; in the latter, indeed, we cannot fail to recognise +the unscrupulous hand of Alexandrine flatterers. +The ancient chronicles of Elis, which Pausanias saw, +appear to have contained complete pedigrees from +Oxylus down to Iphitus;<a id="noteref_556" name="noteref_556" href="#note_556"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">556</span></span></a> although the descendants +of the former were not kings. The father of Iphitus +was there stated to have been also named Iphitus, in +contradiction to the common account.<a id="noteref_557" name="noteref_557" href="#note_557"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">557</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. None of these registers appear to have contained +anything beyond the names of conquerors at +the games (which have seldom any reference to history), +and princes with the years of their reigns. If +anything more was noted down, it was perhaps here +and there an oracle, as those belonging to the history +of Sparta in Herodotus,<a id="noteref_558" name="noteref_558" href="#note_558"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">558</span></span></a> which were without doubt +brought by the Pythians to Sparta in writing, at a +very early period. To these may be perhaps added +some ancient <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">rhetras</span></span>;<a id="noteref_559" name="noteref_559" href="#note_559"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">559</span></span></a> under which term the ancient +Dorians included all political documents, laws, and +treaties. The most ancient instance of the last kind +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page149">[pg 149]</span><a name="Pg149" id="Pg149" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +is the treaty between the Eleans and the inhabitants +of Heræa, discovered by sir William Gell,<a id="noteref_560" name="noteref_560" href="#note_560"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">560</span></span></a> the writing +of which is so extremely rude as to prove that they +were little practised in that art when it was engraved. +It is however very doubtful how the Spartan rhetras +of Lycurgus were drawn up. By some it has been +supposed that they were originally composed in metre, +in order to be chanted by the youth of +Sparta;<a id="noteref_561" name="noteref_561" href="#note_561"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">561</span></span></a> but +this is contradicted by the certain testimony<a id="noteref_562" name="noteref_562" href="#note_562"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">562</span></span></a> that +Terpander of Antissa, whom the Spartans so highly +esteemed, was the first who set these laws to music, +and first gave them a metrical and poetical form; +and Terpander did not live till after the 26th Olympiad, +or 672 B.C.<a id="noteref_563" name="noteref_563" href="#note_563"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">563</span></span></a> But the rhetra which Plutarch +has preserved as the genuine constitutional formula +bears a truly archaic character, since it contains a +command of the Pythian Apollo to the lawgiver in +the infinitive mood, and does not fall into verse. I do +not perceive why it might not have been written, as +well as the contemporaneous inscription on the Quoit +of Iphitus, and the ancient oracles cited by Herodotus; +at least we cannot in any other way account for the +preservation of the words. The original rhetras, however, +were very few, and formed merely the nucleus +of a system of laws, more as a help to the memory +than as a perfect code; hence the ancients could with +propriety say, that Zaleucus was the first who committed +laws to writing.<a id="noteref_564" name="noteref_564" href="#note_564"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">564</span></span></a> The three rhetras, which +were preserved besides the former one, were merely +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page150">[pg 150]</span><a name="Pg150" id="Pg150" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +certain general formulas, and by no means explicit +laws; they had the form of an oracle, as having proceeded +from the Pythian god,<a id="noteref_565" name="noteref_565" href="#note_565"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">565</span></span></a> but were written entirely +in prose.<a id="noteref_566" name="noteref_566" href="#note_566"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">566</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Next in the list of public monuments come the +ὅροι, or landmarks of territory. It is well known +that we are in possession of such records of a later +period, belonging to the sacred territory of the Pythian +Apollo (in which earlier surveys of the Amphictyonic +Hieromnemons, and ancient inscriptions +on boundary-stones are appealed to), belonging to +Cretan towns, and likewise to Samos and Priene, in +which the inhabitants of Priene cite ancient records, +preserved from the time of Bias in the temple of +Athene.<a id="noteref_567" name="noteref_567" href="#note_567"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">567</span></span></a> Historical works were also composed from +these memorials.<a id="noteref_568" name="noteref_568" href="#note_568"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">568</span></span></a> Now there must also have been +records of this kind in Peloponnesus, although the +inscriptions, by which the Messenians wished to prove +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page151">[pg 151]</span><a name="Pg151" id="Pg151" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +to the Romans their original boundary towards Laconia, +were evidently not made till after their re-establishment +by Epaminondas.<a id="noteref_569" name="noteref_569" href="#note_569"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">569</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. These documents, if we were in possession of +them, would afford a valuable foundation for an account +of the three centuries before regular history +begins; but merely an outline, which would require +to be filled up from other sources. This might +partly be done from the writings of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lyric poets</span></span>, +who flourished at that time, as Eumelus, Thaletas, +Tyrtæus, Alcman, and Terpander;<a id="noteref_570" name="noteref_570" href="#note_570"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">570</span></span></a> which writers +had frequent intercourse with the Spartans, and introduced +the events of the time into their poetry to +a much greater degree than the epic poets. And +in fact we find in the fragments of Tyrtæus and +Alcman a lively representation of the feelings and +manners of the period. The next source of information +is <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">oral tradition</span></span>, which, though erring continually +with regard to names and numbers, yet always relates +something essential; and, finally, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">political institutions</span></span> +continuing to exist in later times, which had +their origin in this period. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +These, and no other than these, can have been the +means employed by the authors who wrote on the +affairs of Laconia, in the century when history was +approaching to maturity, such as Hellanicus, Charon, +and Herodotus; and either directly or indirectly must +have afforded materials to those who treated of the +times of Lycurgus during the later age of Greek +learning. But how little do we recognise the ancient +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page152">[pg 152]</span><a name="Pg152" id="Pg152" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +simplicity and liveliness which characterise all the +genuine remains of that time, in the historical style of +Ephorus and Hermippus,<a id="noteref_571" name="noteref_571" href="#note_571"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">571</span></span></a> and their followers. The +object of these writers was to assimilate, as much as +possible, the notions of antiquity to those of their own +time, and to attempt in some way or other to represent +every act as proceeding from such motives as would +have actuated their own contemporaries. They have +with a truly unsparing hand rubbed off the venerable +rust of ancient tradition, and, totally mistaking the +most powerful springs of action then prevalent, +moulded all events of which any records had been +preserved, into a connected form more suited to a +modern history. It is almost impossible to describe +with what unlucky zeal Plutarch, where Lycurgus +only embodied in laws the political feelings of his race +and nation, ascribes to that legislator plans and views +generally unsatisfactory, and often absolutely childish. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_6" id="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. If now we apply the method above stated to +the history of Lycurgus, we shall find that we +have absolutely no account of him as an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">individual +person</span></em>. Tradition very properly represents him as +intimately connected with the temple of Delphi (by +which the Dorians, and especially the state of Sparta, +were at that time entirely led), and with Crete, the +earliest civilized state of the Doric race. This connexion +was generally represented under the form of a +journey to both places; his tomb was also shown both +at Cirrha and at Pergamia in Crete. It was easy to +imagine that the reforms of Lycurgus were violently +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page153">[pg 153]</span><a name="Pg153" id="Pg153" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +opposed, and produced tumults and disturbances.<a id="noteref_572" name="noteref_572" href="#note_572"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">572</span></span></a> +But the story of Alcander putting out one of Lycurgus's +eyes (probably a popular tale) is founded on a false explanation of +the title of Pallas Optiletis.<a id="noteref_573" name="noteref_573" href="#note_573"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">573</span></span></a> It +was indeed an ancient tradition that he was guardian +of a Spartan king; but the common report of this +being Charilaus<a id="noteref_574" name="noteref_574" href="#note_574"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">574</span></span></a> is not quite certain, as we have seen +above; and in order to account for both his travels and +regency, he was reported to have abdicated the latter +in order to avoid suspicion.<a id="noteref_575" name="noteref_575" href="#note_575"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">575</span></span></a> If we set aside all fictions +of this description, which have almost the spirit +of a moral tale, like the Cyropædia of Xenophon, +there remains very little traditional lore. Of his +legislation we will treat hereafter.<a id="noteref_576" name="noteref_576" href="#note_576"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">576</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. It is very singular that historians should have +mentioned so little of the action of Lycurgus, which +comes next in importance to that which has been just +discussed;<a id="noteref_577" name="noteref_577" href="#note_577"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">577</span></span></a> I mean the share that he had in founding +the sacred armistice and games at Olympia, which +event was without doubt the commencement of a more +tranquil state of affairs in Peloponnesus. Lycurgus, +as the representative of the Doric race, Iphitus, +of the Ætolians and Eleans, and Cleosthenes,<a id="noteref_578" name="noteref_578" href="#note_578"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">578</span></span></a> the son +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page154">[pg 154]</span><a name="Pg154" id="Pg154" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Cleonicus of Pisa, the city to which the temple of +Olympia properly belonged, and which had not then +lost the management of it, in conjunction perhaps with +several others, drew up the fundamental law of the +Peloponnesian armistice. This contained two heads. +First, that the whole territory of the Eleans (who +acted as masters of the games, after the expulsion of +the Pisatans, every year with more exclusive power) +should remain for ever free from hostile inroads and +ravages, insomuch that even armed troops were only +to be allowed a passage on condition of first laying +down their arms;<a id="noteref_579" name="noteref_579" href="#note_579"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">579</span></span></a> secondly, that during the time of +the festival a cessation of arms should also be proclaimed +throughout the rest of Peloponnesus. But, +since there was little agreement among the individual +states in the computation of time, and as the +Eleans alone were acquainted with the exact time +at which the quadrennial festival came round, and +perhaps also in order to make the injunction of the +god more impressive, the Eleans always sent +<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">feciales</span></span> +round to the different states, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">heralds of the season, +the Elean truce-bearers of Zeus</span></span>;”</span><a id="noteref_580" name="noteref_580" href="#note_580"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">580</span></span></a> these persons +proclaimed the Olympic armistice, first to their own +countrymen, and then to the other Peloponnesians: after which time +no army was to invade another's territory.<a id="noteref_581" name="noteref_581" href="#note_581"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">581</span></span></a> +The fine which was to have been paid by the +Spartans in the Peloponnesian war for having sent +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page155">[pg 155]</span><a name="Pg155" id="Pg155" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +out soldiers after this period was two minas for each +hoplite, the very sum which by the agreement of the +Peloponnesians was required for the ransom of prisoners +of war;<a id="noteref_582" name="noteref_582" href="#note_582"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">582</span></span></a> whence it is evident that the transgressors +of the truce were considered as becoming slaves of the +god, and were to be ransomed again from him. The +decree was pronounced by the tribunal of the temple +at Elis, according to the <span class="tei tei-q">“Olympian law.”</span><a id="noteref_583" name="noteref_583" href="#note_583"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">583</span></span></a> The fine +was divided between the Eleans and the treasury at the +temple of Olympia. To this temple also were paid +all penalties incurred by the infraction of treaties;<a id="noteref_584" name="noteref_584" href="#note_584"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">584</span></span></a> +nay, sometimes whole cities were bound to pay a fixed +tribute every year to the god.<a id="noteref_585" name="noteref_585" href="#note_585"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">585</span></span></a> By these and similar +laws was the armistice protected, which doubtless was +not intended merely to secure the celebration of the +games from disturbance, but also to effect a peaceable +meeting of the Peloponnesians, and thus to give occasion +for the settling of disputes, and the conclusion of +alliances. Even in the Peloponnesian war public +business was transacted at this assembly.<a id="noteref_586" name="noteref_586" href="#note_586"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">586</span></span></a> But +one chief effect of the Olympian festival appears to have +been the production of a more friendly connexion between +the Ætolian and Doric races. This fact appears +to be established by the tradition that Iphitus introduced +the worship of Hercules at Elis, which therefore +had previously been peculiar to the Dorians.<a id="noteref_587" name="noteref_587" href="#note_587"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">587</span></span></a> +Apollo, the Doric god, was also at this time regarded as the +protector of the sacred armistice of Olympia, as we +shall see +hereafter.<a id="noteref_588" name="noteref_588" href="#note_588"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">588</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page156">[pg 156]</span><a name="Pg156" id="Pg156" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. We now proceed immediately to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Messenian +wars</span></em>, since it is hardly possible to find one independent +event between the commencement of them and the +time of Iphitus. These however are really historical, +since we have in Tyrtæus a nearly contemporaneous +account of the first, and one actually so of the +second. The fragments and accounts of his poems +are our principal guides for obtaining a correct knowledge +of these transactions. And in these alone many +circumstances appear in quite a different light from +that in which they are represented in the romance of +Pausanias. In the latter, the Spartans only are the +aggressors, the Messenians only the subjects of attack; +but, if we listen to Tyrtæus, the former also had to +fight for their own country. But, since even the +ancients possessed few remains of Tyrtæus, and as +nearly all the historical part of his poems appears to +have come down to us, whence did Pausanias derive +his copious narrative, and the details with which he +has adorned it? Was it from ancient epic poets? +Yet of these there is nowhere any mention: and in +general an historical event, if it could not be put into an +entirely fabulous shape, like the stories of the origin +and foundation of many colonies, lay altogether without +the province of the early poetry. It is indeed possible +that in the Naupactia, which are referred to for the +mythical history of Messenia,<a id="noteref_589" name="noteref_589" href="#note_589"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">589</span></span></a> some historical +notices may have occasionally occurred, perhaps too in the +works of Cinæthon and Eumelus: but the ancients, +who disliked the labour of compiling a history from +scattered fragments, probably gave themselves very +little trouble to discover them. On the other hand, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page157">[pg 157]</span><a name="Pg157" id="Pg157" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +there existed a series of traditional legends, whose +character announces their high antiquity; thus, that of +the Messenians, that Aristomenes had <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">thrice</span></em> offered a +<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">hecatomphonion</span></span>, or sacrifice for a hundred +enemies slain in battle;<a id="noteref_590" name="noteref_590" href="#note_590"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">590</span></span></a> whether or no of human victims is +doubtful.<a id="noteref_591" name="noteref_591" href="#note_591"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">591</span></span></a> A share in this sacrifice was also performed +by Theoclus, who is called an Elean, because +he belonged to a family of the Iamidæ, which, as it +appears, was settled in Messenia; but this clan, though +scattered about in different places, yet always retained +their rights at Olympia.<a id="noteref_592" name="noteref_592" href="#note_592"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">592</span></span></a> The same character may +also be perceived in the legend of Aristomenes thrice +incurring the danger of death. On the first of these +occasions, when thrown into the Ceadas, he was preserved +by a fox, the symbol of Messenia; on the +second, whilst his guards were asleep, he turned to the +fire and burnt in two the cords that bound his limbs,<a id="noteref_593" name="noteref_593" href="#note_593"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">593</span></span></a> +a story more certainly derived from tradition than the +love-adventure which supplies its place in Pausanias: +the third time however that he fell into the hands of +his enemies, they cut open his breast, and found a +hairy heart.<a id="noteref_594" name="noteref_594" href="#note_594"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">594</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page158">[pg 158]</span><a name="Pg158" id="Pg158" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. Traditions of this kind were probably circulating +in different forms among the victorious Lacedæmonians,<a id="noteref_595" name="noteref_595" href="#note_595"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">595</span></span></a> +amongst the refugee Messenians in Italy and +Naupactus, the subject Messenians who remained in +the country, and the other Peloponnesians, when they +were recalled into existence by the re-establishment of +the Messenian state by Epaminondas. Even before +the battle of Leuctra, the Bœotians, on the advice of +an oracle, hung up as a trophy the shield of Aristomenes,<a id="noteref_596" name="noteref_596" href="#note_596"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">596</span></span></a> +the device of which was a spread eagle:<a id="noteref_597" name="noteref_597" href="#note_597"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">597</span></span></a> and +when Epaminondas recalled the Messenian fugitives +from Italy, Sicily, and even from Libya, and had +erected them, with numerous Helots and people collected +from various quarters, into a new state,<a id="noteref_598" name="noteref_598" href="#note_598"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">598</span></span></a> Aristomenes +was especially invoked before the foundation of +the city.<a id="noteref_599" name="noteref_599" href="#note_599"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">599</span></span></a> In this manner the ancient +traditions were enabled to gain a new footing, and to be developed in +a connected form. Several writers now seized upon a +subject which had begun to excite so great interest, of +whom Rhianus the poet and Myron the prose-writer +are known to us.<a id="noteref_600" name="noteref_600" href="#note_600"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">600</span></span></a> Myron gave an account of the +first Messenian war down to the death of Aristodemus; +but, in the opinion of Pausanias, utterly regardless +whether or no he related falsehood and incredibilities; +thus, in the teeth of all tradition, he introduced Aristomenes, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page159">[pg 159]</span><a name="Pg159" id="Pg159" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the hero of the second war, into the first; and +he wrote with an evident bias <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">against</span></em> Sparta.<a id="noteref_601" name="noteref_601" href="#note_601"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">601</span></span></a> Rhianus, +however, a native of Bena in Crete, celebrated +the actions of Aristomenes, in the second war, from +the battle near the Great Trench (Μεγάλη Τάφρος), +until the end of the war, as Homer had done those of +Achilles; and although Pausanias has disproved some +of his statements of particular facts from Tyrtæus,<a id="noteref_602" name="noteref_602" href="#note_602"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">602</span></span></a> +yet he has frequently followed him, and especially in +the poetical embellishments of his narrative.<a id="noteref_603" name="noteref_603" href="#note_603"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">603</span></span></a> He +never mentions any historians, such as Ephorus, Theopompus, +Antiochus, or Callisthenes.<a id="noteref_604" name="noteref_604" href="#note_604"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">604</span></span></a> Rhianus, +however, though he might not have exclusively adopted +the Messenian account,<a id="noteref_605" name="noteref_605" href="#note_605"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">605</span></span></a> yet, as far as we can judge +from Pausanias, gave the reins to his fancy, and mixed +up many circumstances and usages of later times with +the ancient tradition.<a id="noteref_606" name="noteref_606" href="#note_606"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">606</span></span></a> It is not therefore our intention +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page160">[pg 160]</span><a name="Pg160" id="Pg160" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +either to divert the reader with a continued narration +of these fictions, at the expense of truth, or fatigue +him by a detailed criticism of them, but merely to lay +before him the chief circumstances, as they are known +with historical certainty. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_10" id="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +10. The first war is distinctly stated by Tyrtæus to +have lasted nineteen years, and in the twentieth the +enemy left their country, and fled from the mountain +Ithome.<a id="noteref_607" name="noteref_607" href="#note_607"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">607</span></span></a> The same authority also gives +the time which elapsed between the first and second wars, viz., that +the grandfathers were engaged in the first, the grandchildren +in the second.<a id="noteref_608" name="noteref_608" href="#note_608"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">608</span></span></a> The date of the first +war is fixed by Polychares, who is stated to have been the +author of it,<a id="noteref_609" name="noteref_609" href="#note_609"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">609</span></span></a> having been conqueror in the race at the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page161">[pg 161]</span><a name="Pg161" id="Pg161" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4th Olympiad<a id="noteref_610" name="noteref_610" href="#note_610"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">610</span></span></a> (764 B.C.); and it agrees well +with this date that Eumelus, who was contemporary with +Archias the founder of Syracuse (in the 5th Olympiad), +composed a poem for <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">free</span></em> Messenia. Pausanias +places the commencement (we know not on what +grounds) at Olymp. 9. 2, (743 B.C.) the termination +nineteen years later, Olymp. 14. 1. (724 B.C.) The +interval between the two wars he states (though on +what authority we know not, and contrary to Tyrtæus) +to have been thirty-nine years;<a id="noteref_611" name="noteref_611" href="#note_611"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">611</span></span></a> so that the second +would have lasted from Olymp. 23. 4. to Olymp. 28. +1. (or from 685 to 668 B.C.)<a id="noteref_612" name="noteref_612" href="#note_612"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">612</span></span></a> We shall, however, +find hereafter that the date of this war was probably +later by several years, though not so late as Diodorus +fixed it, according to whom the war began in Olymp. +35. 3.<a id="noteref_613" name="noteref_613" href="#note_613"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">613</span></span></a> We also know from Tyrtæus that the Spartan +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page162">[pg 162]</span><a name="Pg162" id="Pg162" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +king who completed the subjugation of Messenia was +Theopompus.<a id="noteref_614" name="noteref_614" href="#note_614"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">614</span></span></a> Now, with respect to the origin of this +war, it may be first traced in the increase of power, +which Sparta, before the beginning of the Olympiads, +owed to the exertions of its king Teleclus; this prince +having succeeded in subduing the neighbouring city of +Amyclæ, and in reducing several other Achæan towns +to a state of dependence on Sparta.<a id="noteref_615" name="noteref_615" href="#note_615"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">615</span></span></a> Indeed, if we +correctly understand an insulated notice,<a id="noteref_616" name="noteref_616" href="#note_616"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">616</span></span></a> +Teleclus razed the town of Nedon, on the frontiers of Messenia +and Laconia,<a id="noteref_617" name="noteref_617" href="#note_617"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">617</span></span></a> and transplanted its inhabitants to the +towns of Pœessa, Echeiæ, and Tragis. Hence arose +border wars between the Dorians at Sparta and those +at Stenyclarus. The temple of Artemis Limnatis,<a id="noteref_618" name="noteref_618" href="#note_618"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">618</span></span></a> +the possession of which was disputed between the two +nations (though its festival was common to both), +afforded, as may be discovered from the romance of +Pausanias,<a id="noteref_619" name="noteref_619" href="#note_619"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">619</span></span></a> the immediate ground for the war. For +even in the reign of Tiberius the Lacedæmonians supported +their claim to this temple by ancient annals and +oracles;<a id="noteref_620" name="noteref_620" href="#note_620"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">620</span></span></a> while the Messenians, on the other hand, +brought forward the document already quoted, according +to which this temple, together with the whole +territory of Dentheleatis, in which it was situated, belonged +to them. Dissensions in Messenia must have +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page163">[pg 163]</span><a name="Pg163" id="Pg163" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +hastened the breaking out of the war, since it is certain +that Hyamia, one of the five provinces of Messenia, +was given by the Spartans to the Androclidæ, a branch +of the family of the Æpytidæ.<a id="noteref_621" name="noteref_621" href="#note_621"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">621</span></span></a> The history of +the first war contains traces of a lofty and sublime poetical +tradition: for example, that Aristodemus, though +ready to appease the wrath of the gods by the blood +of his own daughter,<a id="noteref_622" name="noteref_622" href="#note_622"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">622</span></span></a> yet was unable to effect his purpose; +that the damsel was put to death in vain; and +upon this, recognising the will of the gods that Messenia +should fall, and being terrified by portentous +omens, he slaughtered himself upon the tomb of his +murdered child.<a id="noteref_623" name="noteref_623" href="#note_623"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">623</span></span></a> The war seems to have been confined +chiefly to the vicinity of Ithome, which stronghold, +situated in the midst of the country, commanded +both the plain of Stenyclarus and that of the Pamisus. +The reduction of this fortress necessarily entailed the +subjugation of the whole country, and many of the +Messenians began to emigrate. With this event the +Doric colony of Rhegium is connected. Heraclides of +Pontus<a id="noteref_624" name="noteref_624" href="#note_624"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">624</span></span></a> merely relates, that some Messenians (who +happened to be at this time at Macistus in Triphylia, +in consequence of the violation of some Spartan virgins) +united themselves to the Chalcidian founders of +this town (who had been sent out from Delphi). He +probably means those Messenians who wished to make +a reparation for the violation of the Spartan virgins in +the temple of Artemis Limnatis, and were in consequence +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page164">[pg 164]</span><a name="Pg164" id="Pg164" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +expelled by their own countrymen.<a id="noteref_625" name="noteref_625" href="#note_625"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">625</span></span></a> But, according +to Pausanias,<a id="noteref_626" name="noteref_626" href="#note_626"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">626</span></span></a> even this body of Messenians +received the district of Hyamia; and the Messenians +did not migrate to Rhegium until after the taking of +Ithome under Alcidamidas, and again after the second +Messenian war under Gorgus and Manticlus, son of +Theoclus, one of the Iamidæ.<a id="noteref_627" name="noteref_627" href="#note_627"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">627</span></span></a> Anaxilas the tyrant +(who lived after Olymp. 70) afterwards derived his +family from the Messenians,<a id="noteref_628" name="noteref_628" href="#note_628"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">628</span></span></a> who constituted in general +the first nobility of the town of Rhegium.<a id="noteref_629" name="noteref_629" href="#note_629"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">629</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The establishment of Tarentum is connected with +the history of the first Messenian war; but it is +wrapped up in such unintelligible fables (chiefly owing +perhaps to an ignorance of Lacedæmonian institutions), +that all we can learn from them is, that Tarentum +was at that time founded from Sparta.<a id="noteref_630" name="noteref_630" href="#note_630"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">630</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +11. In a fragment of Tyrtæus we find some very +distinct traces of the condition of the subject Messenians +after the first war, which will be separately +considered hereafter. The second war clearly broke +out in the north-eastern part of the country, on the +frontier towards Arcadia, where the ancient towns of +Andania and Œchalia were situated. In all probability +this tract of country had never been subjugated +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page165">[pg 165]</span><a name="Pg165" id="Pg165" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +by the Spartans. Aristomenes, the hero of this war, +was born at Andania,<a id="noteref_631" name="noteref_631" href="#note_631"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">631</span></span></a> from which town he harassed +the Spartans by repeated inroads and attacks. In his +first march he advanced as far as the plain of Stenyclarus; +but after the victory at the Boar's Grave he +returned to Andania. But this attempt of the Messenians +to recover their independence became of serious +importance by the share which the greater part of the +states in Peloponnesus took in it. For Strabo,<a id="noteref_632" name="noteref_632" href="#note_632"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">632</span></span></a> quoting +Tyrtæus, states, that the Eleans, Argives, Arcadians, +and Pisatans<a id="noteref_633" name="noteref_633" href="#note_633"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">633</span></span></a> assisted the Messenians in this +struggle. The Pisatans were led by Pantaleon the +son of Omphalion, who celebrated the 34th Olympiad in the +place of the Eleans;<a id="noteref_634" name="noteref_634" href="#note_634"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">634</span></span></a> which fact enables us +accurately to fix the time (644 B.C.).—At the head +of the Arcadians was Aristocrates, whom Pausanias +calls a Trapezuntian, the son of Hicetas, and mentions +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page166">[pg 166]</span><a name="Pg166" id="Pg166" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +his treachery at the battle near the Trench, on the subsequent +discovery of which the Arcadians deprived +his family of the sovereignty of Arcadia.<a id="noteref_635" name="noteref_635" href="#note_635"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">635</span></span></a> The same +account is also given by Callisthenes,<a id="noteref_636" name="noteref_636" href="#note_636"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">636</span></span></a> and both writers +quote the inscription on a pillar erected near the +mountain-altar of Zeus Lycæus in memory of the +traitor's detection. Now we know from good +authority<a id="noteref_637" name="noteref_637" href="#note_637"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">637</span></span></a> +that Aristocrates was in fact king only of Orchomenus +in Arcadia,<a id="noteref_638" name="noteref_638" href="#note_638"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">638</span></span></a> of which his family was so far from +losing the sovereignty, that his son Aristodamus ruled +over it, and also over a great part of Arcadia. The +date of Aristocrates<a id="noteref_639" name="noteref_639" href="#note_639"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">639</span></span></a> appears to have been about 680-640 +B.C.<a id="noteref_640" name="noteref_640" href="#note_640"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">640</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The Lacedæmonians were therefore in this war +really pressed by an enemy of superior force, a fact +alluded to by Tyrtæus. Meanwhile Sparta was assisted by the +Corinthians,<a id="noteref_641" name="noteref_641" href="#note_641"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">641</span></span></a> perhaps by the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page167">[pg 167]</span><a name="Pg167" id="Pg167" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Lepreatans,<a id="noteref_642" name="noteref_642" href="#note_642"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">642</span></span></a> and +even by some ships of the Samians;<a id="noteref_643" name="noteref_643" href="#note_643"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">643</span></span></a> but +chiefly by Tyrtæus of Aphidnæ, whom an absurd and +distorted fable has turned into a lame Athenian schoolmaster. +The fact of Sparta seeking a warlike minstrel +in Aphidnæ, may be accounted for from its +ancient connexions with this borough in Attica, which +is said to have been in the hands of the Dioscuri. +Whether or not Aphidnæ at that time belonged to +Attica, and was subject to Athens, is a question we +shall leave undecided; but there does not seem to be +any reason for inferring with Strabo, from the passage +of Tyrtæus itself, that the whole tradition was false, +and that Tyrtæus was a Lacedæmonian by birth,<a id="noteref_644" name="noteref_644" href="#note_644"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">644</span></span></a> +though he doubtless became so by adoption. It is to +be regretted that we have very little information concerning +the war carried on by Sparta with the rest of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page168">[pg 168]</span><a name="Pg168" id="Pg168" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Peloponnesians;<a id="noteref_645" name="noteref_645" href="#note_645"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">645</span></span></a> +but the Messenians at a later +period withdrew from Andania towards Eira, which is +a mountain-fortress on the Neda, the border-stream +towards Arcadia, near the sea-coast. When obliged +to retire from this stronghold, they were received first +by the Arcadians, their ancient and faithful allies (who, +according to the tradition, gave them their daughters in +marriage<a id="noteref_646" name="noteref_646" href="#note_646"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">646</span></span></a>); afterwards the exiles sought an asylum +with their kinsmen at Rhegium. Aristomenes himself +(if he was not put to death by the Spartans) is +said to have died at Rhodes, in the house of the noble +family of the Eratidæ.<a id="noteref_647" name="noteref_647" href="#note_647"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">647</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +12. Besides the possession of Messenia, nothing +was of such importance to the Spartans as the influence +which they gained over the towns of Arcadia. But in +what manner these came into their hands is very little +known.<a id="noteref_648" name="noteref_648" href="#note_648"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">648</span></span></a> During the Messenian war Arcadia was +always opposed to Sparta. Hence, in the year 659 +B.C., the Spartans suddenly attacked and took the +town of Phigalea, in a corner of Messenia and Triphylia; +but were soon driven out again by the neighbouring +Oresthasians.<a id="noteref_649" name="noteref_649" href="#note_649"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">649</span></span></a> But the place chiefly dreaded +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page169">[pg 169]</span><a name="Pg169" id="Pg169" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +by Sparta, as being one of the most powerful cantons +in Arcadia, and commanding the principal entrance to +Laconia, was Tegea. Charilaus, one of the early +kings of Sparta, is said to have been compelled, by the +valour of the Tegeate women, to submit to a disgraceful +treaty.<a id="noteref_650" name="noteref_650" href="#note_650"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">650</span></span></a> At a later period also, in the reigns of +Eurycrates and Leon the Eurysthenid,<a id="noteref_651" name="noteref_651" href="#note_651"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">651</span></span></a> Sparta suffered +injury from the same state,<a id="noteref_652" name="noteref_652" href="#note_652"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">652</span></span></a> until it at last obtained +the superiority under the next king, Anaxandridas. +It was not, however, merely the ingenuity of +a mountain-tribe, in protecting and fortifying its defiles, +that made victory so difficult to the Spartans; but, +although the pass which separates Tegea from Laconia, +and even at the present time retains the vestiges of +defensive walls, was of great service in repelling invasions +from Laconia,<a id="noteref_653" name="noteref_653" href="#note_653"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">653</span></span></a> yet Tegea was also formidable +in the open field from her heavy-armed troops, which +in later times always maintained the second place in +the allied army of Peloponnesus.<a id="noteref_654" name="noteref_654" href="#note_654"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">654</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_13" id="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_13" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +13. Argos never obtained so great authority in +Argolis as Sparta did in Laconia, since, in the former +country, the Dorians divided themselves into several +ancient and considerable towns;<a id="noteref_655" name="noteref_655" href="#note_655"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">655</span></span></a> and to deprive +Dorians of their independence seems to have been +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page170">[pg 170]</span><a name="Pg170" id="Pg170" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +more contrary to the principles of that race, than to +expel them, as the Spartans did the Messenians. +Argos was thus forced to content itself with forming, +and being at the head of a league, which was to unite +the forces of the country for common defence, and to +regulate all internal affairs. An union of this kind +really existed, although it never entirely attained its +end. It was probably connected with the temple of +Apollo Pythaëus, which, as we remarked above, was +considered as common to the Epidaurians and Dryopians. +An Argive Amphictyonic council is mentioned +in the account of the Messenian war,<a id="noteref_656" name="noteref_656" href="#note_656"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">656</span></span></a> and is evidently +not a fiction, although erroneously there introduced. +That it still continued to exist in the 66th Olympiad is +clear from the fact, that, when the inhabitants of Sicyon +and Ægina furnished Cleomenes with ships to be +employed against Argos, each town was condemned +to pay a fine of 500 talents.<a id="noteref_657" name="noteref_657" href="#note_657"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">657</span></span></a> +These penalties could +not have been imposed by Argos as a single town, +but in the name of a confederacy, which was weakened +and injured by this act. We find that the Eleans +could impose similar penalties in the name of the +Olympian Zeus.<a id="noteref_658" name="noteref_658" href="#note_658"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">658</span></span></a> But the very case here adduced +shows how refractory was the conduct of the members +of this alliance with regard to the measures taken by +the chief confederate. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +14. To this internal discord were added the continual +disputes with Lacedæmon. Herodotus states, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page171">[pg 171]</span><a name="Pg171" id="Pg171" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +that in ancient times (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> about the 50th Olympiad, +or 580 B.C.) the whole eastern coast of Peloponnesus +as far as Malea (comprising the towns of Prasiæ, +Cyphanta, Epidaurus Limera, and Epidelium), together +with Cythera, and the other islands, belonged +to the Argives.<a id="noteref_659" name="noteref_659" href="#note_659"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">659</span></span></a> According to the account of Pausanias +the territory of Cynuria, a valley between two +ranges of mountains, on the frontiers of Laconia and +Argos, inhabited by a native Peloponnesian race, had +been from early times a perpetual subject of contention +between the two states. The Lacedæmonians had +subdued this district in the reigns of Echestratus and +Eurypon.<a id="noteref_660" name="noteref_660" href="#note_660"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">660</span></span></a> During the reigns of Labotas and +Prytanis, the Spartans complained of an attempt of the +Argives to alienate the affections of their Periœci in +Cynuria:<a id="noteref_661" name="noteref_661" href="#note_661"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">661</span></span></a> as, however, we know not by +what authority this statement is supported, we shall allow it to rest on +its own merits. In the reign of Charilaus the Lacedæmonians +wasted the territory of Argos.<a id="noteref_662" name="noteref_662" href="#note_662"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">662</span></span></a> His son +Nicander made an alliance with the Dryopians of +Asine against Argos. Accordingly this people were +expelled by Eratus, the Argive king, from their town,<a id="noteref_663" name="noteref_663" href="#note_663"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">663</span></span></a> +and fled to their allies in Laconia; from whom they +obtained, after the end of the first Messenian war, a +maritime district, where they built a new Asine, and +for a long time preserved their national manners,<a id="noteref_664" name="noteref_664" href="#note_664"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">664</span></span></a> as +well as their connexion with the ancient religious +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page172">[pg 172]</span><a name="Pg172" id="Pg172" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +worship of their kinsmen, the inhabitants of +Hermione.<a id="noteref_665" name="noteref_665" href="#note_665"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">665</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_15" id="Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_15" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +15. A clearer point in the Argive and Peloponnesian +history is the reign of Pheidon. The accounts +respecting this prince having been collected and examined +in another work, it is merely necessary to +repeat the result.<a id="noteref_666" name="noteref_666" href="#note_666"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">666</span></span></a> Pheidon the Argive, the +son of Aristodamidas, was descended from the royal family +of Temenus, the power of which had indeed since the +time of Medon, the son of Ceisus, been much diminished, +but yet remained in existence for a long time. +Pheidon broke through the restrictions that limited his +power, and hence, contrary however to the ancient +usage of the term, was called a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">tyrant</span></span>. His views +were at first directed towards making the independent +towns of Argolis dependent upon Argos. He undertook +a war against Corinth, which he afterwards succeeded +in reducing. In all probability Epidaurus, and +certainly Ægina, belonged to him; none of the other +towns in the neighbourhood were able to withstand the +bold and determined conqueror.<a id="noteref_667" name="noteref_667" href="#note_667"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">667</span></span></a> +The finishing stroke +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page173">[pg 173]</span><a name="Pg173" id="Pg173" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of his achievements was manifestly the celebration of +the Olympic games, over which he, as descendant of +Hercules (the first conqueror at Olympia), after having +abolished the Ætolian-Elean Hellanodicæ, presided, +in conjunction with the inhabitants of Pisa, the +ancient town of Pelops, which at this time, and many +centuries after this time, had not relinquished its claims +to the management of the festival. This circumstance +also enables us to fix with certainty the period of his +reign, since, in the Elean registers, the 8th Olympiad +was marked as having been celebrated by him +(747 B.C.). But it was this usurpation that united +the Eleans and Lacedæmonians against him, and thus +caused his overthrow. While the undertakings of +Pheidon thus remained without benefit to his successors, +he has been denounced by posterity as the most +rapacious of tyrants in Greece; but, had he succeeded +in establishing a permanent state of affairs, he would +have received equal honours with Lycurgus. Yet, +notwithstanding his failure, some of his institutions +survived him, which adorn his memory. He is known +to have equalized all weights and measures in Peloponnesus, +which before his time were different in each +state; he was also the first who coined money. He +was enabled to undertake both with the greater success, +since the only two commercial towns at that time +belonging to Peloponnesus lay in his dominions, viz. +Corinth (whence he is sometimes called a Corinthian) +and Ægina. According to the most accurate accounts he first stamped +silver-money<a id="noteref_668" name="noteref_668" href="#note_668"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">668</span></span></a> in Ægina +(where at that time forges doubtless existed), and, after +having circulated these, he consecrated the ancient and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page174">[pg 174]</span><a name="Pg174" id="Pg174" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +then useless bars of metal to Here of Argos, where +they were exhibited in later times to strangers.<a id="noteref_669" name="noteref_669" href="#note_669"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">669</span></span></a>—Many +of the most ancient drachmas of Ægina, with +the device of a tortoise, perhaps belong to this period, +since the Greek coins struck before the Peloponnesian +war appear to indicate a progress of many centuries +in the art of stamping money. Those however which +we have are sufficient to show that the same standard +was prevalent throughout Peloponnesus,<a id="noteref_670" name="noteref_670" href="#note_670"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">670</span></span></a> a difference +in weight, measure, and standard not having been introduced +till after the Peloponnesian war. This again +was a second time abolished by the Achæan league, +and an equality of measures restored.<a id="noteref_671" name="noteref_671" href="#note_671"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">671</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +16. After the fall of Pheidon the old dispute with +Lacedæmon still continued.<a id="noteref_672" name="noteref_672" href="#note_672"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">672</span></span></a> In the 15th Olympiad +(720 B.C.) the war concerning the frontier territory +of Cynuria broke out afresh;<a id="noteref_673" name="noteref_673" href="#note_673"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">673</span></span></a> the Argives now maintained +it for some time,<a id="noteref_674" name="noteref_674" href="#note_674"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">674</span></span></a> and secured the possession of +this district chiefly by the victory at Hysiæ in Olymp. +27. 4. (669 B.C.<a id="noteref_675" name="noteref_675" href="#note_675"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">675</span></span></a>) And they kept it until the +time of Crœsus (Olymp. 58.), when they lost it by the +famous battle of the three hundred, in which Othryadas, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page175">[pg 175]</span><a name="Pg175" id="Pg175" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +though faint with his wounds, erected the trophy +of victory for Sparta:<a id="noteref_676" name="noteref_676" href="#note_676"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">676</span></span></a> a history the more fabulous, +since it was celebrated by sacred songs at the Gymnopædia.<a id="noteref_677" name="noteref_677" href="#note_677"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">677</span></span></a> +Inconsiderable in extent as was the territory<a id="noteref_678" name="noteref_678" href="#note_678"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">678</span></span></a> +for which so much blood was shed, yet its possession +decided which should be the leading power in Peloponnesus. +It was not till after this had taken place that +Cleomenes, in whose reign the boundary of Lacedæmon +ran near the little river Erasinus, was enabled to +attack Argos with success. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The power of Argos in the neighbourhood of the +city was very insecure and fluctuating. Towards the +end of the second Messenian war Argos had conquered +the neighbouring town of Nauplia; the Lacedæmonians +gave Methone in Messenia to the expelled inhabitants.<a id="noteref_679" name="noteref_679" href="#note_679"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">679</span></span></a> The temple of Nemea, in the mountains +towards Corinth, was, from its situation, the property +of the independent Doric town Cleonæ; the Argives +took it from them before Olymp. 53. 1. 568 B.C.,<a id="noteref_680" name="noteref_680" href="#note_680"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">680</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page176">[pg 176]</span><a name="Pg176" id="Pg176" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and henceforth celebrated the games of Zeus. The +Argives however again lost it; and some time before +the 80th Olympiad the Cleonæans again regulated the +festival,<a id="noteref_681" name="noteref_681" href="#note_681"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">681</span></span></a> a privilege which they probably did not long +retain. It is likely that about 580 B.C. the town of +Orneæ, between Argos and Sicyon, which had anciently +carried on wars with the latter city, was +rendered subject to the former, from which circumstance +the Periœci of Argos obtained the general name +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orneatans</span></span>; to which class the Cynurians also +belonged before the battle of Thyrea.<a id="noteref_682" name="noteref_682" href="#note_682"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">682</span></span></a> But these +events properly belong to the period, on the history of +which we are now about to enter, and which we will +designate in general as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the time of the tyrants</span></span>. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc23" id="toc23"></a> +<a name="pdf24" id="pdf24"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VIII.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. The Doric principles of government opposed to despotic (or +tyrannical) power. § 2. Tyrants of Sicyon. § 3. Of Corinth. +§ 4. Of Epidaurus and of Megara overthrown by Sparta. +§ 5. Other tyrants overthrown by Sparta. § 6. Expedition of +Cleomenes against Argos. § 7. Internal history of Argos. +§ 8. Contests between Megara and Athens. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. The subject of this chapter may be best expressed +in the words of Thucydides:<a id="noteref_683" name="noteref_683" href="#note_683"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">683</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“The tyrants +of Athens, and of the rest of Greece, of which many +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page177">[pg 177]</span><a name="Pg177" id="Pg177" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +states had been governed by tyrants before the +Athenians, were, with the exception of those in +Sicily, in most instances, and especially in later +times, overthrown by the Lacedæmonians, whose +state was never under a despotic government, and +who, having become powerful through the early +establishment of their own constitution, were enabled +to arrange to their own liking the governments of +other states.”</span> It is a remarkable circumstance in +the history of Greece, that at the same period of time +tyrants everywhere obtained the supreme authority in +Doric, Ionic, and Æolic cities; a proof that, although +these nations were derived from different races, the +same stage in the progress of social life was every +where attended with the same phenomena. Those +states alone in which the features of the Doric character +were most strongly marked, viz., Sparta and Argos, +resisted this influence; and we shall in general find +that it was by a subversion of the Doric principles that +the tyrants obtained their power. This will be made +evident by a consideration of the absolute monarchies +in the Doric states of Peloponnesus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" id="Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. The inhabitants of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Sicyon</span></span> appear in ancient +times to have been distinguished from other Dorians +by a lively and excitable temperament, and by a +disposition which they had at an early period transferred +to their mythical hero Adrastus, whose <span class="tei tei-q">“tongue +was softly persuasive.”</span><a id="noteref_684" name="noteref_684" href="#note_684"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">684</span></span></a> This very disposition, +however, under the actual state of circumstances, +opened the way to tyranny. In this instance of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page178">[pg 178]</span><a name="Pg178" id="Pg178" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Sicyon, as in many others, the tyrant was the leader +of the lower classes, who were opposed to the aristocracy. +It was in this character that Orthagoras came +forward, who, not being of an ancient family, was +called by the nobles a cook.<a id="noteref_685" name="noteref_685" href="#note_685"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">685</span></span></a> But, notwithstanding +its low origin, the family of this person maintained +the supremacy for a longer period than any other, +according to Aristotle<a id="noteref_686" name="noteref_686" href="#note_686"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">686</span></span></a> for a century, as they +did not maltreat the citizens, and upon the whole respected +the laws. Their succession is Orthagoras, Andreas, +Myron, Aristonymus, and Cleisthenes,<a id="noteref_687" name="noteref_687" href="#note_687"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">687</span></span></a> of whom, however, +the second and fourth never ascended the throne, +or only reigned for a short time. Myron was conqueror +at Olympia in the chariot-race in the 33d +Olympiad (648 B. C), and afterwards built a treasury, +in which two apartments were inlaid with Tartessian +brass, and adorned with Doric and Ionic +columns.<a id="noteref_688" name="noteref_688" href="#note_688"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">688</span></span></a> Both the architectural orders employed in +this building, and the Tartessian brass, which the +Phocæans had then brought to Greece in large quantities from the +hospitable king Arganthonius,<a id="noteref_689" name="noteref_689" href="#note_689"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">689</span></span></a> attest +the intercourse of Myron with the Asiatics; we shall +presently see that this same correspondence was of +considerable importance for the measures of other +tyrants. Cleisthenes appears to have employed violence +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page179">[pg 179]</span><a name="Pg179" id="Pg179" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in obtaining the sovereignty,<a id="noteref_690" name="noteref_690" href="#note_690"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">690</span></span></a> which he held +undisturbed, partly by creating terror through his +military fame and exploits in arms, and partly by +gaining the support of the people by the introduction +of some democratic elements into the constitution. +With regard to the latter measure, the singular +alterations which he made in the tribes of Sicyon +will be explained hereafter.<a id="noteref_691" name="noteref_691" href="#note_691"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">691</span></span></a> We will here +only remark that Cleisthenes himself belonged to the subject +tribe, which was not of Doric origin; and while +he endeavoured to raise the latter, at the same time +he sought to depress, and even to dishonour the +Doric tribes, so that he entirely destroyed and reversed +the whole state of things which had previously +existed. For this reason Cleisthenes was at enmity with Argos, +the chief Doric city of this district.<a id="noteref_692" name="noteref_692" href="#note_692"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">692</span></span></a> +For the same reason he proscribed the worship of +the Argive hero Adrastus, and favoured in its place +the worship of Dionysus, a deity foreign to the Doric +character; and lastly, prohibited the Homeric rhapsodists +from entering the town, because Homer had +celebrated Argos, and, we may add, an aristocratic +form of government. These characteristic traits of +a bold and comprehensive mind are gathered from +the lively narrative of Herodotus. The same political +tendency was inherited by his son-in-law Megacles, +the husband of the beautiful Agariste, to +obtain whose hand many rival youths had assembled +in the palace of Cleisthenes, like the suitors of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page180">[pg 180]</span><a name="Pg180" id="Pg180" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +old, for that of Helen;<a id="noteref_693" name="noteref_693" href="#note_693"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">693</span></span></a> and it was particularly manifested +in Cleisthenes of Athens, who changed the +Athenian constitution by abolishing the last traces of +separate ranks. With regard, however, to the warlike +actions of Cleisthenes, he must have been very +celebrated for his prowess; since in the war of the +Amphictyons against Cirrha, although denounced as a +stone-slinger (that is, a man of the lowest rank),<a id="noteref_694" name="noteref_694" href="#note_694"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">694</span></span></a> by +the Pythian priestess, he shared the chief command +of the army with the Thessalian Heraclid, Eurylochus, +and helped to conquer the city.<a id="noteref_695" name="noteref_695" href="#note_695"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">695</span></span></a> This took place in the +third year of the 47th Olympiad, or 592 B.C.<a id="noteref_696" name="noteref_696" href="#note_696"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">696</span></span></a> +Out of the plunder of the town Cleisthenes built a portico +for the embellishment of Sicyon;<a id="noteref_697" name="noteref_697" href="#note_697"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">697</span></span></a> he was also +conqueror in the chariot-race at the second Pythiad (Olymp. +49. 3. 584 B.C.)<a id="noteref_698" name="noteref_698" href="#note_698"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">698</span></span></a> It may perhaps be possible +from the scattered accounts concerning this prince +to form a notion of his character. Cleisthenes was +undoubtedly a man who was able to seize the spirit of +the time, which aimed at great liberty and excitement—the +very contrary of the settled composure +of the Dorians; and, combining talents and versatility +with the love of splendour and pageantry, ridiculed +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page181">[pg 181]</span><a name="Pg181" id="Pg181" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +many things hitherto looked upon with awe, and set +no limits to his love of change. Notwithstanding +these qualities, he was, as is probable from the general +testimony of Thucydides, overthrown by Sparta, perhaps +soon after 580 B.C.;<a id="noteref_699" name="noteref_699" href="#note_699"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">699</span></span></a> nor was the ancient state of things +restored at Sicyon till 60 years afterwards,<a id="noteref_700" name="noteref_700" href="#note_700"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">700</span></span></a> +during which interval another tyrant named Æschines +reigned, belonging however to a different family. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_3" id="Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Corinthian</span></span> +tyrants<a id="noteref_701" name="noteref_701" href="#note_701"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">701</span></span></a> were nearly allied +with those of Sicyon; since the former, not belonging +to the Doric nobility, were placed in the same +situation as the latter with regard to this class. In +Corinth, before the commencement of the dynasty of +tyrants, the ruling power was held by the numerous<a id="noteref_702" name="noteref_702" href="#note_702"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">702</span></span></a> +Heraclide clan of the Bacchiadæ, which had changed +the original constitution into an oligarchy, by keeping +itself distinct, in the manner of a caste, from all +other families, and alone furnished the city with the +annual prytanes, the chief magistrates. Cypselus the +son of Aëtion, the grandson of Echecrates, from a +Corinthian borough named Petra,<a id="noteref_703" name="noteref_703" href="#note_703"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">703</span></span></a> and not of Doric +descent, although connected on his mother's side with +the Bacchiadæ, overcame, with the assistance again of +the lower classes,<a id="noteref_704" name="noteref_704" href="#note_704"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">704</span></span></a> the oligarchs, now become odious +through their luxury<a id="noteref_705" name="noteref_705" href="#note_705"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">705</span></span></a> and insolence, the +larger part of whom, either voluntarily or by compulsion, quitted +Corinth;<a id="noteref_706" name="noteref_706" href="#note_706"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">706</span></span></a> and Cypselus became tyrant about the 30th +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page182">[pg 182]</span><a name="Pg182" id="Pg182" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Olympiad (660 B.C.),<a id="noteref_707" name="noteref_707" href="#note_707"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">707</span></span></a> from the inability of the +people to govern itself independently. However violently +the Corinthian orator in Herodotus accuses this +prince, the judgment of antiquity in general was +widely different. Cypselus was of a peaceable disposition, +reigned without a body-guard,<a id="noteref_708" name="noteref_708" href="#note_708"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">708</span></span></a> and never +forgot that he rose from a demagogue to the throne. +He also undertook works of building, either from a +taste for the arts, or for the purpose of employing the +people. The treasury at Delphi, together with the +plane-tree, was his work.<a id="noteref_709" name="noteref_709" href="#note_709"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">709</span></span></a> To him succeeded his son +Periander, who was at first equally or more mild than +his father.<a id="noteref_710" name="noteref_710" href="#note_710"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">710</span></span></a> Soon, however, his conduct became sensibly +more violent, and, according to Herodotus, he +was instigated by his correspondence with Thrasybulus, +the tyrant of Miletus, who counselled him by every +method to weaken, or even to exterminate, the nobility +of his city.<a id="noteref_711" name="noteref_711" href="#note_711"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">711</span></span></a> Many of his actions were evidently +prompted by the wish of utterly eradicating the peculiarities +of the Doric race, which were closely connected +with an aristocratic spirit. For this reason he +abolished the public tables, and prohibited the ancient +education.<a id="noteref_712" name="noteref_712" href="#note_712"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">712</span></span></a> He awed the people by his +military splendour, and maintained triremes on both coasts of the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page183">[pg 183]</span><a name="Pg183" id="Pg183" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Isthmus;<a id="noteref_713" name="noteref_713" href="#note_713"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">713</span></span></a> his person he protected by three +hundred body-guards.<a id="noteref_714" name="noteref_714" href="#note_714"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">714</span></span></a> To maintain the city at peace, and to +avoid all violent commotions, was a principle, on the +observance of which the security of his dominion depended, +and upon which a complete system of regulations +was founded. With this view he abolished a +criminal court<a id="noteref_715" name="noteref_715" href="#note_715"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">715</span></span></a> for the condemnation of such as wasted +their patrimony, inasmuch as persons in this situation +were likely to become innovators. He interdicted +immoderate luxury, and an extravagant number of +slaves. Idleness he considered as especially dangerous. +So little true did he remain to the democratic +principles of his father, that he expelled the people +from the city;<a id="noteref_716" name="noteref_716" href="#note_716"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">716</span></span></a> and in order the more readily to +accustom them to agricultural and mechanical labour, only permitted +them to wear the dress of peasants.<a id="noteref_717" name="noteref_717" href="#note_717"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">717</span></span></a> +His own expenses were trifling, and therefore he required +no other taxes than harbour-dues and market-tolls. +He also avoided, where his projects did not +require it, all violence and open injustice; and was even +at times so strict a maintainer of public morality, that +the numerous procuresses of the luxurious Corinth +were by his orders thrown into the sea;<a id="noteref_718" name="noteref_718" href="#note_718"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">718</span></span></a> the hospitable +damsels of Aphrodite<a id="noteref_719" name="noteref_719" href="#note_719"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">719</span></span></a> +being protected by religion. +He, as well as his father, made the construction of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page184">[pg 184]</span><a name="Pg184" id="Pg184" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +splendid monuments of art<a id="noteref_720" name="noteref_720" href="#note_720"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">720</span></span></a> a means of taxing the +property of the rich, and of employing the body of the +people; though indeed his own refined taste took +pleasure in such works. And in general, if considered +in reference to the cultivation of taste and intellect, +and the interests of agriculture and trade, the age of +the tyrants was productive of a very great advancement +in the Grecian states. The unpliant disposition, +strict in the observance of all ancient customs and +usages, was then first bent and subdued, and more +liberal and extended views became prevalent. The +tyrants were frequently in intimate connexion with the +inhabitants of Asia Minor, whom Sparta despised for +their luxury and effeminacy; and from the Lydian +sultan in his harem at Sardes, a chain of communication, +most important in its consequences, was established +through the princes of Miletus and Samos +with the countries in the immediate neighbourhood of +Sparta. Periander was in correspondence not only +with Thrasybulus, but also with Halyattes, the king of +Lydia, and sent to the latter prince some Corcyræan youths to be +castrated according to the oriental custom.<a id="noteref_721" name="noteref_721" href="#note_721"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">721</span></span></a> +The names of his kinsmen, Psammetichus and +Gordias, the latter Phrygian, the former Egyptian, are +proofs of an hospitable intercourse with those countries. +On the other side of Greece, the policy of the Cypselidæ +led them to attempt the occupation of the coast +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page185">[pg 185]</span><a name="Pg185" id="Pg185" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the Ionian sea as far as Illyria, and to establish a +connexion with the barbarous nations of the interior.<a id="noteref_722" name="noteref_722" href="#note_722"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">722</span></span></a> +Periander was of a daring and comprehensive spirit, +and rivalled by few of his contemporaries, bold in the +field, politic in council, though misled by continual +distrust to undertake unworthy measures, and having +too little regard for the good of the people when it interfered +with his own designs; a friend of the arts, of +an enlightened mind, but at the same time overcome +by the strength of his passions; and, although devoid +of awe for all sacred things, yet at times a prey to the +most grovelling superstition. After the death of Periander, +Psammetichus<a id="noteref_723" name="noteref_723" href="#note_723"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">723</span></span></a> the son of Gordias, of the same +family, succeeded to the sovereignty, but only reigned +three years, having been, without doubt, overthrown by +the Spartans in Olymp. 49. 3. 582 B.C.<a id="noteref_724" name="noteref_724" href="#note_724"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">724</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page186">[pg 186]</span><a name="Pg186" id="Pg186" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. Periander was married to the fair Melissa, whose +beauty had captivated him in the house of her father, +the tyrant Procles, while she was distributing wine to the labourers +in a thin Doric dress.<a id="noteref_725" name="noteref_725" href="#note_725"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">725</span></span></a> Procles was +ruler of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Epidaurus</span></span> and the island of Ægina, which +were at that time still closely united; he himself was +related by marriage to the princes of Orchomenus, +and appears from this circumstance, and from his connexion +with the family of Cypselus, to belong to the +number of tyrants, who, being hostile to the Dorian +aristocracy, obtained their power by the assistance of +the lower ranks. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +And when we also add that Theagenes of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Megara</span></span>, +the father-in-law of Cylon the Athenian,<a id="noteref_726" name="noteref_726" href="#note_726"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">726</span></span></a> precisely +resembled the princes already mentioned in his +conduct (since he likewise obtained his power by attacking +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page187">[pg 187]</span><a name="Pg187" id="Pg187" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the rich landed proprietors, and had killed their +flocks upon the pastures of the river),<a id="noteref_727" name="noteref_727" href="#note_727"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">727</span></span></a> and that +like the others he endeavoured to please the people by +embellishing the city, by the construction of an aqueduct, +and of a beautiful fountain;<a id="noteref_728" name="noteref_728" href="#note_728"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">728</span></span></a> it is easy to perceive +in the dynasties of the Sicyonian, Corinthian, +Epidaurian, and Megarian tyrants, a powerful coalition +against the supremacy of the Dorians, and the +ancient principles of that race, the more powerful, as +they knew how to render subservient to their own +ends the opinions which had lately arisen; and it is a +matter of wonder that Sparta should have succeeded +in overthrowing this combination. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. If, indeed, it is also borne in mind that the Ionic, +as well as the Æolic and Doric<a id="noteref_729" name="noteref_729" href="#note_729"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">729</span></span></a> islands and cities of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page188">[pg 188]</span><a name="Pg188" id="Pg188" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Asia, and also Athens, together with Phocis, Thessaly, +and the colonies in Sicily and Italy, were all in +the hands of tyrants, who doubtless assisted one another, +and knew their common interest; and that +Sparta alone, in most instances at the instigation of +the Delphian oracle, declared against all these rulers +a lasting war, and in fact overthrew them all, with the +exception of the Sicilian tyrants; it must be confessed, +that in this period of Grecian history no contest took +place either greater, or, by its extent as well as its +principles, of more important political and moral consequences. +The following tyrants are stated by ancient +historians to have been deposed by the Spartans:<a id="noteref_730" name="noteref_730" href="#note_730"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">730</span></span></a> +the Cypselidæ of Corinth and Ambracia, the former +in Olymp. 49. 3. (584 B.C.), the latter probably +somewhat later; the Pisistratidæ of Athens, who were +allied with the Thessalians, in Olymp. 67. 3. (510 +B.C.);<a id="noteref_731" name="noteref_731" href="#note_731"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">731</span></span></a> +their adherent Lygdamis of Naxos,<a id="noteref_732" name="noteref_732" href="#note_732"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">732</span></span></a> probably +about the same time: Æschines of Sicyon, about the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page189">[pg 189]</span><a name="Pg189" id="Pg189" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +65th Olympiad<a id="noteref_733" name="noteref_733" href="#note_733"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">733</span></span></a> (520 B.C.); Symmachus of Thasos; +Aulis of Phocis; and Aristogenes of Miletus, of whom we know only +the names;<a id="noteref_734" name="noteref_734" href="#note_734"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">734</span></span></a> the larger number were +dethroned under the kings Anaxandridas and Ariston, +Cleomenes and Demaratus. Of these tyrants, some +they deposed by a military force, as the Pisistratidæ; +but frequently, as Plutarch says, they overthrew the +despotism without <span class="tei tei-q">“moving a shield,”</span> by despatching +a herald, whom all immediately obeyed, <span class="tei tei-q">“as, when the +queen bee appears, the rest arrange themselves in +order.”</span><a id="noteref_735" name="noteref_735" href="#note_735"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">735</span></span></a> In the time of Cleomenes also (525 B.C.) +Sparta sent out a great armament, together with Corinthian +and other allies, against Polycrates of Samos, +the first Doric expedition against Asia, not, as is evident +from the trivial reason stated by Herodotus, (viz. +in order to revenge the plunder of a cauldron and a +breastplate,) but with the intent of following up their +principle of deposing all tyrants.<a id="noteref_736" name="noteref_736" href="#note_736"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">736</span></span></a> But the besieging +of a fortified town, situated upon the sea, and at so +great a distance, was beyond the strength of Peloponnesus. +The last expedition of Sparta against the +tyrants falls after the Persian war, when king Leotychidas, +the conqueror at Mycale, was sent for the +purpose of ejecting the Aleuadæ of Thessaly, who had +delivered up the country to the Persians in 470 B.C. +or somewhat later. Aristomedes and Angelus were +actually dethroned, but the king suffering himself to +be bribed by others, the expedition did not completely +succeed.<a id="noteref_737" name="noteref_737" href="#note_737"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">737</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We may suppose with what pride the ambassador +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page190">[pg 190]</span><a name="Pg190" id="Pg190" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Sparta answered Gelon the tyrant of Syracuse +(however brilliant and beneficial his reign may have +been), when he required the command in the Persian +war: <span class="tei tei-q">“Truly the Pelopid Agamemnon would lament, +if he heard that the supremacy was taken from the +Spartans by Gelon and the Syracusans!”</span><a id="noteref_738" name="noteref_738" href="#note_738"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">738</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. To these important changes in the political history +of that time we may annex the subordinate events +in the interior of Peloponnesus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Sparta, by the conquest of Cynuria, had obtained +the key of the Argive territory. Soon after this, +Cleomenes, the eldest son of Anaxandridas the +Eurysthenid, succeeded to the throne, a man of great +boldness and strength of mind, sagacious, enterprising, +accustomed, after the manner of his age and country, +to express himself in a concise and emphatic language, +only too much inflated by family and personal pride, +and in disposition more nearly resembling his contemporaries +the tyrants than beseemed a king of +Sparta. The first exploit of this prince<a id="noteref_739" name="noteref_739" href="#note_739"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">739</span></span></a> was the expedition +against Argos. He landed in some vessels of +Sicyon and Ægina on the coast of Tiryns, overcame +the Argives at the wood of Argos,<a id="noteref_740" name="noteref_740" href="#note_740"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">740</span></span></a> slew the greater +part of the men able to bear arms, and would have +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page191">[pg 191]</span><a name="Pg191" id="Pg191" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +succeeded in capturing their city, had he not, from an +inconceivable superstition, dismissed the allied army +without making any further use of the victory, and +contented himself with sacrificing in the temple of +Here.<a id="noteref_741" name="noteref_741" href="#note_741"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">741</span></span></a> At the same time Argos, in consequence of +this defeat, remained for a long time crippled, and it +was even necessary that a complete change in her +political condition should take place, in order to renovate +the feeble and disordered state into which she had +fallen. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" id="Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. For after the bond-slaves or +<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">gymnesii</span></span><a id="noteref_742" name="noteref_742" href="#note_742"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">742</span></span></a> of Argos +had for a time governed the state thus deprived of its +free inhabitants, until the young men who had in the +mean time arisen to manhood overcame and expelled +them, the Argives, as Aristotle<a id="noteref_743" name="noteref_743" href="#note_743"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">743</span></span></a> relates, saw themselves +compelled, in order to restore the numbers of +their free population, to collect about them the surrounding +subjects of their city, the Periœci, and to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page192">[pg 192]</span><a name="Pg192" id="Pg192" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +distribute them in the immediate neighbourhood.<a id="noteref_744" name="noteref_744" href="#note_744"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">744</span></span></a> +The completion of this plan took place one generation +after the fatal battle with Cleomenes, at the time of +the Persian war, in which Argos, whose attention was +wholly occupied with strengthening her affairs at +home, took no part. At that time the Argives, in +order to increase their own numbers, dispeopled nearly +all the large cities in the surrounding country, and +transplanted the inhabitants to Argos;<a id="noteref_745" name="noteref_745" href="#note_745"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">745</span></span></a> +particularly Tiryns, Mycenæ, Hyseæ, Orneæ, and +Midea.<a id="noteref_746" name="noteref_746" href="#note_746"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">746</span></span></a> Tiryns +and Mycenæ were in the time of the Persian war free, +and even independent communities, which followed +the command of Sparta without the consent of Argos; +the latter town indeed contested with Argos the right +to the administration of the temple of Here, and the +presidency at the Nemean games.<a id="noteref_747" name="noteref_747" href="#note_747"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">747</span></span></a> The destruction +of their city, which the Argives undertook in concert +with the Cleonæans and Tegeates,<a id="noteref_748" name="noteref_748" href="#note_748"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">748</span></span></a> was effected in the +year 464 B.C. (Olymp. 79. 1). But of the Mycenæans, +a few only followed the Argives, as the larger +number either took refuge at Cleonæ (which city was +at that time independent, and had for some time the +management of the Nemean +games)<a id="noteref_749" name="noteref_749" href="#note_749"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">749</span></span></a>, at Ceryneia in +Achaia, and even in Macedonia.<a id="noteref_750" name="noteref_750" href="#note_750"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">750</span></span></a> Of the Tirynthians +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page193">[pg 193]</span><a name="Pg193" id="Pg193" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +also some fled to Epidaurus, and some to Halieis in +the territory of the Dryopians, in which place the +expelled Hermioneans also found an asylum.<a id="noteref_751" name="noteref_751" href="#note_751"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">751</span></span></a> For +Hermione, which Herodotus during the time of the +Persian war considers as a Dryopian city,<a id="noteref_752" name="noteref_752" href="#note_752"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">752</span></span></a> was subsequently +taken by the Argives.<a id="noteref_753" name="noteref_753" href="#note_753"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">753</span></span></a> The other cities +which have been mentioned, had however, as we know +of Orneæ and also Hysiæ, previously belonged to +Periœci, being subjects of Argos, and were only then incorporated +for the purpose of enlarging the metropolis.<a id="noteref_754" name="noteref_754" href="#note_754"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">754</span></span></a> +The Argives, by these arbitrary proceedings, +secured themselves as well against external foes as +against their former enemies the bond-slaves, and also +acquired a large number of laborious and industrious +inhabitants, who, by the continuance of peace, soon +re-established the prosperity and wealth of Argos.<a id="noteref_755" name="noteref_755" href="#note_755"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">755</span></span></a> +The oracle has well marked out the principles which +were then expedient for the welfare of that state, when +it recommended it, as <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the enemy of its neighbours, +and friend of the gods, to draw in its arms, and +</span><span class="tei tei-pb" id="page194">[pg 194]</span><a name="Pg194" id="Pg194" class="tei tei-anchor"></a><span style="font-style: italic"> +remain in watchful quiet, guarding its head; for +that the head would save the body</span></em>.”</span><a id="noteref_756" name="noteref_756" href="#note_756"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">756</span></span></a> +At the same time, however, by these proceedings, a complete change +in the constitution was brought about, and Argos, as +we shall see hereafter, gradually lost the peculiar +features of the Doric character. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The other actions of Cleomenes of which we have +any knowledge refer to the political changes at Athens, +and could only be connectedly related in a history of +the Athenian constitution, or in reference to the events +in Ægina, which we have narrated elsewhere. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. It is remarkable that during this whole time, +in which Sparta founded her empire, we read of no +serious contest between Dorians and Ionians. For +although the border-states, Megara and Ægina (the +latter after its revolt from Epidaurus), carried on a +continued war with Athens, the whole race took no +part in the contest, and Sparta herself fulfilled the +office of an impartial arbitrator between Athens and +Megara. Even before the time of Solon, the Athenians and +Megarians fought in the territory of Eleusis.<a id="noteref_757" name="noteref_757" href="#note_757"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">757</span></span></a> +The chief struggle was for the island of Salamis, +which Solon is supposed to have gained by the well +known stratagem,<a id="noteref_758" name="noteref_758" href="#note_758"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">758</span></span></a> a fact however which was denied by +Daimachus of Platæa.<a id="noteref_759" name="noteref_759" href="#note_759"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">759</span></span></a> According to the Megarian +account, some refugees from their own city (named Δορύκλειοι) +betrayed the island to the Athenians.<a id="noteref_760" name="noteref_760" href="#note_760"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">760</span></span></a> +So much is certain, that five Spartan arbitrators +(Critolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page195">[pg 195]</span><a name="Pg195" id="Pg195" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and Cleomenes), in obedience to ancient traditions and +fables respecting the original owners of Salamis, adjudged +the possession of Salamis to the Athenians. +Yet in the troubles which succeeded the banishment +of Megacles, this island was again lost, as well as the +harbour Nisæa, which had been before conquered.<a id="noteref_761" name="noteref_761" href="#note_761"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">761</span></span></a> +They soon however regained it, and Megara appears +from that time forth to have given up all hopes of recovery: +as in this age the power of Athens increased +so rapidly, that Megara could no longer think of renewing +her ancient contests. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Since it is not my object to give a continuous and +general narration of facts, but only to extract what is +most instructive for the condition of the Doric race, I +shall not carry on the history of the Dorians out of +Peloponnesus to a lower point, as their local connexions +would lead us far astray into other regions. +For the same reason I will only touch upon a few events +of the Persian wars, confining myself to the internal +affairs of Peloponnesus during that period, among +which the supremacy of Sparta is the most important +and remarkable. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page196">[pg 196]</span><a name="Pg196" id="Pg196" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc25" id="toc25"></a> +<a name="pdf26" id="pdf26"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IX.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Sparta the head of the Peloponnesian confederacy. Its +members and their order of precedence. § 2. Mode in which +the supremacy of Sparta was exercised. § 3. Congress of the +confederacy. § 4. Non-interference of the confederacy with +the internal affairs of the confederate States. § 5. Sparta the +head of the confederacy by general acknowledgment. § 6. Hellenic +league during the Peloponnesian war. § 7. Sparta withdraws +from the command of the Allied Army. § 8. Ionia +never completely liberated by Athens from the power of Persia. +§ 9. War between Sparta and Arcadia. § 10. Revolt of the +Helots; third Messenian war. § 11. Dissolution of the alliance +between Sparta and Athens. Battles of Tanagra and Œnophyta. +Five years' truce. Thirty years' truce. § 12. Origin of +the Peloponnesian war. § 13. Opposite principles of the contending +parties in the Peloponnesian war. § 14. Its influence +upon Sparta. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_IX_Section_1" id="Book_I_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. Sparta, by the conquest of Messenia and Tegea, +had obtained the first rank in Peloponnesus, which +character she confirmed by the expulsion of the tyrants, +and the overthrow of Argos. From about the year +580 B.C. she acted as the recognised commander, +not only of Peloponnesus, but of the whole Greek +name. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">confederacy</span></span> itself however was formed +by the inhabitants of that peninsula alone, on fixed and +regular laws; whereas the other Greeks only annexed +themselves to it temporarily. The order of precedence +observed by the members of this league may be taken +from the inscription on the footstool of the statue of +Zeus, which was dedicated at Olympia after the +Persian war, the Ionians, who were only allied for a +time, being omitted.<a id="noteref_762" name="noteref_762" href="#note_762"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">762</span></span></a> It is as follows: Lacedæmon, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page197">[pg 197]</span><a name="Pg197" id="Pg197" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Corinth, Sicyon, Ægina, Megara, Epidaurus,<a id="noteref_763" name="noteref_763" href="#note_763"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">763</span></span></a> Tegea, +Orchomenus, Phlius, Trœzen, Hermione, Tiryns, +Mycenæ, Lepreum, and Elis; which state was contented +with the last place, on account of the small +share which it had taken in the war. The defenders of the +Isthmus are enumerated in the following order;<a id="noteref_764" name="noteref_764" href="#note_764"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">764</span></span></a> +Lacedæmonians, Arcadians, Eleans, Corinthians, Sicyonians, +Epidaurians, Phliasians, Trœzenians, and +Hermionians, nearly agreeing with the other list, only +that the Arcadians, having been present with their +whole force, and also the Eleans, occupy an earlier +place; and the Megarians and Æginetans are omitted, +as having had no share in the defence. This regular +order of precedence is alone a proof of a firm union. +The Tegeates, since they had joined the side of Lacedæmon, +enjoyed several privileges, and especially the place of honour +at the left wing of the allied army.<a id="noteref_765" name="noteref_765" href="#note_765"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">765</span></span></a> +Argos remained excluded from the nations of Peloponnesus, +as it never would submit to the command of +Sparta; the Achæans, indifferent to external affairs, +only joined themselves momentarily to the alliance:<a id="noteref_766" name="noteref_766" href="#note_766"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">766</span></span></a> +but the Mantineans, though latterly they followed the +policy of Argos,<a id="noteref_767" name="noteref_767" href="#note_767"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">767</span></span></a> were long attached to the +Peloponnesian league; for at the end of the Persian war they +sent an army, which arrived too late for the battle of +Platæa;<a id="noteref_768" name="noteref_768" href="#note_768"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">768</span></span></a> having before, together with the other +Arcadians, helped to defend the Isthmus;<a id="noteref_769" name="noteref_769" href="#note_769"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">769</span></span></a> they +had also been engaged in the first days of the action at +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page198">[pg 198]</span><a name="Pg198" id="Pg198" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Thermopylae;<a id="noteref_770" name="noteref_770" href="#note_770"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">770</span></span></a> and they were at this time still +the faithful allies of the Lacedæmonians.<a id="noteref_771" name="noteref_771" href="#note_771"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">771</span></span></a> Their subsequent +defection from Sparta may be attributed partly +to their endeavours to obtain the dominion of Parrhasia, +which was protected by Lacedæmon;<a id="noteref_772" name="noteref_772" href="#note_772"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">772</span></span></a> to their +hostility with Tegea,<a id="noteref_773" name="noteref_773" href="#note_773"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">773</span></span></a> which remained true to Sparta +after the great war with Arcadia, which began about 470 +B.C. and to the strengthening of their city (συνοικισμὸς), +and the establishment of a democratic government, +through the influence of Argos.<a id="noteref_774" name="noteref_774" href="#note_774"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">774</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. The supremacy of Sparta<a id="noteref_775" name="noteref_775" href="#note_775"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">775</span></span></a> was exercised in the +expeditions of the whole confederacy, and in transactions +of the same nature. In the first, a Spartan king—after +it had been thought proper never to send out +two together—was commander-in-chief, in whose +powers there were many remains of the authority of +the ancient Homeric princes. Occasionally, however, +Sparta was compelled to give up her privilege to other +commanders, especially at sea, as, for instance, the +fleet at Salamis to Eurybiades. When any expedition +was contemplated, the Spartans sent round to the confederate +states,<a id="noteref_776" name="noteref_776" href="#note_776"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">776</span></span></a> to desire them to have men and stores +in readiness.<a id="noteref_777" name="noteref_777" href="#note_777"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">777</span></span></a> The highest amount which each state +could be called on to supply was fixed once for all, and +it was only on each particular occasion to be determined +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page199">[pg 199]</span><a name="Pg199" id="Pg199" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +what part of that was required.<a id="noteref_778" name="noteref_778" href="#note_778"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">778</span></span></a> In like +manner, the supplies in money and stores were regularly +appointed;<a id="noteref_779" name="noteref_779" href="#note_779"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">779</span></span></a> so that an army, with all its equipment, +could be collected by a simple summons. But +agricultural labour, festivals, and the natural slowness +of the Doric race, often very much retarded the assembling +of this army. The contributions, chiefly +perhaps voluntary, both of states and individuals, were +registered on stone: and there is still extant an inscription +found at Tegea, in which the war supplies of the +Ephesians, Melians, &c, in money and in corn, are +recorded.<a id="noteref_780" name="noteref_780" href="#note_780"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">780</span></span></a> But the Lacedæmonians never exacted +from the Peloponnesian confederacy a regular annual +contribution, independent of circumstances; which +would have been in fact a tribute: a measure of this +kind being once proposed to king Archidamus, he +answered, <span class="tei tei-q">“that war did not consume according to +rule.<a id="noteref_781" name="noteref_781" href="#note_781"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">781</span></span></a>”</span> Pericles, however, properly considers it as a +disadvantage to the Peloponnesians that they had no +paid troops, and that neither in common nor in the +several states they had amassed any treasure.<a id="noteref_782" name="noteref_782" href="#note_782"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">782</span></span></a> The +object of an expedition was publicly declared: occasionally +however, when secrecy was required, it was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page200">[pg 200]</span><a name="Pg200" id="Pg200" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +known neither to the states nor to their army.<a id="noteref_783" name="noteref_783" href="#note_783"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">783</span></span></a> The +single allied states, if necessity demanded it, could also +immediately summon the army of the others;<a id="noteref_784" name="noteref_784" href="#note_784"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">784</span></span></a> but it +is not clear to what extent this call was binding upon +them. The Spartan military constitution, which we +will explain hereafter, extended to the whole allied +army; but it was doubtless variously combined with +the tactics of the several nations.<a id="noteref_785" name="noteref_785" href="#note_785"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">785</span></span></a> To the council of +war, which moreover only debated, and did not decide, +the Spartan king summoned the leaders of the several +states, together with other commanders, and generally +the most distinguished persons in the army.<a id="noteref_786" name="noteref_786" href="#note_786"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">786</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. According to the constitution of the Peloponnesian +league, every common action, such as a declaration +of war, or the conclusion of a peace or treaty, was +agreed on at a congress of the confederates. But, as +there was no regular assembly of this kind, the several +states sent envoys (ἄγγελοι), like the deputies (πρόβουλοι) +of the Ionians, who generally remained together +only for a short time.<a id="noteref_787" name="noteref_787" href="#note_787"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">787</span></span></a> All the members had +legally equal votes;<a id="noteref_788" name="noteref_788" href="#note_788"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">788</span></span></a> and the majority sometimes decided +against a strong opposition;<a id="noteref_789" name="noteref_789" href="#note_789"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">789</span></span></a> Sparta was often +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page201">[pg 201]</span><a name="Pg201" id="Pg201" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +outvoted, Corinth being at all times willing to raise an +opposition.<a id="noteref_790" name="noteref_790" href="#note_790"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">790</span></span></a> We have however little information +respecting the exact state of the confederacy; it is +probable indeed, from the aristocratic feelings of the +Peloponnesians, that, upon the whole, authority had +more weight than numbers; and for great undertakings, +such as the Peloponnesian war, the assent of the +chief state was necessary, in addition to the agreement +of the other confederates.<a id="noteref_791" name="noteref_791" href="#note_791"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">791</span></span></a> When the congress was +summoned to Sparta, the envoys often treated with a +public assembly (ἔκκλητοι)<a id="noteref_792" name="noteref_792" href="#note_792"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">792</span></span></a> of the Spartans; although +they naturally withdrew during the division. Of these +envoys, besides Sosicles the Corinthian, we also know +the name of Chileus of Tegea, who prevailed upon the +ephors, after a long delay, to send the army to Platæa, +and who did much to allay the differences existing +between the members of the then numerous confederacy.<a id="noteref_793" name="noteref_793" href="#note_793"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">793</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. But upon the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">internal</span></em> affairs, laws, and institutions +of the allied states, the confederacy had legally +no influence. It was a fundamental law that +every state (πόλις) should, according to its ancient +customs (καττὰ πάτρια), be independent and sovereign +(αὐτόνομος καὶ αὐτόπολις);<a id="noteref_794" name="noteref_794" href="#note_794"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">794</span></span></a> and it is much to the +credit of Sparta, that, so long as the league was in +existence, she never, not even when a favourable +opportunity offered, deprived any Peloponnesian state +of this independence. Nor were disputes between +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page202">[pg 202]</span><a name="Pg202" id="Pg202" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +individual states brought before the congress of the +allies, which, on account of the preponderance of +Sparta, would have endangered their liberty; but they +were commonly either referred to the Delphian oracle, or to arbitrators +chosen by both states.<a id="noteref_795" name="noteref_795" href="#note_795"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">795</span></span></a> When Elis +claimed an ancient tribute from Lepreum, both states +agreed to make Sparta their arbitrator by a special +reference. In this character Sparta declared that +Lepreum, being an independent member of the confederacy, +was not bound to pay the tribute: and Elis +acted unjustly in refusing to abide by her agreement, +on the plea that she had not expected the decision.<a id="noteref_796" name="noteref_796" href="#note_796"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">796</span></span></a> +For disputes between citizens of different states there +was an entirely free and equal intercourse of justice +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">commercium juris dandi repetendique</span></span>).<a id="noteref_797" name="noteref_797" href="#note_797"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">797</span></span></a> The jurisdiction +of the states was also absolutely exempt from +foreign interference (αὐτόδικοι).<a id="noteref_798" name="noteref_798" href="#note_798"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">798</span></span></a> These are the chief +features of the constitution of the Peloponnesian confederacy; +the only one which in the flourishing times +of Greece combined extensive powers with justice, and +a respect for the independence of its weaker members. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. Sparta had not become the head of this league +by agreement, and still less by usurpation; but by tacit +acknowledgment she was the leader, not only of this, +but of the whole of Greece; and she acted as such in +all foreign relations from about the year 580 B.C. +Her alliance was courted by Crœsus: and the Ionians, +when pressed by Cyrus, had recourse to the Spartans, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page203">[pg 203]</span><a name="Pg203" id="Pg203" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +who, with an amusing ignorance of the state of affairs +beyond the sea, thought to terrify the king of Persia +by the threat of hostilities. It is a remarkable fact, +that there were at that time Scythian envoys in Sparta, +with whom a great plan of operations against Persia +is said to have been concerted; which it is not easy to +believe.<a id="noteref_799" name="noteref_799" href="#note_799"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">799</span></span></a> In the year 520 B.C. the Platæans put +themselves under the protection of Cleomenes,<a id="noteref_800" name="noteref_800" href="#note_800"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">800</span></span></a> who +referred them to Athens; a herald from Sparta drove +the Alcmæonidæ from their city:<a id="noteref_801" name="noteref_801" href="#note_801"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">801</span></span></a> afterwards Aristagoras +sought from the protector of Greece<a id="noteref_802" name="noteref_802" href="#note_802"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">802</span></span></a> aid against +the national enemy: and when the Æginetans gave the +Persians earth and water, the Athenians accused them +of treachery before the Spartans: and lastly, during +the Persian war, Greece found in the high character +of that state the only means of effecting the union so +necessary for her safety and success.<a id="noteref_803" name="noteref_803" href="#note_803"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">803</span></span></a> +</p> + + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. In this war a new confederacy was formed, +which was extended beyond Peloponnesus; the community +of danger and of victory having, besides a +momentary combination, also produced an union destined +for some duration. It was the assembly of this +league—a fixed congress at Corinth during, and at +Sparta after, the war—that settled the internal differences +of Greece, that invited Argos, Corcyra, and +Gelon to join the league, and afterwards called upon +Themistocles to answer for his proceedings.<a id="noteref_804" name="noteref_804" href="#note_804"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">804</span></span></a> So much +it did for the present emergency. But at the same +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page204">[pg 204]</span><a name="Pg204" id="Pg204" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +time Pausanias, the regent of Sparta, after the great +victory of Platæa (at which, according to Æschylus, +the power of Persia fell by the Doric spear),<a id="noteref_805" name="noteref_805" href="#note_805"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">805</span></span></a> +prevailed upon the allies to conclude a further treaty. Under the +auspices of the gods of the confederacy, particularly +of the Eleutherian (or Grecian) Zeus, they pledged +themselves mutually to maintain the independence of +all states, and to many other conditions, of which the +memory has been lost. To the Platæans in particular +security from danger was promised.<a id="noteref_806" name="noteref_806" href="#note_806"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">806</span></span></a> +The Ionians also, after the battle of Mycale, were received into this +confederacy.<a id="noteref_807" name="noteref_807" href="#note_807"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">807</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. The splendid victories over the Persians had for +some time taken Sparta, which was fitted for a quiet +and passive existence, out of her natural sphere; and +her king Pausanias had wished to betray his country +for the glitter of an Asiatic prince. But this state +soon perceived her true interest, and sent no more +commanders to Asia, <span class="tei tei-q">“that her generals might not be +made worse:”</span> she likewise decided to avoid any +further war with the Persians, thinking that Athens +was better fitted to carry it on than herself.<a id="noteref_808" name="noteref_808" href="#note_808"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">808</span></span></a> +The decision of the Spartans was doubtless influenced by the +defection of the Ionians from Pausanias, and their +refusal to obey Dorcis, whom the Spartans had sent +with a small body of men in his place. Nevertheless, +the chief motives which determined them must have +lain deeper; for without the Greeks of Asia Minor, +they could, by the assistance of the naval powers of +Peloponnesus, Corinth, Ægina, &c, have continued a +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page205">[pg 205]</span><a name="Pg205" id="Pg205" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +war which promised more gain and plunder than +trouble and danger. If the speech were now extant in +which Hetoëmaridas the Heraclid proved to the councillors +that it was not expedient for Sparta to aim at +the mastery of the sea,<a id="noteref_809" name="noteref_809" href="#note_809"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">809</span></span></a> we should doubtless +possess a profound view, on the Spartan side, of those things +which we are now accustomed to look on with Athenian +eyes. Nor is it true that the supremacy over the +Greeks was in fact transferred at all from Sparta to +Athens, if we consider the matter as Sparta considered +it, however great the influence of this change may have +been on the power of Athens. But Sparta continued +to hold her pre-eminence in Peloponnesus, and most +of the nations of the mother-country joined themselves +to her: while none but the Greeks of Asia Minor and +the islands, who had previously been subjects of Persia, +and were then only partially liberated, perhaps too +much despised by Sparta, put themselves under the +command of Athens.<a id="noteref_810" name="noteref_810" href="#note_810"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">810</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. But the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">complete</span></em> liberation of Asia Minor from +the Persian yoke, which has been considered one of the +chief exploits of Athens, was in fact never effected. +Without entering into the discussion respecting the +problematical treaty of Cimon,<a id="noteref_811" name="noteref_811" href="#note_811"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">811</span></span></a> we will merely seek +to ascertain the actual state of the Asiatic Greeks at +this period. Herodotus states, that Artaphernes, the +satrap at Sardes under Darius, fixed the tribute to be +paid by the Ionians as it remained until the time of the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page206">[pg 206]</span><a name="Pg206" id="Pg206" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +writer,<a id="noteref_812" name="noteref_812" href="#note_812"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">812</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> about the end of the Peloponnesian war. +It is evident that this was a tribute to be paid to the +king of Persia: the exactions of the Athenians were +clearly not regulated by any Persian register of property. +Again, in the nineteenth year of the war, +Tissaphernes sought for assistance against Athens, that +he might be able to pay to the king of Persia the tribute +due from the Grecian maritime towns, which the +Athenians had prevented him from collecting.<a id="noteref_813" name="noteref_813" href="#note_813"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">813</span></span></a> From +this it is plain that the shah of Susa was ignorant that +the majority of those cities had for more than sixty +years paid to the Athenians and not to him, and attributed +the arrears only to the negligence of his viceroys. +I say only the majority; for the Athenians had been +far from completing the glorious work of the great +Cimon; and after the war-contributions had become +a most oppressive tribute, these cities might not themselves +be very desirous to change their master. Hence +Themistocles, as a vassal of Persia, possessed undisturbed, +at the accession of Artaxerxes, the beautiful +towns of Magnesia on the Mæander, Lampsacus, +Myus, Percote, and ancient Scepsis.<a id="noteref_814" name="noteref_814" href="#note_814"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">814</span></span></a> At a still later +period the descendants of king Demaratus, Eurysthenes, +and Procles, ruled by the same title over Halisarna +in Mysia.<a id="noteref_815" name="noteref_815" href="#note_815"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">815</span></span></a> The neighbouring towns of Gambrium, +Palægambrium, Myrina, and Grynium had +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page207">[pg 207]</span><a name="Pg207" id="Pg207" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +been given by Darius to Gongylus, and his descendants +still dwelt there after the Peloponnesian war.<a id="noteref_816" name="noteref_816" href="#note_816"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">816</span></span></a> +When Athens unjustly expelled the Delians from +their island, they found a place of refuge at Adramytteum, +on the coast of Æolis, which was granted them +by the satrap Pharnaces.<a id="noteref_817" name="noteref_817" href="#note_817"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">817</span></span></a> Thus the Athenian empire +did not prevent the vassals and subjects of the king of +Persia from ruling over the Greeks of Asia Minor, +even down to the very coast. We need not go any +further to prove the entire falsehood of the account commonly +given by the panegyrical rhetoricians of Athens. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_I_Chapter_IX_Section_9" id="Book_I_Chapter_IX_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +9. Peloponnesus took the less concern in these +proceedings, as internal differences had arisen from +some unknown cause, which led to an open war between +Sparta and Arcadia. We only know, that, +between the battle of Platæa (in which Tegea, as also +later still, showed great fidelity towards Sparta) and +the war with the Helots (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> between 479 and 465 +B.C.), the Lacedæmonians fought two great battles, +the one against the Tegeates and Argives at Tegea, +the other against all the Arcadians, with the exception +of the Mantineans, at Dipæa in the Mænalian territory. +Tisamenus, an Elean, of the family of the +Iamidæ, was in both battles in the Spartan army; and +in both Sparta was victorious.<a id="noteref_818" name="noteref_818" href="#note_818"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">818</span></span></a> Yet, in an epigram +of Simonides, the valour of the Tegeates is praised, +who by their death had saved their city from destruction;<a id="noteref_819" name="noteref_819" href="#note_819"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">819</span></span></a> probably after the loss of the first battle. As +we find that Argos had a share in this war,<a id="noteref_820" name="noteref_820" href="#note_820"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">820</span></span></a> it is possible +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page208">[pg 208]</span><a name="Pg208" id="Pg208" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +that the views of that state were directed against +the ascendancy of Sparta; perhaps also the independence +of the Mænalians, Parrhasians, &c. had been, +as was so often the case, attacked by the more powerful +states of Arcadia, and was defended by the head of +the Peloponnesian confederacy. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. This war had not been brought to a termination, +when, in the year 465 B.C., in the reign of +Archidamus<a id="noteref_821" name="noteref_821" href="#note_821"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">821</span></span></a> and Pleistoanax, a tremendous earthquake +(which is said to have been predicted by Anaximander<a id="noteref_822" name="noteref_822" href="#note_822"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">822</span></span></a>) +destroyed Sparta, and a sudden ruin threatened +to overwhelm the state of Greece. For, in the +hope of utterly annihilating their rulers, many Helots +(perhaps doubly excited by the late outrage on the +suppliants at the altar of the Tænarian god),<a id="noteref_823" name="noteref_823" href="#note_823"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">823</span></span></a> especially +the ancient inhabitants of Messenia, and two +cities of the Periœci, revolted from Sparta; these +rebels were all named Messenians, and the war was +called the third Messenian war.<a id="noteref_824" name="noteref_824" href="#note_824"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">824</span></span></a> The circumstances +of this terrible contest are almost unknown to us; and +we can only collect the few fragments extant of its +history. Aëimnestus the Spartan, who had killed +Mardonius, fought with 300 men at Stenyclarus +against a body of Messenians, and was slain with all +his men.<a id="noteref_825" name="noteref_825" href="#note_825"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">825</span></span></a> This was followed by a great battle with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page209">[pg 209]</span><a name="Pg209" id="Pg209" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the same enemy at Ithome,<a id="noteref_826" name="noteref_826" href="#note_826"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">826</span></span></a> in which the Spartans +were victorious. Most of the conquered Messenians +then intrenched themselves on the steep summit of +Ithome, which was even then sacred to Zeus Ithomatas; +and they probably restored the ancient walls +and defences which had fallen down. Upon this the +Lacedæmonians, foreseeing a tedious siege, called in +the aid of their allies; and this call was answered +among others by the Æginetans,<a id="noteref_827" name="noteref_827" href="#note_827"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">827</span></span></a> the Mantineans,<a id="noteref_828" name="noteref_828" href="#note_828"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">828</span></span></a> +the Platæans,<a id="noteref_829" name="noteref_829" href="#note_829"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">829</span></span></a> +and the Athenians, who, at the request +of the Spartan envoy Periclides, sent 4000 hoplites<a id="noteref_830" name="noteref_830" href="#note_830"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">830</span></span></a> +under the command of Cimon; the Spartans, however, +dismissed them before the fortress was taken, in which +they expected to be aided by the superiority of the +Athenians in the art of besieging, not without showing +their suspicion of the innovating spirit of their ally.<a id="noteref_831" name="noteref_831" href="#note_831"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">831</span></span></a> +In the tenth year of the siege, 455 B.C., Ithome surrendered +on terms; and the Messenians, together with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page210">[pg 210]</span><a name="Pg210" id="Pg210" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +their wives and children, quitted Peloponnesus, under +a promise of never again entering it. It appears that +the war between Lacedæmon and Arcadia was concluded +upon conditions, of which one was, that no person +should be put to death for the sake of the Lacedæmonian +party at Tegea; and another, that Sparta +was to expel the Messenians from the country, but +not kill them—which were inscribed on a pillar on +the banks of the Alpheus.<a id="noteref_832" name="noteref_832" href="#note_832"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">832</span></span></a> The Athenians, however, +gave the fugitives the town of Naupactus, which they +had shortly before conquered, and which was conveniently +situated for tempting them, against their promise, +to make inroads and forays in Peloponnesus. +The Messenians still continued, in the Peloponnesian +war, to be distinguished from the neighbouring people +by their Doric dialect.<a id="noteref_833" name="noteref_833" href="#note_833"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">833</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +11. Immediately after the dismission of the Athenians +from Ithome, the people of Athens, in order to +resent the affront, annulled the alliance with Sparta, +which had subsisted since the Persian war;<a id="noteref_834" name="noteref_834" href="#note_834"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">834</span></span></a> entered +into a treaty with Argos, the enemy of Sparta, and +also with the Thessalians; and even joined to itself +Megara, which was dependent on its commercial intercourse. +Then followed the war with the maritime +towns of Argolis, in which Athens, after many reverses, +at length succeeded in destroying the fleet of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page211">[pg 211]</span><a name="Pg211" id="Pg211" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Ægina, and subjugating that island (457 B.C.).<a id="noteref_835" name="noteref_835" href="#note_835"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">835</span></span></a> +Sparta was compelled to be a quiet spectator of the +subjection of so important a member of her confederacy, +as she was still occupied with the siege of Ithome, +and in the same year had sent out an army to liberate +her mother country, Doris, from the yoke of the Phocians. +But when, after the execution of this object, +the Spartans were hastening back to Peloponnesus, +they were compelled to force their passage home by +the battle of Tanagra, which, with the assistance of +the Thebans, they gained over an army composed of +Athenians, Ionians, Argives, and Thessalians. This +aid was afforded to them on the condition that they +would help the Thebans to regain their supremacy in +Bœotia, which the Thebans had lost by their defection +from the Grecian cause in the Persian war.<a id="noteref_836" name="noteref_836" href="#note_836"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">836</span></span></a> Sparta, +however, after so decisive a victory, concluded a four +months' armistice with Athens, during which that +state conquered the Thebans at Œnophyta, finished +the blockade of Ægina, subdued all Bœotia with the +exception of Thebes, and Phocis, and extended its +democratical constitution, which after the battle of +Tanagra was nearly threatened with destruction,<a id="noteref_837" name="noteref_837" href="#note_837"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">837</span></span></a> even +to the city of Thebes. The inactivity of Sparta during +these astonishing successes of her enemy (for when +she concluded the armistice with Athens she must +have partly foreseen its consequences) seems to prove +that she was entirely occupied with the final capture +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page212">[pg 212]</span><a name="Pg212" id="Pg212" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Ithome, and the settlement of her interests in +Arcadia.<a id="noteref_838" name="noteref_838" href="#note_838"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">838</span></span></a> +But that the war, which was now renewed +by Athens, nevertheless extended to the whole Peloponnesian +league, is shown by the connected attacks +of Tolmides on the Spartan harbour Gytheium, and +the cities of Sicyon and Corinth, and also by the expedition +of Pericles in the Corinthian gulf. The five +years' truce in 451 B.C. was only an armistice between +Athens and the Peloponnesian confederacy, +which left Bœotia to shake off the Athenian yoke by +its own exertions. This was also the time of the +Sacred war, in which a Spartan and an Athenian +army, one coming after the other, the first gave the +management of the temple to the Delphians, and the +second, against all ancient right,<a id="noteref_839" name="noteref_839" href="#note_839"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">839</span></span></a> to the Phocians. +At the end of these five years Megara revolted from +the Athenians, and in consequence an invasion of Attica +by the Peloponnesians took place, which, though +it did not produce any immediate result, was soon followed +by the thirty years' truce, in which Athens +ceded her conquests in Megaris and Peloponnesus,<a id="noteref_840" name="noteref_840" href="#note_840"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">840</span></span></a> +and on the mainland returned within her ancient boundaries; +but she preserved the same power over her +other confederates. For when the Athenians soon +afterwards attacked the revolted island of Samos, the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page213">[pg 213]</span><a name="Pg213" id="Pg213" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Peloponnesians indeed debated whether they should +protect it, but the proposal of Corinth was adopted, +that Athens should be allowed to deal with her allies +as she pleased.<a id="noteref_841" name="noteref_841" href="#note_841"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">841</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +12. If now we consider the events which have been +briefly traced in the foregoing pages, it will be perceived, +that the principle on which the Lacedæmonians +constantly acted was one of self-defence, of restoring +what had been lost, or preserving what was threatened +with danger; whereas the Athenians were always +aiming at attack or conquest, or the change of existing +institutions. While the Spartans during this period, +even after the greatest victories, did not conquer a foot +of land, subjugate one independent state, or destroy +one existing institution; the Athenians, for a longer +or for a shorter time, reduced large tracts of country +under their dominion, extended their alliance (as it +was called) on all sides, and respected no connexion +sanctioned by nature, descent, or antiquity, when it +came in conflict with their plans of empire. But the +astonishing energy of the Athenian people, which from +one point kept the whole of Greece in constant vibration, +almost paralysed Sparta; the natural slowness of +that state became more and more apparent: which +having been, as it were, violently transplanted into a +strange region, only began by degrees to comprehend +the policy of Athens. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But when Athens saw the Peloponnesian confederacy +again established, and as she could not, on account +of the truce, attack it directly, she looked to the colonial +law, which rested rather on hereditary feelings +than on positive institution, for an opportunity of an +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page214">[pg 214]</span><a name="Pg214" id="Pg214" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +indirect attack. This was soon found in the defensive +treaty with Corcyra, which state was engaged with its +mother country Corinth in a war, according to ancient +Greek principles, wholly unlawful and unjust. Besides +this, however, it was an actual breach of the +thirty years' truce.<a id="noteref_842" name="noteref_842" href="#note_842"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">842</span></span></a> And the same principles were +expressed in the demand that Potidæa should, for the +sake of the Athenian confederacy, give up its original +connexion with the parent state. In both these cases +it is manifest that the maxims of the Athenian policy +were directly at variance with the general feeling of +justice entertained by the Greeks, and especially with +the respect for affinity of blood; and this fundamental +difference was the true cause of the Peloponnesian war. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +13. As it would not be consistent with the plan of +this work to give a detailed account of the influence +of the Peloponnesian war upon the political and private +character of the Greeks, we must be content to +point out the following obvious points of opposition +between the contending parties. In the first place, +then, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorians were opposed to Ionians</span></span>; and hence in +the well-known oracle it was called the Doric war.<a id="noteref_843" name="noteref_843" href="#note_843"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">843</span></span></a> +The individual exceptions are for the most part merely +apparent;<a id="noteref_844" name="noteref_844" href="#note_844"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">844</span></span></a> also when the Athenians attacked Sicily, +all the Doric cities were opposed to them.<a id="noteref_845" name="noteref_845" href="#note_845"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">845</span></span></a> On the +side of Athens were ranged all the Ionians of Europe, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page215">[pg 215]</span><a name="Pg215" id="Pg215" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the islands, and of Asia, not indeed voluntarily, but +still not altogether against their inclination. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The +union of the free Greeks against the evil ambition +of one state.</span></span> At the beginning of the war the general +voice of Greece was in favour of Sparta<a id="noteref_846" name="noteref_846" href="#note_846"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">846</span></span></a> +(which was heard through the Delphian oracle, when it promised +that state assistance);<a id="noteref_847" name="noteref_847" href="#note_847"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">847</span></span></a> nor did she compel any +one to join in it. The allies of Athens, having previously +been Persian subjects, were accustomed to obey; and +on the present occasion forced to submit; the public +assembly of Athens was the only free voice in so large +a combination. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Land-forces against sea-forces.</span></span> +According to the speech of Pericles, Peloponnesus +was able, in an action with heavy-armed troops, to resist +all the rest of Greece together; and Athens +avoided coming to this mode of engagement with singular +ingenuity. The fleet of the Peloponnesians, on +the other hand, was at the beginning of the war very +inconsiderable.<a id="noteref_848" name="noteref_848" href="#note_848"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">848</span></span></a> Hence it was some time before the +belligerent parties even so much as encountered one +another. The land was the means of communication +for one party, the sea for the other: hence the states +friendly to Athens were immediately compelled to +build <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">long walls</span></em> for the purpose of connecting the +chief city with the sea, and isolating it from the land; +as Megara before, and Argos and Patræ during the +war.<a id="noteref_849" name="noteref_849" href="#note_849"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">849</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Large bodies of men practised in war against +wealth.</span></span> The Peloponnesians carried on the war with +natives: whereas Athens manned her fleet—the basis +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page216">[pg 216]</span><a name="Pg216" id="Pg216" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of her power—chiefly with foreign seamen; so that +the Corinthians said justly that the power of Athens +was rather purchased than native.<a id="noteref_850" name="noteref_850" href="#note_850"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">850</span></span></a> It was the main +principle of Pericles' policy, and it is also adopted by +Thucydides in the famous introduction to his History, +that it is not the country and people, but moveable +property, (χρήματα, in the proper sense of the word,) +which makes states great and powerful. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Slow and +deliberate conviction against determined rashness.</span></span> +This is evident both from the different direction taken +by the alliances of the two parties, and from their national +character. It was with good reason that the +oracle admonished Sparta to carry on the war with +decision and firmness; for that state was always cautious +of undertaking a war, and ready for peace.<a id="noteref_851" name="noteref_851" href="#note_851"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">851</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Maintenance of ancient custom as opposed to the desire +of novelty.</span></span> The former was the chief feature of +the Doric, the latter of the Ionic race. The Dorians +wished to preserve their ancient dignity and power, as +well as their customs and religious feelings: the +Ionians were commonly in pursuit of something new, +frequently, as in the case of the Sicilian expedition, +but obscurely seen and conceived. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Union of nations +and races against one arbitrarily formed.</span></span> As has +been already shown, this difference was the cause of +the war; and indeed Athens in the course of it hardly +recognised any duty in small states to remain faithful +to cities of the same race, and to their mother countries; +otherwise, why was Melos so barbarously +punished, for remembering rather that it was a colony +of Sparta than an island? Thus also in the interior +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page217">[pg 217]</span><a name="Pg217" id="Pg217" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of states the Athenians encouraged political associations +or clubs (ἑταιρίαι), while the Spartans trusted to +the ties of relationship.<a id="noteref_852" name="noteref_852" href="#note_852"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">852</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Aristocracy +against democracy.</span></span><a id="noteref_853" name="noteref_853" href="#note_853"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">853</span></span></a> +This difference was manifested in the first +half of the war by Athens changing, while Sparta +only restored governments; for in this instance also +the power of Sparta was in strictness only employed +in upholding ancient establishments, as an aristocracy +may indeed be overthrown, but cannot be formed in a +moment. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +14. These obvious points of difference are sufficient +to substantiate the result which we wish to arrive at. +It is manifest that the second of the two forces, which +in each of these instances came into collision, must +necessarily have always overcome the first. The slow, +cumbrous, unwieldy body of the Spartan confederacy +was sure to suffer under the blows of its skilful, forward, +and enterprising antagonist. The maxims +which, according to Thucydides, were current at this +time,<a id="noteref_854" name="noteref_854" href="#note_854"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">854</span></span></a> that rashness was to be called courage in a +friend's cause, provident foresight hidden cowardice, +moderation a cloak for pusillanimity, and that to be +prudent in every thing was to be active in nothing, +necessarily impeded and shackled the beneficial effects +of the measures of the Doric party. The <span class="tei tei-q">“honesty +and openness”</span> of the Doric character, the noble simplicity +of the ancient times of Greece, soon disappeared +in this tumultuous age.<a id="noteref_855" name="noteref_855" href="#note_855"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">855</span></span></a> Sparta therefore and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page218">[pg 218]</span><a name="Pg218" id="Pg218" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Peloponnesians emerge from the contest, altered, +and as it were reversed; and even before its termination +appear in a character of which they had before +probably contained only the first seeds. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But in the second half of the war, when the Spartans +gave up their great armaments by land, and +began to equip fleets with hired seamen; when they +had learnt to consider money as the chief instrument of +warfare, and begged it at the court of Persia; when +they sought less to protect the states joined to them by +affinity and alliance, than to dissolve the Athenian +confederacy; when they began to secure conquered +states by harmosts of their own, and by oligarchs forced +upon the people, and found that the secret management +of the political clubs was more to their interest +than open negotiation with the government; we see +developed on the one hand an energy and address, +which was first manifested in the enterprises of the +great Brasidas, and on the other a worldly policy, as +was shown in Gylippus, and afterwards more strongly +in Lysander; when the descendants of Hercules found +it advisable to exchange the lion's for the fox's skin.<a id="noteref_856" name="noteref_856" href="#note_856"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">856</span></span></a> +And, since the enterprises conducted in the spirit of +earlier times either wholly failed or else remained +fruitless, this new system, though the state had inwardly +declined, brought with it, by the mockery of +fate, external fame and victory.<a id="noteref_857" name="noteref_857" href="#note_857"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">857</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page219">[pg 219]</span><a name="Pg219" id="Pg219" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc27" id="toc27"></a> +<a name="pdf28" id="pdf28"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Book II. Religion And Mythology Of The Dorians.</span></h1> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc29" id="toc29"></a> +<a name="pdf30" id="pdf30"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter I.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Apollo and Artemis the principal deities of the Doric race. +§ 2. Traces of the worship of Apollo in Tempe. § 3. Route +of the Theoria from Tempe to Delphi. § 4. Establishment of +the worship of Apollo at Delphi; § 5. Crete; § 6. And Delos. +§ 7. Early history of Crissa. § 8. Doric population of Delphi. +§ 9. Opposition to the worship of the Delphian Apollo. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. In turning from the history of the external affairs +of the Dorians to the consideration of their +intellectual existence, our first step must be to enquire +into their religion; and for this purpose we will proceed +to analyse and resolve it into the various worships +and ceremonies of which it was composed, and to trace +the origin and connexion of these as they successively +arose. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Now it may with safety be asserted, that the principal +deities of the Dorians were Apollo and Artemis, +since their worship is found to have predominated in +all the settlements of that race; and conversely the +Doric origin can be either proximately or remotely +traced wherever there were any considerable institutions +dedicated to the worship of Apollo; insomuch +that the adoration of this god may be shown from the +most ancient testimonies of mythology to have gradually +advanced with the extension of the Doric +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page220">[pg 220]</span><a name="Pg220" id="Pg220" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +nation. Yet we are not to understand that the worship +of Apollo and the Doric race were so exactly co-extensive +that the presence of the latter always proves +either the previous or actual existence of the former. +Indeed it is certain that in ancient as well as in modern +times the worship of particular gods was not only +propagated by migration and conquest, but that religious +belief was also extended by peaceful intercourse, +and, as it were, by moral contact. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In order to rest the claims of the Doric race to the +worship of Apollo on a secure foundation, it is necessary +first to give a direct contradiction to all those +statements which assert its connexion with any race +not of Hellenic descent. In the first place, then, +Apollo was not a national deity of the aboriginal +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Pelasgic</span></em> nations of Greece.<a id="noteref_858" name="noteref_858" href="#note_858"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">858</span></span></a> Had this been the case, +he would certainly have enjoyed frequent and distinguished +honours in those countries where the numbers +of that race remained undiminished; for example, in +Arcadia. Now there were very few temples of Apollo +in Arcadia; and moreover, the founding of most of +these was either connected with a foreign hero, or else +attributed to some external influence.<a id="noteref_859" name="noteref_859" href="#note_859"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">859</span></span></a> Secondly, it +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page221">[pg 221]</span><a name="Pg221" id="Pg221" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +has been supposed that the worship of this god was +introduced from the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">East</span></em> (an opinion founded chiefly +on the establishments of his religion in Lycia); but we +shall presently show that its institution in this quarter +was in fact derived from the Dorians. To this we +may add, that amongst none of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">half-Grecian</span></em> +nations, for example, the Leleges, Carians, Ætolians, +Phrygians, and Thracians, the worship of this god can +be proved to have been national. The same may be +affirmed of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Italian</span></em> nations. Apollo never occurs +in the ancient <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Etruscan</span></em> religion. Nor was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Rome</span></em> +acquainted with this worship, until it was introduced +by the Sibylline oracles; a sacred spot was then +allotted on the Flaminian meadow; and the temple +erected there (324 A.U.C.) was, up to the time of +Cicero, the only one in Rome.<a id="noteref_860" name="noteref_860" href="#note_860"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">860</span></span></a> Nay, that the Italians +adopted Apollo altogether as a foreign deity is proved +by the circumstance of their not having united him +with their native Jupiter, or Mercury, as they did the +Grecian Zeus, Hermes, &c. In our inquiries therefore +into the origin of the worship of Apollo, we are +limited to the races of purely Greek offspring. It +remains only to be shown why we have selected the +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorians</span></em> in particular from all these different tribes. +And we merely make this preliminary remark, that the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page222">[pg 222]</span><a name="Pg222" id="Pg222" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +mythical genealogy, in which Dorus is called the son +of Apollo,<a id="noteref_861" name="noteref_861" href="#note_861"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">861</span></span></a> was a simple expression for this +fact. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. The most ancient settlements of the Doric race, +of which any historical accounts are extant, were, as +we before ascertained,<a id="noteref_862" name="noteref_862" href="#note_862"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">862</span></span></a> the country at the foot of +Olympus and Ossa, near the valley of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tempe</span></span>. In +this district there were two sanctuaries, bearing the +character of the highest antiquity, viz., the Pythium, +on the ridge of Olympus, near a steep mountain-pass +leading to Macedonia; and the altar in the ravine of +the Peneus,<a id="noteref_863" name="noteref_863" href="#note_863"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">863</span></span></a> from which the god himself was called +Τεμπείτας; and in an inscription discovered near this +spot, on the banks of the river between Tempe and +Larissa, are the words ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ ΤΕΜΠΕΙΤΑ, +<span class="tei tei-q">“To Apollo of Tempe.”</span><a id="noteref_864" name="noteref_864" href="#note_864"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">864</span></span></a> From another inscription +found in this district we gather an account of certain +native Thessalian festivals, at which branches of laurel +were carried round, that were doubtless procured from +the groves in the valley of Tempe; whither also the +Delphians every eight years, at the expiration of the +sacred period, sent the Pythian theori, who, after the +performance of a sacrifice, broke the expiatory branch +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page223">[pg 223]</span><a name="Pg223" id="Pg223" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +from the sacred laurel-tree.<a id="noteref_865" name="noteref_865" href="#note_865"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">865</span></span></a> According also to the +admission of the Delphians themselves, the temple of +Apollo at Tempe was more ancient than their own, +since a perfect expiation could only be performed in +that sanctuary. In accordance with the tradition that +Apollo himself, after having slain the Python, fled to +the altar at Tempe to be purified from the pollution, +the sacred boy, at each return of the appointed day, +went to Tempe by a certain path,<a id="noteref_866" name="noteref_866" href="#note_866"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">866</span></span></a> in imitation of the +god whom he honoured, in order to return home +amidst the joyful songs of the choruses of virgins, as +δαφνηφόρος, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">laurel-bearer</span></span>. The religious usages +at this festival will be investigated hereafter; here we +will only consider the route which the procession took. +It led through Thessaly and Pelasgia (that is, through +the plain of the Peneus, which stretches to the south +as far as Pheræ); then through the country of the +Malians and Ænianes, over mount Œta, through +Doris and the western part of Locris;<a id="noteref_867" name="noteref_867" href="#note_867"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">867</span></span></a> avoiding in a +remarkable manner the shorter and more frequented +road from Thessaly through Thermopylæ, over Phocis, +and through the pass of Panopeus and Daulis to +Delphi. The reasons of this deviation may have been +the opposition offered in early times by hostile tribes +from the eastern side of Delphi to the peaceable march +of sacred processions; and also that the theoria might +in its progress pass through the second settlements of +the Dorians, between Œta and Parnassus, where +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page224">[pg 224]</span><a name="Pg224" id="Pg224" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +doubtless the worship of Apollo had likewise +prevailed.<a id="noteref_868" name="noteref_868" href="#note_868"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">868</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. The first half of the Pythian road, which goes +through Thessaly, is very accurately determined by a +combination of different testimonies. Its first stage +was from Tempe to Larissa. Near this place was a +village named Deipnias, where the boy who carried +the laurel-branch first broke his long fast;<a id="noteref_869" name="noteref_869" href="#note_869"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">869</span></span></a> as Apollo +himself was reported also to have done. That the +place received its name from this circumstance is a +sufficient proof of the antiquity of the usage. The +theoria next proceeded to Pheræ, where the boy, on +his way to Tempe, and before his purification, represented +the servitude of Apollo when a refugee at the +palace of Admetus. This use of slavery as a preparative +for the expiation of guilt, is doubtless taken +from some very ancient tradition; and it is alluded to +by the earliest epic poets; in the Iliad the horses of +Eumelus, the son of Admetus, are stated to have +derived their excellence from having been under the +care of Apollo at Pheræ.<a id="noteref_870" name="noteref_870" href="#note_870"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">870</span></span></a> The harbour of Pheræ was +Pagasæ, in the furthest recess of the Pagasæan bay, +in which place there was a celebrated altar of the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page225">[pg 225]</span><a name="Pg225" id="Pg225" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Pagasæan Apollo, situated in an extensive grove,<a id="noteref_871" name="noteref_871" href="#note_871"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">871</span></span></a> +where there were large numbers of sacred ravens.<a id="noteref_872" name="noteref_872" href="#note_872"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">872</span></span></a> +This sanctuary is the theatre of Hesiod's poem of the +Shield of Hercules; and at no great distance the river +Anaurus runs into the sea,<a id="noteref_873" name="noteref_873" href="#note_873"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">873</span></span></a> which stream, swollen by +violent storms of rain carried away the tomb of Cycnus, +the son of Mars; <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">for thus Apollo, the son of +Latona, willed it, because Cycnus had plundered +the hecatombs which the nations brought to the +temple of Pytho.</span></span>”</span><a id="noteref_874" name="noteref_874" href="#note_874"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">874</span></span></a> Hence it is evident +that the Pagasæan sanctuary was situated on the road consecrated +by the processions to and from Delphi; and we +may perceive also in these words of Hesiod an allusion +to a fable perhaps much celebrated by early poets, +viz., that Cycnus was slain for having profaned the +temple of Apollo.<a id="noteref_875" name="noteref_875" href="#note_875"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">875</span></span></a> Moreover, the legend related by +Heraclides Ponticus, that Trophonius founded the +temple of Apollo at Pagasæ,<a id="noteref_876" name="noteref_876" href="#note_876"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">876</span></span></a> points to the connexion +with Delphi; the same Trophonius, a renowned +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page226">[pg 226]</span><a name="Pg226" id="Pg226" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +architect of the mythical age, is also said to have built +the most ancient temple of Pytho. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. We thus arrive at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Delphi</span></span>, the second grand +station of the worship of Apollo, and, as it were, a +focus, from which it diverged in numberless directions, +and to which it was again partially reflected. Now +although from early times the singular and striking +character of the place might often have raised the feelings +to ecstasy, and excited in the spectator dim and +shadowy forebodings of the future; yet the establishment +of a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fixed</span></em> institution, with its sacred regulations +and rights, was intimately connected with the introduction +of the worship of Apollo. At what time, +however, did this first obtain a footing at Delphi? +Probably when the Doric race came from Hestiæotis +to Parnassus, and settled above Delphi, which event +took place at a very early period. This supposition, +to which we are led by the preceding inquiry, is not +inconsistent with the celebrated tradition that Cretan +navigators landed on this coast in the time of Minos, +and there introduced the worship of Apollo. In order, +however, to reconcile these two accounts, we must first +examine the Cretan worship of that god. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_5" id="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +5. The population of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Crete</span></span> having been in early +times composed of a heterogeneous mixture of different +nations, it was natural that the worships of many different +gods should prevail there; yet in many cases it +is possible to ascertain the nation from which they +severally originated. Amongst these, the Dorians, +whose chief settlement was on the north-eastern coast +near Cnosus (from which point, however, they very +soon spread over other parts of the island), had brought +over the worship of Apollo from their settlements +under Olympus. According to a tradition preserved +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page227">[pg 227]</span><a name="Pg227" id="Pg227" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in the Homeric hymn to Apollo, the ship, which +Apollo in the shape of a dolphin conducted to Delphi, +set out from the city of Cnosus. Of this city the chief +temple was that of Apollo Delphinius.<a id="noteref_877" name="noteref_877" href="#note_877"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">877</span></span></a> In its territory +was situated a place called Apollonia; and the +remarkable town of Amnisus, with the grotto of Eileithyia, +where it was supposed that this goddess, who +assisted at the birth of Apollo, was herself born.<a id="noteref_878" name="noteref_878" href="#note_878"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">878</span></span></a> On +the same coast are Miletus, where (as will be mentioned +hereafter) the worship of Apollo prevailed, and +Lato (Camira), whose name reminds us of the goddess +Latona. It cannot be doubted that the same worship +also prevailed in the ancient Doric town of Lyctus, in +the interior of the island.<a id="noteref_879" name="noteref_879" href="#note_879"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">879</span></span></a> Nearer to the southern coast +was Gortyna, which, though founded by a different +race, yet in later times recognised the dominion and +worship of the same nation as Cnosus: accordingly, the most central point of this city +was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pythium</span></span>.<a id="noteref_880" name="noteref_880" href="#note_880"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">880</span></span></a> +Immediately bordering on it was Phæstus, the birthplace +of Epimenides, which town was said to have +derived its origin and name from a Heraclid of Sicyon.<a id="noteref_881" name="noteref_881" href="#note_881"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">881</span></span></a> +Here, together with Hercules, Apollo and Latona received +particular honours.<a id="noteref_882" name="noteref_882" href="#note_882"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">882</span></span></a> Further on towards the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page228">[pg 228]</span><a name="Pg228" id="Pg228" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +west, in the mountains, was Tarrha, one of the most +ancient and considerable temples of Apollo.<a id="noteref_883" name="noteref_883" href="#note_883"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">883</span></span></a> Here, +according to the Cretan tradition, dwelt Carmanor the +father of the minstrel Chrysothemis, a priest who was +said to have purified Apollo himself from the blood of +the Python;<a id="noteref_884" name="noteref_884" href="#note_884"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">884</span></span></a> which legend, when compared with the +account of his expiation at the altar in the valley of +Tempe, shows how the legends connected with the +worship of Apollo crossed over to Crete, and there +again took root. With the residence of Apollo when +a refugee in the house of Carmanor, there is connected +a tradition of his amour with Acacallis, who bore him +Naxos,<a id="noteref_885" name="noteref_885" href="#note_885"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">885</span></span></a> or Miletus,<a id="noteref_886" name="noteref_886" href="#note_886"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">886</span></span></a> or Phylander and Phylacis, who, +in a sacred offering of the Elyrians at Delphi, were +represented as sucking the teat of a she-goat.<a id="noteref_887" name="noteref_887" href="#note_887"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">887</span></span></a> This +Elyrus, like most of the ancient towns of Crete, was +situated in the mountains of the interior, probably not +far from Tarrha.<a id="noteref_888" name="noteref_888" href="#note_888"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">888</span></span></a> Although there have not been preserved +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page229">[pg 229]</span><a name="Pg229" id="Pg229" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +accounts sufficient to lead to any general conclusion, +yet those which we have adduced establish the +position that it was not the original inhabitants of +mount Ida or any supposed colonists from Phœnicia, +but the Dorian invaders alone who made Crete the +head-quarters of the worship of Apollo: we therefore +assert that this worship (as originally founded in Crete), +had not the slightest connexion with the enthusiastic +(and probably Phrygian) orgies of the Idæan Zeus, +with the Corybantes, &c. Yet from these ceremonies +being celebrated at so short a distance from each other, +confusions soon arose; so that in later times the +Curetes were called the sons of Apollo.<a id="noteref_889" name="noteref_889" href="#note_889"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">889</span></span></a> According +to some writers, Corybas was the father of Apollo, and +he was reported to have disputed the sovereignty of +Crete with Zeus.<a id="noteref_890" name="noteref_890" href="#note_890"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">890</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. From Crete, we will now proceed to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Delos</span></span>. +Virgil, on the authority (as it appears) of some ancient +epic poet, calls the Cretans ministers of the Delian +altars.<a id="noteref_891" name="noteref_891" href="#note_891"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">891</span></span></a> The voyages of Theseus from Cnosus to Delos +is also founded on the same connexion, as will be +more fully explained +hereafter.<a id="noteref_892" name="noteref_892" href="#note_892"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">892</span></span></a> We must not, however, +too hastily conclude, that in the age of Minos, +when the Cretans were the dominant nation in the +Greek Archipelago, Delos received the worship of +Apollo from a Cretan colony.<a id="noteref_893" name="noteref_893" href="#note_893"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">893</span></span></a> It may with greater +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page230">[pg 230]</span><a name="Pg230" id="Pg230" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +probability be conjectured, that the Dorians in their +first expedition to Crete (which could hardly have +traversed so great a distance without leaving behind +some traces of its existence) had founded the sanctuary +at Delos; since the tradition of the transmission of +sacred presents from the country of the Hyperboreans +to that island, is most simply explained as a memorial +of a religious connexion, which had once been long +maintained, by means of sacred processions, with the +northern settlements of the Dorians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. Now respecting the presence of Cretans at +Delphi, it was nothing more than an attempt of these +islanders, who dwelt on the very verge of the Grecian +territory, to gain for themselves the credit of a reciprocal +influence upon the early settlements of their +own race and religion. We find in the Hymn of +Homer, that Apollo, descending from Olympus, himself +founded his temple at Pytho, and afterwards +obtained experienced priests, minstrels, and prophets<a id="noteref_894" name="noteref_894" href="#note_894"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">894</span></span></a> +from Cnosus; for which purpose he, in the shape +of a dolphin, conducted a Cretan vessel to Crissa. +Crissa, or Cirrha (for that the same place was originally +signified by both names I consider as certain<a id="noteref_895" name="noteref_895" href="#note_895"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">895</span></span></a>), +a fortified town in the inmost recess of the Crissæan +bay, was probably a settlement of this Cretan colony, +as the name Κρῖσα seems to signify nothing else than +a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cretan</span></em> city (Κρησία πόλις).<a id="noteref_896" name="noteref_896" href="#note_896"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">896</span></span></a> Although the Pythian +sanctuary itself was situated in the territory of Crissa,<a id="noteref_897" name="noteref_897" href="#note_897"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">897</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page231">[pg 231]</span><a name="Pg231" id="Pg231" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +yet the town of Crissa possessed, besides an altar +of Apollo Delphinius on the shore, in early times one +of the chief temples of Apollo:<a id="noteref_898" name="noteref_898" href="#note_898"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">898</span></span></a> hence in Homer's +Catalogue the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sacred</span></em> Crissa is mentioned, together +with the rocky Pytho; and the Pythian sanctuary +is called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Crissæa templa</span></span>, on the faith of some ancient +tradition, by a Roman poet. This expression must +have been borrowed from poems anterior to the destruction +of Cirrha (about 585 B.C.) before this town +had by its extortions and oppression of pilgrims deserved +the wrath of the Amphictyonic confederacy; +nor is it probable that it retained a share in the +management of the Delphian temple up to the very +last moment of its political existence, when it was +visited with a destruction so complete, as nearly to +deprive us of all knowledge of its previous history. +The unfortified town of Delphi, which, with the Amphictyons, +obtained after that war the sole management +of the temple, previously perhaps had not been a +place of any importance; at least it is not mentioned +in any earlier writings than one of the most recent +hymns of Homer, and by Heraclitus of Ephesus.<a id="noteref_899" name="noteref_899" href="#note_899"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">899</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_8" id="Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. In ancient times the service of the temple, +as appears from the Homeric Hymn, was performed +both at Delos and Delphi by Cretans; but it is +scarcely possible that they should have constituted +the whole population of the country. For, in the +first place, the extensive territory of the temple was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page232">[pg 232]</span><a name="Pg232" id="Pg232" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +cultivated by a subject people, of whom we shall +speak hereafter, and who were certainly not of Doric, +and probably in few cases of Cretan descent;<a id="noteref_900" name="noteref_900" href="#note_900"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">900</span></span></a> besides +whom there was a native nobility, whose influence +over the temple was very considerable. These are +the persons who, according to Euripides, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sat near +the tripod, the Delphian nobles, chosen by lot</span></span>;”</span><a id="noteref_901" name="noteref_901" href="#note_901"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">901</span></span></a> +called also <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the lords and princes of the Delphians</span></span>.”</span> +They also formed a criminal court, which, by the +Pythian vote, sentenced all offenders against the +temple to be hurled from a precipice.<a id="noteref_902" name="noteref_902" href="#note_902"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">902</span></span></a> To the same +persons also doubtless belonged the permission and +superintendence of the ancient rite of expiation; and +it was their duty (as it was that of the court of the +Samothracian priests) to determine whether a homicide +was expiable or not. Their influence over the oracle +was so great, that they may be considered to have +been the actual managers of it. Their political bias +may be inferred from the fact, that Timasitheus the +Delphian distinguished himself by his boldness and +resolution among the aristocratical party of Isagoras +at Athens.<a id="noteref_903" name="noteref_903" href="#note_903"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">903</span></span></a> It appears that these families originally +came to Delphi from the mountainous country in +the interior. Thus the chief-priests of the god, the +five Ὅσιοι, were chosen by lot from a number of +families who derived their descent from Deucalion,<a id="noteref_904" name="noteref_904" href="#note_904"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">904</span></span></a> by +which they probably meant to denote their origin +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page233">[pg 233]</span><a name="Pg233" id="Pg233" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +from Lycoreia on the heights of Parnassus, founded (as +was supposed) by Deucalion, the father of Hellen;<a id="noteref_905" name="noteref_905" href="#note_905"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">905</span></span></a> +from which town it is known that great part of the +population of Delphi had proceeded.<a id="noteref_906" name="noteref_906" href="#note_906"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">906</span></span></a> Now this place, +of which traces still remain in the village of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Liacura</span></span> +(now only inhabited in summer by mountain shepherds)<a id="noteref_907" name="noteref_907" href="#note_907"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">907</span></span></a> +was in all probability of Doric origin, since it +formed the communication between the Tetrapolis and +Delphi.<a id="noteref_908" name="noteref_908" href="#note_908"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">908</span></span></a> The language spoken at Delphi was likewise +a Doric dialect.<a id="noteref_909" name="noteref_909" href="#note_909"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">909</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +If then this was the case, Doric mountaineers from +the heights of Parnassus, and Cretan colonists on the +sea-coast, met together (according to a very uncertain +computation about 200 years before the Doric +migration into Peloponnesus), in order to establish +the Delphian worship. The Doric dialect, it may +be observed, which prevailed at Delphi, was common +to both parties. It is known from many traditions +and historical traces, that the connexion established +by the Cretans continued for a long time.<a id="noteref_910" name="noteref_910" href="#note_910"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">910</span></span></a> The +ancient tents made of feathers, and a wooden statue of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page234">[pg 234]</span><a name="Pg234" id="Pg234" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Apollo, perhaps one of the most ancient specimens +of rude carving, were also reported to have been +brought from Crete. The fabulous series of Delphic +minstrels began with Chrysothemis, the son of Carmanor, +the above-mentioned priest of Tarrha.<a id="noteref_911" name="noteref_911" href="#note_911"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">911</span></span></a> Crete, +however, did not merely send works of sculpture and +hymns to Delphi, but sometimes even men,<a id="noteref_912" name="noteref_912" href="#note_912"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">912</span></span></a> for the +service of the Pythian Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. I know not whether these accounts are sufficient +to afford an intelligible description of a time when +the worship of Apollo, being established at the foot +of Olympus, Parnassus, and in the distant island +of Crete, and producing a certain degree of communication +between these points, had not as yet penetrated +to any part of Greece which lay to the south +of Œta and Parnassus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It is evident, moreover, that the extension of this +worship met with a long opposition. Apollo is in +ancient traditions represented as himself protecting +his own temple.<a id="noteref_913" name="noteref_913" href="#note_913"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">913</span></span></a> The Phlegyans to the +east, and the Ætolians to the west, appear to have been particularly +adverse to the worship of the Delphian Apollo. That +there was a national opposition caused by the Phlegyans +possessing the stronghold of Panopeus in the +mountain-passes towards Bœotia, is shown by the +legends, that Phorbas their leader wrestled there with +Apollo; that Phlegyas burned the temple to the +ground; and lastly, that Apollo exterminated their +whole race with thunder and lightning.<a id="noteref_914" name="noteref_914" href="#note_914"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">914</span></span></a> The same +people is here represented as waging war with the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page235">[pg 235]</span><a name="Pg235" id="Pg235" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +great deity of the Dorians, which, under the name +of Lapithæ, opposed the Dorians themselves in Thessaly. +And on the other side, Apollo was related +in the Poems of Hesiod, and the Minyad, to have +assisted the Locrian Curetes against the Ætolians, +and slain their prince Meleager.<a id="noteref_915" name="noteref_915" href="#note_915"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">915</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc31" id="toc31"></a> +<a name="pdf32" id="pdf32"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter II.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Propagation of the worship of Apollo from Crete. § 2. in +Lycia. § 3 and 4. in the Troad. § 5. in Thrace. § 6 and 7. +on the Coast of Asia Minor. § 8. at Trœzen, Tænarum, +Megara. § 9. Thoricus. § 10. and Leucatas. § 11 and 12. +in Bœotia. § 13. 14. and 15. and in Attica. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. But whilst the worship of Apollo was experiencing +so much opposition in the north of Greece, +the sea, with the neighbouring coasts and islands +afforded ample opportunities for its propagation from +the shores of Crete. This serves to account for the +singular fact, that the most ancient temples of Apollo +throughout the south of Greece, are found in maritime +districts, and generally on promontories and headlands. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The colonies of Apollo branched out in various +directions from the northern coast of Crete, carrying +every where with them the expiatory and oracular +ceremonies of his worship.<a id="noteref_916" name="noteref_916" href="#note_916"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">916</span></span></a> The remarkable regularity +with which these settlements were established +cannot, however, be regarded as the work of missions +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page236">[pg 236]</span><a name="Pg236" id="Pg236" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +systematically carried on, or as part of the policy of +Minos.<a id="noteref_917" name="noteref_917" href="#note_917"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">917</span></span></a> They are to be accounted for by the natural +desire of the tribes of Crete, whilst migrating along +the coast of the Ægean sea, to erect, wherever they +touched, temples to that god, whose worship was +blended with their spiritual existence. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We shall first advert to those settlements which +(taking the coast of Crete as our centre) were +founded in the direction of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Lycia</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Miletus</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Claros</span></span>, +and the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Troad</span></span>; the first and last of which +were the most ancient, the others being perhaps a +century later.<a id="noteref_918" name="noteref_918" href="#note_918"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">918</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. It is stated by Herodotus that Sarpedon migrated +with some <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">barbarous</span></em> nations from Crete to Lycia or +Milyas.<a id="noteref_919" name="noteref_919" href="#note_919"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">919</span></span></a> This unsupported and singular account is +however probably not founded on tradition, the popular +idea being that he was a brother of Minos the Cnosian, +whom it represented as a prince of purely Hellenic +blood. By these means the Cretan laws (that is, the +Doric customs, which had been first fully developed +in Crete), and also the Doric worship of Apollo, +were spread over Lycia. For the situation of the +chief temples is a sufficient proof that the settlers +of Lycia came, not from the inland countries of Asia, +but over the sea to the coast. Xanthus, a city renowned +for the valour of its inhabitants,<a id="noteref_920" name="noteref_920" href="#note_920"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">920</span></span></a> and situated +on the river of the same name, was a Cretan +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page237">[pg 237]</span><a name="Pg237" id="Pg237" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +settlement.<a id="noteref_921" name="noteref_921" href="#note_921"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">921</span></span></a> It seems to have been a Lycian tradition, that +Xanthus was the father of Minos, Rhadamanthus, and +Sarpedon:<a id="noteref_922" name="noteref_922" href="#note_922"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">922</span></span></a> in this town was a temple sacred to +Sarpedon;<a id="noteref_923" name="noteref_923" href="#note_923"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">923</span></span></a> but it is uncertain whether +to the elder Sarpedon, the brother of Minos, or to the younger, a +hero of the same family mentioned in Homer, whose +corpse Apollo rescued from the Greeks, and conveyed +to his native country.<a id="noteref_924" name="noteref_924" href="#note_924"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">924</span></span></a> Apollo was also worshipped +under the title of Sarpedonius.<a id="noteref_925" name="noteref_925" href="#note_925"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">925</span></span></a> Sixty stadia below +the town, and ten from the mouth of the river Xanthus, +was a grove sacred to Latona, near an ancient temple +of the Lycian Apollo.<a id="noteref_926" name="noteref_926" href="#note_926"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">926</span></span></a> To this spot the goddess had +been conducted by wolves; here also she had bathed +her new-born babes in the river,<a id="noteref_927" name="noteref_927" href="#note_927"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">927</span></span></a> and been hospitably +received by an old woman in a wretched hovel.<a id="noteref_928" name="noteref_928" href="#note_928"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">928</span></span></a> +These are the only remains of the national tradition, +which in its general character was perhaps only another +version of that prevalent at Delos. But the chief +temple was one at Patara, in the southern extremity of +Lycia,<a id="noteref_929" name="noteref_929" href="#note_929"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">929</span></span></a> the winter habitation of the god, where he also +gave out oracles through the mouth of a priestess.<a id="noteref_930" name="noteref_930" href="#note_930"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">930</span></span></a> +The oblations of cakes in the shape of lyres, bows and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page238">[pg 238]</span><a name="Pg238" id="Pg238" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +arrows, which were made to Apollo at Patara, remind +us of similar customs at Delos, and furnish a fresh +proof of the close connexion between the worships of +these two countries.<a id="noteref_931" name="noteref_931" href="#note_931"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">931</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Further to the east was the oracle of Apollo +Thyrxeus, near the Cyanean islands;<a id="noteref_932" name="noteref_932" href="#note_932"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">932</span></span></a> to the west +lay Telmissus, with its interpreters of dreams, who attributed +their origin to Apollo.<a id="noteref_933" name="noteref_933" href="#note_933"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">933</span></span></a> Not only the towns +just mentioned, but almost every other on the coast of +Lycia, honoured the god, from whom even the name +of the country was derived.<a id="noteref_934" name="noteref_934" href="#note_934"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">934</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Amongst these settlements we must probably also +reckon that on the promontory of Corycus in Cilicia, +since we find in its vicinity the temple of Zeus Sarpedon. +The name of the place, if compared with that +of the Corycian grotto on Parnassus, is of itself sufficient +evidence that the worship of Apollo prevailed +there, which is still further proved by the tradition that +stags swam over from thence to Curium in Cyprus.<a id="noteref_935" name="noteref_935" href="#note_935"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">935</span></span></a> +Here also stood an altar of Apollo, of particular sanctity, +which no one was allowed to touch on pain of +being thrown from the rocks of the neighbouring promontory. +In this punishment we shall presently +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page239">[pg 239]</span><a name="Pg239" id="Pg239" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +recognise one form of the expiatory rites, which every +where accompanied the worship of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. No place contained so many temples of Apollo +within so small a space as the coast of Troy; Cilia, in +the recess of the Adramyttian gulf; Chryse, in the +territory of the Hypoplacian Thebes;<a id="noteref_936" name="noteref_936" href="#note_936"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">936</span></span></a> the Smintheum, +in its immediate neighbourhood;<a id="noteref_937" name="noteref_937" href="#note_937"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">937</span></span></a> the island of Tenedos +(whose religious ceremonies were by some unaccountable +means transplanted to Corinth and Syracuse),<a id="noteref_938" name="noteref_938" href="#note_938"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">938</span></span></a> +are all mentioned in a few verses of the Iliad.<a id="noteref_939" name="noteref_939" href="#note_939"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">939</span></span></a> No +less celebrated was Thymbra, situated at the confluence +of the Thymbrius and Scamander, where Cassandra +was reported to have been brought up in the +temple of Apollo, and thus to have learnt the art of +prophecy.<a id="noteref_940" name="noteref_940" href="#note_940"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">940</span></span></a> On the Trojan citadel of Pergamus itself +was a temple of Apollo, with Artemis and Latona; +and hence Homer represents these three deities as protecting +the falling city.<a id="noteref_941" name="noteref_941" href="#note_941"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">941</span></span></a> It is however important to +remark, that the inhabitants of Zelea, a town on the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page240">[pg 240]</span><a name="Pg240" id="Pg240" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +northern foot of mount Ida, and the native place of the +archer Pandarus, the son of Lycaon, worshipped +Apollo under the title of Lycius, or Lycegenes; and +that Zelea was also called Lycia;<a id="noteref_942" name="noteref_942" href="#note_942"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">942</span></span></a> for these facts show +that there was a real connexion between the name of +Lycia and the worship of Apollo, and that it was the +worship of Apollo which gave the name to this district +of Troy, as it had done to the country of the Solymi. +In Chryse also Apollo was called Lycæus.<a id="noteref_943" name="noteref_943" href="#note_943"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">943</span></span></a> The +origin of this worship can neither be attributed to the +native Trojan and Dardan race, nor yet to the later +Æolians, although these for the most part adopted it +into their religious ceremonies.<a id="noteref_944" name="noteref_944" href="#note_944"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">944</span></span></a> It is however certain, +from an ancient tradition, that the Cretans also +colonized this coast; though we are not aware what +was the precise account of Callinus, the ancient elegiac +poet,<a id="noteref_945" name="noteref_945" href="#note_945"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">945</span></span></a> who preserved it. It was however the popular +belief that Apollo Smintheus, and indeed the whole +Trojan nation, were derived from Crete.<a id="noteref_946" name="noteref_946" href="#note_946"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">946</span></span></a> The last +notion, that all the Trojans were of Cretan origin, is +in the highest degree improbable; but it will hardly +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page241">[pg 241]</span><a name="Pg241" id="Pg241" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +be denied that there came to Troy a Cretan colony in +connexion with Apollo Smintheus. Indeed the Cretans +who inhabited the district of Troy must often +have been mentioned in ancient traditions, as a strange +account of their strict administration of justice has +been preserved.<a id="noteref_947" name="noteref_947" href="#note_947"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">947</span></span></a> Could we but obtain a more authentic +source of traditions relating to the religious +worship than the deceitful accounts of poets, we might +perhaps discover in it many confirmations of the historical +traces to which we have just adverted. Even +now we may perceive that the servitude of Apollo +under Laomedon<a id="noteref_948" name="noteref_948" href="#note_948"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">948</span></span></a> is the same fable as that of Admetus +at Pheræ, the locality alone being changed. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. By observing Homer's accounts of the worship +of Apollo in different Trojan families, we may discover +a remarkable consistency and connexion in the +ancient tradition. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the first place he represents it as belonging +chiefly to the family of the Panthoidæ. Panthus +(from whom a tribe in modern Ilium derived its name +Πανθωῒς)<a id="noteref_949" name="noteref_949" href="#note_949"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">949</span></span></a> was a priest of the +god,<a id="noteref_950" name="noteref_950" href="#note_950"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">950</span></span></a> and hence his sons +were protected by Apollo in battle.<a id="noteref_951" name="noteref_951" href="#note_951"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">951</span></span></a> Hence also +Euphorbus, the descendant of Panthus, is selected to +kill Patroclus, who, as well as all the other Æacidæ, +was in the heroic mythology represented as odious to +Apollo.<a id="noteref_952" name="noteref_952" href="#note_952"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">952</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page242">[pg 242]</span><a name="Pg242" id="Pg242" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The other family, described in the Iliad as connected +with Apollo, is that of Æneas, whom, when +wounded by Diomed, the god himself conducted to his +temple on the citadel of Troy, and delivered over to +the care of Latona and Artemis.<a id="noteref_953" name="noteref_953" href="#note_953"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">953</span></span></a> Now that this +history was not a mere arbitrary fiction of the poet +may be distinctly proved. For we know that, after +Troy had fallen, the remaining Trojans still maintained +themselves in the mountains; they are mentioned +by Herodotus as a separate state existing in the +stronghold of Gergis, in the defiles of Ida;<a id="noteref_954" name="noteref_954" href="#note_954"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">954</span></span></a> and, even +after the Peloponnesian war, Dardan princes reigned +here and at Scepsis.<a id="noteref_955" name="noteref_955" href="#note_955"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">955</span></span></a> It can, we think, +be shown that Homer's prophecy<a id="noteref_956" name="noteref_956" href="#note_956"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">956</span></span></a> respecting the future dominion of +the descendants of Æneas over the remnant of the +Trojan nation, refers solely to the town of Gergis, and +perhaps to the neighbouring valleys. Now the chief +temple at Gergis was that of Apollo,<a id="noteref_957" name="noteref_957" href="#note_957"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">957</span></span></a> and in the same +town there was an ancient Sibylline oracle, known by +the name of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hellespontine</span></span> or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Mermessian</span></span>. +We now see that the ancient poet, being well acquainted +with the existence of the Æneadæ at Gergis, their +festivals and sacrifices, felt himself bound, according +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page243">[pg 243]</span><a name="Pg243" id="Pg243" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +to the spirit of mythology, to represent Apollo as the +ancient guardian of that family. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We shall seize this opportunity of briefly pointing +out the results which may be drawn from these +facts, in illustration of the fable of Æneas. We must +first assume that the above oracle of Apollo at Gergis +announced to the Trojan Gergithians the re-establishment +of their nation under the dominion of the descendants +of Æneas. Such a prophecy, in fact, agrees so +exactly with the spirit and system of the ancient oracles, +that its existence can scarcely be doubted. The +hopes, the longing after a restoration of their ancient +power, must necessarily have assumed this form among +the distressed and conquered Trojans. Now a colony +of Gergithians also inhabited the territory of the +Æolian Cume,<a id="noteref_958" name="noteref_958" href="#note_958"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">958</span></span></a> where Apollo possessed a magnificent +temple;<a id="noteref_959" name="noteref_959" href="#note_959"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">959</span></span></a> and if these oracles had been known +to the Cumæans, they would readily have passed over to their +kinsmen the Cumans of Campania. At this last place +there was, on the summit of a rock, a temple of Apollo +(one of the most ancient in the whole settlement, and, +as it was pretended, built by Dædalus);<a id="noteref_960" name="noteref_960" href="#note_960"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">960</span></span></a> underneath +was the grotto of the sibyl. Here it was said that +Æneas landed; and here, according to Stesichorus, +he remained, and never went further to the north.<a id="noteref_961" name="noteref_961" href="#note_961"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">961</span></span></a> +Nothing was more probable than that these oracles +should in both cases have been applied locally, and +that a new Troy should in consequence have been +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page244">[pg 244]</span><a name="Pg244" id="Pg244" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +founded both in Asia and Italy. Hence, when the +Greek sibylline oracles, in connexion with the worship +of Apollo, became the state-oracles of Rome, all that +had been prophesied of districts near the Hellespont +was, without scruple or ceremony (though not without +the ingenuity of commentators and interpreters), applied +to Rome. It is evident that the origin of the +strange fable of Æneas, the father of Romulus, and all +that was afterwards added to it, may be explained in +this simple manner. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + 5. The most ancient temple of Apollo in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thrace</span></span> +was also founded by Cretans, as well as that at Ismarus +or Maroneia;<a id="noteref_962" name="noteref_962" href="#note_962"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">962</span></span></a> Maron its priest being, according +to tradition, a Cretan adventurer.<a id="noteref_963" name="noteref_963" href="#note_963"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">963</span></span></a> With this +sanctuary was probably connected the ancient oracular +temple of Apollo at Deræa near Abdera,<a id="noteref_964" name="noteref_964" href="#note_964"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">964</span></span></a> alluded to +in the device on the coins of Abdera; on one side of +which Apollo is seen with the arrow in his hand; and +on the reverse is a griffin, a symbol which appears to +have been adopted by the Teians in consequence of +their having resided for some time in their colony of +Abdera. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_6" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. The Cretan worshippers of Apollo also established +some considerable temples on the Ionian coast. +The principal of these was the Didymæum, in the +territory of Miletus. Before the Ionic migration, +Miletus was a Cretan fortress, on the coast, in a country +at that time called Caria.<a id="noteref_965" name="noteref_965" href="#note_965"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">965</span></span></a> The disagreement of traditions +as to whether Sarpedon or Miletus (the Cretan) +was the founder, confirms, rather than weakens, the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page245">[pg 245]</span><a name="Pg245" id="Pg245" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +principal fact of its settlement from Crete, both traditions +describing the same fact in a different manner. +With the founding of this stronghold was connected +that of a temple, which is ascribed to Branchus, an +expiatory priest<a id="noteref_966" name="noteref_966" href="#note_966"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">966</span></span></a> of Delphi, whose name (which was +well fitted for a prophet),<a id="noteref_967" name="noteref_967" href="#note_967"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">967</span></span></a> moulded into a patronymic +form, was afterwards adopted by the priests of the +temple;<a id="noteref_968" name="noteref_968" href="#note_968"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">968</span></span></a> the temple itself, and even the place (which +was also called Didyma). Thus we here again see a +fresh connexion between the Delphians and Cretans, +there being indeed hardly any distinction between them +before they were dispersed by the different migrations +of the Doric race. The worship at Didyma was in +fact the same with that of Crete and Delphi; expiatory +ceremonies and prophecies being united, and the latter +delivered with rites very similar to those observed at +the Pythian oracle. Apollo was here called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Philesius</span></span> +and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Delphinius</span></span>, which names were afterwards adopted +by other Ionians;<a id="noteref_969" name="noteref_969" href="#note_969"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">969</span></span></a> with him was connected Zeus, both, +according to Callimachus, being the ancestors of +Didyma; and also Artemis, who, in an ancient hymn +ascribed to Branchus, is with Apollo addressed under +the titles of ἑκάεργος and ἑκαέργη.<a id="noteref_970" name="noteref_970" href="#note_970"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">970</span></span></a> The +ruins of this temple, so highly honoured in Asia, still bear witness +to its ancient fame and splendour. From the temple +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page246">[pg 246]</span><a name="Pg246" id="Pg246" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +to the harbour<a id="noteref_971" name="noteref_971" href="#note_971"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">971</span></span></a> Panormus there was a sacred road +adorned on both sides with more than sixty statues in +a very ancient style of workmanship: amongst these, +an Egyptian lion attests the connexion of king Necho +with the oracle.<a id="noteref_972" name="noteref_972" href="#note_972"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">972</span></span></a> The Ionians of Miletus, however, +acknowledged the god of Branchidæ as the principal +deity in their town, and introduced him into their +numerous colonies, from Naucratis<a id="noteref_973" name="noteref_973" href="#note_973"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">973</span></span></a> to Cyzicus,<a id="noteref_974" name="noteref_974" href="#note_974"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">974</span></span></a> Parium,<a id="noteref_975" name="noteref_975" href="#note_975"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">975</span></span></a> +Apollonia Pontica,<a id="noteref_976" name="noteref_976" href="#note_976"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">976</span></span></a> and the distant Taurica: +the coins and inscriptions of which place agree in representing +him as the guardian deity (προστάτης).<a id="noteref_977" name="noteref_977" href="#note_977"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">977</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_7" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. The twin brother of the Didymæan god, both +in origin and in the similarity of worship, is the +Clarian Apollo. However fabulous the particular +circumstances of its foundation, still it was impossible +in ancient times to invent a religious colonial connexion +where none in fact existed. The traditions +manifestly imply a double dependence of the establishment +at Claros: viz., upon Delphi and Crete. +Manto, the daughter of Teiresias the Theban soothsayer, +was, according to the epic poets, consecrated +by the Epigoni to the Delphian Apollo after the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page247">[pg 247]</span><a name="Pg247" id="Pg247" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +taking of Thebes,<a id="noteref_978" name="noteref_978" href="#note_978"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">978</span></span></a> and she was afterwards sent by +Apollo to the spot on which the Ionians at a later +period founded the city of Colophon; having, in +obedience to the commands of the oracle, married on +her way Rhacius the Cretan, whose name, according +to the dialect of Crete, had the double form Rhacius +and Lacius.<a id="noteref_979" name="noteref_979" href="#note_979"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">979</span></span></a> Augias, the Cyclic poet, mentioned the +tomb of her father Teiresias at Colophon,<a id="noteref_980" name="noteref_980" href="#note_980"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">980</span></span></a> +which was generally supposed to be in Bœotia. The offspring +of this marriage was Mopsus, who was probably +called the progenitor of the family from which, even +in the Roman time, the priests of the oracle were +selected.<a id="noteref_981" name="noteref_981" href="#note_981"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">981</span></span></a> The forms of prophecy were in this temple +also similar to those at Delphi. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The other temples of Apollo on the coast of Asia +Minor were generally connected with some one of +the four already mentioned. The temple of Leucæ, +between Smyrna and Phocæa (where the Cumæans +celebrated a festival),<a id="noteref_982" name="noteref_982" href="#note_982"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">982</span></span></a> was probably +a member of the Trojan family, to which the Grynean Apollo, in +the territory of Myrina near Cume (where there +was also an oracle), appears to be related.<a id="noteref_983" name="noteref_983" href="#note_983"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">983</span></span></a> Apollo +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page248">[pg 248]</span><a name="Pg248" id="Pg248" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Malloeis, in the territory of Mytilene, in Lesbos, was +an off-shoot of the Clarian worship:<a id="noteref_984" name="noteref_984" href="#note_984"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">984</span></span></a> to the same +branch also belonged the oracle of Apollo at Mallus +in Cilicia,<a id="noteref_985" name="noteref_985" href="#note_985"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">985</span></span></a> inasmuch as it was said to have been +founded by Mopsus the son of Manto. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_8" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. The worship of Apollo also penetrated to several +parts of European Greece, where it was established +by Cretan adventurers on capes and headlands—particularly +at Trœzen, Tænarum, Megara, and Thoricus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Trœzen</span></span>, as has been above +remarked,<a id="noteref_986" name="noteref_986" href="#note_986"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">986</span></span></a> shared +with Athens both the race of her inhabitants and +her worship, together with the connexion between +Athens and Crete; the meaning of which will be +explained hereafter.<a id="noteref_987" name="noteref_987" href="#note_987"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">987</span></span></a> Hence we may conjecture the +Cretan origin of the nine families, which were in +existence at a late date at Trœzen, and in early +times performed the rites of atonement and purification +(of which Orestes was said to have been the first +subject) near a laurel-tree in front of the temple +of Apollo, and a sacred stone in front of the temple +of the Lycean Artemis.<a id="noteref_988" name="noteref_988" href="#note_988"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">988</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page249">[pg 249]</span><a name="Pg249" id="Pg249" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The expiatory establishment<a id="noteref_989" name="noteref_989" href="#note_989"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">989</span></span></a> on the +promontory of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Tænarum</span></span> was also said to have been founded by +Tettix, a Cretan,<a id="noteref_990" name="noteref_990" href="#note_990"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">990</span></span></a> who is merely a personified symbol +of Apollo, like Lycus, Corax, Cycnus, &c, in other +places. Callondas is said to have purified the soul +of the murdered Archilochus at this gate of the infernal +regions. Considering the proximity of Delium +in Laconia<a id="noteref_991" name="noteref_991" href="#note_991"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">991</span></span></a> and of the little island of Minoa to this +temple, we may conclude that the origin of the above +sanctuary was connected with these places. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In front of the harbour of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Megara</span></span> was another +island called Minoa, and numerous legends had been +there preserved in which the Cretans of Minoa (though +probably only by a corruption of the original tradition) +were represented as enemies and plunderers. +Megara had two citadels: the Carian with the temple +of Demeter, and a more modern one towards the sea, +surmounted by temples of Apollo. This is said to +have been built by Alcathous the son of Pelops, while +Apollo stood by and played upon his lyre. A +sounding-block of stone was exhibited at the place +where the god lay down his lyre.<a id="noteref_992" name="noteref_992" href="#note_992"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">992</span></span></a> The same fable is +also alluded to by Theognis of Megara.<a id="noteref_993" name="noteref_993" href="#note_993"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">993</span></span></a> Here then +there is a worship and temples of an earlier date +than the Doric migration, and which certainly proceeded +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page250">[pg 250]</span><a name="Pg250" id="Pg250" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +from Crete. On the former citadel stood a +statue of Apollo Decatephorus,<a id="noteref_994" name="noteref_994" href="#note_994"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">994</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“the receiver of +tithes,”</span> whose name is explained by the fable that +the daughter of Alcathous was once sent as a tribute +to Crete, like the Athenian youths and maidens. +Thus a fact which will be soon proved with respect +to Athens, is also true of Megara—viz., that these +missions always conveyed a sacred tithe.<a id="noteref_995" name="noteref_995" href="#note_995"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">995</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. The process of our investigation will shortly +lead us to examine the Attic legends, consisting of +a confused mass of tradition, with which the worship +of all the gods, including that of Apollo, was in that +country perplexed. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +To commence then with the legends which are +connected with the temple of Apollo at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thoricus</span></span>. +Thoricus, situated on the south-eastern coast of Attica, +was one of the ancient twelve towns of that country, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page251">[pg 251]</span><a name="Pg251" id="Pg251" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and always remained a place of consequence, of which +there are still extant considerable remains. Favoured +by its situation, it soon became a commercial station; +Cretan vessels were accustomed in ancient times to +anchor in its harbour.<a id="noteref_996" name="noteref_996" href="#note_996"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">996</span></span></a> The fable of +Cephalus and Procris appears, from some poetical and mythological +accounts, to have been connected with Crete and the +worship of Apollo.<a id="noteref_997" name="noteref_997" href="#note_997"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">997</span></span></a> We know for certain that the +Cephalidæ, who existed at a still later period in +Attica,<a id="noteref_998" name="noteref_998" href="#note_998"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">998</span></span></a> preserved some hereditary rites of Apollo: +for when in the tenth generation Chalcinus and Dætus, +the descendants of the hero, returned to the country +which their ancestor had quitted in consequence of +murder, they immediately built a temple to that god +on the road to Eleusis.<a id="noteref_999" name="noteref_999" href="#note_999"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">999</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_10" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +10. But the fable of Cephalus was also connected +with another great temple of Apollo, which in the +west of Greece looked down from the chalky cliffs +of the promontory of Leucatas over the Ionian sea, +and of which there are ruins still extant.<a id="noteref_1000" name="noteref_1000" href="#note_1000"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1000</span></span></a> Now +Cephalus, the hero of Thoricus, is said to have gained +these regions in company with Amphitryon:<a id="noteref_1001" name="noteref_1001" href="#note_1001"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1001</span></span></a> +he is also said to have first made the celebrated leap +from the rock of Leucatas.<a id="noteref_1002" name="noteref_1002" href="#note_1002"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1002</span></span></a> This leap, doubtless, +had originally a religious meaning, and was an expiatory +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page252">[pg 252]</span><a name="Pg252" id="Pg252" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +rite. At the Athenian festival of Thargelia, a +festival sacred to Apollo, criminals, crowned as victims, +were led to the edge of a rock, and thrown down +to the bottom; and the same ceremony appears to have been performed +on certain sacred occasions at Leucatas.<a id="noteref_1003" name="noteref_1003" href="#note_1003"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1003</span></span></a> +Here, however, the fall of the criminal was +broken by tying feathers, and even birds, to his body; +below, he was taken up, and conveyed to a distance, +that he might carry away with him every particle +of guilt. This was without doubt the original meaning +of the leap of Cephalus, who was stained with +the guilt of homicide, and on that very account a +fugitive from his country. According to a legend +noticed in an ancient epic poem, his purification took +place at Thebes;<a id="noteref_1004" name="noteref_1004" href="#note_1004"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1004</span></span></a> whereas the Leucadian tradition +doubtless represented his leap from the rock as the act +of atonement. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In later times, indeed, the object of this leap was +totally altered; it was supposed to be a specific for +disappointed love.<a id="noteref_1005" name="noteref_1005" href="#note_1005"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1005</span></span></a> This singular application of the +ancient custom gave a romantic colour to the legend +connected with it. Cephalus and Procris were also +represented in after-times as tormented by love and +jealousy. Probably the story partly obtained this +form in Cyprus, the island of Aphrodite, whither the +fable of Cephalus<a id="noteref_1006" name="noteref_1006" href="#note_1006"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1006</span></span></a> was early carried by Attic settlers. +But in whatever manner it was perverted, +we cannot doubt that the leap of Cephalus from the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page253">[pg 253]</span><a name="Pg253" id="Pg253" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Leucadian rock was a part of the expiatory worship +of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +These considerations refer to the Cretan rites solemnized +at Thoricus. In Athens itself, the traditions +of Crete and Delphi being found united together, it is +necessary that we should first return to the latter +place, and follow the Pythian worship through +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Bœotia</span></span>. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_11" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +11. This indeed is neither the time nor place to +relate how the Pythian worship, in spite of the opposition +of hostile races, traced the route of the procession +through the passes of Parnassus. The fact +is indeed evident from an almost unbroken chain +of temples and oracles, the links of which, viz., +Thurium, Tilphossium, the temple of Galaxius, the +oracle of Eutresis, the Ismenium, Tenerium, Ptoum, +and Tegyra, are all connected either by tradition or +religious rites with Delphi. Delium is probably the +only place on the eastern coast founded from Delos. +Pindar represents the establishment of several such +temples under the form of a migration of the god +himself.<a id="noteref_1007" name="noteref_1007" href="#note_1007"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1007</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +I shall content myself with noticing a few of the +temples above-mentioned. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The first in order is the oracle at the fountain +of Tilphossa under Mount Helicon, famous for the +grave of Tiresias and the monument of Rhadamanthus, +who is said to have dwelt here with Alcmena +the mother of Hercules.<a id="noteref_1008" name="noteref_1008" href="#note_1008"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1008</span></span></a> To this spot were +attached some remarkable traditions of the Cretan worshippers +of Apollo, forming a branch of the colonization of +Cirrha; which is alluded to in Homer's account of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page254">[pg 254]</span><a name="Pg254" id="Pg254" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Thracians' bringing Rhadamanthus to Eubœa for +the purpose of seeing Tityus;<a id="noteref_1009" name="noteref_1009" href="#note_1009"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1009</span></span></a>—a remarkable +passage, which I can only understand to mean that the +Cretan hero was desirous to see Tityus, who was vanquished +by Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Tegyra was a place of great importance in the +Bœotian tradition, as being the birthplace of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1010" name="noteref_1010" href="#note_1010"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1010</span></span></a> The Delphian oracle was more favourable to this +tradition than to that of Delos. Pindar<a id="noteref_1011" name="noteref_1011" href="#note_1011"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1011</span></span></a> represents +the youthful god as coming to take possession of Pytho +from Tegyra, not, as the Attic poets, from Delos. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_12" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_12" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +12. The identity of the Bœotian with the Delphian +worship of Apollo was particularly striking in the +temple of Ismene at Thebes. As at Delphi the Python +was slain and the laurel broken anew every eight +years, so at Thebes a procession of laurel-bearers took +place at the same periods, the use of which, as a measure +of time, is evident.<a id="noteref_1012" name="noteref_1012" href="#note_1012"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1012</span></span></a> +Here also, as at Delphi, the +statue of Athene was placed in front of the temple +(πρόναος).<a id="noteref_1013" name="noteref_1013" href="#note_1013"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1013</span></span></a> Tripods were the sacred vessels in both +temples, though never employed in the latter for the +purpose of prophecy. In later times the priests were +contented with observing omens from the flame and +ashes of sacrifices,<a id="noteref_1014" name="noteref_1014" href="#note_1014"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1014</span></span></a> like the πυρχόοι of Delphi;<a id="noteref_1015" name="noteref_1015" href="#note_1015"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1015</span></span></a> although +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page255">[pg 255]</span><a name="Pg255" id="Pg255" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the mode of delivering oracles, from a mental +enthusiasm, was prevalent also in Thebes at an earlier +period; at least Tiresias (whom we may consider as a +prophet of the temple of Ismene)<a id="noteref_1016" name="noteref_1016" href="#note_1016"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1016</span></span></a> does not, either in +Homer or the tragedians, appear as a diviner from fire. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +That, however, the whole worship of Apollo was +not one of those originally instituted at Thebes, will be +evident from the following observations. In the ancient +legends respecting Cadmus, in which Demeter, +Cora, Cadmus, and afterwards Bacchus, predominate +in succession, Apollo never appears in a conspicuous +character. For particular additions of the poets may +be easily distinguished from the genuine popular tradition. +The fable, that Cadmus, after the slaughter +of the serpent, was, like Apollo, compelled to live +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eight</span></em> years in slavery,<a id="noteref_1017" name="noteref_1017" href="#note_1017"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1017</span></span></a> must be considered as a poetical +transposition. Cadmus and Apollo had originally no +points of resemblance to each other. The situation of +the temple of Apollo at Thebes is a most convincing +proof that his worship was totally distinct from any +other. Those of the ancient national gods were built +on the citadel of Cadmeia, whilst Apollo was not only +not worshipped in the citadel, but even without the +gates, in the temple of Ismene,<a id="noteref_1018" name="noteref_1018" href="#note_1018"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1018</span></span></a> which, according to +Pausanias, must have been situated opposite to the +temple of Hercules and the house of Amphitryon. +This proximity of the hero and god, as well as all +other points of union between the two at Thebes, will +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page256">[pg 256]</span><a name="Pg256" id="Pg256" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +be employed for the purpose of establishing further +conclusions, when we explain the legend of Hercules.<a id="noteref_1019" name="noteref_1019" href="#note_1019"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1019</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +To settle with any accuracy, from the traditions +concerning Tiresias and Hercules, the time at which +the Bœotian temples of Apollo were founded, seems +hardly possible, since the former contain no chronological +information, and the latter are entirely unconnected +with the rest of the Theban mythology. A +tradition respecting the establishment of the festival +of the Daphnephoria places it at the time of the +Æolian migration,<a id="noteref_1020" name="noteref_1020" href="#note_1020"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1020</span></span></a> whence it might perhaps be inferred +that the Æolians introduced the worship of +Apollo into Bœotia. This hypothesis would however +involve us in endless perplexities; and it is most probable +that its diffusion was gradually effected, soon +after the settlement at Cirrha, about the time at which +the worship of Apollo rose to importance at Athens. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_13" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_13" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +13. The introduction of this worship into <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Attica</span></span> +coincides exactly with the passage of the Ionians into +that country. The traditions respecting the most ancient +kings, Cecrops, Erichthonius, and Erechtheus, +chiefly refer to the temples, symbols, and festival rites +of Athene; and this goddess, together with the other +deities of the Acropolis, plays the principal part in +them, particularly in her connexion with the blessings +of husbandry. But with the reign of Ion the Attic +mythology assumes quite a different character.<a id="noteref_1021" name="noteref_1021" href="#note_1021"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1021</span></span></a> This +seems to me a complete refutation of the assertion of +the Ionians as to their identity with the aboriginal +nation of the Pelasgians.<a id="noteref_1022" name="noteref_1022" href="#note_1022"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1022</span></span></a> Still more evident is it +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page257">[pg 257]</span><a name="Pg257" id="Pg257" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +then, that in proportion as the Ionians, being a warlike +nation,<a id="noteref_1023" name="noteref_1023" href="#note_1023"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1023</span></span></a> separated themselves from the original inhabitants, +whose employment was agriculture and pasturing, +their Hellenic worship deviated from the +ancient one of the country. Aristotle indeed speaks +of the paternal Apollo (Ἀπόλλων πατρῷος) as being +a son of Athene and Hephæstus;<a id="noteref_1024" name="noteref_1024" href="#note_1024"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1024</span></span></a> but this is nothing +more than an endeavour to create a family connexion +between the principal gods of the same town: for +where do we ever find a temple dedicated conjointly to +Athene and Apollo? what ceremonies and sacrifices +were offered to them in common? and in what legends +are they found connected? Till such an union of the +two deities is discovered, we must consider Athene as +an ancient and native deity, Apollo as one of much +later introduction. The Athenians, indeed, maintained +that an ancient hero of their country, Erysichthon, a +son of Cecrops himself, erected the first statue of +Apollo at Delos:<a id="noteref_1025" name="noteref_1025" href="#note_1025"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1025</span></span></a> but it is easy to recognise in this +account the attempt of the Athenians to fortify their +claims to the dominion of the Delian temple, and to +represent their rights as prior to all others. In all +that is related of the Ionian princes (to whom Ægeus<a id="noteref_1026" name="noteref_1026" href="#note_1026"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1026</span></span></a> +and Theseus belong) with reference to religious institutions, +mention is seldom made of the ancient Athenian +deities, Athene and Hephæstus. The whole is +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page258">[pg 258]</span><a name="Pg258" id="Pg258" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +taken up with accounts either of the establishment of +the worship of Poseidon (which prevailed in the Ionian +cities and in the places of their national assemblies), +or the establishment and maintenance of an intercourse +with the temples of Apollo at Delos, Delphi, and +Cnosus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_14" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_14" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +14. In the second place, the fabulous history of +these heroes also concerns the worship of Apollo, in +so far as the origin of the Pythian Theorias is contained +in it. Ion is even a real son or adopted disciple +of the Pythian god; and in all probability there was +no more difference originally between his two fathers, +Apollo and Xuthus,<a id="noteref_1027" name="noteref_1027" href="#note_1027"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1027</span></span></a> than between the two fathers of +Theseus, Ægeus and Poseidon. Theseus consecrated +his hair to the same god; a place at Delphi was called +Thesea.<a id="noteref_1028" name="noteref_1028" href="#note_1028"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1028</span></span></a> It is also related of Ægeus, that his +kingdom, embracing the plain of Attica, stretched as far +as Pythium, where it bordered on Megaris.<a id="noteref_1029" name="noteref_1029" href="#note_1029"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1029</span></span></a> This +Pythium was situated in the <span class="tei tei-q">“sacred Œnoë,”</span><a id="noteref_1030" name="noteref_1030" href="#note_1030"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1030</span></span></a> a fortified +borough town of the tribe Hippothoontis, on the +frontiers of Megaris, Bœotia, and Attica,<a id="noteref_1031" name="noteref_1031" href="#note_1031"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1031</span></span></a> to the north +of the plain of Eleusis, and in a district of remarkable +fertility.<a id="noteref_1032" name="noteref_1032" href="#note_1032"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1032</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This temple was manifestly built on the frontiers in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page259">[pg 259]</span><a name="Pg259" id="Pg259" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +order to afford a resting-place to the sacred procession, +which in the beginning of the spring went from +Athens to Pytho. For if favourable omens had been +observed in the town itself, and it was intended to despatch +the procession, the prophet in the Pythium at +Œnoë performed sacrifices every day, in order to procure +a favourable journey, just as the Delian procession +was regulated by omens observed in the Delium +at Marathon.<a id="noteref_1033" name="noteref_1033" href="#note_1033"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1033</span></span></a> The families charged with the preparations +for sending the procession (probably all of +ancient Ionian extraction) were called Pythaistæ and +Deliastæ.<a id="noteref_1034" name="noteref_1034" href="#note_1034"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1034</span></span></a> The omens looked for were the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pythian +lightnings</span></span>, a very unusual mode of divination in +Greece. The Pythaistæ took their station in the +town, near the altar of Zeus Astrapæus, between the +Olympieium and Pythium, both of which were among +the earliest sanctuaries, although they first owed their +magnificence to Pisistratus.<a id="noteref_1035" name="noteref_1035" href="#note_1035"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1035</span></span></a> From this spot it was +the custom to watch for nine nights, during three +months, a lofty peak of mount Parnes,<a id="noteref_1036" name="noteref_1036" href="#note_1036"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1036</span></span></a> called Harma; +and it was only in case the wished-for lightnings +flashed favourably over the heights that the embassy +could proceed along the Pythian road. This road led +from Athens, near mount Corydallus (on which there +was a temple of Apollo),<a id="noteref_1037" name="noteref_1037" href="#note_1037"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1037</span></span></a> through the Eleusinian +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page260">[pg 260]</span><a name="Pg260" id="Pg260" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +plain to Œnoë; from thence through the pass of Dryoscephalæ +to Bœotia, where it touched either Thespiæ +or Thebes, then Lebadeia and Chæronea, and then +passed on by Panopeus and Daulis through the defile +between Parnassus and Cirphis to Delphi: a mountain +road which the Athenians declared that they had themselves +opened,<a id="noteref_1038" name="noteref_1038" href="#note_1038"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1038</span></span></a> and which Theseus is said to have freed +from robbers,<a id="noteref_1039" name="noteref_1039" href="#note_1039"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1039</span></span></a> in the same manner that he purified the +road to the Isthmus from monsters. This was also +the sacred road for the Peloponnesians, if we except +that part of it which traversed Attica.<a id="noteref_1040" name="noteref_1040" href="#note_1040"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1040</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There still remains to be mentioned a remarkable +fact respecting Œnoë, which will greatly assist us in +explaining the fable of the voyage of Theseus to Crete: +I allude to the existence of a tomb of Androgeus, the +son of Minos, whom the natives had put to death as he +was passing on the Pythian road.<a id="noteref_1041" name="noteref_1041" href="#note_1041"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1041</span></span></a> A Cretan was +murdered in the sacred way of the Cretan worship; +Minos came to take vengeance for the violation of the +sacred armistice; and hence Athens was obliged to +send a tribute to Cnosus. Now the nature of this +tribute may be perceived from a tradition preserved by +Aristotle,<a id="noteref_1042" name="noteref_1042" href="#note_1042"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1042</span></span></a> that the boys who were sent to Crete by +the Athenians lived at Cnosus as slaves; and that +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page261">[pg 261]</span><a name="Pg261" id="Pg261" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +afterwards, when the Cretans, in consequence of an +ancient vow, sent a tithe of men to Delphi, the descendants +of these slaves went with them, and subsequently +passed from thence to Italy. From this it +appears that the Athenians were compelled to send +sacred slaves to the chief temple at Cnosus, viz., that +of Apollo. For this reason these missions took place +every eight years (δι᾽ ἐννέα ἐτῶν);<a id="noteref_1043" name="noteref_1043" href="#note_1043"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1043</span></span></a> that is, probably +at every Ennaëteris of the Cretan and Delphic festival; +and for the same reason they consisted of seven +young men and women, as this number was especially +sacred to Apollo.<a id="noteref_1044" name="noteref_1044" href="#note_1044"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1044</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It is well known how much this tradition was +disfigured by the Athenians (originally perhaps in +their popular legends, and afterwards by the poets), +in what an odious light it was represented, and so +mixed up with extraneous matter, that we should only +render the problem too difficult if we attempted to +investigate the whole of its component parts. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We may however affirm with certainty that the +voyage of Theseus to Crete had originally no other +meaning than the landings at Naxos<a id="noteref_1045" name="noteref_1045" href="#note_1045"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1045</span></span></a> and Delos, which +were connected with it—viz., a propagation of religious +worship. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page262">[pg 262]</span><a name="Pg262" id="Pg262" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The landing at Delos is a mythical type of the +theorias, which the Athenians, in common with all the +Ionian islands, had from early times sent to this place;<a id="noteref_1046" name="noteref_1046" href="#note_1046"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1046</span></span></a> +moreover, the ship which conveyed Theseus home was +always regarded as a sacred vessel. It was sent out +at the Thargelia, after the priest, on the sixth day of +Thargelion, had crowned the poop.<a id="noteref_1047" name="noteref_1047" href="#note_1047"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1047</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Amongst other Delian rites the worship of Eilithyia +was also at that time brought over to Athens, +probably from the island of Crete, where an ancient +cavern of the goddess, near Amnisus, has been already +mentioned.<a id="noteref_1048" name="noteref_1048" href="#note_1048"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1048</span></span></a> +One point at which the procession from +Attica to Crete touched was the borough town and +harbour of Prasiæ, on the eastern coast of Attica, +where, besides the temple of Apollo, was the tomb of +Erysichthon, the Delian and Athenian hero; and tradition +represented the gifts of the Hyperboreans to +have been transported from this port to that sacred +island.<a id="noteref_1049" name="noteref_1049" href="#note_1049"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1049</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Lastly, the origin of the Delphinian expiatory +festival from Delphi and Crete is as evident as its +introduction by the Ionian princes; for Ægeus dwelt +in the Delphinium, and was there buried. To him +was also ascribed the establishment of the Delphinian +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page263">[pg 263]</span><a name="Pg263" id="Pg263" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +tribunal. Theseus, previously to his expedition +to Crete, here placed the olive-branch, bound +with wool, on the sixth day of Munychion,<a id="noteref_1050" name="noteref_1050" href="#note_1050"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1050</span></span></a> and purified +himself from the murder of the Pallantidæ.<a id="noteref_1051" name="noteref_1051" href="#note_1051"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1051</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_15" id="Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_15" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +15. The political situation of the worship of Apollo +at Athens still requires to be noticed. From our +previous observations it is clear that the Ionians had +adopted it from the Dorians; hence Ion himself is +called the son of the Pythian god. The paternal +deity of Athens was, as Demosthenes says, no other +than the Pythian Apollo.<a id="noteref_1052" name="noteref_1052" href="#note_1052"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1052</span></span></a> We may then assert, +without hesitation, that the Ionians were the only race +who had gentilitious rites of Apollo, and that they +alone could properly be called γενῆται Ἀπόλλωνος +πατρῴου. Thus, when the archons at the scrutiny +swore, that besides Zeus Herceus, the household god, +they worshipped also Apollo πατρῷος;<a id="noteref_1053" name="noteref_1053" href="#note_1053"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1053</span></span></a> this form of +oath originated at a time when the Eupatridæ, that +is, the noble Ionic and Hellenic families, were alone +eligible to the dignity of the archonship. Nor was it +till, by the timocracy of Solon and democracy of +Aristides, the richer class in general and the whole +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page264">[pg 264]</span><a name="Pg264" id="Pg264" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +people were admitted to this office, that Apollo πατρῷος +was considered as a deity common to all families.<a id="noteref_1054" name="noteref_1054" href="#note_1054"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1054</span></span></a> +The democratical judges of Athens also yearly +took an oath before this deity:<a id="noteref_1055" name="noteref_1055" href="#note_1055"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1055</span></span></a> this ceremony was +at first perhaps only required of the criminal judges +of aristocratical descent, viz., the Ephetæ. It is however +clear that originally the religion of Apollo was +adapted for the military caste alone, the ancient +Hopletes; hence he was not a god of artisans and +husbandmen, but of warriors. Hence also Ion or +Xuthus adopted him as the Athenian god of war +(πολέμαρχος) at the festival of Boedromia,<a id="noteref_1056" name="noteref_1056" href="#note_1056"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1056</span></span></a> the name +of which is derived from the onset of armed troops +in battle. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +As originally the Eupatridæ alone cultivated the +worship of Apollo, they alone possessed the ceremony +of purification, which is here, as elsewhere, mixed up +with the rites of the Cretan worship. According to +Plutarch,<a id="noteref_1057" name="noteref_1057" href="#note_1057"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1057</span></span></a> Ion had instructed the Athenians in +religion, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, in that of Apollo; and the same author +relates,<a id="noteref_1058" name="noteref_1058" href="#note_1058"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1058</span></span></a> that Theseus established the Eupatridæ as +administrators of the government, judges, and interpreters +of the sacred rites (ἐξηγηταὶ ὁσίων καὶ ἱερῶν). +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page265">[pg 265]</span><a name="Pg265" id="Pg265" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +By this we are to understand that it was their duty +to give information respecting every thing which regarded +the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">jus sacrum</span></span>; which in ancient times +especially comprehended expiations and excommunications +for homicide. The rites necessary at purification +were also entirely in the hands of the Eupatridæ, +(πάτρια);<a id="noteref_1059" name="noteref_1059" href="#note_1059"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1059</span></span></a> and this is the reason why in old times +they took cognizance of every homicide, and in later +times of manslaughter, the connexion of which duties +with the worship of Apollo will be shown hereafter.<a id="noteref_1060" name="noteref_1060" href="#note_1060"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1060</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +I have been induced to place these points in as +strong a light as possible, from the democratical tendency +of Athenian poetry, which endeavoured to obliterate +all traces of the forcible occupation of Attica, +and of the foreign extraction of the families of the +Eupatridæ. On this account the vacant period between +the times of the Erecthidæ and Ægidæ was +notoriously supplied by arbitrary insertions, and the +fable of Ion represented in a thousand various ways. +This tendency is also recognised in the tragedy of +Ion by Euripides, the artful and ingenious plan of +which cannot be sufficiently admired. According to +the ancient tradition, Ion was the son of the hero +Xuthus, or of the Pythian Apollo (who were originally +considered as identical), and probably of +Creusa, a native of Attica, which was a mode of +expressing his new settlement there. Euripides, on +the other hand, separates Ion from Xuthus,<a id="noteref_1061" name="noteref_1061" href="#note_1061"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1061</span></span></a> who is +always represented as somewhat rude and coarse, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page266">[pg 266]</span><a name="Pg266" id="Pg266" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +even tyrannical,<a id="noteref_1062" name="noteref_1062" href="#note_1062"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1062</span></span></a> and so alters the whole story, that +the hero does not appear as a newcomer, but as +the legitimate offspring of the female line of the race +of the Erecthidæ. By this device the poet preserved +the idea that the Athenians were an aboriginal +nation, on which they so prided themselves,<a id="noteref_1063" name="noteref_1063" href="#note_1063"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1063</span></span></a> and set +aside, in a manner most agreeable to their feelings, +the fable which contradicted this claim to antiquity. +Ion himself in the tragedy gives utterance to some +very popular sentiments; and of the power of aristocracy, +once so firmly established, the last faint memorial +is almost buried in oblivion.<a id="noteref_1064" name="noteref_1064" href="#note_1064"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1064</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc33" id="toc33"></a> +<a name="pdf34" id="pdf34"></a> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III" id="Book_II_Chapter_III" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter III.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Diffusion of the worship of Apollo in Peloponnesus by the +Dorians. § 2. His Introduction by the Dorians at the Olympic +festival. § 3. Influence of the Delphian oracle of Apollo. +Subjects of the oracle. § 4. Migrations caused by the oracle. +§ 5. Connexion of the temple of Delphi with the Amphictyons +of Thermopylæ. § 6. Worship of Apollo in Asia Minor and +the islands. § 7. In Italy and Sicily, in Apollonia and Cyrene. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_1" id="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. We now come to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">third</span></em> epoch of the propagation +of the worship of Apollo. The first embraced +the earliest migrations of the Doric nation, when the +great temples at Delphi, Cnosus, and Delos were +founded from Tempe. The second period is that of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page267">[pg 267]</span><a name="Pg267" id="Pg267" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the maritime supremacy of Minos, when the coasts of +Asia and Greece were covered with groves and expiatory +altars of this god. The third comprehends +the chief migration of the Dorians, and others occasioned +by it. Through these means Apollo became +the principal deity in Peloponnesus, where, in early +times, we find few traces of his existence. That the +Carnean Apollo of the Lacedæmonians, and the Apollo +Nomius of the Arcadians, form no exceptions to our +assertion, will be proved in a subsequent inquiry into +the nature and origin of these worships.<a id="noteref_1065" name="noteref_1065" href="#note_1065"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1065</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +After the Doric conquest of Peloponnesus, the chief +temples were every where consecrated to Apollo. +We have already spoken of the sanctuary of Apollo +Pythaëus, in which the Argive confederacy held their +meetings;<a id="noteref_1066" name="noteref_1066" href="#note_1066"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1066</span></span></a> nor was the temple of Apollo Lyceus in +the market-place less celebrated.<a id="noteref_1067" name="noteref_1067" href="#note_1067"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1067</span></span></a> The Spartans also +worshipped this deity under the former name,<a id="noteref_1068" name="noteref_1068" href="#note_1068"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1068</span></span></a> and the +inhabitants of Sicyon under the latter.<a id="noteref_1069" name="noteref_1069" href="#note_1069"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1069</span></span></a> Hecatus, it +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page268">[pg 268]</span><a name="Pg268" id="Pg268" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +is pretended, was a soothsayer, who came with the sons +of Aristodemus to Sparta; and his descendant, in the +second Messenian war, held the same office:<a id="noteref_1070" name="noteref_1070" href="#note_1070"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1070</span></span></a> the name +of this family refers to the worship of Apollo Hecatus +(the far-darting god). At Sparta Apollo was the +national deity; the kings sacrificed to him on the first +and seventh days of every month;<a id="noteref_1071" name="noteref_1071" href="#note_1071"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1071</span></span></a> the influence of +the capital city had also caused its general extension +throughout the country.<a id="noteref_1072" name="noteref_1072" href="#note_1072"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1072</span></span></a> Corinth,<a id="noteref_1073" name="noteref_1073" href="#note_1073"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1073</span></span></a> Epidaurus,<a id="noteref_1074" name="noteref_1074" href="#note_1074"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1074</span></span></a> +Ægina,<a id="noteref_1075" name="noteref_1075" href="#note_1075"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1075</span></span></a> and Trœzen<a id="noteref_1076" name="noteref_1076" href="#note_1076"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1076</span></span></a> followed the same example. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The name of the Delphian god had now attained +throughout Peloponnesus the universal respect which +it so long enjoyed: it had even led the way to the settlement +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page269">[pg 269]</span><a name="Pg269" id="Pg269" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and conquest of that peninsula, and hence +Apollo was called by the Dorians their <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">leader</span></em> and +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">founder</span></em>.<a id="noteref_1077" name="noteref_1077" href="#note_1077"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1077</span></span></a> It was not till a later period that the kings +of Messenia (who upon the whole adhered less strictly +to the Doric customs than the Spartans) entered into a +connexion with the sanctuary at Delos, which had then +already fallen into the power of the Ionians. About +the fifth Olympiad (760 B.C.) Eumelus, the Corinthian +poet, composed an ode for a Messenian chorus to +that holy island.<a id="noteref_1078" name="noteref_1078" href="#note_1078"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1078</span></span></a> On the other hand, it was owing +to the Dorians (particularly to the Spartans) that the +Pythian sanctuary remained independent, in the hands +of the Delphians; to preserve it in this state was one +of the duties which they inherited from their fathers;<a id="noteref_1079" name="noteref_1079" href="#note_1079"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1079</span></span></a> and they protected it more than once, particularly +against the Athenians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. The political power of the Dorians over the +whole of Peloponnesus necessarily ensured the preponderance +of their religious institutions; nevertheless we +find that the Achæans and Arcadians possessed few +temples of Apollo, and those not the principal ones in +their cities.<a id="noteref_1080" name="noteref_1080" href="#note_1080"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1080</span></span></a> The worship of Apollo was however, +through Spartan influence, held in great respect at +Tegea (the customs of which town had indeed become +almost entirely Doric), where there was also a tribe +called Apolloneatis.<a id="noteref_1081" name="noteref_1081" href="#note_1081"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1081</span></span></a> The country moreover +being intersected in every direction by roads to Olympia and +Delphi (to which place Peloponnesus despatched her +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page270">[pg 270]</span><a name="Pg270" id="Pg270" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +hecatombs in the beginning of the spring),<a id="noteref_1082" name="noteref_1082" href="#note_1082"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1082</span></span></a> must have +been by this very circumstance induced to establish +temples in honour of Apollo, an instance of which +appears in that at Onceum. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The principal deity of the Doric name soon obtained +a conspicuous place in the national festival, held +equally sacred by all Peloponnesians; I mean that of +Olympia. The establishment of this festival is probably +of early date; perhaps it took place during the +time when the dominion of the Pelopidæ spread from +Pisa and Olympia over most parts of the peninsula. +Hence the Elean Ætolians, when they seized upon the +presidency of these games, were, by the command of +the oracle, at the same time obliged to take one of the +Pelopidæ from the Achæan town of Helice for their +prince.<a id="noteref_1083" name="noteref_1083" href="#note_1083"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1083</span></span></a> Moreover, the ancient rivalry between the +Olympian and Isthmian worship, which occasioned the +prohibition against any Elean contending at the Isthmus,<a id="noteref_1084" name="noteref_1084" href="#note_1084"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1084</span></span></a> +can hardly have arisen at any other time +than when (previously to the Doric usurpation) the +Olympian Zeus was the chief god of the Achæans,<a id="noteref_1085" name="noteref_1085" href="#note_1085"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1085</span></span></a> +the Isthmian Poseidon of the Ionians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But it was not till the Dorians, for the purpose of +assembling all the Peloponnesians, at least every four +years, under the protection of their god, had taken possession +of the temple at Olympia; nor till Iphitus the +Ætolian, and Lycurgus the Dorian, had renewed these +contests, or given them a greater degree of importance, +that Apollo and Zeus are found in connexion with +each other, and even contending in the course at +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page271">[pg 271]</span><a name="Pg271" id="Pg271" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Olympia. And as a further instance of change, the +sacred armistice of Olympia went by the local name +of Therma;<a id="noteref_1086" name="noteref_1086" href="#note_1086"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1086</span></span></a> and hence Apollo, as the patron and +guardian deity of the institution, was called Thermius, +and worshipped under that title in the grove of Altis.<a id="noteref_1087" name="noteref_1087" href="#note_1087"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1087</span></span></a> +At this time Hercules (whose worship, once entirely +unknown in Elis, was introduced by Iphitus)<a id="noteref_1088" name="noteref_1088" href="#note_1088"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1088</span></span></a> is +also reported to have brought the wild olive-tree from the +Hyperboreans to the Alpheus, and planted the sacred +grove of Altis with it.<a id="noteref_1089" name="noteref_1089" href="#note_1089"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1089</span></span></a> The important influence of +the Delphian oracle on the Olympian games also +occasioned the time of their celebration to be regulated +by the Pythian cycle of eight years.<a id="noteref_1090" name="noteref_1090" href="#note_1090"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1090</span></span></a> For whereas the +whole cycle of eight years consisted of ninety-nine +lunar months, at the expiration of which time the +revolutions of the moon and sun again nearly coincided; +this period was at Olympia divided into two unequal +parts of fifty and forty-nine months, so that the festival +took place sometimes in the month of Apollonius, +sometimes in Parthenius. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page272">[pg 272]</span><a name="Pg272" id="Pg272" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The introduction of the worship of Apollo must +have had no less influence on the families of the soothsayers, +who ministered at the altars of the Olympic +deities. These were the Clytiadæ, Iamidæ, and Telliadæ;<a id="noteref_1091" name="noteref_1091" href="#note_1091"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1091</span></span></a> +of which the Clytiadæ considered themselves +as belonging to a clan, which produced very many +soothsayers, viz., the Melampodidæ.<a id="noteref_1092" name="noteref_1092" href="#note_1092"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1092</span></span></a> This explains +the fable that Melampus received the gift of prophecy +from Apollo on the banks of the Alpheus,<a id="noteref_1093" name="noteref_1093" href="#note_1093"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1093</span></span></a> in the +place where it was exercised by his descendants the Clytiadæ. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. The Doric migration gave rise to many others, +which spread the worship of Apollo in various directions; +no longer, however, as a peculiar deity of the +Dorians and Cretans, but, in a more extended sense, +as the national god of the Greeks. This was chiefly +occasioned by the influence of Delphi, which seems to +have given the chief stimulus to that great migration. +In fact, it became from this time invested with a power +which hardly belonged to any subsequent institution. +Apollo is represented as governing nations with an +arbitrary power, compelling them, however unwilling, +to undertake distant expeditions, and pointing out the +settlements which they are to occupy. In order to +convey a more distinct idea of this singular phenomenon, +it is necessary that the condition of the immediate +subjects of the Pythian temple should be more closely +examined. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +When the district of the Cirrhæans had, by the +Amphictyonic war, become forfeited to the temple of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page273">[pg 273]</span><a name="Pg273" id="Pg273" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Delphi, the sacred lands belonging to it formed a very +considerable territory. Two inscriptions contain surveys +of the Hieromnemons respecting its boundaries: +one relating to those towards Anticirrha in the east, +the other to those in the direction of Amphissa to the +west.<a id="noteref_1094" name="noteref_1094" href="#note_1094"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1094</span></span></a> Now it certainly appears that in ancient times, +when Cirrha was in existence, none of these lands +belonged to the temple, which must therefore have +possessed little or no territory. But in spite of the +generally received accounts of the Amphictyonic war, +it can be satisfactorily proved, that in earlier times +Cirrha and the temple, with its appendages, formed +one state.<a id="noteref_1095" name="noteref_1095" href="#note_1095"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1095</span></span></a> Their territory indeed consisted for the +most part of rock, mountain, and narrow glens;<a id="noteref_1096" name="noteref_1096" href="#note_1096"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1096</span></span></a> yet +towards the south it embraced the spacious plain of +Crissa, and in the north at least the luxuriant vineyards +of Parnassus. By whom then was this territory cultivated? +certainly neither by the Doric nobles nor the +Cretan colonists, who in the Homeric hymn are derided +by the god for thinking of the labours of agriculture, +and commanded to employ themselves merely in +sacrificing victims.<a id="noteref_1097" name="noteref_1097" href="#note_1097"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1097</span></span></a> Thus it is evident, +that there were subjects of the temple, who, besides the humble +employment of cultivating the soil, were also obliged +to tend the herds belonging to the temple. These +were the servants of the temple whom we so frequently +find mentioned.<a id="noteref_1098" name="noteref_1098" href="#note_1098"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1098</span></span></a> The same class also existed in Crete, +as we have before proved from the tribute sent by +Athens; and Crete, in its turn, as well as Eretria and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page274">[pg 274]</span><a name="Pg274" id="Pg274" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Magnesia,<a id="noteref_1099" name="noteref_1099" href="#note_1099"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1099</span></span></a> sent such <span class="tei tei-q">“human firstlings”</span> to the +temple of Pytho. Mention is also made of a town in +Crete composed of a thousand men, all sacred slaves.<a id="noteref_1100" name="noteref_1100" href="#note_1100"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1100</span></span></a> +Now these slaves of Delphi may have been procured +in different ways, either as tribute (and that either of +a city or of individuals), as voluntary bondsmen, or by +purchase:<a id="noteref_1101" name="noteref_1101" href="#note_1101"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1101</span></span></a> the latter mode was probably of rare occurrence +in early times. There still remain a considerable +number of Delphian monuments, in which +private individuals present or sell to the god those +slaves whom they wish to favour.<a id="noteref_1102" name="noteref_1102" href="#note_1102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1102</span></span></a> The condition of +these vassals corresponds to that of the Doric bondsmen;<a id="noteref_1103" name="noteref_1103" href="#note_1103"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1103</span></span></a> but their servitude was probably of a milder +nature; for we find it frequently stated that the sacred +slaves lived inviolate under the protection of the god, +although (at least in early times) they were entirely +dependent on the sacred council of the temple. +Originally, a great part consisted of prisoners taken +in war. We collect from ancient epic poems that +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page275">[pg 275]</span><a name="Pg275" id="Pg275" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Manto the daughter of Tiresias was, after the war of +the Epigoni, sent to the Pythian god as a share of the +spoil<a id="noteref_1104" name="noteref_1104" href="#note_1104"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1104</span></span></a> +(ἀκροθίνιον): one individual, as is usual in the +language of mythology, standing for many. The +Gephyræans also are said to have been at that time +decimated, sent from Thebes to Delphi, and thus to +have arrived at Athens.<a id="noteref_1105" name="noteref_1105" href="#note_1105"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1105</span></span></a> After the Persian war, an +idea was actually entertained of reviving this punishment +against the Thebans, whose enemies considered +them, at a still later period, as in the eye of justice +decimated, and given as slaves to Apollo.<a id="noteref_1106" name="noteref_1106" href="#note_1106"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1106</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_4" id="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. When the Pythian god was either unwilling or +unable to retain within his territory the crowds who +had been collected in this manner, he sent them out +as colonists; without, however, entirely giving up all +claim to their obedience. The early Grecian history +affords several examples of this proceeding: the +earliest is a Doric tradition respecting the Dryopes, +which differs in some respect from their own account. +Hercules, here represented as a Doric hero, had subjugated +the Dryopes, and brought them to Delphi as +an offering to Apollo, by whom he was commanded to +settle them on the southern coast of Argolis.<a id="noteref_1107" name="noteref_1107" href="#note_1107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1107</span></span></a> That +this nation, probably of Pelasgic origin, did not in +early times worship the Doric god, is evident from the +tradition that Leogoras the Dryopian violated the +temple of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1108" name="noteref_1108" href="#note_1108"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1108</span></span></a> But it is equally certain that they +were henceforth compelled to serve Apollo as their +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page276">[pg 276]</span><a name="Pg276" id="Pg276" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +chief deity, especially in his character of Apollo Pythaëus +at Argos.<a id="noteref_1109" name="noteref_1109" href="#note_1109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1109</span></span></a> A part of this nation however remained +at Delphi, where it is frequently mentioned in +later times under the name of Craugallidæ, who, together +with the Cirrhæans, appear as enemies to the +temple;<a id="noteref_1110" name="noteref_1110" href="#note_1110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1110</span></span></a> from which circumstance it may be inferred +that most of these Cirrhæans were revolted subjects +of the temple. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The migration of the Magnesians approaches rather +nearer to the historical age. This race, dwelling +under mount Pelion, felt itself, about the time of the +Thessalian migration, so pressed for want of territory, +that it had recourse to the Delphian oracle, by whose +advice it decimated its numbers; that is, it sent off a +tenth part of the young male population, who (like a +<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">ver sacrum</span></span> in +Italy)<a id="noteref_1111" name="noteref_1111" href="#note_1111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1111</span></span></a> renounced their native +land.<a id="noteref_1112" name="noteref_1112" href="#note_1112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1112</span></span></a> +These young colonists were mostly despatched to the +worshippers of Apollo in Crete, where they founded +the town of Magnesia, which Plato speaks of as a +place that had been destroyed, and considers as a prototype +of his ideal state, Apollo having been its only +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page277">[pg 277]</span><a name="Pg277" id="Pg277" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +legislator.<a id="noteref_1113" name="noteref_1113" href="#note_1113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1113</span></span></a> The intercourse of Crete with the coast +of Asia Minor soon carried over these sojourners to +the banks of the Mæander and the Lethæus, at the +confluence of which rivers they had been settled some +time before the Ionic migration;<a id="noteref_1114" name="noteref_1114" href="#note_1114"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1114</span></span></a> being, as was afterwards +declared by a Panhellenic decree, the first +Greeks who settled in Asia Minor.<a id="noteref_1115" name="noteref_1115" href="#note_1115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1115</span></span></a> Still, although +thus separated from their mother country, they maintained, +as sacred colonists (ἱεροὶ ἄποικοι), a perpetual +connexion with Delphi, and were bound, in ancient +times, to provide all travellers with food and lodging.<a id="noteref_1116" name="noteref_1116" href="#note_1116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1116</span></span></a> +The Delphians could expect a similar reception at +Delos:<a id="noteref_1117" name="noteref_1117" href="#note_1117"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1117</span></span></a> and indeed an extended exercise of the duties +of hospitality formed one of the principal objects of +this worship. Pausanias<a id="noteref_1118" name="noteref_1118" href="#note_1118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1118</span></span></a> gives an account of this +very important worship of Apollo in Magnesia as follows:<a id="noteref_1119" name="noteref_1119" href="#note_1119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1119</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-q">“At Hylæ, a place in the territory of the +Magnesians,<a id="noteref_1120" name="noteref_1120" href="#note_1120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1120</span></span></a> is a cavern consecrated to Apollo; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page278">[pg 278]</span><a name="Pg278" id="Pg278" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +not, indeed, remarkable for its size; but it contains +a statue of Apollo of great antiquity, and which +confers strength for every kind of work. Certain +devotees throw themselves, by the assistance of this +image, from steep and lofty precipices; or tearing +large trees up by the roots, walk with their burden +down the steepest paths.”</span> We would attempt to +trace more minutely the connexion of Magnesia with +Crete and Delphi, had not all clue to history been +necessarily broken off by the conquest of this proud +and prosperous city by the Ephesians, and its complete +destruction by the Treres, a Cimmerian tribe, in +the time of the Lydian monarch Ardys.<a id="noteref_1121" name="noteref_1121" href="#note_1121"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1121</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We have only time to notice some few other events +of a similar nature. Thus the Ænianes came to the +oracle about the same time, and on a similar emergency +as the Magnesians; dwelt for some years in the territory +of Cirrha, and were afterwards sent to the banks +of the Inachus in southern Thessaly.<a id="noteref_1122" name="noteref_1122" href="#note_1122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1122</span></span></a> An +example of historical authority is furnished by the +Chalcideans in Eubœa, the youthful part of whose +population was despatched by Apollo to Rhegium in +Italy;<a id="noteref_1123" name="noteref_1123" href="#note_1123"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1123</span></span></a> hence this town also celebrated the worship of +the god with expiatory rites and festivals,<a id="noteref_1124" name="noteref_1124" href="#note_1124"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1124</span></span></a> to which +the Messenians of Sicily sent choruses of thirty-five +boys across the straits.<a id="noteref_1125" name="noteref_1125" href="#note_1125"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1125</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page279">[pg 279]</span><a name="Pg279" id="Pg279" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_5" id="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +5. These events, which from their connected form +cannot be poetical fictions, give some idea of the extensive +influence of the temple of Delphi, the power +of which was probably at its highest pitch in the time +immediately succeeding the Doric migrations. Hence +also this was the epoch of the greatest influence of +the Amphictyons of Thermopylæ;<a id="noteref_1126" name="noteref_1126" href="#note_1126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1126</span></span></a> which confederation +of Thessalian tribes, and of tribes derived from +Thessaly, united the worship of the Doric temple of +Apollo with that of Demeter at Thermopylæ, and +thus an Hellenic and ancient Pelasgic worship were +combined together,<a id="noteref_1127" name="noteref_1127" href="#note_1127"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1127</span></span></a> probably not without a view of +forming a more intimate union between the different +races of Greece. The assembling in the spring of the +year at Delphi was probably copied from the meeting +of the neighbouring towns, in the spring festival, at +Tempe, at which business of a political kind was sometimes +transacted.<a id="noteref_1128" name="noteref_1128" href="#note_1128"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1128</span></span></a> The power, however, of the Amphictyons +of Thermopylæ was at no time actually +political, and, with a very few exceptions, all their +regulations and undertakings concerned the protection +of the two temples in their rights and possessions, the +rights of other temples in Greece, and the maintenance +of some principles of international law (νόμοι Ἀμφικτυονικοὶ), +founded upon religious notions. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. The Dorian colonies introduced Apollo into Asia +Minor as the principal deity of their national and federal +festival on the promontory of Triopium,<a id="noteref_1129" name="noteref_1129" href="#note_1129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1129</span></span></a> where +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page280">[pg 280]</span><a name="Pg280" id="Pg280" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +they probably first planted his worship, without, however, +excluding the more ancient Pelasgic rites of +Demeter and the infernal gods, which, although of a +different nature, were united in the ceremonies at +Triopium with those of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1130" name="noteref_1130" href="#note_1130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1130</span></span></a> In the same manner +the twelve towns of the Æolians, with whom Apollo +was by no means so nearly connected, celebrated in his +honour, as it seems, their federal festival in the grove +of Gryneum near Myrina.<a id="noteref_1131" name="noteref_1131" href="#note_1131"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1131</span></span></a> And though when the +Ionians crossed over from Athens to Asia Minor they +remained so constant to the worship of Poseidon that +they consecrated to him their national festival at Mycale, +and also built in the island of Tenos a splendid +temple of Poseidon and Amphitrite, honoured with +festivals and sacred embassies;<a id="noteref_1132" name="noteref_1132" href="#note_1132"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1132</span></span></a> yet the Cretan worship +was so prevalent at Delos, when first overrun by +the Ionians, that this island was itself the religious +metropolis of the Cyclades,<a id="noteref_1133" name="noteref_1133" href="#note_1133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1133</span></span></a> at whose festivals and +contests the higher classes of the islanders attended +with their families, even in ancient times; which naturally +gave rise to the establishment of temples to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page281">[pg 281]</span><a name="Pg281" id="Pg281" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Apollo, the principal deity, in the rest of the Cyclades; +as Cythnus,<a id="noteref_1134" name="noteref_1134" href="#note_1134"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1134</span></span></a> Siphnus,<a id="noteref_1135" name="noteref_1135" href="#note_1135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1135</span></span></a> Ceos,<a id="noteref_1136" name="noteref_1136" href="#note_1136"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1136</span></span></a> Naxos,<a id="noteref_1137" name="noteref_1137" href="#note_1137"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1137</span></span></a> &c. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_7" id="Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. The principal places to be mentioned in Italy +besides Rhegium are Croton and Metapontum. The +former was an Achæan and Lacedæmonian colony; +in the founding of which, according to tradition, the +oracle had an important share;<a id="noteref_1138" name="noteref_1138" href="#note_1138"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1138</span></span></a> the memory of which is preserved +by temples of Apollo Pythius, Hyperboreus,<a id="noteref_1139" name="noteref_1139" href="#note_1139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1139</span></span></a> +and Alæus,<a id="noteref_1140" name="noteref_1140" href="#note_1140"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1140</span></span></a> within, and close to the town. +Croton was peculiarly subject to the influence of +Apollo, whose worship operated to an unusual extent +on the character and customs of its inhabitants. On +the founding of Metapontum our information is scanty. +The inhabitants generally supposed themselves to be +of Achæan origin; yet Ephorus has preserved a remarkable, +though confused tradition, that Daulius the tyrant +of Crissa was the founder of that town.<a id="noteref_1141" name="noteref_1141" href="#note_1141"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1141</span></span></a> It +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page282">[pg 282]</span><a name="Pg282" id="Pg282" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +seems, then, that inhabitants of Daulis, in the narrow +valley of Parnassus, and Crissæans, from the coast, +had passed over to Italy in very early times. The +inhabitants of Metapontum, as ancient subjects of +Apollo, sent him golden ears of corn (χρυσοῦν θέρος) +as a tithe of their harvest; we find on their coins the +full ears of barley, which were paid as tribute, and on +the reverse the god himself, armed with his helmet, +arrow and bow, as a conqueror, and holding a branch +of laurel; exactly coinciding with the symbols used +in the temple of Delphi.<a id="noteref_1142" name="noteref_1142" href="#note_1142"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1142</span></span></a> Thus historical tradition and religious symbols +both point to the same conclusion.<a id="noteref_1143" name="noteref_1143" href="#note_1143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1143</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +During the period of which we are treating, the +regulation of colonies by the Delphian oracle was +the chief instrument which extended the worship of +Apollo on the coast of the Mediterranean. In honour +of this deity the Chalcideans who founded Naxos, the +first Greek colony in Sicily (Olymp. 5. 2. 759 B.C.), +erected on the coast an altar of Apollo Archegetas, +upon which the Sicilian Theori always sacrificed +when they sailed to the temple of Apollo in their +mother-country.<a id="noteref_1144" name="noteref_1144" href="#note_1144"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1144</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page283">[pg 283]</span><a name="Pg283" id="Pg283" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Apollonia, the Corinthian settlement on the Ionian +sea, was also supposed to have been founded by +Apollo;<a id="noteref_1145" name="noteref_1145" href="#note_1145"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1145</span></span></a> hence the above-mentioned custom of sending +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the golden summer</span></span>”</span> to Delphi prevailed in +this town.<a id="noteref_1146" name="noteref_1146" href="#note_1146"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1146</span></span></a> We have in a former work<a id="noteref_1147" name="noteref_1147" href="#note_1147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1147</span></span></a> shown that +the worship at Thera and Cyrene was paid to the +deity of the Theban Ægidæ, viz., the Carnean Apollo; +who, however, at the founding of the colony (Olymp. +37), was already considered as the same with the +Dorian god; hence the fountain of Apollo at Cyrene, +its colony of Apollonia, &c. Mythology, which often +first clothes the events of history in a fabulous garb, +and then refers them to an early and unknown time, +expressed the founding of Cyrene, under the guidance +of the temple of Apollo, in the following elegant personification—That +Cyrene, a Thessalian nymph, the +favourite of Apollo, was carried by her divine lover to +Africa, in his chariot drawn by swans.<a id="noteref_1148" name="noteref_1148" href="#note_1148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1148</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We shall abstain from bringing down the colonization +of this religion to a later period, since in +after-times the lively principle which at first actuated +the worshippers of Apollo was lost; and, instead +of considering their actions as the effect of supernatural +compulsion, men were rather disposed to +regulate their conduct according to the dictates of +reason and free-will. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page284">[pg 284]</span><a name="Pg284" id="Pg284" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc35" id="toc35"></a> +<a name="pdf36" id="pdf36"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IV.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Connexion of the fable of the Hyperboreans with the worship +of Apollo. § 2. Its connexion with the temples at Delphi; § 3. +and Delos. § 4. Original locality of the Hyperboreans. § 5. +Localities subsequently assigned by Poets and Geographers. +§ 6. The Hyperboreans considered a sacred people. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. Wearisome as it is to follow up the chain of +remote events which gave rise to the wide diffusion of +the worship of Apollo, nevertheless the fable of the +Hyperboreans, by referring a number of particular +circumstances to one head, is very well qualified to +arrest and fix our attention. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We assert, then, the connexion of this tradition +with the original worship of Apollo. No argument +to the contrary can be drawn from its not being mentioned +either in the Iliad or Odyssey; these poems +not affording any opportunity for its introduction. +Moreover, the Hyperboreans were spoken of in the +poem of the Epigoni, and by Hesiod.<a id="noteref_1149" name="noteref_1149" href="#note_1149"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1149</span></span></a> The fable, +indeed, may not have come till late within the province +of poetical mythology; as a local tradition, it must +have arisen whilst that primitive connexion between +the temples of Tempe, Delphi, and Delos (which was +afterwards entirely dissolved) still existed in full +vigour. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. According to a Doric hymn of Bœo, a poetess +of Delphi, quoted by Pausanias,<a id="noteref_1150" name="noteref_1150" href="#note_1150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1150</span></span></a> Pagasus, and the +godlike Agyieus, the sons of the Hyperboreans, +founded the celebrated oracle at Delphi. Agyieus +is merely another name for Apollo himself. Pagasus +refers to the Pagasæan temple on the sacred road.<a id="noteref_1151" name="noteref_1151" href="#note_1151"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1151</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page285">[pg 285]</span><a name="Pg285" id="Pg285" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +With them came Olen, the first prophet and bard +of Apollo. Two other Hyperborean heroes, Hyperochus +and Laodicus, assisted in the slaughter of the +Gauls at Delphi;<a id="noteref_1152" name="noteref_1152" href="#note_1152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1152</span></span></a> and, in accordance with similar +traditions, Mnaseas of Patara called all the inhabitants +of Delphi descendants of the Hyperboreans.<a id="noteref_1153" name="noteref_1153" href="#note_1153"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1153</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Alcæus,<a id="noteref_1154" name="noteref_1154" href="#note_1154"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1154</span></span></a> in a hymn to Apollo, related how <span class="tei tei-q">“Zeus +adorned the new-born god with a golden fillet and +lyre, and sent him, in a chariot drawn by swans, +to Delphi, in order to introduce justice and law +amongst the Greeks. Apollo, however, ordered the +swans first to fly to the Hyperboreans. The Delphians, +missing the god, instituted a pæan and song, +ranged choruses of young men around the tripod, +and invoked him to come from the Hyperboreans. +The god remained an entire year with that nation, +and at the appointed time, when the tripods of +Delphi were destined to sound, he ordered the swans +to resume their flight. The return of Apollo takes +place exactly in the middle of summer; nightingales, +swallows, and grasshoppers sing in honour +of the god; and even Castalia and Cephisus<a id="noteref_1155" name="noteref_1155" href="#note_1155"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1155</span></span></a> heave +their waves to salute him.”</span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +If Alcæus consecrated this pæan, as Pindar did his +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page286">[pg 286]</span><a name="Pg286" id="Pg286" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +pæan, to the worship of the Delphian god, he would +hardly have dared to do more than embellish the local +traditions. Supposing, however, that this was not +the case, he would still have taken the principal event +(viz., the arrival of Apollo from the Hyperboreans) +rather from a fable universally acknowledged, than +the unauthorized fictions of poetry. The whole account, +and even the time, are clearly drawn from the +mysteries of the worship. According to the tradition +of Delphi, Apollo, at the expiration of the great +period, visited the beloved nation of the Hyperboreans, +and danced and played with them from the vernal +equinox to the early setting of the Pleiades; and +when the first corn was cut in Greece, he returned +to Delphi, as I suppose, with the full ripe ears, the +offerings of the Hyperboreans.<a id="noteref_1156" name="noteref_1156" href="#note_1156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1156</span></span></a> Even the story of +the swans was no addition of Alcæus; for the painted +vases in the south of Italy (the extremity of the +Grecian world) represent the same fiction as the +Lesbian poet; nay, so exactly do they correspond, +that we do not indeed recognise Alcæus, but the traditions +upon which the account was founded, as they +were perhaps related at Metapontum and Croton. +The boy Apollo, the sceptre and goblet in one +hand, and full ears of barley in the other (which +allude to the offerings of the Hyperboreans, and the +<span class="tei tei-q">“golden summer”</span>), is seated, with a mild aspect, +on a car, the axles of which are bound with swans' +feathers. Hyperborean women, with torches, and +pitchers for sacred libations, conduct him.<a id="noteref_1157" name="noteref_1157" href="#note_1157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1157</span></span></a> The +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page287">[pg 287]</span><a name="Pg287" id="Pg287" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +swans, with which Apollo here comes, occur elsewhere +in the legends of Delphi, which refer to the Hyperboreans. +The most ancient temple of Delphi, according +to the assertion of the priests, was merely +a low hut, built with branches of the sacred laurel +of Tempe; the second was a tent, which either the +Hyperboreans or Pteras of Crete formed of swans' +feathers and wax.<a id="noteref_1158" name="noteref_1158" href="#note_1158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1158</span></span></a> The Peneus flowed by the altar +of Tempe; the notes of the swans on the banks of +this river are mentioned in a short hymn attributed +to Homer.<a id="noteref_1159" name="noteref_1159" href="#note_1159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1159</span></span></a> And allowing that these birds were here +particularly numerous, it is evident that their brilliant +colour and majestic motion peculiarly adapted them +for symbols of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. We find the same tradition, with merely a few +local alterations, at Delos.<a id="noteref_1160" name="noteref_1160" href="#note_1160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1160</span></span></a> Latona, in the first +place, is said to have arrived in that island from the +country of the Hyperboreans as a she-wolf, having +completed the whole journey, pursued by Here, in +twelve days and nights.<a id="noteref_1161" name="noteref_1161" href="#note_1161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1161</span></span></a> Afterwards the young +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page288">[pg 288]</span><a name="Pg288" id="Pg288" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +virgins, Arge and Opis, came with Apollo and +Artemis; a lofty tomb was erected to their memory +at Delos, upon which sacrifices were offered; an +ancient hymn, which was attributed to the ancient +minstrel Olen, celebrated their appearance.<a id="noteref_1162" name="noteref_1162" href="#note_1162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1162</span></span></a> Afterwards +the Hyperboreans sent two other virgins, +Hyperoche and Laodice, the same names as occur +above, and with them five men, who are called +<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">perpherees</span></span><a id="noteref_1163" name="noteref_1163" href="#note_1163"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1163</span></span></a> +(from their bringing the sacred gifts enveloped +in wheaten straw): this exactly corresponds +with <span class="tei tei-q">“the golden summer”</span> of the Delphians. The +perpherees received great honours at Delos; and +the Delian maidens before marriage laid on the +tomb of the two Hyperborean virgins a spindle, the +young men a branch, both entwined with locks of +hair. The offering, however, of the Hyperborean +women was, it was said, really intended for Ilithyia, +the protectress of women in labour, in order to fulfil +a vow made to that goddess for the birth of Apollo +and Artemis. Now these missions, according to +Delian traditions, always continued to be carried on. +The Hyperboreans were supposed to pass them on +to their neighbours the Scythians; from them they +were transmitted through a chain of nations on the +coast of the Adriatic, by Dodona,<a id="noteref_1164" name="noteref_1164" href="#note_1164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1164</span></span></a> through Thessaly, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page289">[pg 289]</span><a name="Pg289" id="Pg289" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Eubœa, and the island of Tenos, and came +accompanied with flutes and pipes,<a id="noteref_1165" name="noteref_1165" href="#note_1165"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1165</span></span></a> to Delos.<a id="noteref_1166" name="noteref_1166" href="#note_1166"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1166</span></span></a> +This story cannot have been a mere poetical fiction; +it doubtless originated in the active connexion kept +up by means of sacred missions with the ancient +settlements of the worship of Apollo in the north +of Thessaly.<a id="noteref_1167" name="noteref_1167" href="#note_1167"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1167</span></span></a> +In Delos also, as at Delphi, there was +a story of the god resting for some time amongst +the Hyperboreans; though the scene was generally +changed to Lycia.<a id="noteref_1168" name="noteref_1168" href="#note_1168"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1168</span></span></a> A painted vase exhibits the god +with a lyre in his hand, alighting near the palm-tree +of Delos: a young woman, representing a whole +chorus, receives him, playing upon a stringed instrument.<a id="noteref_1169" name="noteref_1169" href="#note_1169"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1169</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +As the temple at Olympia was connected with +Delphi, we find also here some traditions respecting +the country of the Hyperboreans, as the native land +of the wild olive-tree which flourished in the grove +of Zeus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. Thus much concerning the places where the +fable of the Hyperboreans really existed; we must +next notice the situation generally assigned to that +sacred nation. In this the name is our chief guide. +In the first place it indicates a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">northern</span></em> nation; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page290">[pg 290]</span><a name="Pg290" id="Pg290" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +which idea is sufficiently accounted for by the fact +that the worship of Apollo came from the most +northern part of Greece, from the district of Tempe;<a id="noteref_1170" name="noteref_1170" href="#note_1170"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1170</span></span></a> +and although the actual distance was not great, yet +the imagination might have been moved by this circumstance +to conceive Apollo as coming from the +most remote regions of the north. But, in the second +place, the Hyperboreans are said to dwell <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">beyond</span></em> +Boreas; so that this happy nation never felt the +cold north wind: in the same manner that Homer +represents the summit of Olympus as rising above +the storms, nor ever covered with snow, but surrounded +by an atmosphere of cloudless and undisturbed +serenity. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. This is nearly the whole of our information +on the origin of this fabulous people. Poets, however, +and geographers, dissatisfied with such accounts, +attempted to assign to it a fixed habitation in the +catalogue of nations: and for this purpose connected +multifarious and foreign accounts of the northern +regions of the world with the religious fable of the +Hyperboreans, and moulded the whole into an imaginary +picture of a supposed real people. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Among these stories the most remarkable is that +which connects the Hyperboreans with the Scythians. +Herodotus found them mentioned in the Arimaspea of +Aristeas the Proconnesian, in which poem his ideas +of the worship of Apollo were interspersed with obscure +accounts of the northern regions.<a id="noteref_1171" name="noteref_1171" href="#note_1171"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1171</span></span></a> He came, +led by the spirit of Apollo, through Scythia to the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page291">[pg 291]</span><a name="Pg291" id="Pg291" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Issedones,<a id="noteref_1172" name="noteref_1172" href="#note_1172"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1172</span></span></a> the one-eyed Arimaspians, the Griffins that +kept watch over the gold, and thus at last reached the +Hyperboreans who inhabited the shores on the further +side of the ocean. Now Aristeas must have collected +the tradition concerning these nations and monsters +from the same sources as Herodotus; viz., from the +Greeks dwelling on the Pontus and Borysthenes, and +through these from the Scythians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the list of the fabulous nations of the north, the +ancient Damastes exactly agrees with the Arimaspea +of Aristeas.<a id="noteref_1173" name="noteref_1173" href="#note_1173"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1173</span></span></a> Beyond the Scythians he places the Issedones, +then the Arimaspians, then the Rhipæan mountains, +from which the north wind blows, and on the +other side of these, on the sea-coast, the Hyperboreans.<a id="noteref_1174" name="noteref_1174" href="#note_1174"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1174</span></span></a> +Without doubt this geographer placed the Issedones +in the districts to the north of the Euxine sea, and +rather to the east of Greece.<a id="noteref_1175" name="noteref_1175" href="#note_1175"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1175</span></span></a> And indeed neither +Issedones, Arimaspians, nor Griffins could be placed +in any other region than that which lies to the north of +the Euxine sea, as all this tract had become known to +the Greeks by means of the Scythians, who dwelt in +these parts; it was only in this district that the Greeks +heard of Arimaspians. The case is entirely different +with respect to the Hyperboreans and Rhipæans. Of +the former the Scythians, as Herodotus tells us, knew +nothing; and the latter are a mere political fiction of +Greece, since they derived their names from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hurricanes</span></span> +(ῥιπαὶ), issuing from a cavern, which they warded off +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page292">[pg 292]</span><a name="Pg292" id="Pg292" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +from the Hyperboreans, and sent to more southern +nations. For this reason the Hyperboreans could also +be placed in another part, remote from Scythia; still +however they kept their original position in the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">north</span></em>. +Thus Pindar,<a id="noteref_1176" name="noteref_1176" href="#note_1176"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1176</span></span></a> and also Æschylus in the Prometheus +Unbound,<a id="noteref_1177" name="noteref_1177" href="#note_1177"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1177</span></span></a> place the Hyperboreans at the source of the +Ister. Now, if, with Herodotus, the Ister is conceived +to be a river which runs through all Europe from its +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">western</span></em> extremity, the Hyperboreans, in spite of their +name, must be placed in the regions of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">west</span></em>.<a id="noteref_1178" name="noteref_1178" href="#note_1178"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1178</span></span></a> But +there was in ancient times also an idea that the Ister +was a vast stream descending from the extreme <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">north</span></em>;<a id="noteref_1179" name="noteref_1179" href="#note_1179"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1179</span></span></a> +and this notion was evidently entertained by the two +poets just mentioned; thus Æschylus, in the Prometheus +Unbound, represented Hercules as penetrating +to the place where Boreas rushes from the mountains; +and with this the Rhipæan mountains, the +Hyperboreans, and the Ister were doubtless mentioned. +Sophocles also placed the <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ancient garden of +Phœbus</span></span>”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, the country of the Hyperboreans, at +the extremity of the earth, and near the dwelling of +Boreas.<a id="noteref_1180" name="noteref_1180" href="#note_1180"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1180</span></span></a> This natural conception of the Hyperboreans, +and agreeing so well with the origin of the legend, is +universal among the early poets; it is only in the works +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page293">[pg 293]</span><a name="Pg293" id="Pg293" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of later writers that we find certain traces of a translation +of the Hyperboreans to Italy and other western +countries, and of a confusion of the Rhipæans with the +Alps and Pyrenees. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_6" id="Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. We see then that notwithstanding the arbitrary +license assumed by poets, the religious ideas respecting +the Hyperboreans were every where preserved without +the slightest variation. They were represented as a +pious nation, abstaining from the flesh of animals, and +living in perpetual serenity, in the service of their god, +for a thousand years.<a id="noteref_1181" name="noteref_1181" href="#note_1181"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1181</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-q">“The muse,”</span> says Pindar, +<span class="tei tei-q">“is not estranged from their manners. The choruses +of virgins and sweet melody of the lyre or pipe resound +on every side; and, twining their hair with the +glittering laurel, they feast joyfully. Neither disease +nor old age is the lot of this sacred race; while +they live apart from toil and battles, undisturbed by +the revengeful Nemesis.”</span><a id="noteref_1182" name="noteref_1182" href="#note_1182"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1182</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Respecting their festivals, which were supposed to +take place in the open air,<a id="noteref_1183" name="noteref_1183" href="#note_1183"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1183</span></span></a> it was related by Hecatæus +the younger, of Abdera, that these were celebrated by +three gigantic Boreadæ, whose songs and dances were +accompanied by innumerable flocks of swans.<a id="noteref_1184" name="noteref_1184" href="#note_1184"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1184</span></span></a> But +the strangest account is that of Pindar, that whole +hecatombs of asses were sacrificed at these festivals:<a id="noteref_1185" name="noteref_1185" href="#note_1185"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1185</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page294">[pg 294]</span><a name="Pg294" id="Pg294" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +this however is borrowed from the real worship, from +one of the sacred rites of Delphi, where asses were +sacrificed at the Pythian festival.<a id="noteref_1186" name="noteref_1186" href="#note_1186"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1186</span></span></a> Lastly, the account +given of the death of the Hyperboreans strongly reminds +us of the rites of the Thargelia, and the leap at +Leucate; we are told that, tired of a long existence, +they leapt, crowned with garlands, from a rock into +the sea.<a id="noteref_1187" name="noteref_1187" href="#note_1187"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1187</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc37" id="toc37"></a> +<a name="pdf38" id="pdf38"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter V.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. The Apollo of Tempe, Delphi, Delos, Crete, Lycia, Troy, +Athens, and Peloponnesus, the same deity. § 2. Apollo +Nomius of Arcadia rightly distinguished from the preceding. +§ 3. Apollo the father of Æsculapius likewise a distinct deity. +§ 4 and 5. Apollo not originally an elementary deity, or god +of the sun. § 6. Origin of this idea. § 7. Rites of Apollo +unlike those of the elementary deities. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. Having treated of the extension and propagation +of the worship of Apollo, and some of the most +remarkable legends and fables connected with it, we +next turn our attention to the nature and character of +the religion itself. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the first place, then, we shall remind the reader +of a position sufficiently established by the foregoing +inquiries; that the Apollo of Tempe, Delphi, Delos, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page295">[pg 295]</span><a name="Pg295" id="Pg295" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Crete, Lycia, Troy, Athens, and Peloponnesus, is the +same god, and not, as was very frequently the case in +the religions of Greece, a combination of several +deities under one name. This conclusion we supported +as well by historical accounts respecting the foundation +of his numerous temples, as by the evidence derived +from a recurrence of the same names, rites, and symbols; +such, for example, as the titles of Lycius and +Lycia, Delphinius and Pythius; the oracles and sibyls; +the purifications and expiations; the custom of leaping +from rocks; decimations; the golden summer, and +bloodless oblations; the laurel-berries; the legend of +the Hyperboreans, and the cycle of eight years. +Hence the theologians mentioned by Cicero<a id="noteref_1188" name="noteref_1188" href="#note_1188"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1188</span></span></a> were +wrong in endeavouring without any authority to distinguish +between the Athenian, Cretan, and Hyperborean +Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_V_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. It appears, however, that they were warranted +in distinguishing from the rest the Apollo Nomius of +Arcadia; although in their etymology of the name,<a id="noteref_1189" name="noteref_1189" href="#note_1189"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1189</span></span></a> +which made him a divine <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">lawgiver</span></em>, they by no means +followed the most authentic sources of religious history. +The correct account is without doubt that given by +Pindar,<a id="noteref_1190" name="noteref_1190" href="#note_1190"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1190</span></span></a> who calls Aristæus, conjointly with Zeus and +Apollo, a protector of flocks, and guardian of huntsmen. +In fact, Aristæus and his son Actæon were +ancient deities of the early Pelasgic inhabitants of +Greece.<a id="noteref_1191" name="noteref_1191" href="#note_1191"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1191</span></span></a> That god also protected agriculture and +pasturing, warded off the scorching heat of summer, +charmed by incantations the mild Etesian winds, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page296">[pg 296]</span><a name="Pg296" id="Pg296" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +loved hunting and the care of bees. His chief haunts +were the plains under mount Pelion and Iolcus—from +which place his worship was introduced into Cyrene—the +fertile valley of Thebes, Parrhasia in Arcadia,<a id="noteref_1192" name="noteref_1192" href="#note_1192"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1192</span></span></a> +and the Parrhasian island of Ceos;<a id="noteref_1193" name="noteref_1193" href="#note_1193"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1193</span></span></a> at Cyrene, Apollo +and Cyrene were called his parents.<a id="noteref_1194" name="noteref_1194" href="#note_1194"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1194</span></span></a> The genealogy +attributed to Aristæus varied considerably in different +places; through the prevalence of Greek worship in +Arcadia he was considered identical with Apollo. It +was remembered that the Delphian god had also tended +the herds of Admetus; and perhaps the national +worship of Aristæus at Pheræ had partly contributed +to the formation of this fable.<a id="noteref_1195" name="noteref_1195" href="#note_1195"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1195</span></span></a> Deities, whose worship +at an early period fell into disuse, were adapted and +modified in various ways to suit the ruling powers: +and even if a complete and consistent system of mythology +was eradicated and destroyed as a whole, yet +particular portions of it would combine themselves +with the prevailing religion, and thus obtain a new +existence. Thus also the ancient elementary deity, +which had received the name of Apollo Nomius, was +called the son of the ancient Silenus,<a id="noteref_1196" name="noteref_1196" href="#note_1196"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1196</span></span></a> because his attributes +seemed to resemble those of the attendants of +Bacchus.<a id="noteref_1197" name="noteref_1197" href="#note_1197"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1197</span></span></a> I shall take occasion hereafter to explain +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page297">[pg 297]</span><a name="Pg297" id="Pg297" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the connexion between the Carnean Apollo and this +deity.<a id="noteref_1198" name="noteref_1198" href="#note_1198"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1198</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. It should also be observed that Apollo and +Æsculapius were connected in fable and mythology; +and this at an early period, for Hesiod called Æsculapius +the son of Apollo;<a id="noteref_1199" name="noteref_1199" href="#note_1199"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1199</span></span></a> but, as it +appears, only in mythology, and not in any religious worship. Thus +neither at Tricca, Lebadea, Epidaurus, nor Cos, were +Apollo Pæan and Æsculapius intimately connected; +nor do we ever find that they had altars, festivals, or +sacrifices in common, except perhaps in a temple at +the modern town of Megalopolis.<a id="noteref_1200" name="noteref_1200" href="#note_1200"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1200</span></span></a> This practical +difference may be accounted for by the national origin +of the two worships. For Phlegyas, the ancestor of +Æsculapius, and the sons of Æsculapius mentioned in +the Homeric Catalogue, belonged to races which were +hostile both to the Dorians and the temple of Delphi; +and the dispersion of the schools of the Asclepiadæ +through Greece had nothing in common with the foundation +of the temples of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_V_Section_4" id="Book_II_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. Having made these distinctions, we now return +to the principal position established by the preceding +inquiries; viz., that it was the Dorians among whom +the religion of Apollo was the most ancient, important, +and truly national worship. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The Dorians being an active and heroic people, it +is natural that their peculiar religious feelings should +have had a like tendency. Hence, as they displayed +a perpetual aversion to the innocent employments of +husbandry, and a love for active and military exertion, +their national god was exactly the reverse of the elementary +deities worshipped by the agricultural races. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page298">[pg 298]</span><a name="Pg298" id="Pg298" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But this inference seems to be invalidated by an +opinion entertained by many at least of the later +Greeks, and by most modern writers on mythology, +that Apollo was an elementary deity, the deified personification +of the sun. On the whole of this difficult +and doubtful subject it is not my intention now to +enter; but I shall be satisfied with laying before the +reader the principal arguments on both sides, and +afterwards stating my own views on the subject. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. In the first place, then, the accounts above given +of Apollo returning from the Hyperboreans with the +ripe ears of corn, and the tribute of the golden ears, +certainly suggest the idea of a guardian of agriculture.<a id="noteref_1201" name="noteref_1201" href="#note_1201"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1201</span></span></a> +On the coins of Metapontum we frequently see these +ears of corn, with the grasshopper, or mouse both in +the act of creeping, upon the reverse. The same explanation +is applicable to both symbols. The mouse +and grasshopper are animals hurtful to the corn, which +the god was supplicated to protect from their attacks. +In like manner the Cretan Apollo Σμίνθειος was +doubtless a destroyer of field mice (σμίνθοι);<a id="noteref_1202" name="noteref_1202" href="#note_1202"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1202</span></span></a> and his +statue was represented with one foot upon a mouse.<a id="noteref_1203" name="noteref_1203" href="#note_1203"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1203</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page299">[pg 299]</span><a name="Pg299" id="Pg299" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Again, in Rhodes he was called ἐρυθίβιος, <span class="tei tei-q">“the +averter of mildew;”</span><a id="noteref_1204" name="noteref_1204" href="#note_1204"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1204</span></span></a> which attribute was +peculiarly suitable to him, as being one of the Triopian deities, +one of whom was Demeter, the destroyer of Erysichthon. +These are probably the chief reasons which +can be adduced in favour of the position that Apollo +was an elementary deity; reasons which are founded +on the symbols and ceremonies of the real worship, and +not on the opinions of later philosophers. But, first, +the argument that Apollo was an elementary god, because +he was a patron and protector of agriculture, is +inconclusive; for he performs this office in his character +of guardian and averter of misfortune generally. The +case indeed would be otherwise, had Apollo been supposed +either to call forth the seed from the earth or +bring it to maturity; no trace however of these functions +being attributed to him ever occurs. It is therefore +unnecessary on this account to identify him with +the sun. And it may be remarked likewise, that the +chief festivals of Apollo were not connected with any +remarkable epochs of the sun's course, but rather with +the rising of the stars, particularly of the pleiads, and +with the phases of the moon. Thus the new moon +was sacred to Apollo, who hence received the name of +Νεομήνιος;<a id="noteref_1205" name="noteref_1205" href="#note_1205"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1205</span></span></a> and so likewise the first quarter, or the +seventh day; and, finally, the full moon (διχομηνία), +particularly in the island of Zacynthus.<a id="noteref_1206" name="noteref_1206" href="#note_1206"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1206</span></span></a> From +these circumstances, however, no one will infer that Apollo +was a god of the moon. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We do not, however, deny that Apollo and the god +of the sun admitted in particular points of a comparison +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page300">[pg 300]</span><a name="Pg300" id="Pg300" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and parallel with each other; the source of external +light might be a symbol of the <span class="tei tei-q">“bright and pure”</span> +god; and indeed the Platonists favoured this supposition,<a id="noteref_1207" name="noteref_1207" href="#note_1207"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1207</span></span></a> +which is not, however, supported by any historical +authority. The worship of the sun was practised +in the Acropolis of Corinth, at Rhodes, Athens, +and in earlier times also at Calauria and Tænarum; +but in none of these places was it connected with the +rites of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1208" name="noteref_1208" href="#note_1208"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1208</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. This naturally leads us to inquire how any ideal +connexion between Apollo and the sun, if it really existed, +should have been entirely overlooked for so many +centuries; how was it that these deities were not identified +till the Grecian mythology had ceased to have +any influence upon the ideas and feelings of mankind? +Even when the Egyptian interpreters identified Horus +with Apollo, they were in all probability guided only +by the resemblance between the destroyer of the Python +and the vanquisher of Baby (Typhon in Greek).<a id="noteref_1209" name="noteref_1209" href="#note_1209"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1209</span></span></a> +The Persian magi, however, in discovering a connexion +between the worship of Apollo and their religion (on +which account Xerxes preserved from injury the +island where Apollo and Artemis were born),<a id="noteref_1210" name="noteref_1210" href="#note_1210"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1210</span></span></a> were +influenced by a well-grounded comparison, which we +shall find occasion to confirm in a subsequent chapter;<a id="noteref_1211" name="noteref_1211" href="#note_1211"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1211</span></span></a> +yet, in all probability, it was not the sun, but +Ormuzd, whom they supposed to be Apollo. It was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page301">[pg 301]</span><a name="Pg301" id="Pg301" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +not until the philosophers of the Ionic school identified +the deities of the popular creed partly with material +powers and objects, and partly with the attributes of +the universal intellect (νοῦς), that the doctrine was +advanced of Apollo being the sun. From them Euripides, +who called Zeus the air, and Vesta the earth, +was naturally among the first to receive it. In the +tragedy of Phaethon, the mother of the unfortunate +youth complained against his father Helius as follows; +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Rightly does he who knows the secret names of +the gods call thee Apollo</span></span>”</span> (the destroyer);<a id="noteref_1212" name="noteref_1212" href="#note_1212"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1212</span></span></a> referring, +without doubt, not to any doctrine connected +with, or revealed in the mysteries, but to a philosophical +interpretation. This opinion, thus adopted by +Euripides, became still more general at Alexandria; +and Callimachus blames those <span class="tei tei-q">“who separate Apollo +from the sun, and Artemis from the moon.”</span><a id="noteref_1213" name="noteref_1213" href="#note_1213"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1213</span></span></a> Soon +afterwards it was said to have originated in very early +times; and the author of the astronomical treatise +attributed to Eratosthenes<a id="noteref_1214" name="noteref_1214" href="#note_1214"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1214</span></span></a> relates, that Orpheus the +Thracian had from the top of a mountain, at break of +day, prayed to the sun, whom he also called Apollo, as +the greatest of all the deities.<a id="noteref_1215" name="noteref_1215" href="#note_1215"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1215</span></span></a> Nevertheless, this +statement does not authorize us to infer, that in the +ancient Orphic Hymns, previous to Herodotus, Apollo +and the sun were identified. For this system of religious +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page302">[pg 302]</span><a name="Pg302" id="Pg302" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +speculation was chiefly concerned about Bacchus; +and in all the Orphic fragments of any antiquity +Apollo is hardly ever noticed.<a id="noteref_1216" name="noteref_1216" href="#note_1216"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1216</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. It seems, therefore, that whatever might have +been the poetical attributes of Apollo in late times, in +his religious character he was never an elementary +deity, the essence of whose godhead is a personification +of the creative powers of nature. None of the +characteristic marks of such a religion are discoverable +in his worship. So far from being a god of generation<a id="noteref_1217" name="noteref_1217" href="#note_1217"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1217</span></span></a> +and production, he remains unmarried and youthful; +for it is easy to see that his poetical amour with +the nymph Daphne, and his sons, mentioned in poetry +and prophecy, have no connexion with his worship. +In his sacred rites and symbols there is no trace of the +adoration of the generative powers, like those occurring +in the ancient Arcadian worship of Hermes, the +Argive fables of Here, or the Attic legends of Hephæstus +and Athene. The worship of Apollo is even +still more widely removed from the boisterous and +frantic orgies so conspicuous in the Thracian rites of +Dionysus. And although this latter worship flourished +by the side of Helicon and Parnassus, near the +Pythian temple, and both kinds of religious worship +were practised in the immediate neighbourhood of each +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page303">[pg 303]</span><a name="Pg303" id="Pg303" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +other,<a id="noteref_1218" name="noteref_1218" href="#note_1218"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1218</span></span></a> yet the religious feelings and rites which distinguished +the services of the two gods always remained +dissimilar. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the subsequent discussion we shall accordingly +take for granted the original diversity of Apollo and +the sun; and though the rites of the worship of +Apollo, as preserved and recorded in later times, are +doubtless of greater antiquity than any written documents +which either we or the Greeks possessed, it will +be convenient first to state the clearer and more intelligible +accounts of Homer on the subject of Apollo, +his divine character and worship. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc39" id="toc39"></a> +<a name="pdf40" id="pdf40"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VI.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Homer's Conception of Apollo. § 2. Apollo as a punishing +deity. § 3. Apollo as a beneficent deity. § 4. Explanation +of the name Pæan. § 5. Of the name Agyieus. § 6. Of the +name Apollo. § 7. Of the name Phœbus. § 8. Of the name +Lyceus. § 9. Religious Attributes of Apollo. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. Homer, as we have already seen, had, both from +hearsay and personal observation, acquired a very accurate +knowledge of the Cretan worship of Apollo in +the Smintheum, in the citadel of Troy, in Lycia near +mounts Ida and Cragus, as well as of Pytho and the +Delian palm-tree. His picture of Apollo is, however, +considerably changed by the circumstance of the god +acting as a friend to the Trojans and an enemy to the +Greeks, although both equally honour him with sacrifices +and pæans. Yet he generally appears to the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page304">[pg 304]</span><a name="Pg304" id="Pg304" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Greeks in a darker and more unfavourable view. +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dread the son of Zeus</span></span>,”</span> says the priest of Chryse +to the Greeks, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">he walks dark as night; the sure +and deadly arrows rattle on his shoulders</span></span>.”</span> His +punishments are sudden sickness, rapid pestilence, and +death, the cause and occasion of which is generally +unseen; yet sometimes he grants death as a blessing.<a id="noteref_1219" name="noteref_1219" href="#note_1219"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1219</span></span></a> +His arrows are said to wound from afar, because they +are unforeseen and unexpected. He is called the far-darting +god;<a id="noteref_1220" name="noteref_1220" href="#note_1220"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1220</span></span></a> his divine vengeance never misses its +aim. He appears in the terror of his might when +from the heights of the citadel he stimulates the Trojans +with a loud war-cry to the combat;<a id="noteref_1221" name="noteref_1221" href="#note_1221"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1221</span></span></a> and leads +them on, a cloud around his shoulders, and the ægis in +his hand, into the thick of the battle,<a id="noteref_1222" name="noteref_1222" href="#note_1222"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1222</span></span></a> like Ares himself,<a id="noteref_1223" name="noteref_1223" href="#note_1223"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1223</span></span></a> +though far from showing the boisterous confidence +of that deity. Achilles, to whom he is indeed +particularly hostile, calls him the most pernicious of +all the gods. Even when he appears amongst the +gods, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">all tremble before him in the palace of Zeus, +and rise from their seats; while Latona alone rejoices +that she has produced so strong a son and +so powerful an archer</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_1224" name="noteref_1224" href="#note_1224"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1224</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It is remarkable how seriously Homer (who otherwise +speaks of the gods, and particularly of those +friendly to Troy, with some levity of expression)<a id="noteref_1225" name="noteref_1225" href="#note_1225"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1225</span></span></a> describes +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page305">[pg 305]</span><a name="Pg305" id="Pg305" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the character of Apollo. He is never represented +as hurried on by blind fury. He never opposes +the Greeks without reason, or through caprice, but +only when they disregard the sacred rights of priests +and suppliants, or assume an unusual degree of arrogance. +But when the gods separate into two bodies, +and descend to the contest, he, unmoved by passion, +shuns the combat, and speaks of the quick succession +of the race of man in a manner which betokens the +oracular deity of Pytho.<a id="noteref_1226" name="noteref_1226" href="#note_1226"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1226</span></span></a> A similar spirit is perceivable +in his address to the daring Diomed: <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The +race of the immortal gods resembles not that of +mortals.</span></span>”</span> Thus Apollo appears as the minister of +vengeance, the chastiser of arrogance. Consistently +with this character he destroys the proud Niobe,<a id="noteref_1227" name="noteref_1227" href="#note_1227"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1227</span></span></a> the +unruly Aloidæ,<a id="noteref_1228" name="noteref_1228" href="#note_1228"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1228</span></span></a> Tityus and the Python, the enemies +of the gods. His contests with Eurytus of Œchalia, +and with Phorbas the Phlegyan, were grounded on +historical facts; the former alluded to the enmity between +the Dorians and Œchalians, the latter to that +between the Pythian sanctuary and the Phlegyans.<a id="noteref_1229" name="noteref_1229" href="#note_1229"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1229</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. We will now examine the notions of other poets +on the character of Apollo as a revenging and punishing +deity, in which light he is introduced by Homer. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page306">[pg 306]</span><a name="Pg306" id="Pg306" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Archilochus calls upon Apollo to <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">punish and destroy +the guilty as he is wont to destroy them</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_1230" name="noteref_1230" href="#note_1230"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1230</span></span></a> Hipponax, +the successor of Archilochus in vituperative +satiric poetry, prays that <span class="tei tei-q">“Artemis and Apollo may +destroy thee;”</span><a id="noteref_1231" name="noteref_1231" href="#note_1231"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1231</span></span></a> and Æschylus, with manifest allusion +to the name, says, Ἀπόλλων ἀπώλεσας;<a id="noteref_1232" name="noteref_1232" href="#note_1232"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1232</span></span></a> which, however, +can hardly entitle us to infer that the name of +Apollo was really derived from ἀπολεῖν;<a id="noteref_1233" name="noteref_1233" href="#note_1233"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1233</span></span></a> for we should +lose sight of one main point, viz., the object against +which his destructive powers were directed, or be reduced +to consider him an universal destroyer, a character +which is ill adapted to mark the nature of a divine +being of any kind whatsoever. Apollo slays, indeed, +but only to inflict deserved punishment. At Megara +was exhibited the tomb of Corœbus, who had slain the +Fury sent by Apollo against that town, to punish the +crimes of the fathers by destroying their children.<a id="noteref_1234" name="noteref_1234" href="#note_1234"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1234</span></span></a> +After this action, Corœbus was ordered to carry in his +arms a tripod from Pytho, and erect on the spot where +he should fall down from exhaustion, a town (Tripodiscus) +and a temple to the god. This explains why many +sacred fines were at Corinth, Patara, and Amphipolis,<a id="noteref_1235" name="noteref_1235" href="#note_1235"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1235</span></span></a> +paid into the temple of Apollo, who thus +appears, in some measure, as enforcing his own judgments. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page307">[pg 307]</span><a name="Pg307" id="Pg307" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Æschylus refers to his office of avenging +murder, where he speaks of Apollo, Pan, and Zeus, +as the gods who send the Furies;<a id="noteref_1236" name="noteref_1236" href="#note_1236"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1236</span></span></a> Zeus as ruler of +the world, Pan as the dæmon that disorders the intellect, +Apollo as the god of punishment. Hence it +was not without reason that the Romans believed +Apollo to be represented in a statue of the god Vejovis, +a terrible god, equipped with arrows.<a id="noteref_1237" name="noteref_1237" href="#note_1237"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1237</span></span></a> At least +there is some connexion between him and Apollo καταιβάσιος, +<span class="tei tei-q">“who darts down in the lightning;”</span> to whom +the Thessalians vowed every year a hecatomb of men.<a id="noteref_1238" name="noteref_1238" href="#note_1238"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1238</span></span></a> At Argos it was the custom immediately after death +for the relations to sacrifice to Apollo as a god of +death; the priest of Apollo (the amphipolus) offered +up the victim, and for consuming the fragments of the +sacrifice a new fire was always kindled. On the +thirtieth day afterwards a sacrifice was offered to +Hermes as the conductor of souls.<a id="noteref_1239" name="noteref_1239" href="#note_1239"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1239</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. Although we have thus dwelt upon the gloomy +side of Apollo's character, it must not be supposed +that he was considered in the light of a malevolent and +destroying power. Thus Pindar declares that of all +the gods <span class="tei tei-q">“he is the most friendly to men.”</span><a id="noteref_1240" name="noteref_1240" href="#note_1240"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1240</span></span></a> His +titles, also, as connected with different temples, serve +to remove that impression. Thus he was called the +Healer at Elis,<a id="noteref_1241" name="noteref_1241" href="#note_1241"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1241</span></span></a> the Assister at Phigaleia,<a id="noteref_1242" name="noteref_1242" href="#note_1242"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1242</span></span></a> the Defender, +the Averter of Evil,<a id="noteref_1243" name="noteref_1243" href="#note_1243"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1243</span></span></a> at Athens, and in many +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page308">[pg 308]</span><a name="Pg308" id="Pg308" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +oracles.<a id="noteref_1244" name="noteref_1244" href="#note_1244"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1244</span></span></a> Although some of these names were perhaps +not introduced until the Peloponnesian war, and +the restriction of his avenging power to physical evil +is first perceptible in Pindar and the tragedians,<a id="noteref_1245" name="noteref_1245" href="#note_1245"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1245</span></span></a> yet +the idea of the healing and protecting power of Apollo +must have been of remote antiquity. Under all these +names Apollo does not so much appear bestowing +positive good as assuaging and warding off evil; and in +this character he was invoked (according to an oracle) +to send health and good fortune.<a id="noteref_1246" name="noteref_1246" href="#note_1246"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1246</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. The preceding arguments may perhaps receive +confirmation from a description of the god <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Pæan</span></span> +(Παιήων) in Homer. The name clearly betokens a +healing deity, and though the poet indeed speaks of +him as a separate individual, and the physician of +Olympus,<a id="noteref_1247" name="noteref_1247" href="#note_1247"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1247</span></span></a> yet this division appears to have been merely +poetical, without any reference to actual worship; since +from very early times the pæan had, in the Pythian +temple,<a id="noteref_1248" name="noteref_1248" href="#note_1248"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1248</span></span></a> been appointed to be sung in honour of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page309">[pg 309]</span><a name="Pg309" id="Pg309" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Apollo.<a id="noteref_1249" name="noteref_1249" href="#note_1249"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1249</span></span></a> The song, like other hymns, derived its +name from that of the god to whom it was sung. +The god was first called pæan, then the hymn, and +lastly the singers themselves.<a id="noteref_1250" name="noteref_1250" href="#note_1250"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1250</span></span></a> Now we know that +the pæan was originally sung at the cessation of a plague, +and after a victory, and generally, when any evil was +averted, it was performed as a purification from the +pollution.<a id="noteref_1251" name="noteref_1251" href="#note_1251"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1251</span></span></a> The chant was loud and joyous, as celebrating +the victory of the preserving and healing deity.<a id="noteref_1252" name="noteref_1252" href="#note_1252"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1252</span></span></a> +Besides the pæans of victory,<a id="noteref_1253" name="noteref_1253" href="#note_1253"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1253</span></span></a> however, there were +others which were sung at the beginning of battle;<a id="noteref_1254" name="noteref_1254" href="#note_1254"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1254</span></span></a> +and there was a tradition that the chorus of Delphian +virgins had chanted <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Io Pæan</span></span>”</span> at the contest of +Apollo with the Python.<a id="noteref_1255" name="noteref_1255" href="#note_1255"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1255</span></span></a> The pæan of victory varied +according to the different tribes; all Dorians, viz., +Spartans, Argives, Corinthians, and Syracusans, had +the same.<a id="noteref_1256" name="noteref_1256" href="#note_1256"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1256</span></span></a> +This use of the pæan, as a song of rejoicing +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page310">[pg 310]</span><a name="Pg310" id="Pg310" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +for victory, sufficiently explains its double meaning; +it bore a mournful sense in reference to the +battle, and a joyous sense in reference to the victory. +Apollo, under this name, was therefore either considered +as a destroying (from παίω), or as a protecting +and healing deity, who frees the mind from care and +sorrow;<a id="noteref_1257" name="noteref_1257" href="#note_1257"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1257</span></span></a> and accordingly the tragedians, by an +analogical application of the word, also called Death, to +whom both these attributes belonged, by the title of +Pæan.<a id="noteref_1258" name="noteref_1258" href="#note_1258"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1258</span></span></a> And thus this double character of Apollo, +by virtue of which he was equally formidable as a foe, +and welcome as an ally,<a id="noteref_1259" name="noteref_1259" href="#note_1259"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1259</span></span></a> was authorized by the +ambiguity of his name. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. On the other hand, the title <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Agyieus</span></span> had a +single signification.<a id="noteref_1260" name="noteref_1260" href="#note_1260"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1260</span></span></a> This appellation of +Apollo was peculiar to the Dorians,<a id="noteref_1261" name="noteref_1261" href="#note_1261"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1261</span></span></a> and consequently of great +antiquity at Delphi;<a id="noteref_1262" name="noteref_1262" href="#note_1262"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1262</span></span></a> from which place, +however, it was brought over to Athens at a very early period, +and indeed partly at the command of an oracle.<a id="noteref_1263" name="noteref_1263" href="#note_1263"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1263</span></span></a> His +statue was erected in court-yards, and before the doors +of houses; that is, at the boundary of private and public +property, in order to admit the god as a tutelary deity, +and to avert evil. The symbol or image of the god +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page311">[pg 311]</span><a name="Pg311" id="Pg311" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +was most simple, being a conical block of stone. The +ancients knew not whether to consider it as an altar or +statue.<a id="noteref_1264" name="noteref_1264" href="#note_1264"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1264</span></span></a> The worship consisted of a constant succession +of trifling services and marks of adoration.<a id="noteref_1265" name="noteref_1265" href="#note_1265"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1265</span></span></a> +Frankincense was burnt before the pillar;<a id="noteref_1266" name="noteref_1266" href="#note_1266"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1266</span></span></a> it was bedecked +with wreaths of myrtle, garlands, &c. This +was sufficient to remind, and at the same time to assure, +the ancient Dorians of the protecting presence of their +deity. The Athenians represented their Hermes in a +similar manner. This god, although fundamentally +distinct from Apollo, was invested by them with the +same offices: thus the statues of both gods were placed, +as protecting powers, in front of the houses: both gods +were supposed to confer blessings on those who either +entered or left the house: both were represented by +simple columnar statues. With Apollo, however, this +protection was rather of a spiritual and inward nature: +while the phallic form, which always distinguished the +Hermæ of Athens, shows that this god was considered +to afford, by increasing the fruitfulness of the fields +and cattle, and generally all the products of nature, a +more external and physical assistance. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. To these titles may perhaps be added the name +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Apollo</span></span> itself. That we must search for its etymology +in the Greek language alone, and that it could +have been derived from no other source, is evident +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page312">[pg 312]</span><a name="Pg312" id="Pg312" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +from the preceding investigations. In the first place, +then, we cannot derive it from the sun, ΑϜΕΛΙΟΣ,<a id="noteref_1267" name="noteref_1267" href="#note_1267"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1267</span></span></a> +since the digamma is never changed into Π. The +derivation from ΟΛΩ we have already rejected, as +being founded on a partial and occasional attribute of +the god.<a id="noteref_1268" name="noteref_1268" href="#note_1268"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1268</span></span></a> On the other hand, we may observe that +the ancient Doric Æolian form of the name was not +Ἀπόλλων but Ἀπέλλων,<a id="noteref_1269" name="noteref_1269" href="#note_1269"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1269</span></span></a> which also obtained +amongst the ancient Latins,<a id="noteref_1270" name="noteref_1270" href="#note_1270"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1270</span></span></a> and from which the Macedonian +and Delphian month <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Apellæus</span></span> evidently derived its +name. Now if this is admitted to be the original +form, Ἀπέλλων simply means the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">averter</span></em> or +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">defender</span></em>,<a id="noteref_1271" name="noteref_1271" href="#note_1271"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1271</span></span></a> +and belongs to the same class as Ἀλεξίκακος, +Ἀποτροπαῖος, and other names mentioned above. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_7" id="Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. All these names, however, only indicate the +attributes and actions of the deity; but the name +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Phœbus</span></span> expresses more nearly his peculiar nature. +From its original sense of <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">bright</span></span>,”</span> +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">clear</span></span>,”</span> its +secondary sense of <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">pure</span></span>,”</span> +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">unstained</span></span>,”</span> is easily +derived;<a id="noteref_1272" name="noteref_1272" href="#note_1272"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1272</span></span></a> and hence the term φοιβάζειν (which perhaps +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page313">[pg 313]</span><a name="Pg313" id="Pg313" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +is connected with the Latin <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">februare</span></span>), <span class="tei tei-q">“to +expiate.”</span> Phoebus therefore is the clear and spotless +god, often emphatically called the <span class="tei tei-q">“pure and +holy”</span> (ἁγνὸς θεός).<a id="noteref_1273" name="noteref_1273" href="#note_1273"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1273</span></span></a> This name is particularly applied to +him when he returns purified from Tempe.<a id="noteref_1274" name="noteref_1274" href="#note_1274"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1274</span></span></a> +The same meaning is implied in the epithet ξανθὸς, +which also signifies <span class="tei tei-q">“pure,”</span> and <span class="tei tei-q">“clear;”</span><a id="noteref_1275" name="noteref_1275" href="#note_1275"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1275</span></span></a> hence the +streams near the temples of Apollo in Troy and +Lycia were called Xanthus,<a id="noteref_1276" name="noteref_1276" href="#note_1276"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1276</span></span></a> and amongst the Macedonians +the expiatory festival of the army bore the +title of <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">Xanthica</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1277" name="noteref_1277" href="#note_1277"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1277</span></span></a> In allusion to Apollo as a god +of joy and gladness, Aeschylus frequently forbids that +he should be invoked in sorrow.<a id="noteref_1278" name="noteref_1278" href="#note_1278"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1278</span></span></a> Several other passages +from poets and grammarians might be adduced +to support this idea.<a id="noteref_1279" name="noteref_1279" href="#note_1279"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1279</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. We now come to the most enigmatical of all +the titles of Apollo, viz., <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Lyceus</span></span>.”</span> It was shown +above, that Apollo Lycius was worshipped at Lycorea +on mount Parnassus, in Lycia at the foot of mount +Cragus, in Lycia under mount Ida, at Athens, Argos, +Sparta, and Sicyon. This religion must have been +of greater antiquity than the Greek colonies in Asia +Minor, having been carried over thither at the time of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page314">[pg 314]</span><a name="Pg314" id="Pg314" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +their establishment. Homer was also acquainted with +this title of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In explanation of this epithet we every where find +traditions concerning wolves. The descendants of +Deucalion, who survived the deluge, following a +wolf's roar, founded Lycorea on a ridge of mount +Parnassus. Latona came as a she-wolf from the Hyperboreans +to Delos: she was conducted by wolves to +the river Xanthus. Wolves protected the treasures +of Apollo; and near the great altar at Delphi there +stood an iron wolf with ancient inscriptions.<a id="noteref_1280" name="noteref_1280" href="#note_1280"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1280</span></span></a> The +attack of a wolf upon a herd of cattle occasioned the +worship of Apollo Lyceus at Argos, where a brazen +group of figures, commemorating the circumstance, +was erected in the market-place.<a id="noteref_1281" name="noteref_1281" href="#note_1281"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1281</span></span></a> The Sicyonian +tradition of Apollo <span class="tei tei-q">“the destroyer of wolves”</span> is certainly +of less antiquity, as also the epithet Λυκοκτόνος +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lupercus</span></span>), which occurs in Sophocles and other +authors.<a id="noteref_1282" name="noteref_1282" href="#note_1282"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1282</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Now in inquiring into the meaning of the symbol +of the wolf in this signification, it may be first remarked +that it is a beast of prey. In this point of +view it cannot but appear a remarkable coincidence +that Apollo should in the Iliad assume the form of a +hawk,<a id="noteref_1283" name="noteref_1283" href="#note_1283"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1283</span></span></a> and a species of falcon should be called his +swift messenger.<a id="noteref_1284" name="noteref_1284" href="#note_1284"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1284</span></span></a> Thus also the tragedians frequently +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page315">[pg 315]</span><a name="Pg315" id="Pg315" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +represented Apollo, in his character of a destroyer, +under the title of Lyceus.<a id="noteref_1285" name="noteref_1285" href="#note_1285"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1285</span></span></a> We are not, however, to +suppose that it was this character of Apollo as a destroying +power which gave a name, not only to innumerable +temples, but even to whole countries; such a +supposition would, contrary to history and analogy, +make the early state of this religion to have been one +of the grossest barbarism and superstition. It is far +more probable that the name Lyceus is connected with +the ancient primitive word <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">lux</span></span> (whence λευκός). +The Greek word λύκη is preserved most distinctly in +λυκάβας, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">course +of the light</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1286" name="noteref_1286" href="#note_1286"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1286</span></span></a> and by the epithet +Λυκηγένης, applied to Apollo by Homer,<a id="noteref_1287" name="noteref_1287" href="#note_1287"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1287</span></span></a> +and probably taken from some ancient hymns, we should +(from the idiom of the Greek language) rather understand +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one born of light</span></em>, than <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Lycian god</span></em>. +That light and splendour are frequently employed, +both in the symbols of worship and language of the +poets, to express the attributes of Apollo, cannot be +denied;<a id="noteref_1288" name="noteref_1288" href="#note_1288"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1288</span></span></a> and we only remind the reader of the belief +that the fire which burnt on the altar of Apollo Lyceus +at Argos had originally fallen from heaven:<a id="noteref_1289" name="noteref_1289" href="#note_1289"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1289</span></span></a> +and thus the epithet Lyceus would seem to belong +to the same class as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ægletes</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Phœbus</span></span>, +and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Xanthus</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1290" name="noteref_1290" href="#note_1290"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1290</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page316">[pg 316]</span><a name="Pg316" id="Pg316" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It is not to be supposed that the wolf was made use +of as a symbol of Apollo merely from an accidental +similarity of name; but it is difficult to discover +what analogy even the lively imagination of the +Greeks could have found between the wolf and +light. At a later period it was attempted to explain +this symbol by the circumstance that all wolves produced +their young within twelve days in the year, the +precise time during which Latona was wandering as +a she-wolf from the Hyperboreans to Delos.<a id="noteref_1291" name="noteref_1291" href="#note_1291"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1291</span></span></a> This +physical interpretation was, however, grounded on the +fable, and not the fable on it. Perhaps the sharp +sight of the wolf<a id="noteref_1292" name="noteref_1292" href="#note_1292"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1292</span></span></a> (if we can trust the accounts of +the ancients), or even the bright colour of the animal, +may afford a better explanation.<a id="noteref_1293" name="noteref_1293" href="#note_1293"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1293</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the ancient Grecian worship, however, there is +another example, and one in the highest degree remarkable, +of the connexion between light and the +wolf. On the lofty peak of Lycæum, a mountain of +Arcadia, above the ancient Lycosura, there stood (as +Pindar says) a lofty and splendid altar of Zeus Lycæus, +with which were in some way connected all the +traditions concerning Lycaon, who sacrificed his child +to Zeus, and was in consequence transformed into a +wolf. Now not only does the symbol of the wolf +occur in this place,<a id="noteref_1294" name="noteref_1294" href="#note_1294"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1294</span></span></a> but there is also a +reference to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page317">[pg 317]</span><a name="Pg317" id="Pg317" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +light. There stood here a sacred shrine or <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">adytum</span></span>, +supposed to be inaccessible; and the popular belief +was, that whoever entered it cast no shadow; and in +order to escape being sacrificed, the aggressor was +obliged to escape as a deer: hence the pursuing god +naturally appeared to the imagination as a wolf.<a id="noteref_1295" name="noteref_1295" href="#note_1295"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1295</span></span></a> +We perceive that light was supposed to dwell within +the sanctuary. Thus in this very ancient worship of +the Parrhasians, which in other respects has little in +common with the Doric worship of Apollo, we discover +the same combination of ideas and symbols that +exists in the latter, and cannot but consider it a vestige +of some very ancient symbolical idea peculiar and +general among the Greeks. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. Having proceeded so far, we shall endeavour to +unite and harmonize the different facts already collected. +Apollo, as he is represented by Homer, exhibits +the character of a destroying and avenging, as +well as a delivering and protecting power. But he +is the avenger of impiety and arrogance, and the +punisher of injustice and sin, and not the author of +evil to mankind for evil's sake. He was therefore +always considered as attended with certain beings +whose nature was contrary to his own; his character +could only be shown in opposition with a system of +hostile attributes and powers. As the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">warring</span></em> and +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">victorious</span></em> god, he required enemies to combat and +conquer: as the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">pure</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bright</span></em> god, he implies the +existence of a dark and impure side of nature. In +this manner the worship of Apollo resembled those +religions, such as the ancient Persian, which were +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page318">[pg 318]</span><a name="Pg318" id="Pg318" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +founded on the doctrine of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">two principles</span></em>, one of good, +the other of evil. At the same time he is no deified +personification of the creative or generative powers of +nature, nor of any natural object or phenomenon; +and he has therefore nothing in common with the +deities of the elementary religions. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +These ideas, which seem to be expressed with +tolerable distinctness, in the most ancient epithets and +symbols connected with the worship of Apollo, as +well as in the images and fictions of poets down to +the time of Euripides, we will first examine with +reference to the mythical history and adventures of +Apollo, and secondly we will endeavour to point out +the influence which these notions exercised upon the +worship itself. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc41" id="toc41"></a> +<a name="pdf42" id="pdf42"></a> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VII" id="Book_II_Chapter_VII" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VII.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Zeus and Apollo originally the only two male deities of the +Dorians. § 2. Birth of Apollo. § 3. Sanctity of the island of +Delos. § 4. Pains of Latona. § 5. Spot of Apollo's birth. +§ 6. Battle with the Python. § 7. Apollo sings the Pythian +strain. § 8. Bondage of Apollo. § 9. Combat with Tityus. +§ 10. Apollo's assumption of the oracular power. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. Our present investigation renders it necessary +to ascend to a period in which the primitive religion of +the Dorians exhibited a distinct and original character, +before it had been combined with the worship of other +deities. At that time this nation had only two male +deities, Zeus and Apollo: for the existence of the latter +everywhere supposes that of the former, and both +were intimately connected in Crete, Delphi, and elsewhere; +though the Doric Zeus did not receive great +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page319">[pg 319]</span><a name="Pg319" id="Pg319" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +religious honours. In the temple of Delphi, Zeus and +Apollo were represented as Moiragetæ, accompanied +by two Fates.<a id="noteref_1296" name="noteref_1296" href="#note_1296"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1296</span></span></a> The supreme deity, however, when +connected with Apollo, was neither born, nor visible +on earth, and perhaps never considered as having any +immediate influence upon men. But Apollo, who is +often emphatically called the son of Zeus,<a id="noteref_1297" name="noteref_1297" href="#note_1297"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1297</span></span></a> acts as his +intercessor, ambassador, and prophet with mankind.<a id="noteref_1298" name="noteref_1298" href="#note_1298"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1298</span></span></a> +And whilst the father of the gods appears, indistinctly +and at a distance, dwelling in ether, and enthroned in +the highest heavens, Apollo is described as a divine +hero, whose office is to ward off evils and dangers, +establish rights of expiation, and announce the ordinances +of Fate. It is our purpose to investigate these +latter attributes, more especially in the mythology of +Delos and Delphi. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. The legend of the birth of Apollo at Delos was +indeed recognised by the Ionians and Athenians, but +neither by the Delphians, Bœotians, nor Peloponnesians;<a id="noteref_1299" name="noteref_1299" href="#note_1299"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1299</span></span></a> +as is plain from the indifference which they +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page320">[pg 320]</span><a name="Pg320" id="Pg320" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +generally showed for the temple in that island. We +also know that the Bœotians represented Tegyra as +the birthplace of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Apollo, says Pindar, was born with time;<a id="noteref_1300" name="noteref_1300" href="#note_1300"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1300</span></span></a>—alluding +to the many obstacles and delays experienced at his +birth. These had been occasioned by the influence of +an hostile power, the same which produced Typhaon +from the depths of Tartarus,<a id="noteref_1301" name="noteref_1301" href="#note_1301"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1301</span></span></a> called by the poets Here. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This power refused its assistance at the birth of +Apollo, and compelled Latona to wander in the pains +of childbirth over earth and sea until she arrived at the +rocky island of Delos. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. Hence the island of Delos itself became one of +the subjects of mythology. Pindar, in an ode to +Delos, addresses it as <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the daughter of the sea, the +unshaken prodigy of the earth, which mortals call +Delos, but the gods in Olympus the far-famed +star of the dark earth</span></span>;”</span><a id="noteref_1302" name="noteref_1302" href="#note_1302"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1302</span></span></a> and related how <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the +island, driven about by the winds and waves, as +soon as Latona had placed her foot on its shore, +became fast bound to the roots of the earth by four +columns</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_1303" name="noteref_1303" href="#note_1303"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1303</span></span></a> +The fable of the floating island<a id="noteref_1304" name="noteref_1304" href="#note_1304"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1304</span></span></a> (which +is, however, of a more recent date than the Homeric +hymn to Apollo) indicated merely the restless condition +which preceded the tranquillity and brightness introduced +by the manifestation of the god. Henceforth +Delos remained fixed and unshaken, immoveable, according +to the belief of the Greeks, even by earthquakes; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page321">[pg 321]</span><a name="Pg321" id="Pg321" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +for which reason, the whole of Greece was +alarmed when this phenomenon happened before the +Persian war.<a id="noteref_1305" name="noteref_1305" href="#note_1305"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1305</span></span></a> By the words <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the star of the dark +earth</span></span>,”</span> Pindar alludes to the idea that Delos (as the +name shows) was considered as a pure and bright +island, whose shores, too holy for pollution, were ever +kept free from corpses, the sight of which is odious to +the god. Hence also the tradition that Asteria, whose +name is derived from ἀστὴρ, the offspring of the Titans, +had cast herself into the sea, and been petrified on the +shore. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. The birth of Apollo, being an epoch in mythology, +was without doubt celebrated in ancient +hymns, whose simplicity presented a striking contrast +to the higher polish of the Homeric poems. A hymn +of this description, ascribed to Olen, was addressed to +Eileithyia, the worship of which goddess, together with +other religious ceremonies, was brought over (as has +been above remarked)<a id="noteref_1306" name="noteref_1306" href="#note_1306"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1306</span></span></a> +from Cnosus to Delos, and +from thence to Athens.<a id="noteref_1307" name="noteref_1307" href="#note_1307"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1307</span></span></a> In calling Eileithyia the +mother of the god of love,<a id="noteref_1308" name="noteref_1308" href="#note_1308"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1308</span></span></a> Olen exceeded the +regular bounds of tradition respecting Apollo, by confusing the +worship of a strange god with that deity, and probably +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page322">[pg 322]</span><a name="Pg322" id="Pg322" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +identified her with the ancient Aphrodite (Ἀφροδίτη +ἀρχαία), whose altar Theseus is said to have erected +at Delos.<a id="noteref_1309" name="noteref_1309" href="#note_1309"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1309</span></span></a> In either case, the establishment of this +ancient Attic worship on the sacred island, and its +connexion with the Delian rites, illustrate the mention +of Eros in the Delian hymn. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nine days and nine nights Latona writhed in +hopeless pains of childbirth, surrounded by the benevolent +Titanidæ, Dione, Rhea, Themis, and Amphitrite, +who finally</span></span> (according to the hymn of +Homer) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">prevailed upon Eileithyia by the promise of +a golden necklace. Then the pains seized Latona; +she cast her arms around the palm-tree, and brought +forth her divine son.</span></span> The explanations of the bribe +offered to Eileithyia are all too far-fetched: probably +pregnant women at Delos consecrated their necklaces +to that goddess. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. The exact spot where the birth of Apollo took +place was shown in Delos, since the least circumstance +connected with so important an event could not fail to +excite interest. It must be looked for in the place +where the torrent Inopus flows from mount Cynthus.<a id="noteref_1310" name="noteref_1310" href="#note_1310"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1310</span></span></a> +Here there was a circular pool (the λίμνη τροχόεσσα), +the form of which is often carefully mentioned.<a id="noteref_1311" name="noteref_1311" href="#note_1311"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1311</span></span></a> By +its side grew two sacred trees, the palm and the olive, +which are not elsewhere reckoned among those sacred +to Apollo; as in Greece Proper the first does not grow +at all, and the second not without great care. The +Delian temple alone could boast of the palm, the use +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page323">[pg 323]</span><a name="Pg323" id="Pg323" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of palm-branches at the games having also originated +in Delos.<a id="noteref_1312" name="noteref_1312" href="#note_1312"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1312</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This island acquired so much sanctity by the birth +of Apollo, that no living being was permitted either to +be born or die within its boundary.<a id="noteref_1313" name="noteref_1313" href="#note_1313"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1313</span></span></a> Every +pregnant woman was obliged to go over to the neighbouring +island of Rheneia, in order to be delivered. One of +the ideas of the Greeks respecting religious purity +(which may in general be traced to the worship of +Apollo) was, that all intercourse with pregnant women +polluted in the same manner as the touch of a corpse. +The prohibition against keeping dogs had the same +origin.<a id="noteref_1314" name="noteref_1314" href="#note_1314"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1314</span></span></a> On the whole, the Delian traditions are not +to be considered as of very great antiquity or credit; +they contain, indeed, hardly any original source of information +respecting Apollo, being generally composed +of descriptions of the sanctity of the island itself; +several legends, as that of its having once floated on +the ocean, &c., appear to have been the invention of +the Ionians; this race, even in fiction, allowing itself +far greater latitude than the Dorians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VII_Section_6" id="Book_II_Chapter_VII_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. Apollo, according to the Attic legend, passed to +Delphi from Delos through Attica and Bœotia; the +Homeric Hymn to Apollo makes him come from the +northern districts, but likewise through Bœotia: according +to other traditions he came from the Hyperboreans. +According to another, Latona was carrying +the two babes, Apollo and Artemis, in her arms, when +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page324">[pg 324]</span><a name="Pg324" id="Pg324" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +assailed by the Python,<a id="noteref_1315" name="noteref_1315" href="#note_1315"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1315</span></span></a> the mother seeking refuge on +a sacred stone near the plane-tree at Delphi:<a id="noteref_1316" name="noteref_1316" href="#note_1316"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1316</span></span></a> in +another, Apollo was a child at the time of this event;<a id="noteref_1317" name="noteref_1317" href="#note_1317"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1317</span></span></a> +and, accordingly, a Delphian boy, both whose parents +were alive, represented the actions of the deity at the +great festival. The destruction of the Python, however, +always formed the chief event of the sacred fable. +It was by this feat that Apollo gained possession of the +oracular chasm, from which the goddess Earth had +once spoken. It was not, however, without some resistance +that she gave way to the claims of the youthful +god, whom, according to Pindar, she even attempted +to hurl down to Tartarus.<a id="noteref_1318" name="noteref_1318" href="#note_1318"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1318</span></span></a> The serpent Python +is represented as the guardian of the ancient oracle of +the Earth,<a id="noteref_1319" name="noteref_1319" href="#note_1319"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1319</span></span></a> and a son of the Earth itself, +sprung from the warm clay that remained after the general deluge, +and dwelling in a dark defile near a fountain, which +was said to be supplied from the Styx.<a id="noteref_1320" name="noteref_1320" href="#note_1320"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1320</span></span></a> The serpent, +as usual, represents an earthly being, by which is personified +the rough and shapeless offspring of nature. +It was supposed to be connected with the nature of +water and the sea; and hence was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Delphin</span></span>, or +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page325">[pg 325]</span><a name="Pg325" id="Pg325" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Delphine</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1321" name="noteref_1321" href="#note_1321"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1321</span></span></a> like the fish of the same name, which was +particularly sacred to Apollo, and in all probability +was also conceived to have been subdued by him. +After this, the serpent that watched the oracle remained, +although conquered, as a memorial of the +ancient struggle, and of the victory of the god, and was +placed near the rocky chasm at the foot of the tripod, +in the inner sanctuary.<a id="noteref_1322" name="noteref_1322" href="#note_1322"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1322</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. The battle with the Python being finished,<a id="noteref_1323" name="noteref_1323" href="#note_1323"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1323</span></span></a> +Apollo himself breaks the laurel, to weave a crown of +victory.<a id="noteref_1324" name="noteref_1324" href="#note_1324"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1324</span></span></a> Here too he was said first to have sung the +pæan, as a strain of triumph. In the dramatic exhibition, +by which the Delphians represented the adventures +of Apollo, the Pythian strain (νόμος Πύθιος) +was here introduced. This air, which was originally +nothing more than a simple melody, soon received +all the embellishment of art; and, being raised by +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page326">[pg 326]</span><a name="Pg326" id="Pg326" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Timosthenes to the dignity of a great musical composition,<a id="noteref_1325" name="noteref_1325" href="#note_1325"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1325</span></span></a> +was (contrary to the ancient custom) performed +with flutes, lyres, and trumpets, without the accompaniment +of the voice. The accounts concerning this +festival are indeed copious, but unluckily of too late a +date to give us an idea of its ancient and genuine +character. In Plutarch's time<a id="noteref_1326" name="noteref_1326" href="#note_1326"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1326</span></span></a> it was not a hollow +serpent's den, but an imitation of a princely house +(καλιὰς), that was erected in a court (ἅλως), at every +octennial festival.<a id="noteref_1327" name="noteref_1327" href="#note_1327"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1327</span></span></a> Into this building the women of a +Delphian family<a id="noteref_1328" name="noteref_1328" href="#note_1328"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1328</span></span></a> led the boy by a secret passage +(δολωνεία) with lighted torches, and fled away through +the door, overturning the table, and setting fire to the +house. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. Although the destruction of the Python is +characterized as a triumph of the higher and divine +power of the deity, yet the victorious god was considered +as polluted by the blood of the monster, and +obliged to undergo a series of afflictions and woes. +Tradition represented him as going immediately after +the battle by the sacred road to Tempe; which the boy, +who personified Apollo, afterwards took as leader of +the religious procession.<a id="noteref_1329" name="noteref_1329" href="#note_1329"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1329</span></span></a> The direction of this road +has been accurately stated above. The chief circumstance +in this wandering was the bondage θήτευσις +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page327">[pg 327]</span><a name="Pg327" id="Pg327" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Apollo under Admetus the Pheræan, to which the +god subjected himself in order to expiate his guilt. +This too was represented by the boy, who probably +imitated the manner in which the god, as a herdsman +and slave, submitted to the most degrading services.<a id="noteref_1330" name="noteref_1330" href="#note_1330"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1330</span></span></a> +Perhaps it was the piety of Admetus, celebrated in +tradition, which entitled him to the privilege of possessing +such a slave; yet it must be doubted, whether, +conformably to the spirit of the ancient mythology, an +ideal being, and not a mortal hero, was not originally +intended to be represented under this name. Ἄδμητος +is an usual name for the god of the infernal regions; +to whom, according to the original idea, Apollo became +enslaved. The worship of this deity is connected with +that of Hecate, who was called θεὰ Φεραία, and the +daughter of Admetus.<a id="noteref_1331" name="noteref_1331" href="#note_1331"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1331</span></span></a> Cannot we, in the +rescuing of Alcestis from the infernal regions by Apollo<a id="noteref_1332" name="noteref_1332" href="#note_1332"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1332</span></span></a> and +Hercules, find some clue which may lead us to suppose +that the fable of Admetus refers to a worship of the +infernal deities? An ancient dirge, called the song +of Admetus, was chanted in Greece, having, as was +pretended, been first sung by Admetus at the death of +his wife, originally perhaps addressed to Αἵδες +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page328">[pg 328]</span><a name="Pg328" id="Pg328" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +ἄδμητος.<a id="noteref_1333" name="noteref_1333" href="#note_1333"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1333</span></span></a> How well does it suit the sublime character of +the religious poetry in question, that the god, who had +been polluted by the combat with the impure being, +should be obliged, in order to complete his penance, to +descend into the infernal regions. In confirmation of +this, there have been preserved some obscure traditions, +which represent Apollo as actually dying, that is, descending +into the infernal regions.<a id="noteref_1334" name="noteref_1334" href="#note_1334"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1334</span></span></a> However, after +eight years, the appointed time of bondage, the god +wanders to the ancient altar of Tempe, where, sprinkling +with laurel-branches, and other expiatory rites, +symbolically restore his purity,<a id="noteref_1335" name="noteref_1335" href="#note_1335"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1335</span></span></a> After this, the +purified deity returns by the same road to Deipnias, +near Larissa, and there breaks his long fast. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VII_Section_9" id="Book_II_Chapter_VII_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +9. These Delphian traditions in very early times +became the theme of epic poetry, in which however +another cause was assigned for the slavery of Apollo; +it was represented as a punishment inflicted by Zeus +for slaying the Cyclops, who forged the lightning with +which Zeus struck his son Æsculapius, because, not +satisfied with recovering the sick, he even recalled the +dead to life.<a id="noteref_1336" name="noteref_1336" href="#note_1336"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1336</span></span></a> Yet some of the poets also state that +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page329">[pg 329]</span><a name="Pg329" id="Pg329" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Pheræ was the place of his servitude, alluding to the +Pythian road, and mention a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">great year</span></em> (μὲγαν ἐνιαυτὸν) +as the time of his bondage;<a id="noteref_1337" name="noteref_1337" href="#note_1337"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1337</span></span></a> by which they mean +the Delphian period. We may perhaps find a trace +of a more ancient tradition in the story of amber being +a petrified tear, which Apollo shed during the time of +his slavery in his ancient abode amongst the Hyperboreans, +in the land of the Celts.<a id="noteref_1338" name="noteref_1338" href="#note_1338"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1338</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The combat with Tityus is nearly allied to that with +the Python. This earth-born monster, dwelling at +Panopea, a town situated on the sacred road, and hostile +to the Delphians, laid hands upon Latona when +passing through that place: but her children soon overcome +the ravisher, and send him to the shades below; +where a vulture incessantly preys upon his liver,<a id="noteref_1339" name="noteref_1339" href="#note_1339"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1339</span></span></a> the +seat of inordinate desire. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. The hostile part of nature now lying vanquished, +and quiet having gained the victory over disturbance, +Apollo begins to exercise the other office +for which he was sent into the world. He mounts the +tripod of the Delphian oracle, no longer to give +utterance to the dark responses of the earth, but to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page330">[pg 330]</span><a name="Pg330" id="Pg330" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +proclaim the <span class="tei tei-q">“unerring decree of Zeus.”</span><a id="noteref_1340" name="noteref_1340" href="#note_1340"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1340</span></span></a> For it is +evident that, in the language of this religion, fate was +considered as the will of Zeus (Διὸς νοὸς, Διὸς αἴσα), +who was at Delphi called Μοιραγέτης, <span class="tei tei-q">“leader of +fate;”</span> whilst the epic poets, from their custom of +making each god a separate individual, generally +(though the glimmering of a more exalted idea may +be sometimes traced) made Zeus, like all other individuals, +subject to fate. The prophetic powers of +Apollo will be more fully treated of in the following +chapter. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc43" id="toc43"></a> +<a name="pdf44" id="pdf44"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter VIII.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Ritual worship of Apollo. Bloodless offerings. § 2. Expiatory +rites. § 3. Peace offerings. § 4. Festivals of Apollo. +§ 5. Traces of a festival calendar. § 6. Expiations for homicide. +§ 7. Rites of purification—use of the laurel therein. +§ 8. Prophetic character of Apollo. § 9. His modes of divination. +§ 10. Use of music in the worship of Apollo. § 11. +Apollo represented as playing on the cithara. § 12. Contest +of Apollo and Linus. Ancient plaintive songs. § 13. Ancient +hymns to Apollo. § 14. The pæan and hyporcheme. § 15. +The Hyacinthian and Carnean festivals. § 16. Apollo as represented +by the sculptors. § 17. Ancient statues of Apollo. +§ 18. Apollo as represented by successive schools of sculptors. +§ 19. Political influence of the worship of Apollo. § 20. Its +connexion with the Pythagorean philosophy. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. Our intention in this chapter is to show that, +besides the mythology, the ceremonies also of the +worship of Apollo so agree and harmonize together, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page331">[pg 331]</span><a name="Pg331" id="Pg331" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +as to furnish a decisive proof of its regular and systematic +development; after which we will endeavour to +point out this agreement, and elucidate its relative +bearings; although an attempt of this kind must +necessarily be very imperfect, since the religion, +which, in order to comprehend, we should regard with +the ardour of devotion, is now merely the subject of +cold and heartless speculation. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +First, with regard to the sacrifices, it is remarkable, +that in many of the principal temples a particular +sanctity and importance was attributed to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bloodless</span></em> +offerings. At Delphi cakes and frankincense were +consecrated in holy baskets;<a id="noteref_1341" name="noteref_1341" href="#note_1341"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1341</span></span></a> at Patara, cakes in the +form of bows, arrows, and lyres, emblems both of the +wrath and placability of the deity.<a id="noteref_1342" name="noteref_1342" href="#note_1342"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1342</span></span></a> At Delos, an +altar, called the altar of the pious, stood behind the +altar built of horns, on which were deposited only +cakes of wheat and barley; this, according to tradition, +was the only one on which Pythagoras sacrificed.<a id="noteref_1343" name="noteref_1343" href="#note_1343"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1343</span></span></a> +In this island also at festivals were offered mallows +and ears of corn;<a id="noteref_1344" name="noteref_1344" href="#note_1344"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1344</span></span></a> the simplest food of man, in remembrance +of primitive simplicity and temperance. +At Delphi the young women of Parnassus are said +to have brought the first-fruits of the year to Apollo, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page332">[pg 332]</span><a name="Pg332" id="Pg332" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +immediately after the destruction of the Python.<a id="noteref_1345" name="noteref_1345" href="#note_1345"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1345</span></span></a> +The pious offerings of the Hyperboreans, as has been +remarked above, were the same as those last enumerated. +And perhaps we may add to our list the custom, +at the Attic autumnal festival of the Pyanepsia, +of hanging grapes, fruits, and small jars of honey and +oil, to branches of olive or laurel bound with wool, +and carrying them to the doors of a temple of Apollo;<a id="noteref_1346" name="noteref_1346" href="#note_1346"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1346</span></span></a> +though perhaps this rite belonged rather to Bacchus, +the Sun, and the Hours,<a id="noteref_1347" name="noteref_1347" href="#note_1347"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1347</span></span></a> who shared the honour of +this festival with Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. The above offerings doubtless express the existence +of a pure and filial relation, like that in which +the Hyperboreans stood to Apollo; it being quite +sufficient for persons in so innocent a state to give a +constant acknowledgment of the benevolence and +power with which the god defends and preserves +them. But as the pure deity was himself supposed +to be stained with blood, so might the minds of his +worshippers become tainted with sin, and lose their +internal quiet. When in this state, being as it were +under the influence of a fiendlike and corrupting +power (Ἄτη), the mind naturally wishes to put an +end to its unhappy condition by some specific and +definite act. This is effected by the solemn expiation +and purification of the religion of Apollo. Expiatory +rites were thus introduced into the regular system of worship, +and formed a part of the ancient <span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">jus sacrum.</span></span> +It was soon however perceived that the usual routine +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page333">[pg 333]</span><a name="Pg333" id="Pg333" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of life sometimes needed the same ceremony, and +hence expiatory <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">festivals</span></em> were connected with the +public worship of the god; by which not only individuals, +but whole cities were purified. These festivals +were naturally celebrated in the spring, when the +storms of winter disappear, and nature bursts into +fresh life.<a id="noteref_1348" name="noteref_1348" href="#note_1348"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1348</span></span></a> But in these the pious gifts of individuals +no longer sufficed, nor even the sacrifice of animals; +and the troubled mind seemed to require for its purification +a greater sacrifice. At Athens, during the +Thargelia, two men (or a man and a woman), adorned +with flowers and fruits, having been rubbed over with +fragrant herbs, were led in the most solemn manner, +like victims, before the gate, and thrown with imprecations +from the rock; but were in all probability +taken up below, and carried beyond the borders. +The persons used for these expiations (Φαρμακοὶ) +were condemned criminals, whom the city provided +for the purpose.<a id="noteref_1349" name="noteref_1349" href="#note_1349"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1349</span></span></a> This festival was common to all +Ionians; it is particularly mentioned at Miletus<a id="noteref_1350" name="noteref_1350" href="#note_1350"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1350</span></span></a> and +Paros;<a id="noteref_1351" name="noteref_1351" href="#note_1351"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1351</span></span></a> and the same rites were also practised in the +Phocæan colony of Massalia.<a id="noteref_1352" name="noteref_1352" href="#note_1352"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1352</span></span></a> In Ionia the victims +were beaten with branches of the fig-tree and with +sea-onions; at the same time there was played on the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page334">[pg 334]</span><a name="Pg334" id="Pg334" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +flute a strain (called χραδίης), which, according to +the testimony of Hipponax, was reduced by Mimnermus +into elegiac measure.<a id="noteref_1353" name="noteref_1353" href="#note_1353"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1353</span></span></a> At Athens also the victims +were crowned with figs and fig-branches, being +probably the symbol of utter worthlessness. The +antiquity of this manner of purification has been +shown above, in our remarks upon the religious ceremonies +of Leucadia.<a id="noteref_1354" name="noteref_1354" href="#note_1354"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1354</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">peace-offerings</span></em> (ἱλασμοὶ), by which Apollo +was first appeased, and his wrath averted, should, as +it appears, be distinguished from the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">purifications</span></em> +(καθαρμοὶ), by which he was supposed to restore the +mind to purity and tranquillity. At Sicyon (where +the religion of Apollo flourished at a very early period) +it was related, that Apollo and Artemis had, after the +destruction of the Python, wished to be there purified, +but that, being driven away by a phantom (whence in +after-times a certain spot in the town was called +φόβος), they proceeded to some other place. Upon +this the inhabitants were attacked by a pestilence; +and the seers ordered them to appease the deities. +Seven boys and the same number of girls were ordered +to go to the river Sythas and bathe in its waters, then +to carry the statues of the two deities into the temple of Peitho, +and from thence back to that of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1355" name="noteref_1355" href="#note_1355"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1355</span></span></a> +The Attic festival of Delphinia (on the sixth of Munychion) +had evidently the same meaning; in this +seven boys and girls reverently conveyed the ἱκετηρία, +an olive-branch bound with white fillets of wool, into +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page335">[pg 335]</span><a name="Pg335" id="Pg335" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Delphinium.<a id="noteref_1356" name="noteref_1356" href="#note_1356"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1356</span></span></a> This took place exactly one month +before the Thargelia; and in all probability the peace-offerings +and purifications (ἱλασμοὶ and καθαρμοὶ) +were celebrated at the same period throughout the +whole of Greece. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_4" id="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. By comparing and arranging the scattered fragments +of information respecting the time of the festivals +belonging to these two classes, we shall obtain +the following clear and simple account.<a id="noteref_1357" name="noteref_1357" href="#note_1357"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1357</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the commencement of the Apollinian year, in +the first month of spring, called Bysius (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> Πύθιος) +at Delphi, Munychion at Athens, Apollo was supposed +to come through the defile of Parnassus to Delphi, +and begin the battle with the Delphinè. He next +assumes the character of the wrathful god, whom it +was necessary to appease; and hence, on the sixth day +of the month, the expiatory festival of Delphinia took +place at Athens, and probably also at Miletus and +Massalia; we may likewise suppose that it was the +same month which in Ægina and Thera went under +the name of Delphinius:<a id="noteref_1358" name="noteref_1358" href="#note_1358"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1358</span></span></a> on the seventh Apollo destroyed +the Python.<a id="noteref_1359" name="noteref_1359" href="#note_1359"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1359</span></span></a> The pæan was now sung. +This too was the day on which, according to immemorial +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page336">[pg 336]</span><a name="Pg336" id="Pg336" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +custom, the oracle first broke silence; at a late +period it was also esteemed at Delphi as the birthday +of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1360" name="noteref_1360" href="#note_1360"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1360</span></span></a> Immediately after, the Delphian procession +moved on to Tempe; and at the same time +the tithes of men were once despatched to Apollo in +Crete.<a id="noteref_1361" name="noteref_1361" href="#note_1361"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1361</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the second month of spring, called by the Ionians +Thargelion, Apollo was purified at the altar at Tempe, +and probably on the seventh day of the month; for +the great expiatory festival of both deities, Apollo and +Artemis, was at Athens celebrated on the sixth and +seventh days; and Delos was at the same time purified; +this ceremony was immediately followed by a +feast of thanksgiving in honour of the god of light. +According to Delian tradition, Artemis and Apollo +(ἑβδομαγέτης)<a id="noteref_1362" name="noteref_1362" href="#note_1362"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1362</span></span></a> were born on the sixth and seventh +days of this month.<a id="noteref_1363" name="noteref_1363" href="#note_1363"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1363</span></span></a> On the same day however on +which the Delphian boy broke the laurel and turned +homewards, the purifying laurel-boughs (from which +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page337">[pg 337]</span><a name="Pg337" id="Pg337" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the festival of the Daphnephoria derived its name)<a id="noteref_1364" name="noteref_1364" href="#note_1364"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1364</span></span></a> +were probably also carried round in Bœotia, and +throughout the rest of Greece.<a id="noteref_1365" name="noteref_1365" href="#note_1365"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1365</span></span></a> Soon after this, the +setting of the Pleiades took place (the day before the +ides of May, according to the statement of Eudoxus);<a id="noteref_1366" name="noteref_1366" href="#note_1366"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1366</span></span></a> +at which time Hesiod makes the harvest begin; then, +as has been above remarked, on the testimony of Diodorus +and ancient works of art,<a id="noteref_1367" name="noteref_1367" href="#note_1367"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1367</span></span></a> Apollo, having been +presented with the first ears of corn, leaves the Hyperboreans, +and appears in a milder and more noble character +at Delphi. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +If it was wished that the setting of the Pleiades +should occur at a regular interval from the preceding +festival, this could have been effected only by cycles, +by which the lunar and sidereal years were made to +agree. Now it was not difficult to observe, that, after +ninety-nine lunar months, the setting of the Pleiades +coincided pretty exactly with the same phase of the +moon. From this circumstance arose the period of +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">eight years</span></em>, called by the Greeks ἐνναετηρὶς, in conformity +with which the great festivals of Apollo at +Delphi, Crete, and Thebes were from the earliest +times arranged.<a id="noteref_1368" name="noteref_1368" href="#note_1368"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1368</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page338">[pg 338]</span><a name="Pg338" id="Pg338" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. These data afford a sufficient proof of a remarkable +and by no means fortuitous connexion between +the expiatory festivals of Apollo: we may discover the +vestiges of a sacred calendar, once, without doubt, +preserved entire, but which, through the various combinations +introduced into the Grecian worship, became +disjointed and broken. This was particularly the case +in the Attic festivals, where the same festival is frequently, +as it were, doubled, and placed in different +portions of the year. A remarkable instance, illustrative +of the above remark, immediately occurs to +us. As the months Munychion and Thargelion succeeded +each other in the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">second</span></em> half of the year, so +did Boëdromion and Pyanepsion in the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">first</span></em>. The +sixth of Boëdromion was sacred to Artemis; the seventh, +without doubt, to Apollo Boëdromius, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the +martial god</span></em>; who therefore corresponds with the +Delphinian Apollo, and the festival with the Delphinia. +The Pyanepsia, however, were very similar +to the Thargelia; the laurel-boughs wrapt with wool, +carried round at the celebration of both, remind us of +the Daphnephoria;<a id="noteref_1369" name="noteref_1369" href="#note_1369"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1369</span></span></a> only, as was above remarked, the +worship of Bacchus, which Theseus is said to have +established at Naxos, after his return from the islands, +was mixed up with it, and is to be recognised in the +carrying of boughs (ὀσχοφορία), which was introduced +into this festival. Thus these four seventh +days (ἑβδόμαι) correspond with each other as follows: +</p> + +<div class="tei tei-lg" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">7th Munychion.</div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">7th Thargelion.</div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">7th Boëdromion.</div> +<div class="tei tei-l" style="text-align: left">7th Pyanepsion.</div> +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page339">[pg 339]</span><a name="Pg339" id="Pg339" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_6" id="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. We turn from these expiatory festivals of universal +occurrence to the expiations which the religion +of Apollo enjoined for those who had incurred the +guilt of homicide.<a id="noteref_1370" name="noteref_1370" href="#note_1370"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1370</span></span></a> We previously noticed some +establishments of this nature connected with the temples +at Tænarum, at Trœzen, and of Branchidæ: a +similar one also existed at Delphi, as may be gathered +from the fable of Orestes, related by Æschylus, in +which Apollo appears at the same time as leader of +the avenging Furies, and as purifier of the murderer. +Immediately after this deed, the matricide takes an +olive-branch bound with woollen fillets,<a id="noteref_1371" name="noteref_1371" href="#note_1371"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1371</span></span></a> and flies <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">like +a frightened stag</span></span><a id="noteref_1372" name="noteref_1372" href="#note_1372"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1372</span></span></a> to Delphi, where Apollo himself +purifies his blood-stained hands by the sacrifice of +swine and ablutions;<a id="noteref_1373" name="noteref_1373" href="#note_1373"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1373</span></span></a> and thus liberates him from the +Furies, as a defence against whom he had (according +to Stesichorus) also given him a bow and arrows.<a id="noteref_1374" name="noteref_1374" href="#note_1374"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1374</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page340">[pg 340]</span><a name="Pg340" id="Pg340" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +After the purification of Orestes at Delphi, the Athenian +poets affirm that he went to Athens, and, under +the protection of the god, placed himself before the +Areopagus, where Cephalus had also stood in a similar +situation.<a id="noteref_1375" name="noteref_1375" href="#note_1375"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1375</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +At Athens likewise, as was remarked above, the +expiatory rites of the worship of Apollo were connected +with the criminal courts of justice, the aristocratic +ephetæ being intrusted both with the ceremony +of purification and the duties of judges. These were +fifty-one men, of noble birth,<a id="noteref_1376" name="noteref_1376" href="#note_1376"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1376</span></span></a> who in early times had +jurisdiction in five courts of justice (amongst which +the Areopagus was of course included) over every description +of homicide.<a id="noteref_1377" name="noteref_1377" href="#note_1377"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1377</span></span></a> Solon probably first separated +the Areopagus from the other four courts; and +in order to make it a timocratic tribunal, with cognizance +over cases of wilful murder, he gave it great +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page341">[pg 341]</span><a name="Pg341" id="Pg341" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +political, though not religious power; the latter he +was not able to bestow. The jurisdiction of the +ephetæ was now confined to cases of unintentional +or justifiable homicide, and some others of no importance; +thus remaining a singular remnant of the +ancient judicial forms, in the midst of an universal +change. We shall now describe the ceremonies in +use at the expiation of homicides. It is necessary, +however, in the first place, to distinguish the wilful +murderer, who either left for ever his native land, +losing all privileges and property therein, or who +suffered the penalty of the laws, from the man who +killed another without design, or with some good +cause, to be approved by the sentence of the ephetæ. +A person in the latter situation left his country by a +particular road for a certain time; during which he +also kept at a distance from places of public resort +(ἀπενιαυτισμὸς).<a id="noteref_1378" name="noteref_1378" href="#note_1378"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1378</span></span></a> Afterwards, the reconciliation took +place either with the kindred or certain chosen phratores; +but only in case they were willing,<a id="noteref_1379" name="noteref_1379" href="#note_1379"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1379</span></span></a> and that it +was only a homicide of the second description.<a id="noteref_1380" name="noteref_1380" href="#note_1380"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1380</span></span></a> The +term used was αἰδέσασθαι, because an offender of this +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page342">[pg 342]</span><a name="Pg342" id="Pg342" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +kind was an unfortunate person, and therefore, according +to the opinion of the ancient Greeks, worthy of +respect. Afterwards, the perpetrator was purified +from all guilt by sacrifices and expiatory rites. In +early times the purification probably always took place +abroad, frequently in the ancient settlements of the +injured family. At Athens it was performed after +the return of the criminal; and there the cases of +atoneable murders were of course less frequent than +in the heroic age; since, under a less regular government, +and with closer family ties, there were more +incitements and excuses for that crime. Hence at +that time those institutions must have been of double +importance, which checked the fearful consequences +of an unlucky act, quieted the workings of an uneasy +conscience, and moderated the too eager thirst for +revenge.<a id="noteref_1381" name="noteref_1381" href="#note_1381"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1381</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +From this ancient connexion of the religious expiations +and criminal jurisdiction, we easily perceive +why at Athens Apollo should have presided over all +the courts of justice;<a id="noteref_1382" name="noteref_1382" href="#note_1382"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1382</span></span></a> and why he was also represented +at Tenedos as armed with a double hatchet,<a id="noteref_1383" name="noteref_1383" href="#note_1383"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1383</span></span></a> the instrument +used in that island for the execution of +adulterers.<a id="noteref_1384" name="noteref_1384" href="#note_1384"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1384</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page343">[pg 343]</span><a name="Pg343" id="Pg343" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" id="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. Apollo was likewise supposed to preside over +purifications of houses, towns, and districts;<a id="noteref_1385" name="noteref_1385" href="#note_1385"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1385</span></span></a> +and accordingly they were performed by Tiresias, the prophet +of the Ismenium, at Thebes;<a id="noteref_1386" name="noteref_1386" href="#note_1386"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1386</span></span></a> as also in later +times by Epimenides, in his character of a Cretan worshipper +of Apollo, at Athens (after Olymp. 46. 1.), and at +Delos at a still earlier period.<a id="noteref_1387" name="noteref_1387" href="#note_1387"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1387</span></span></a> This is the first purification +of Delos of which we have any account; the +second is that instituted by Pisistratus (about the 60th +Olympiad); the third, that set on foot by Athens +(Olymp. 88. 3. 426 B.C.), when the island was entirely +freed from the corpses so odious to Apollo.<a id="noteref_1388" name="noteref_1388" href="#note_1388"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1388</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In all these rites we find frequent use of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">laurel</span></span> +(the δάφνη Ἀπολλωνιὰς),<a id="noteref_1389" name="noteref_1389" href="#note_1389"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1389</span></span></a> to which a power of warding +off evil was ascribed, both when employed in +sprinkling, and when merely carried round in procession.<a id="noteref_1390" name="noteref_1390" href="#note_1390"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1390</span></span></a> +This tree also served several purposes in the +delivery of oracles; a branch of it in ancient times distinguished +the prophets,<a id="noteref_1391" name="noteref_1391" href="#note_1391"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1391</span></span></a> and even the god himself as +such;<a id="noteref_1392" name="noteref_1392" href="#note_1392"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1392</span></span></a> hence his nurses were said by some to have been +Κορυθάλεια,<a id="noteref_1393" name="noteref_1393" href="#note_1393"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1393</span></span></a> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the laurel itself</span></span>;”</span> and Ἀλήθεια, +or <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the fulfilment of +oracles</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_1394" name="noteref_1394" href="#note_1394"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1394</span></span></a> The reason why the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page344">[pg 344]</span><a name="Pg344" id="Pg344" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +laurel was supposed to have these powers is as obscure +as the origin of the ancient symbolical language in +general. Perhaps it was merely the appearance of +the evergreen-tree, with its slender form and glittering +leaves, that made it a symbol of Apollo. The laurel +will bear a tolerably severe winter,<a id="noteref_1395" name="noteref_1395" href="#note_1395"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1395</span></span></a> and therefore +nourished in the north of Greece; while the olive, the +tree of Athene, belongs to its more southern regions. +But, be this as it may, the situation of Tempe, where +this shrub still grows with great luxuriance, certainly +added much to the sanctity of the symbol:<a id="noteref_1396" name="noteref_1396" href="#note_1396"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1396</span></span></a> and for this +reason the amour of the god with Daphne is often +placed on the banks of the Peneus.<a id="noteref_1397" name="noteref_1397" href="#note_1397"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1397</span></span></a> Indeed Apollo +was supposed to love all groves, particularly of forest-trees, +laurels, wild-olives, &c. The freshening coolness +and holy silence of such places were thought to +be proper preparatives for entering the sanctuary.<a id="noteref_1398" name="noteref_1398" href="#note_1398"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1398</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. It has appeared incomprehensible to many, why +Apollo should be a god of prophecy, and how this office +can be reconciled with his other attributes. Many +have been satisfied with supposing an accidental association +of music, prophecy, and archery, without being +able to discover any principle of union. In the following +pages we shall endeavour to account for the combination +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page345">[pg 345]</span><a name="Pg345" id="Pg345" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in the same deity of attributes apparently so +unconnected. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Prophecy, according to the ideas of the ancients, is +the announcement of fate (of μοῖρα, αἶσα). Now fate +was considered to be the right order of things, the +established physical and moral harmony of the world, +in which every thing occupies the place fitted for its +capacities and function. Fate therefore coincides with +supreme Justice (Θέμις); which notion Hesiod expressed +by saying that Zeus married Themis, who +produced to him the Fates. The pious, religious +mind could not separate Zeus and Destiny: Fate was +the will and thought of the highest of the gods. A +man whose actions agreed with this established harmony, +and who followed the appointed course of +things, acted <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">justly</span></em> (κατ᾽ αἶσαν, ἐναίσιμα); the violent +and arrogant man endeavoured at least to break +through the laws of Fate. Now it was this right +order of events which the ancient oracles were supposed +to proclaim; and hence they were called θέμιστες, +ordinances or laws of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">justice</span></em>.<a id="noteref_1399" name="noteref_1399" href="#note_1399"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1399</span></span></a> They were not imagined +to be derived from a foreknowledge of futurity; +but merely to declare that which, according to the +necessary course of events, must come to pass. It +cannot indeed fail to surprise us that the oracle was +delivered by a woman in a state of ecstasy, and not as +the result of serious reflection. But do we not find in +the earlier period of Grecian philosophy (especially in +the Ionic school) every new and profound discovery +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page346">[pg 346]</span><a name="Pg346" id="Pg346" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +appearing as the work of sudden illumination and +ecstasy, and indeed often accompanied with miraculous +circumstances? And would not the mind in that age +have naturally been raised to such an excited and +rapturous state, when, endeavouring to escape from +the narrow bounds of daily life, it recognised in the +general course of events the influence of the gods? +The means adopted to promote this inspiration, the +vapour of the chasm, the chewing of the laurel-leaves, +the drinking of the water of the well, are of the most +innocent description. We do not however mean to +deny that these ceremonies soon became an unmeaning +form, the oracle being made subservient to political +purposes. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The custom of a woman giving utterance to the +decrees of the god originated partly from the peculiar +estimation in which women were held by the Dorians, +and partly from the natural tendency of the female sex +(so often remarked by the ancients) to fits of ecstasy. +Prophetesses were elsewhere also frequently connected +with temples of Apollo; as, for instance, Manto, during +the fabulous age, with the Ismenian and Clarian +temples, and Cassandra with that of Thymbra, whose +nature was nearly allied to that of the sibyls, who likewise +were always connected with temples of the same +god. As to the manner in which the responses of the +Pythian priestess were delivered, Heracleitus of +Ephesus says, that <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the god, whose oracle is at +Delphi, neither utters nor conceals any thing, but +gives signs</span></span>;”</span><a id="noteref_1400" name="noteref_1400" href="#note_1400"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1400</span></span></a> which at least serves to contradict +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page347">[pg 347]</span><a name="Pg347" id="Pg347" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the common idea of the designed ambiguity of this +oracle. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This temple must however have lost much of its +dignity, when it condescended, for the sake of rich +offerings from the Lydian monarch, to answer enigmatically +the insidious questions which Crœsus put to +the Grecian oracles. In earlier times a Greek would +not have dared, without the greatest faith in its +responses, to approach the temple, which had regulated +almost the whole political state of Greece, conducted +its colonies, instituted the sacred armistices, and established +by its authority the legislation of Lycurgus. +For in general the god had not to announce what +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">would</span></em>, but what <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">should</span></em> take place; and he frequently +declared events not as to happen independently of his +injunction, but as the consequence of his answers. All +Dorians were in a certain state of dependence on the +Pythian temple; and as long as that race possessed +the ascendency in Greece, the hearth in the centre of +the earth (μεσόμφαλος ἑστία), with its eternal fire, at +Pytho,<a id="noteref_1401" name="noteref_1401" href="#note_1401"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1401</span></span></a> was considered as the Prytaneum and religious +centre of the whole of Greece.<a id="noteref_1402" name="noteref_1402" href="#note_1402"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1402</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. In ancient Greece, however, prophecy was by no +means derived altogether from Apollo, but merely that +species of it which proceeded from a rapturous and +entranced state of the soul. Nevertheless, the enthusiastic +and imaginative frame of mind, in which cool +grottos, with their flowing waters and hollow echoes, +seemed to transport the votary into a former world, +was derived from the Nymphs: and the Bacidæ, who +were considered as under the influence of the Nymphs +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page348">[pg 348]</span><a name="Pg348" id="Pg348" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +(νυμφόπληκτοι), have no more to do with Apollo than +the σεληνιακοὶ, among whom Musæus is reckoned. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Of the various modes of divination from omens,<a id="noteref_1403" name="noteref_1403" href="#note_1403"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1403</span></span></a> only +two or three were referred to this god, and that rather accidentally than +in accordance with any fixed principle:<a id="noteref_1404" name="noteref_1404" href="#note_1404"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1404</span></span></a> +for example, divination from lightning,<a id="noteref_1405" name="noteref_1405" href="#note_1405"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1405</span></span></a> from +birds,<a id="noteref_1406" name="noteref_1406" href="#note_1406"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1406</span></span></a> from sacrifices,<a id="noteref_1407" name="noteref_1407" href="#note_1407"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1407</span></span></a> +and from the drawing of lots, +which, however, was either disdained by him, as below +his dignity, or transferred to Hermes.<a id="noteref_1408" name="noteref_1408" href="#note_1408"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1408</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Connecting the idea of Apollo, which we have now +acquired, with our preceding inquiries, we find the +whole combine in an easy and natural manner. Apollo, +as a divine hero, overcomes every obstacle to the order +and laws of heaven; and those are heavenly regulations +and laws which he proclaims as the prophet of Zeus. +By these, also, tranquillity, brightness, and harmony, +are every where established, and every thing destructive +of them is removed. The belief in a fixed system +of laws, of which Apollo was the executor, formed the +foundation of all prophecy in his worship. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. We have next to consider for what reason and +to what extent <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">music</span></em> was included among the solemnities +(τιμαὶ) in honour of Apollo. On this point, however, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page349">[pg 349]</span><a name="Pg349" id="Pg349" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +we must guard against inferring too much from +the poets. By the ancients he was represented as +playing on the cithara (φόρμιγξ), frequently in the +midst of a chorus of Muses, singing and dancing;<a id="noteref_1409" name="noteref_1409" href="#note_1409"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1409</span></span></a> +whose place in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo is +filled by ten goddesses, among whom <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ares and +Hermes vault and spring</span></span>”</span> (perhaps like Cretan +tumblers or κυβιστητῆρες), <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">whilst Apollo, in a +beautifully woven garment, plays, and at the same +time dances with quick motion of the feet</span></span>;”</span> for +Apollo was not considered as merely a god of music; +thus Pindar addresses him as the god of dance.<a id="noteref_1410" name="noteref_1410" href="#note_1410"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1410</span></span></a> But +we are not warranted from this <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">poetical</span></em> fiction to infer +a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">religious</span></em> union of the Muses and Apollo, nor can +such a connexion be any where traced; indeed the +worship of these goddesses was, both in origin and +locality,<a id="noteref_1411" name="noteref_1411" href="#note_1411"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1411</span></span></a> entirely +different from that of Apollo. +Besides, amongst the early writers, Apollo is never +considered as the patron of poets, or invoked, as the +Muses are, to grant poetical inspiration: players on the +cithara alone were under his protection. The cithara +was his attribute, both in many ancient statues<a id="noteref_1412" name="noteref_1412" href="#note_1412"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1412</span></span></a> and +also on the coins of Delphi; it is his ancient and appropriate +instrument; the deeper-toned lyre, with its +arched sounding-board, Apollo received from Hermes:<a id="noteref_1413" name="noteref_1413" href="#note_1413"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1413</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page350">[pg 350]</span><a name="Pg350" id="Pg350" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the instances in which he is represented as bearing it +are very rare. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +11. But for what reason is Apollo described as playing +upon the cithara? for no other, assuredly, than +that the music of the cithara was from times of remote +antiquity connected with his worship; and that, because +it appears best fitted to express a tranquil and +simple harmony; the worship of Apollo, as we have +frequently remarked, always endeavouring to produce +a solemn quiet and stillness of the soul. Pindar +beautifully says of this god that he <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">invented the +citharis and bestows the muse on whom he wills, in order to +introduce peaceful law into the heart</span></span>.”</span><a id="noteref_1414" name="noteref_1414" href="#note_1414"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1414</span></span></a> +To this also refer the golden κηληδόνες, which, according +to the account of the same poet,<a id="noteref_1415" name="noteref_1415" href="#note_1415"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1415</span></span></a> +were suspended from the roof of the brazen temple at Delphi; and they +were without doubt intended as emblems of the mild +and soothing influence of the god. This was naturally +the chief object of music when used in purifications, +and as an incantation (ἐπῳδὴ); when passions were to +be overcome, and pain soothed; and in ancient times +this was one of its most important applications.<a id="noteref_1416" name="noteref_1416" href="#note_1416"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1416</span></span></a> +Chrysothemis, an ancient Pythian minstrel of mythology, +was hence called the son of Carmanor, the +expiatory priest of Tarrha;<a id="noteref_1417" name="noteref_1417" href="#note_1417"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1417</span></span></a> as also Thaletas, the Cretan +poet, purified Sparta by music, when attacked with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page351">[pg 351]</span><a name="Pg351" id="Pg351" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the plague.<a id="noteref_1418" name="noteref_1418" href="#note_1418"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1418</span></span></a> The Pythagoreans, who paid an +especial honour to Apollo, went still further, and employed +music as a charm to soothe the passions, attune the +spirit to harmony, and cure both body and mind. +Hence they much preferred the cithara to the flute,<a id="noteref_1419" name="noteref_1419" href="#note_1419"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1419</span></span></a> +as, according to Grecian ideas, there was something in +the sound of the flute wild, and at the same time +gloomy; this, too, is the reason why Apollo disliked +the music of that instrument.<a id="noteref_1420" name="noteref_1420" href="#note_1420"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1420</span></span></a> This also explains his +contest with Marsyas, the Phrygian Silenus and flute-player, +whose tough skin, having been stript off by the +conqueror, always moved (according to the report of +the inhabitants of Celænæ), with joy, as was believed, +at the sound of flutes.<a id="noteref_1421" name="noteref_1421" href="#note_1421"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1421</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The flute was not an instrument of much antiquity +among the Greeks; Homer only mentions it as used +by the Trojans.<a id="noteref_1422" name="noteref_1422" href="#note_1422"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1422</span></span></a> In the time of Hesiod it had been +introduced at the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">comus</span></span>, +the band of noisy revellers.<a id="noteref_1423" name="noteref_1423" href="#note_1423"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1423</span></span></a> +But the cithara alone for a long time kept its place as +the instrument for the chorus: even in the time of +Alcman flute-players came mostly from Asia Minor; +and their names (Sambas, Adon, Telos<a id="noteref_1424" name="noteref_1424" href="#note_1424"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1424</span></span></a>) frequently +had, from this circumstance, a barbarous sound. This +kind of music was principally adopted in places where +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page352">[pg 352]</span><a name="Pg352" id="Pg352" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Dionysus was worshipped; for instance, in Bœotia. +It was of course also much used in the rites of the +Phrygian Magna Mater, and of the Phrygian Pan:<a id="noteref_1425" name="noteref_1425" href="#note_1425"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1425</span></span></a> +hence Pindar, who inherited the character of a flute-player +from his father, dedicated a shrine to the mother +of the gods, and to Pan.<a id="noteref_1426" name="noteref_1426" href="#note_1426"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1426</span></span></a> When, however, it had become +common throughout Greece, it could not be excluded +from a place so celebrated for music as Delphi, +and Apollo's ear became less fastidious. Alcman and +Corinna, indeed, were too partial to that art (the +former as being a Lydian, the latter a Bœotian), when +they represented Apollo himself playing on the flute.<a id="noteref_1427" name="noteref_1427" href="#note_1427"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1427</span></span></a> +This instrument, however, had at that time been +adopted even in the sacred exhibition of the Delphian +worship: a dirge on the death of the Python<a id="noteref_1428" name="noteref_1428" href="#note_1428"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1428</span></span></a> (nominally +the production of Olympus a Phrygian musician, +contemporary with, or somewhat later than, Terpander),<a id="noteref_1429" name="noteref_1429" href="#note_1429"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1429</span></span></a> +was played on the flute in the Lydian strain, +and probably formed a part of that dramatic representation. +Moreover, this instrument was used to accompany +Prosodia (songs which were sung on the way to +a temple) in the procession to Tempe, and in the +Pentathlon at the gymnastic contests.<a id="noteref_1430" name="noteref_1430" href="#note_1430"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1430</span></span></a> A peculiar +species of flute, from being used in pæans, obtained +the name of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pythian</span></span>:<a id="noteref_1431" name="noteref_1431" href="#note_1431"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1431</span></span></a> yet the music of the flute, +combined with singing (αὐλῳδία), in lyric and elegiac +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page353">[pg 353]</span><a name="Pg353" id="Pg353" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +measures, was excluded from the Pythian games, after +it had once been heard, as making too gloomy an +impression:<a id="noteref_1432" name="noteref_1432" href="#note_1432"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1432</span></span></a> +for all sadness, and therefore all plaintive +strains, were every where excluded from the worship +of Apollo; and the music in his temples was always +intended to have an enlivening and tranquillizing effect +upon the mind. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_12" id="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_12" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +12. From this view of the subject we may explain +the singular story of the contest of Apollo with Linus, +and of the defeat and consequent death of the latter.<a id="noteref_1433" name="noteref_1433" href="#note_1433"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1433</span></span></a> +For this purpose it will be necessary to state shortly +my ideas respecting the real character of Linus. +Linus, then, the subject of the song called by his +name, was originally a god of an elementary religion +(in which there were numerous symbols to signify the +death of all animated life): he was nearly connected +with Narcissus (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Torpid</span></em>), whose tomb was +shown at Thebes and Argos, at which last place matrons +and maidens bewailed him in the month Arneius, +as a boy brought up among lambs and torn in pieces +by dogs.<a id="noteref_1434" name="noteref_1434" href="#note_1434"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1434</span></span></a> The song of lamentation for the untimely +death of Linus, the much-loved boy,<a id="noteref_1435" name="noteref_1435" href="#note_1435"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1435</span></span></a> was sung to the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page354">[pg 354]</span><a name="Pg354" id="Pg354" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +harp in a low and subdued voice, and listened to with +pleasure in the times of Homer and Hesiod,<a id="noteref_1436" name="noteref_1436" href="#note_1436"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1436</span></span></a> although +then, perhaps, the air was not always very melancholy. +But in after times this was its predominant character, +as is proved by the names Αἴλινος and Οἰτόλινος.<a id="noteref_1437" name="noteref_1437" href="#note_1437"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1437</span></span></a> It +was a great favourite with the husbandmen,<a id="noteref_1438" name="noteref_1438" href="#note_1438"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1438</span></span></a> who were +generally aboriginal inhabitants. In this point there +was a resemblance between the usages of ancient +Greece and Asia Minor, where religious dirges of this +description, different, indeed, in different districts, but +having every where the same mournful tune, were +customary.<a id="noteref_1439" name="noteref_1439" href="#note_1439"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1439</span></span></a> Such were, for instance, the lament of +the tribe of Doliones;<a id="noteref_1440" name="noteref_1440" href="#note_1440"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1440</span></span></a> the Hylas, sung at +fountains in the country of the Mysians and +Bithynians<a id="noteref_1441" name="noteref_1441" href="#note_1441"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1441</span></span></a> (probably +the same as the Mysian song);<a id="noteref_1442" name="noteref_1442" href="#note_1442"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1442</span></span></a> the song of the +beautiful Bormus, whose watery death was deplored +by the husbandmen of Mariandyne on the flute in the +middle of summer;<a id="noteref_1443" name="noteref_1443" href="#note_1443"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1443</span></span></a> of Lityerses, whom the Phrygians +bewailed yearly during the time of harvest at +Celænæ, the native place of Marsyas;<a id="noteref_1444" name="noteref_1444" href="#note_1444"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1444</span></span></a> and which, +with the melancholy Carian strain, was played to the +Phrygian flute.<a id="noteref_1445" name="noteref_1445" href="#note_1445"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1445</span></span></a> Besides these there were the +Gingras, or song of Adonis, and the Maneros, the rustic +song of Pelusium in Egypt, which Herodotus compares +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page355">[pg 355]</span><a name="Pg355" id="Pg355" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +with the Linus.<a id="noteref_1446" name="noteref_1446" href="#note_1446"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1446</span></span></a> And even at Cyprus the contest +of the two opposite kinds of music was in some +measure renewed; there being a tradition that Cinyras, +the priest of Aphrodite, and composer of the mournful +strains in honour of Adonis, had, like Marsyas and +Linus, been overcome and put to death by Apollo.<a id="noteref_1447" name="noteref_1447" href="#note_1447"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1447</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thus we behold Apollo the representative of the +severe, even, and simple music of the Greeks, in contest +with that impassioned spirit, alternating between +the extremes of fury and apathy, which the professors +of an elementary religion sought to represent even in +their music; and consequently this fable also harmonizes +with the fundamental principles of the religion of +Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +13. Having now ascertained the general character +of the music employed in the worship of Apollo, we +shall endeavour to obtain a more accurate knowledge +of its varieties. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +One of the most ancient species of composition (in +which Chrysothemis the Cretan and Philammon were +said to have contended at Delphi) was a hymn to +Apollo;<a id="noteref_1448" name="noteref_1448" href="#note_1448"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1448</span></span></a> which we must suppose to have been composed +in the ancient Doric dialect, and sung simply to +the cithara. In reference to its musical execution, +this hymn was also called a +<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">nome</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1449" name="noteref_1449" href="#note_1449"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1449</span></span></a> the invention of +which was ascribed to Apollo himself.<a id="noteref_1450" name="noteref_1450" href="#note_1450"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1450</span></span></a> +At Delos +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page356">[pg 356]</span><a name="Pg356" id="Pg356" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +also there were nomes, which were sung at the cyclic +choral dances, and were attributed to Olen, another +representative of the ancient poetry of hymns.<a id="noteref_1451" name="noteref_1451" href="#note_1451"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1451</span></span></a> The +general character of these was composure and regularity;<a id="noteref_1452" name="noteref_1452" href="#note_1452"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1452</span></span></a> the measure was anciently (as we know from +certain testimony) only hexameter:<a id="noteref_1453" name="noteref_1453" href="#note_1453"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1453</span></span></a> which agrees +well with the fact that the origin of the hexameter +was derived from Pytho.<a id="noteref_1454" name="noteref_1454" href="#note_1454"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1454</span></span></a> In the account that Philammon, +the ancient composer of hymns, had placed +choruses of young women round the altar, who sang +the birth of Latona and her children in lyric measures +(ἐν μέλεσι),<a id="noteref_1455" name="noteref_1455" href="#note_1455"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1455</span></span></a> +the nomes of Philammon,<a id="noteref_1456" name="noteref_1456" href="#note_1456"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1456</span></span></a> as improved +by Terpander the ancient lyric poet, appear to be confounded +with the original ones; since these, after the +fashion of the most ancient composers, contained only +hexameters.<a id="noteref_1457" name="noteref_1457" href="#note_1457"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1457</span></span></a> The ancient religious poets mentioned +in these accounts, Chrysothemis, Philammon, and +Olen, may be looked on as Dorians with the same +certainty as the founders of the temples of Tarrha, +Delphi, and Patara, to which they particularly belonged.<a id="noteref_1458" name="noteref_1458" href="#note_1458"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1458</span></span></a> +The language also of the poems ascribed to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page357">[pg 357]</span><a name="Pg357" id="Pg357" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +them must have been Doric; though indeed the fact +of a poetical use of this dialect before the historic +times will not agree with the predominant, though +perhaps not well-grounded notions respecting the progress +of poetry in Greece. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +14. That the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">pæan</span></span> was a song of thanksgiving for +deliverance has been mentioned above. With respect, +however, to the manner in which it was performed, we +learn from Homer that it was sung after the sacrificial +feast,<a id="noteref_1459" name="noteref_1459" href="#note_1459"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1459</span></span></a> +when the goblets were carried round after the +sacred libation; and this was also the case at Sparta +and Athens.<a id="noteref_1460" name="noteref_1460" href="#note_1460"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1460</span></span></a> It was generally sung in a sitting posture, +although in the Homeric Hymn to Apollo that +god is represented as accompanying the Cretans who +sing in a measured step.<a id="noteref_1461" name="noteref_1461" href="#note_1461"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1461</span></span></a> At Sparta it was danced +in choruses.<a id="noteref_1462" name="noteref_1462" href="#note_1462"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1462</span></span></a> +On the whole it required a regular and +sedate measure,<a id="noteref_1463" name="noteref_1463" href="#note_1463"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1463</span></span></a> +even when it assumed a more lively +air, as for the nome, and the solemn σπονδειακὸν, sung +at libations.<a id="noteref_1464" name="noteref_1464" href="#note_1464"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1464</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But the most lively dance which accompanied the +songs used in the worship of Apollo, was that termed +the <span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">hyporcheme</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1465" name="noteref_1465" href="#note_1465"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1465</span></span></a> In this, besides the chorus of +singers who usually danced around the blazing altar, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page358">[pg 358]</span><a name="Pg358" id="Pg358" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +several persons were appointed to accompany the action +of the poem with an appropriate pantomimic display +(ὑπορχεῖσθαι). Homer himself bears witness to +the Cretan origin of this custom, since the Cnosian +dance, represented by Hephæstus on the shield of +Achilles, appears from the description to have been a +kind of hyporcheme,<a id="noteref_1466" name="noteref_1466" href="#note_1466"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1466</span></span></a> and hence all dances of this +description were called Cretan.<a id="noteref_1467" name="noteref_1467" href="#note_1467"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1467</span></span></a> From that island +they passed at an early period over to Delos, where, +even in Lucian's time, the wanderings of Latona and +her island, with their final repose, were represented in +the above manner.<a id="noteref_1468" name="noteref_1468" href="#note_1468"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1468</span></span></a> At the same time also +probably took place the custom mentioned in the hymn to the +Delian Apollo as characterizing the songs of the +young women of that island; viz., that they represented +the voices and gestures of every nation:<a id="noteref_1469" name="noteref_1469" href="#note_1469"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1469</span></span></a> perhaps +they introduced the peculiar dances of the various +countries which Latona visited in her wanderings. +The ludicrous, and at the same time complicated dance +(γέρανος) which Theseus is said first to have danced +with his crew round the altar at Delos,<a id="noteref_1470" name="noteref_1470" href="#note_1470"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1470</span></span></a> was probably +of the same description. All that can be clearly ascertained +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page359">[pg 359]</span><a name="Pg359" id="Pg359" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +respecting the rhythm of these compositions +is that the hexameter was altogether unfitted to their +playful and joyous character.<a id="noteref_1471" name="noteref_1471" href="#note_1471"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1471</span></span></a> But both the hyporcheme +and pæan were first indebted for their systematic +improvement to the Doric musicians, Xenodamus +of Sparta, and Thaletas of Elyrus in Crete +(about 620 B.C.),<a id="noteref_1472" name="noteref_1472" href="#note_1472"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1472</span></span></a> who first brought the Cretic or +Pæonic metre into general use; which names point +out beyond doubt its Cretan origin, and its use in +pæans.<a id="noteref_1473" name="noteref_1473" href="#note_1473"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1473</span></span></a> Cretics form a quick and lively, though a +pleasing and by no means inharmonious<a id="noteref_1474" name="noteref_1474" href="#note_1474"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1474</span></span></a> rhythm, being +particularly adapted to rapid motion. Thus a joyous +and agreeable harmony was added, at the festivals of +Apollo, to the serious and solemn music, although the +softness and insipidity of several Ionian and Asiatic +tunes were, without doubt, always rejected. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thus, if we except the purifying and propitiatory +rites, the festivals of Apollo bore the character of a +serene and joyful mind, every other attribute of the +deity being lost in those of victory and mercy. +Hence in his statues at Delphi<a id="noteref_1475" name="noteref_1475" href="#note_1475"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1475</span></span></a> and Delos<a id="noteref_1476" name="noteref_1476" href="#note_1476"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1476</span></span></a> he was +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page360">[pg 360]</span><a name="Pg360" id="Pg360" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +represented as bearing in his hand the Graces, who +gave additional splendour and elegance to his festivals +by the dance, music, and banquet.<a id="noteref_1477" name="noteref_1477" href="#note_1477"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1477</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_15" id="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_15" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +15. We have as yet omitted the mention of two +great national festivals celebrated at Amyclæ by the +Spartans in honour of the chief deity of their race,<a id="noteref_1478" name="noteref_1478" href="#note_1478"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1478</span></span></a> +viz., the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hyacinthia</span></span> and the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Carnea</span></span>, from a belief +that they do not properly belong to Apollo. That +the worship of the Carnean Apollo, in which both +were included, was derived from Thebes, whence it +was brought over by the Ægidæ to Amyclæ, has been +proved in a former work;<a id="noteref_1479" name="noteref_1479" href="#note_1479"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1479</span></span></a> our present object is to +show, from the symbols and rites of this worship, that +it was originally derived more from the ancient religion +of Demeter than from that of Apollo. The +youth Hyacinthus, whom the Carnean Apollo accidentally +struck with a quoit,<a id="noteref_1480" name="noteref_1480" href="#note_1480"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1480</span></span></a> evidently took his name +from the flower (a dark-coloured species of iris), +which in the ancient symbolical language was an emblem +of death; and the fable of his death is clearly a +relic of an ancient elementary religion. Now the +hyacinth most frequently occurs, in this sense, in the +worship of Demeter; thus, for example, it was under +the name Κοσμοσάνδαλος sacred to Demeter Chthonia +at Hermione.<a id="noteref_1481" name="noteref_1481" href="#note_1481"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1481</span></span></a> We find further proof of this in +the ancient sculptures with which the grave, and at the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page361">[pg 361]</span><a name="Pg361" id="Pg361" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +same time the altar of Hyacinthus, was adorned: the +artists indeed appear to have completely comprehended +the spirit of the worship. We find Demeter, Cora, +Pluto, and the Cadmean Dionysus, with Ino and Semele, +and Hyacinthus himself, together with a sister +named Polybœa.<a id="noteref_1482" name="noteref_1482" href="#note_1482"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1482</span></span></a> Polybœa is hardly, +if at all, distinct +from Cora,<a id="noteref_1483" name="noteref_1483" href="#note_1483"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1483</span></span></a> whom Lasus of Hermione called +Melibœa. To this may be added the sacrifices to the +dead, and lamentations customary on the first day<a id="noteref_1484" name="noteref_1484" href="#note_1484"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1484</span></span></a> +(which were forbidden at all other festivals of Apollo); +nightly processions,<a id="noteref_1485" name="noteref_1485" href="#note_1485"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1485</span></span></a> and several other detached +traces of the symbols of Demeter and Dionysus,<a id="noteref_1486" name="noteref_1486" href="#note_1486"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1486</span></span></a> which, by +an attentive observer, may be easily distinguished from +those of Apollo. The time of the festival was also +different: it took place on the longest day of the +Spartan month Hecatombeus, which corresponds to +the Attic Hecatombæon,<a id="noteref_1487" name="noteref_1487" href="#note_1487"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1487</span></span></a> at the time when Hylas was +invoked on the mountains of Bithynia, and the tender +productions of nature droop their languid heads. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The Carnean festival took place, as it appears, in +the following month to the Hyacinthian, equally in +honour of Apollo of Amyclæ. But the Doric religion +seems here to have preponderated, and to have +supplanted the elementary symbols so evident in the +Hyacinthia. The Carnea was, as far as we know, +altogether a warlike festival, similar to the Attic Boëdromia. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page362">[pg 362]</span><a name="Pg362" id="Pg362" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +It lasted nine days, during which time nine +tents were pitched near the city, in each of which +nine men lived, for the time of the festival, in the +manner of a military camp. There is no reference to +an elementary religion except some obscure ceremonies +of the priest Agetes and the Carneatæ.<a id="noteref_1488" name="noteref_1488" href="#note_1488"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1488</span></span></a> This +leads us to suppose that at the union of the Amyclæan +worship, introduced by the Ægidæ, with the Doric +worship of Apollo at Sparta, the Hyacinthia preserved +more of the peculiarities of the former, the Carnea of +the latter, although the sacred rites of both were completely +united. At the same time we do not deny the +difficulty of inquiring into the origin and primitive +form of ceremonies the history of which is so complicated; +and this alone must excuse the shortness of +our account respecting these two festivals. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +16. Finally, the manner in which Apollo is represented +in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sculpture</span></em>, particularly by the ancient artists, +may assist our investigation into the ideas and sentiments +on which his worship was founded. Apollo +was a subject peculiarly adapted for sculpture. Since +his connexion with elementary religion was slight, and +there was nothing mystic in his character, the sculptors +were soon able to fix upon a regular cast of features, +to distinguish him from other deities: for Apollo, not +only in poetry, but in the fables most nearly connected +with his worship, is generally represented as a human +god, and in all his actions and sufferings more nearly +connected with the heroes than any other divinity. +But before this perfection and conventional uniformity +of the art, the early sculptors were much assisted in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page363">[pg 363]</span><a name="Pg363" id="Pg363" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +characterizing the statues of Apollo by his numerous +and significant symbols, such as the bow, the cithara, +the laurel, &c.: and thus they were able, in some +measure, to give an idea of the power and properties +of Apollo, though merely in stiff and rude images of +wood and stone. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_17" id="Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_17" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +17. The simple Cippus of Apollo Agyieus did not +represent any particular attribute, but was merely intended +as a memorial of the presence of the protecting +god.<a id="noteref_1489" name="noteref_1489" href="#note_1489"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1489</span></span></a> In endeavouring more fully to express his +character, the symbols of power would naturally come +next. His attributes of vengeance doubtless preceded +those of mercy, although both, in fact, harmonized +together: it must, however, have been long, before the +surpassing beauty of the god (celebrated even in the +Theogony of Hesiod) could be the subject of sculpture. +The attribute, then, of strength, as also that of omniscience, +the ancient Lacedæmonians wished to represent +by the Apollo with four hands and four ears at +Amyclæ.<a id="noteref_1490" name="noteref_1490" href="#note_1490"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1490</span></span></a> But the chief statue on the above spot was +an image, which, besides the bow, bore a helmet and +lance: of the same nature was also the statue on mount +Thornax, the face of which had been gilded by the +Lacedæmonians.<a id="noteref_1491" name="noteref_1491" href="#note_1491"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1491</span></span></a> The Megarians also consecrated +at Delphi a statue of Apollo bearing a lance;<a id="noteref_1492" name="noteref_1492" href="#note_1492"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1492</span></span></a> and at +Tenedos he was armed with the double hatchet,<a id="noteref_1493" name="noteref_1493" href="#note_1493"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1493</span></span></a> like +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page364">[pg 364]</span><a name="Pg364" id="Pg364" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Labrandenian Zeus of the Carians.<a id="noteref_1494" name="noteref_1494" href="#note_1494"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1494</span></span></a> In a very +ancient bas-relief, discovered by Dodwell on the mouth +of a well at Corinth, and which we shall hereafter +examine further, Apollo holds the cithara in his hand;<a id="noteref_1495" name="noteref_1495" href="#note_1495"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1495</span></span></a> +his whole form too, as in all the ancient sculptures, is +stouter and more manly than usual. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +18. On inquiring concerning the artists of the most +ancient symbolical statues of Apollo, we find that the +Cretans were the first sculptors, as well as musicians, +of that worship. From Crete, an ancient wooden +statue of Apollo, of the rudest style of workmanship, +was brought to Delphi:<a id="noteref_1496" name="noteref_1496" href="#note_1496"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1496</span></span></a> from hence, too (about +Olymp. 50, 580 B.C.), there came Dipœnus and +Scyllis the Dædalidæ, who made for the Sicyonians +statues of Apollo, Artemis, Hercules, and Athene, of +which we will speak hereafter. The Pythian oracle +greatly interested itself in the labours of these artists; +for when the envy of the native artists had driven them +from Sicyon, it compelled the inhabitants to recall +them. The managers of the temple of Delphi appear +indeed to have been, from very early times, great +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page365">[pg 365]</span><a name="Pg365" id="Pg365" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +patrons of the art of sculpture, particularly in brass. +The subterranean temple at Pytho (the existence of +which has been doubted, but, in my opinion, without +sufficient grounds) was covered with brass, as were +several treasuries of the ancient princes of Greece. +The temples and courts were fitted with numerous tripods; +caldrons, goblets, and arms of brass were there +arranged promiscuously, from periods of the highest +antiquity. There was also a knife used in sacrifice +called the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Delphian knife</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1497" name="noteref_1497" href="#note_1497"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1497</span></span></a> nor do the singing golden +Κηληδόνες, which Pindar represents as suspended from +the roof of the brazen temple, seem to be a mere +poetical fiction. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But the Cretan school of sculpture produced Tectæus +and Angelion, who erected the celebrated, and +probably colossal statue of Apollo at Delos, which (as +was before mentioned) held the Graces in one hand +and a bow in the other. With the same school also, +though in a more distant degree, was connected Canachus +of Sicyon, who, about the seventy-third Olympiad, +made a famous bronze statue for the Didymæum,<a id="noteref_1498" name="noteref_1498" href="#note_1498"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1498</span></span></a> and +one of wood for the Ismenium. From the accounts +and various imitations of this work of art we are +enabled to form some idea of its character. The god +was represented with a manly form, his breast broad +and prominent, the trunk square, the legs almost like +pillars, and in a firm position, the left leg being a little +advanced. The hair, encircled with a fillet, lay in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page366">[pg 366]</span><a name="Pg366" id="Pg366" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +slender twisted curls over the forehead; over each +shoulder were three platted tresses, and behind the +hair fell in a broad cluster down the back. The +countenance nearly resembled those in the marbles of +Ægina. In the right hand, which was stretched +straight forward, was a fawn (an obscure symbol +which we shall not here attempt to explain); the left, +not quite so much elevated, grasped a bow. The +whole must have had an awful and imposing appearance, +conveying the idea of sublimity and dignity far +more than of grace or loveliness.<a id="noteref_1499" name="noteref_1499" href="#note_1499"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1499</span></span></a> We cannot suppose +the style of the colossal statue of Apollo to have +been very different which, several Olympiads later, was +modelled in brass by Calamis for Apollonia on the +Pontus, and which was afterwards brought to Rome by +Lucullus:<a id="noteref_1500" name="noteref_1500" href="#note_1500"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1500</span></span></a> nor that of Apollo Alexicacus, erected at +Athens by the same artist at the beginning of the Peloponnesian +war.<a id="noteref_1501" name="noteref_1501" href="#note_1501"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1501</span></span></a> The Apollo which Onatas of Ægina, +the contemporary of Calamis, executed for the inhabitants +of Pergamus, was a colossal statue displaying +great beauty of form, and, as it appears, of a more +youthful appearance than was common for statues of +Apollo at that time.<a id="noteref_1502" name="noteref_1502" href="#note_1502"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1502</span></span></a> In this, Apollo was represented +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page367">[pg 367]</span><a name="Pg367" id="Pg367" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +as καλλίτεκνος, as the beautiful son of Latona; under +which name he was worshipped at Pergamus.<a id="noteref_1503" name="noteref_1503" href="#note_1503"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1503</span></span></a> It is +not improbable that the union of strength and beauty +so conspicuously exhibited in the ideal forms of the two +children of Latona was suggested by the peculiar +character of the Doric education; and that the artist +represented the god as an Ephebus, whose skill in the +chorus and on the field of battle was exactly equal. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But the figure which we are accustomed to consider +as properly belonging to Apollo did not originate even +in the school of Polycletus and Myron,<a id="noteref_1504" name="noteref_1504" href="#note_1504"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1504</span></span></a> but was the +creation of a later period; since both the coins of a date +prior to the time of Alexander,<a id="noteref_1505" name="noteref_1505" href="#note_1505"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1505</span></span></a> and single heads, which +must be referred to the same period,<a id="noteref_1506" name="noteref_1506" href="#note_1506"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1506</span></span></a> do not indeed +preserve the features ascribed to the work of Canachus, +but still are quite different from the most celebrated of +the statues now extant, having broader cheeks, a +shorter and thicker nose; in a word, the proportions +are what the ancients termed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">quadrate</span></em>, or square. It +was not till the times of Scopas, Leochares, Praxiteles, +and Timarchides, that the Apollo appeared whom we +may call the twin-brother of Venus, so similar are the +forms of both deities. The expression of inspiration +and ecstasy, which several of the best statues exhibit, +may also be shown to have first originated in the +school of Scopas, since the earlier artists aimed rather +at producing the appearance of tranquillity and composure +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page368">[pg 368]</span><a name="Pg368" id="Pg368" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +than of transient excitement; and the exquisite +taste with which these sculptors were able to express +inspiration without extravagance, deserves the highest +praise. Without detailing the particular productions +of these and later artists, we shall only show how they +may be best classified. The Apollo Callinicus of +Belvedere stands by itself, swelling with the pride of +victory:<a id="noteref_1507" name="noteref_1507" href="#note_1507"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1507</span></span></a> next comes the Apollo resting from the fight, +with the right arm bent over the head, the left leaning +on a pillar, holding the bow, which has evidently been +used, or a cithara: being evidently a statue of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">resting +Apollo</span></span> (Ἀπόλλων ἀναπαυόμενος); but from the circumstance +that a statue of this kind stood in the Lyceum +at Athens<a id="noteref_1508" name="noteref_1508" href="#note_1508"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1508</span></span></a> it is usually called the <span class="tei tei-q">“Apollo of the +Lyceum:”</span> then follows the Apollo Citharœdus +(playing on the harp), either naked, in different positions, +or covered with the Pythian stola, and in an +almost theatrical attitude.<a id="noteref_1509" name="noteref_1509" href="#note_1509"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1509</span></span></a> It would be foreign to our +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page369">[pg 369]</span><a name="Pg369" id="Pg369" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +subject to enter into details respecting this class of +statues, and those derived from them, as the Sauroctonus, +Nomius, &c. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +19. Finally, we would endeavour to trace the influence +of the worship of Apollo on the policy and +philosophy of Greece, if the question did not embrace +so wide a field, lying, as it does in great measure, +beyond the confines of history. We may, however, +select, from what has been already said, as proofs of +the influence of this worship on political concerns, the +armistice connected with the festivals of Apollo, the +truce observed in the sacred places and roads, the +soothing influence of the purifications for homicide, +together with the idea of the punishing and avenging +god, and the great influence of the oracles in the regulation +of public affairs.<a id="noteref_1510" name="noteref_1510" href="#note_1510"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1510</span></span></a> It has, moreover, been frequently +remarked how by its sanctity, by the dignified +and severe character of its music, by all its symbols +and rites, this worship endeavoured to lull the minds +of individuals into a state of composure and security, +consistently, however, with an occasional elevation to +a state of ecstatic delight. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +20. Lastly, the worship of Apollo was so nearly +connected with a branch of Grecian philosophy that +the one frequently established and explained scientifically +that which the other left merely to the feeling; +I mean the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pythagorean system</span></span>. Pythagoras possessed +hereditary rites of Apollo; he dwelt at Croton, +where that god received such various honours;<a id="noteref_1511" name="noteref_1511" href="#note_1511"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1511</span></span></a> he +lived mostly among Dorians, who were everywhere +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page370">[pg 370]</span><a name="Pg370" id="Pg370" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +partial to that worship; and a Delphian priestess, by +name Aristocleia, is mentioned among his followers.<a id="noteref_1512" name="noteref_1512" href="#note_1512"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1512</span></span></a> +Thus it is not without reason that the Pythagorean +philosophy has in modern times been considered as +Doric: in its political doctrines it followed Doric principles, +and with the Doric religion it was united both +externally and internally: besides which, the attempt +to realize and disseminate national ideas and opinions +may perhaps illustrate the rapid growth of the power +of the Pythagorean league. The recondite principle +of this philosophy always is, that the essence of things +lies in their due measure and proportion, their system +and regularity; that everything exists by harmony and +symmetry alone; and that the world itself is an union +of all these proportions (κόσμος, or order). The same +abstraction from materiality also belonged to the religion +of Apollo; for this too suggests the idea of order, +harmony, and regularity, and in these it makes the +nature and actions of the Deity to consist. Hence, +too, music was one chief ingredient of the Pythagorean +philosophy, as well as a necessary element of the worship +of Apollo, as best expressing the harmony on +which both were founded. In both the soothing and +appeasing of the passions was aimed at and effected, +that the mind might be quieted and strengthened at +the same time.<a id="noteref_1513" name="noteref_1513" href="#note_1513"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1513</span></span></a> But we must leave the full investigation +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page371">[pg 371]</span><a name="Pg371" id="Pg371" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of this subject to those who have acquired a profounder +knowledge of the philosophy of Pythagoras. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc45" id="toc45"></a> +<a name="pdf46" id="pdf46"></a> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_IX" id="Book_II_Chapter_IX" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter IX.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Worship of Artemis. § 2. The Artemis connected with +Apollo distinct from the other goddesses of that name. Her +attributes. § 3. The Arcadian Artemis. § 4. Fable of +Alpheus and Arethusa. The Peloponnesian Artemis. § 5. +The Attic Artemis. § 6. Artemis Orthia, or Iphigenia. § 7. +Rites of the worship of Artemis Tauria. § 8. The Artemis of +Asia Minor. § 9. Her connexion with the Amazons. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. We now proceed to consider the worship of +Artemis; a subject which need not be so fully examined +as that of Apollo, as it does not, like the +worship of that god, everywhere present the same +fundamental notions, and therefore cannot, in all its +first beginnings, be derived from the religion of the +Dorians. But as in general the Grecian mythology +adopted the most various and inconsistent religious +views and ideas, so in the name of the single goddess +Artemis were united almost opposite branches of +ancient worship, which we must attempt to separate. +Lest, however, it should be supposed that we are +unable to trace the association of ideas, which saw a +simple character in the <span class="tei tei-q">“various forms of that great +goddess, who, having her origin in the interior of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page372">[pg 372]</span><a name="Pg372" id="Pg372" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Asia, passed from thence into Greece, and was worshipped +as the moon, the goddess of the woods, the +huntress, the nurse of children, and a nurse of the +universe, as well by the choruses of the virgins of +Caryæ, as in the dances of the temples;”</span><a id="noteref_1514" name="noteref_1514" href="#note_1514"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1514</span></span></a> we will +endeavour to ascertain some historical criterion, which +may distinguish the worship of Artemis from that of +any other deity, and which must not be one of the ideas +or symbols of the worship itself, since it is concerning +the possibility or impossibility of their connexion that +we are to inquire. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. For this purpose it may be assumed, that the +Artemis connected with Apollo belongs alone to +the same system of religious notions: and consequently, +the Artemis of Ephesus, Artemis Orthia, +and Artemis Tauropolus, are of a different nature, as +Apollo is never represented as their brother: of this, +however, more hereafter. Here we will first show, +that in all the chief temples of Apollo, Artemis was +worshipped as his sister, as the partner of his nature +and of his actions, and, as it were, a part of the same +deity. Thus both were children of Latona, and were +equally the rulers of the temple of Delphi;<a id="noteref_1515" name="noteref_1515" href="#note_1515"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1515</span></span></a> the +victory over the Python, the flight, and the expiation, +concern both;<a id="noteref_1516" name="noteref_1516" href="#note_1516"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1516</span></span></a> both were honoured +at the Pythian +games of Sicyon, together with Latona;<a id="noteref_1517" name="noteref_1517" href="#note_1517"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1517</span></span></a> as also in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page373">[pg 373]</span><a name="Pg373" id="Pg373" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Crete,<a id="noteref_1518" name="noteref_1518" href="#note_1518"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1518</span></span></a> +Delos, Lesbos,<a id="noteref_1519" name="noteref_1519" href="#note_1519"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1519</span></span></a> at Carthæa,<a id="noteref_1520" name="noteref_1520" href="#note_1520"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1520</span></span></a> in the Didymæum,<a id="noteref_1521" name="noteref_1521" href="#note_1521"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1521</span></span></a> +on the citadel of Troy,<a id="noteref_1522" name="noteref_1522" href="#note_1522"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1522</span></span></a> in the worship of +Lycia,<a id="noteref_1523" name="noteref_1523" href="#note_1523"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1523</span></span></a> as well as in that of +Metapontum.<a id="noteref_1524" name="noteref_1524" href="#note_1524"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1524</span></span></a> The worship +both of Apollo and Artemis is said to have been +derived from the Hyperboreans;<a id="noteref_1525" name="noteref_1525" href="#note_1525"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1525</span></span></a> and the names of +the Hyperborean priestesses, who brought the rites to +Delos, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Arge</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Opis</span></span>, +according to others <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hecaerge</span></span> +and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Loxo</span></span>, are only epithets of Artemis. Arge probably +means <span class="tei tei-q">“the rapid;”</span> Opis<a id="noteref_1526" name="noteref_1526" href="#note_1526"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1526</span></span></a> (Ὦπις, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ionice</span></span> +Οὖπις, the same as ὄπις) well characterises the spirit of +this religion, as it signifies the constant watch and care +of the goddess over human actions,<a id="noteref_1527" name="noteref_1527" href="#note_1527"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1527</span></span></a> while at the same +time she inspires fear and veneration of herself.<a id="noteref_1528" name="noteref_1528" href="#note_1528"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1528</span></span></a> She +was known also by the same name among the Dorians +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page374">[pg 374]</span><a name="Pg374" id="Pg374" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Sparta,<a id="noteref_1529" name="noteref_1529" href="#note_1529"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1529</span></span></a> and celebrated as such in sacred chants:<a id="noteref_1530" name="noteref_1530" href="#note_1530"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1530</span></span></a> +thus almost all the attributes and actions of Apollo are +referred also to Artemis. She is also the goddess of +sudden death;<a id="noteref_1531" name="noteref_1531" href="#note_1531"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1531</span></span></a> which she sometimes inflicts in wrath, +but sometimes without anger;<a id="noteref_1532" name="noteref_1532" href="#note_1532"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1532</span></span></a> and hence she is represented +as armed, not only with bow and arrows, but +in the Doric states with a complete panoply.<a id="noteref_1533" name="noteref_1533" href="#note_1533"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1533</span></span></a> +In ancient poets she is not only the destroyer of wild +beasts, but also, like her brother, of sacrilegious men.<a id="noteref_1534" name="noteref_1534" href="#note_1534"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1534</span></span></a> Thus, with Apollo, she killed Tityus, and, by herself, +the Aloidæ,<a id="noteref_1535" name="noteref_1535" href="#note_1535"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1535</span></span></a> and Orion, who dared to violate +Opis when bringing the ears of corn to Delos.<a id="noteref_1536" name="noteref_1536" href="#note_1536"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1536</span></span></a> Hence she +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page375">[pg 375]</span><a name="Pg375" id="Pg375" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +was to be appeased by expiatory rites; and had an +equal share in Thargelia, and similar festivals.<a id="noteref_1537" name="noteref_1537" href="#note_1537"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1537</span></span></a> And +for the same reason the laurel was likewise sacred to +Artemis.<a id="noteref_1538" name="noteref_1538" href="#note_1538"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1538</span></span></a> She was honoured with the song of the +pæan.<a id="noteref_1539" name="noteref_1539" href="#note_1539"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1539</span></span></a> She is at the same time the destroyer and the +preserver (λυκεία<a id="noteref_1540" name="noteref_1540" href="#note_1540"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1540</span></span></a> and οὐλία).<a id="noteref_1541" name="noteref_1541" href="#note_1541"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1541</span></span></a> And even her name +Ἄρτεμις<a id="noteref_1542" name="noteref_1542" href="#note_1542"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1542</span></span></a> clearly corresponds with that of the protecting +Apollo, since it signifies the <span class="tei tei-q">“healthy,”</span> the +<span class="tei tei-q">“uninjured.”</span><a id="noteref_1543" name="noteref_1543" href="#note_1543"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1543</span></span></a> Whether the art of music belonged +to Apollo alone is not certain; at least the Lacedæmonians +celebrated in honour of Artemis a musical contest +called καλαϝοιδία;<a id="noteref_1544" name="noteref_1544" href="#note_1544"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1544</span></span></a> and her singing is +represented in the Iliad as delighting both gods and men.<a id="noteref_1545" name="noteref_1545" href="#note_1545"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1545</span></span></a> On +reliefs which represent the victors in musical contests, +Apollo is always accompanied by his mother and +sister.<a id="noteref_1546" name="noteref_1546" href="#note_1546"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1546</span></span></a> Artemis had also a claim to the gift of prophecy, +at least if we can attribute any antiquity to the +tradition of her being a sibyl.<a id="noteref_1547" name="noteref_1547" href="#note_1547"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1547</span></span></a> Like Apollo, she is +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page376">[pg 376]</span><a name="Pg376" id="Pg376" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +always represented as unmarried; and therefore not +as the deity of an elementary religion, and originally +not as goddess of the moon, although it cannot be +denied that the worship of the moon was very nearly +connected with other branches of the worship of +Artemis. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But, it may be asked, if this Artemis always has +the same characteristics as Apollo, and has none that +are peculiar to herself, why should there be two deities +to express one idea? Wherefore both a male and +female, if neither have any relation to sex? It is +difficult to give a satisfactory answer to these questions. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This consideration may, however, in some measure +assist; namely, that as soon as Apollo was once supposed +to be as an earthly god, as the ideal of all human +strength, it was necessary to add also a female being. +And the near approximation of the male to the female +deity may be accounted for by the condition of the +Doric women, who were much more considered as +independent beings, and possessed a capability for all +those other things which adorn the other sex. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. But the most difficult part of our problem still +remains unsolved; viz. to ascertain what was the +worship of Artemis, which had not the same origin +and nature with that of Apollo. First of all we +should mention the Arcadian. That goddess has +nowhere so many temples as in Arcadia; she was +there the national deity, and had been long revered, +under the title of <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Hymnia</span></span>”</span>, by all the races of that +people.<a id="noteref_1548" name="noteref_1548" href="#note_1548"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1548</span></span></a> She was also introduced under the name of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page377">[pg 377]</span><a name="Pg377" id="Pg377" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Callisto into the national genealogies, and called the +daughter of Lycaon<a id="noteref_1549" name="noteref_1549" href="#note_1549"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1549</span></span></a> (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> of the Lycæan Zeus), and +mother of Arcas (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> of the Arcadian people). For +that Callisto is only another form of the name of +Artemis Calliste, which is a common epithet of +Artemis, is plain from the fact that the tomb of that +heroine was shown in the temple of the goddess,<a id="noteref_1550" name="noteref_1550" href="#note_1550"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1550</span></span></a> and +that Callisto was said to be changed into a bear, which +was the symbol of the Arcadian Artemis.<a id="noteref_1551" name="noteref_1551" href="#note_1551"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1551</span></span></a> Afterwards, +indeed, the fable was much altered; and it +was related that Artemis changed Callisto into a bear +merely from anger.<a id="noteref_1552" name="noteref_1552" href="#note_1552"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1552</span></span></a> But that this ancient Arcadian +deity was not the Doric Artemis is proved by the +above-mentioned criterion; viz. that she has no connexion +with Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Another circumstance, however, speaks even still +plainer. Apollo and his sister seldom received any +particular surnames from places where they were +worshipped;<a id="noteref_1553" name="noteref_1553" href="#note_1553"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1553</span></span></a> whereas the other Artemis has almost +innumerable names from the mountains, hills, fountains, +and waters of Arcadia, and the other regions of +Peloponnesus. Hence Alcman remarks that the +goddess bears the names of thousands of hills, cities, +and rivers.<a id="noteref_1554" name="noteref_1554" href="#note_1554"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1554</span></span></a> There must have been, therefore, something +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page378">[pg 378]</span><a name="Pg378" id="Pg378" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in the attributes of this Arcadian Artemis which +produced such a number of local names; she must +have been considered as united and connected with +the country in which she was worshipped. This +leads to the notion of an elementary goddess, of a +similar, though more universal nature than nymphs of +the mountains, rivers, and brooks. Accordingly we +find that this ancient Peloponnesian Artemis was +nearly connected with lakes, fountains, and rivers. +She was worshipped in several places under the titles +of Limnatis and Heleia.<a id="noteref_1555" name="noteref_1555" href="#note_1555"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1555</span></span></a> There were frequently +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page379">[pg 379]</span><a name="Pg379" id="Pg379" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +also fountains in the temples of Artemis: viz., at +Corinth, Marius, Mothone,<a id="noteref_1556" name="noteref_1556" href="#note_1556"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1556</span></span></a> and near the district of +Derrhiatis in Laconia.<a id="noteref_1557" name="noteref_1557" href="#note_1557"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1557</span></span></a> She likewise received +great honours at the Clitorian fountain of Lusi.<a id="noteref_1558" name="noteref_1558" href="#note_1558"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1558</span></span></a> Among +rivers, those she was most connected with are the +Cladeus and the Alpheus.<a id="noteref_1559" name="noteref_1559" href="#note_1559"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1559</span></span></a> The moist and watery +district, through which this latter stream flows into +the sea, was filled with temples of the nymphs of +Aphrodite and Artemis, among which the sanctuary +of the Alphean Artemis<a id="noteref_1560" name="noteref_1560" href="#note_1560"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1560</span></span></a> is most remarkable. There +were in that temple paintings of Cleanthus and +Aregon of Corinth, which were chiefly on subjects +relating to religion; as, for instance, that of Poseidon +presenting a thunny-fish to Zeus while in the act +of producing Athene.<a id="noteref_1561" name="noteref_1561" href="#note_1561"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1561</span></span></a> All this naturally suggests +the idea of a goddess who produced a flourishing and +vigorous life from the element of water; and hence +we would not entirely reject the popular faith of the +Phigaleans, that Eurynome, the goddess of fish, and herself represented +as half a fish, was an Artemis.<a id="noteref_1562" name="noteref_1562" href="#note_1562"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1562</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page380">[pg 380]</span><a name="Pg380" id="Pg380" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_4" id="Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. The mention of the river Alpheus reminds us +of Sicily, whither, in order to catch the fountain +Arethusa, which was swallowed up in the land of +Elis, he is said to have followed her under the sea, +and to have first reached her in the island of Ortygia, +near Syracuse.<a id="noteref_1563" name="noteref_1563" href="#note_1563"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1563</span></span></a> This singular fable may perhaps be +explained by the following considerations. Syracuse +was founded in the 5th Olympiad by Corinthians, +with whom were some settlers from the district of +Olympia, and particularly some members of the family +of the Iamidæ, who held a sacred office at the altar of +the Olympian Zeus.<a id="noteref_1564" name="noteref_1564" href="#note_1564"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1564</span></span></a> These joint colonists (συνοιχιστῆρες +according to the expression of Pindar) appear +to have had sufficient weight in the new city to introduce +their own religion and mythology. For, as we +have seen above, Artemis was worshipped at Olympia +as the goddess of the Alpheus, being generally considered +in that country as presiding over lakes and +rivers. She had in the grove of Altis an altar, +together with Alpheus;<a id="noteref_1565" name="noteref_1565" href="#note_1565"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1565</span></span></a> and there was there a popular +legend, that Alpheus had once loved Artemis. +Now the settlers that went from this district to Syracuse, +in their first expedition, confined themselves to +the island of Ortygia. Here they built a temple to +the river-goddess Artemis; a sanctuary of so great +fame, that Pindar calls the whole island <span class="tei tei-q">“the seat +of Artemis, the river-goddess.<a id="noteref_1566" name="noteref_1566" href="#note_1566"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1566</span></span></a>”</span> There was, +however, no river in Ortygia, and therefore Artemis was +supposed to regret her beloved Alpheus. Hence +arose the belief that Arethusa, a fountain near the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page381">[pg 381]</span><a name="Pg381" id="Pg381" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +temple, contained the sacred water of the Alpheus;<a id="noteref_1567" name="noteref_1567" href="#note_1567"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1567</span></span></a> +a belief which was strengthened by the circumstance +that large fish were found in the spring;<a id="noteref_1568" name="noteref_1568" href="#note_1568"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1568</span></span></a> and from +this arose the fable that Alpheus had followed the +goddess to Sicily. But Artemis was supposed to fly +from the pursuit of Alpheus.<a id="noteref_1569" name="noteref_1569" href="#note_1569"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1569</span></span></a> This at least was the +fiction followed by Telesilla, a poetess who lived in +the 64th Olympiad;<a id="noteref_1570" name="noteref_1570" href="#note_1570"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1570</span></span></a> and the same fable was +perhaps adopted by Pindar.<a id="noteref_1571" name="noteref_1571" href="#note_1571"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1571</span></span></a> Afterwards, however, the precise +meaning and origin of this fable were forgotten; +and the fountain-nymph Arethusa took the place of +Artemis, and became the object of the pursuit of the +river-god.<a id="noteref_1572" name="noteref_1572" href="#note_1572"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1572</span></span></a> Such appears to have been the origin of +the elegant fable of Alpheus and Arethusa. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We now return to the Peloponnesian Artemis, and +will mention some of her other symbols and attributes. +Her statue stood next to that of Demeter, +at Megalopolis, dressed in the skin of a deer, with +a quiver on her back, holding a torch in one hand, +and two serpents in the other, with a dog by her +side.<a id="noteref_1573" name="noteref_1573" href="#note_1573"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1573</span></span></a> +The connexion which existed between her and the +Arcadian Demeter is probably more ancient than this +statue; and indeed the symbol of the deer seems to +have been common in Arcadia to both Artemis and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page382">[pg 382]</span><a name="Pg382" id="Pg382" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Cora, called in Arcadia <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">despœna</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1574" name="noteref_1574" href="#note_1574"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1574</span></span></a> She was also +worshipped with Bacchus;<a id="noteref_1575" name="noteref_1575" href="#note_1575"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1575</span></span></a> and, like him, had phallic +festivals.<a id="noteref_1576" name="noteref_1576" href="#note_1576"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1576</span></span></a> From her connexion with fountains and +rivers, and other rural objects, it was natural that this +Artemis should be considered as the patron of wild +animals. Thus Æschylus calls her <span class="tei tei-q">“the protectress of young +lions, and the whelps of other wild beasts.”</span><a id="noteref_1577" name="noteref_1577" href="#note_1577"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1577</span></span></a> +In like manner she was supposed to preside over the +breeding of horses,<a id="noteref_1578" name="noteref_1578" href="#note_1578"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1578</span></span></a> and generally over the nurture of +infants and children;<a id="noteref_1579" name="noteref_1579" href="#note_1579"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1579</span></span></a> it was therefore by a perversion +of the original idea that she took the character of a +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page383">[pg 383]</span><a name="Pg383" id="Pg383" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +huntress, the enemy and destroyer of wild animals. +An analogous inconsistency to that before pointed out +in the attributes of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Doric</span></span> Apollo and Artemis, +who were represented as both protecting and +destroying.<a id="noteref_1580" name="noteref_1580" href="#note_1580"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1580</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. By the mythological symbol of Artemis Callisto, +the bear, we are reminded of some ceremonies at +Athens, where young girls, between the ages of five +and ten years (who were consecrated to the Munychian +and Brauronian Artemis), were called <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">bears</span></em>;<a id="noteref_1581" name="noteref_1581" href="#note_1581"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1581</span></span></a> +and the goddess herself, in some singular traditions, is represented +as a bear calling for human blood.<a id="noteref_1582" name="noteref_1582" href="#note_1582"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1582</span></span></a> +When the Ionians went from Athens to Asia, they +carried the worship of the Munychian goddess to +Miletus and Cyzicus;<a id="noteref_1583" name="noteref_1583" href="#note_1583"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1583</span></span></a> and to the former city the +kindred worship of Artemis Chitone, as the goddess +presiding over birth, whose wooden statues were made +of fructiferous wood.<a id="noteref_1584" name="noteref_1584" href="#note_1584"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1584</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. The consideration of the Attic festival of Artemis +leads again to another variety of the worship of +Artemis; viz., to that of Artemis Orthosia, Orthia, +or Iphigenia. We will first give the traditions and +facts as we find them. Iphigenia, coming from +Tauria to Attica, was supposed to have landed at +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page384">[pg 384]</span><a name="Pg384" id="Pg384" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Brauron, and at the neighbouring Halæ Araphenides, +and left behind her the ancient wooden image of Artemis.<a id="noteref_1585" name="noteref_1585" href="#note_1585"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1585</span></span></a> +Here she was immediately interwoven with +the heroic genealogy, and called the daughter of Theseus.<a id="noteref_1586" name="noteref_1586" href="#note_1586"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1586</span></span></a> +In Sparta there was a temple of Artemis +Orthia in a damp part of the city, called Limnæum, +where was also shown a wooden statue, which had +come from Tauria.<a id="noteref_1587" name="noteref_1587" href="#note_1587"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1587</span></span></a> As to the introduction of the +worship, it is said that Astrabacus and Alopecus (the +ass and fox), the sons of Irbus, descendants of Agis +in the fourth generation (about 900 B.C.), had found +the image in a bush, and had been struck mad by the +sight of it; that the Limnatæ, and other villages of +Sparta, had upon this offered sacrifices to them, when +a quarrel arose, and murder ensued. A number of +men were killed at the altar; and accordingly the +goddess called for victims to atone for the pollution; +instead of which, in later times, the scourging of boys +was instituted, over the severity of which the priestess +presided.<a id="noteref_1588" name="noteref_1588" href="#note_1588"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1588</span></span></a> It is remarkable that this was immediately +followed by a πομπὴ Λυδῶν, a Lydian +procession.<a id="noteref_1589" name="noteref_1589" href="#note_1589"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1589</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page385">[pg 385]</span><a name="Pg385" id="Pg385" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +From this narration it follows that the scourging was +considered as a substitute for human sacrifice; and +further, that the worship was looked upon as of a +foreign origin: notwithstanding this, it was completely +interwoven into the Lacedæmonian mythology. For +it can be shown that the pretended daughter of Agamemnon, +Iphigenia, is no other than the Taurian goddess, +who was actually worshipped in several cities of +Greece under the name of Ἰφιγένεια. Considered as +a heroine, indeed, she became first, instead of the goddess +thirsting for human sacrifice, the virgin sacrificed +to her; and, secondly, her sacrificing priestess.<a id="noteref_1590" name="noteref_1590" href="#note_1590"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1590</span></span></a> According +to the Cyprian poems (for Homer knew +nothing of her) Iphigenia was sacrificed to Artemis; +but was by her brought to Tauria, and made immortal, +a deer (or, according to others, a bear, and also a bull) +having been left in her place;<a id="noteref_1591" name="noteref_1591" href="#note_1591"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1591</span></span></a> Hesiod also represented her +as immortal, viz., as Hecate.<a id="noteref_1592" name="noteref_1592" href="#note_1592"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1592</span></span></a> The sacrifice was +supposed to have taken place at Aulis, because there +was a temple (probably of the Orthosian Artemis) +near the port, to whom sacrifices were made at the +passage.<a id="noteref_1593" name="noteref_1593" href="#note_1593"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1593</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This worship probably came to Laconia from Lemnos,<a id="noteref_1594" name="noteref_1594" href="#note_1594"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1594</span></span></a> +one of its principal seats. In early tradition Lemnos +was probably identical with Tauria,<a id="noteref_1595" name="noteref_1595" href="#note_1595"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1595</span></span></a> and the +latter country derived its poetical name from the symbol +of the bull, in the same manner as Lycia in later +times took its name from the symbol of the wolf. In +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page386">[pg 386]</span><a name="Pg386" id="Pg386" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Lemnos also a great goddess was anciently worshipped +with sacrifices of virgins; to which place the wooden +image is said to have been brought from Brauron. +This opinion becomes more evident by a comparison +with the worship of Chryse. Agamemnon is said to +have been the father of Chryse as well as of Iphigenia,<a id="noteref_1596" name="noteref_1596" href="#note_1596"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1596</span></span></a> and also, according to others, of a son Chryses, +who went to Tauria with Orestes.<a id="noteref_1597" name="noteref_1597" href="#note_1597"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1597</span></span></a> Now it is certain +that Chryse was a goddess, who had from early times +been worshipped both at Lemnos and Samothrace. +The Argonauts under Hercules and Jason were said +to have sacrificed to her; and her ancient wooden +image, raised over an hearth of unhewn stones, is +often represented on ancient vases.<a id="noteref_1598" name="noteref_1598" href="#note_1598"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1598</span></span></a> Philoctetes is +said to have been bitten by the viper<a id="noteref_1599" name="noteref_1599" href="#note_1599"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1599</span></span></a> when he discovered +this altar.<a id="noteref_1600" name="noteref_1600" href="#note_1600"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1600</span></span></a> This goddess Chryse, who +is also called Athene, was probably only a different form of +her sister Iphigenia. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The worship of both these goddesses spread to other +places, to the north of the Ægean sea. Thus on the +coast of Byzantium there was an altar of Artemis +Orthosia;<a id="noteref_1601" name="noteref_1601" href="#note_1601"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1601</span></span></a> and opposite to it, at Chrysopolis, +was the tomb of Chryses, the son of Agamemnon, who, in his +search after Iphigenia, was said to have died there.<a id="noteref_1602" name="noteref_1602" href="#note_1602"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1602</span></span></a> +It is evident that this system of religious names was +arbitrarily transferred to the genealogy of the Lacedæmonian +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page387">[pg 387]</span><a name="Pg387" id="Pg387" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +kings, and most curiously interwoven with +the Trojan mythology. The Greeks first became +acquainted with Tauria by their voyages to Miletus; +and they gave it a name already celebrated in their +mythology. They found there some sanguinary rites +of a goddess, which, by partly softening the name, +they called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Oreiloche</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1603" name="noteref_1603" href="#note_1603"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1603</span></span></a> they also found human sacrifices, +which they supposed to be offered to Iphigenia;<a id="noteref_1604" name="noteref_1604" href="#note_1604"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1604</span></span></a> +their own worship of that deity bore so many marks +of ancient barbarism, that they were willing to consider +the northern barbarians as its authors. Yet it +is certain that the Tauric Artemis was no more derived +from the Taurians, than the Æthiopian Artemis +from the Æthiopians,<a id="noteref_1605" name="noteref_1605" href="#note_1605"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1605</span></span></a> &c. In Asia Minor<a id="noteref_1606" name="noteref_1606" href="#note_1606"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1606</span></span></a> also +there were modes of worship, which the Greeks compared +with the rites of the Orthosian Artemis, of the +similarity of which we shall presently treat. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. Hitherto we have merely collected the fabulous +narrations of the ancients, and attempted to show +their connexion; we shall next speak of the ceremonies +which attended the worship of this goddess or +goddesses. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the first place we will treat of the meaning and +character of this truly mystical worship.<a id="noteref_1607" name="noteref_1607" href="#note_1607"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1607</span></span></a> We have +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page388">[pg 388]</span><a name="Pg388" id="Pg388" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +a goddess adored with frantic and enthusiastic orgies, +certain signs of an elementary religion, as well as +with human sacrifices, which the character of the +Greeks endeavoured only to moderate and to ennoble; +it appears to have originally resembled the Arcadian +worship of Callisto; but that it acquired at Lemnos, +from the proximity of the Asiatic religion, a wilder +and more extravagant form, which it retained after its +return to Attica and Laconia. It cannot be a matter +of doubt that Artemis Tauropolus is nearly identical +with the Taurian goddess; this name of the goddess +was established in Samos (where cakes of sesamy and +honey were offered to her on solemn festivals),<a id="noteref_1608" name="noteref_1608" href="#note_1608"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1608</span></span></a> in the +neighbouring island of Icarus,<a id="noteref_1609" name="noteref_1609" href="#note_1609"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1609</span></span></a> and at Amphipolis.<a id="noteref_1610" name="noteref_1610" href="#note_1610"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1610</span></span></a> +The ceremonies were undoubtedly enthusiastic, as the +goddess herself was considered as striking the mind +with madness;<a id="noteref_1611" name="noteref_1611" href="#note_1611"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1611</span></span></a> and bloody, because the worship at +Aricia was considered like it.<a id="noteref_1612" name="noteref_1612" href="#note_1612"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1612</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. We are now to consider those temples of Artemis +which had a purely Asiatic, and not a Grecian origin, +and are wholly distinct, not only from the Doric, but +also from the Arcadian worship of Artemis. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page389">[pg 389]</span><a name="Pg389" id="Pg389" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The Ephesian Artemis was doubtless found by the +Ionians, when they settled on that coast, as already an +object of worship, in her temple,<a id="noteref_1613" name="noteref_1613" href="#note_1613"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1613</span></span></a> situated in a marshy +valley of the Cayster.<a id="noteref_1614" name="noteref_1614" href="#note_1614"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1614</span></span></a> From some real or accidental +resemblance in the attributes of the Munychian and +Ephesian goddesses, they called the latter <span class="tei tei-q">“Artemis;”</span> +yet, wherever her worship spread, she was always distinguished +by the additional title of <span class="tei tei-q">“Ephesian.”</span><a id="noteref_1615" name="noteref_1615" href="#note_1615"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1615</span></span></a> +Every thing that is related of the worship of this deity +is singular and foreign to the Greeks. Her constant +symbol is the bee, which is not otherwise attributed +to Artemis; the other attributes, which adorned her +statues in later times, are too far-fetched to admit of +any conclusion being drawn from them. The bee, +however, appears originally to have been the symbol +of nourishment;<a id="noteref_1616" name="noteref_1616" href="#note_1616"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1616</span></span></a> the chief priest himself was called +ἐσσὴν, or the king-bee: some of the other sacerdotal +names are of barbarous, and not Greek derivation.<a id="noteref_1617" name="noteref_1617" href="#note_1617"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1617</span></span></a> The gods, by whom +this great goddess<a id="noteref_1618" name="noteref_1618" href="#note_1618"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1618</span></span></a> was surrounded, +must also have been of a peculiar description. +It is not probable that Latona was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">originally</span></em> called +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page390">[pg 390]</span><a name="Pg390" id="Pg390" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +her mother,<a id="noteref_1619" name="noteref_1619" href="#note_1619"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1619</span></span></a> as Apollo is never joined with her.<a id="noteref_1620" name="noteref_1620" href="#note_1620"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1620</span></span></a> +Her nurse appears to have been called +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ammas</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1621" name="noteref_1621" href="#note_1621"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1621</span></span></a> +Hercules is said to have proclaimed her birth from +mount Ceryceum.<a id="noteref_1622" name="noteref_1622" href="#note_1622"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1622</span></span></a> This Hercules may perhaps be +some native demigod, possibly one of the Idæan Dactyli, +whose names were, according to some, contained +in Ephesian incantations, which were inscribed at the +foot of her statues.<a id="noteref_1623" name="noteref_1623" href="#note_1623"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1623</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. Thus much concerns the character of this worship, +which appears, like an isolated point, projecting +from a religious system, otherwise confined to the +western parts of Greece. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +As to its origin, the unanimous tradition of antiquity +is that it was founded by the Amazons, This legend +had probably been mentioned in some of the ancient +epic poems before it was alluded to by Pindar;<a id="noteref_1624" name="noteref_1624" href="#note_1624"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1624</span></span></a> and +that it was also preserved on the spot appears from the +celebrated contest of Phidias, Polycleitus, and other +artists, to make statues of Amazons for the Ephesian +temple: lately also a sarcophagus was found near +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page391">[pg 391]</span><a name="Pg391" id="Pg391" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Ephesus representing the battle of the +Amazons.<a id="noteref_1625" name="noteref_1625" href="#note_1625"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1625</span></span></a> +The traditions respecting the foundation of the cities +of Smyrna, Cume, Myrlea, Myrina, Æolis, Priene, +Mytilene, and Pitane also make mention of the Amazons.<a id="noteref_1626" name="noteref_1626" href="#note_1626"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1626</span></span></a> +With respect to the meaning of Amazons, it +has rightly (in my opinion) been supposed that the +idea of them was suggested by the sight of the innumerable +female slaves (ἱερόδουλοι) who were employed +about the temples of Asia Minor.<a id="noteref_1627" name="noteref_1627" href="#note_1627"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1627</span></span></a> According to Callimachus +also the Amazons danced to the sound of the +pipe round the statue which had been newly raised on +the trunk of an elm-tree. It is also stated as an historical +fact, that, even in the times of the Ionians, +women of the Amazon race dwelt round the temple;<a id="noteref_1628" name="noteref_1628" href="#note_1628"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1628</span></span></a> +although virgins only were permitted to enter the sanctuary +itself.<a id="noteref_1629" name="noteref_1629" href="#note_1629"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1629</span></span></a> It appears therefore that the goddess +upon whom these Amazons attended, being represented +as a beneficent and nourishing deity, was likewise supposed +to have the attributes of war and destruction; a +double and opposite character, which we have traced in +other branches of the worship of Artemis. As to the +native country of the Amazons, who were supposed to +have founded this worship, it does not seem to have +been Phrygia, as they are stated in the Iliad to have +come from the east of the Sangarius, and to have +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page392">[pg 392]</span><a name="Pg392" id="Pg392" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +fought with the Phrygians.<a id="noteref_1630" name="noteref_1630" href="#note_1630"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1630</span></span></a> The Syrians, however, +bordered on that people: and Pindar, who says that +the Amazons led the Syrian army,<a id="noteref_1631" name="noteref_1631" href="#note_1631"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1631</span></span></a> fully coincides with +those who fix their origin on the banks of the Thermodon, +Chadesius and Lycastus along the coast of +Themiscyra.<a id="noteref_1632" name="noteref_1632" href="#note_1632"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1632</span></span></a> The striking agreement of several +authors in this statement, and its singular precision, +render it of double importance. And what country +could have been more probably the native place of the +Ephesian Artemis, as well as of the warlike Hierodulæ, +than Cappadocia; where there were, in the historical +age, large numbers of sacred slaves, both male +and female; where also there was an elementary religion, +with frantic rites, and the principal divinity was +at the same time a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bellona</span></span> +and a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Magna Mater</span></span>? +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This same oriental worship had also been in other +places adopted by the Greeks of Asia Minor. Among +these are <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Leucophryne</span></span>, who was worshipped in +Phrygia, near a warm spring,<a id="noteref_1633" name="noteref_1633" href="#note_1633"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1633</span></span></a> and thence +particularly honoured along the banks of the Mæander in Magnesia; +and therefore also by Themistocles.<a id="noteref_1634" name="noteref_1634" href="#note_1634"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1634</span></span></a> She was represented +in the same form as the Ephesian goddess.<a id="noteref_1635" name="noteref_1635" href="#note_1635"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1635</span></span></a> Her +sacred animal was the buffalo.<a id="noteref_1636" name="noteref_1636" href="#note_1636"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1636</span></span></a> The Artemis of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sipylus</span></span> +was worshipped with wanton games, from which she +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page393">[pg 393]</span><a name="Pg393" id="Pg393" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +was also called at Olympia (according to Pausanias) +Cordaca.<a id="noteref_1637" name="noteref_1637" href="#note_1637"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1637</span></span></a> The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pergæan</span></span> Artemis known all +over Greece by her itinerant priests,<a id="noteref_1638" name="noteref_1638" href="#note_1638"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1638</span></span></a> and of the same form +as the Artemis Leucophryne;<a id="noteref_1639" name="noteref_1639" href="#note_1639"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1639</span></span></a> with many others.<a id="noteref_1640" name="noteref_1640" href="#note_1640"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1640</span></span></a> It +was in the true spirit of this worship that the musician +Timotheus called Artemis <span class="tei tei-q">“the raging and foaming, +like a Bacchanalian;”</span><a id="noteref_1641" name="noteref_1641" href="#note_1641"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1641</span></span></a> and the tragic poet Diogenes +in a beautiful though not a very accurate passage of +his Semele speaks of the Lydian and Bactrian virgins, +who with soft strains worshipped the Tmolian Artemis +on the banks of the Halys.<a id="noteref_1642" name="noteref_1642" href="#note_1642"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1642</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +I have now endeavoured to give the reader a general +view of the different branches and forms of the worship +of Artemis; in which some difficult and doubtful questions +have of necessity been passed over: but I have +preferred rather to reckon on the acquiescence of the +reader in some uncertain propositions than to weary +his patience by a detailed examination of all the debatable +points. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page394">[pg 394]</span><a name="Pg394" id="Pg394" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc47" id="toc47"></a> +<a name="pdf48" id="pdf48"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter X.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. On the worship of deities other than Apollo and Artemis in +Doric states. Worship of Zeus and Here. § 2. Of Athene. +§ 3 and 4. Of Demeter. § 5. Of Poseidon. § 6. Of Dionysus. +§ 7. Of Aphrodite, Hermes, Hephæstus, Ares, and +Æsculapius. § 8. Of the Charites, Eros, and the Dioscuri. +§ 9. General character of the Doric religion. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_1" id="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. Having considered the worship of those deities +which either wholly or partially owed their origin to the +Dorians, we must now, in order to complete our account +of the religion of that race, point out the various +worships which they adopted from other nations. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This inquiry will be of value in two other respects +than the plain and immediate result to which it leads; +viz., from the light it throws on the history of the +Doric colonies, and likewise on the Doric character +upon which the mode of worship had a most powerful +influence. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But since the subject embraced in its full extent +would be almost endless (there being no part of ancient +history on which there are such ample accounts as on +the local worships), we must give up all attempt at +completeness, and rest satisfied with a narrower view. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +To begin then with <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Zeus</span></span>. It is remarkable that +there was no great establishment of the worship of this +god (except the Phrygian in Crete) in any Doric +country, but wherever it occurred was connected with +and subordinate to that of some other deity. The +worship at Olympia<a id="noteref_1643" name="noteref_1643" href="#note_1643"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1643</span></span></a> appears to have been established +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page395">[pg 395]</span><a name="Pg395" id="Pg395" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +by the Achæans, who in other places (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, at Ægium) +consecrated temples to Zeus alone: the worship of +Zeus Hellanius at Ægina was introduced by the Hellenes +of Thessaly. But the whole of Argolis and also +Corinth were, from early times, under the protection +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Here</span></span>, the character of whose worship resembled +that of Zeus, although it was more pronounced. The +chief temple was twelve stadia from Mycenæ, and forty +from Argos, beyond the district of Prosymna;<a id="noteref_1644" name="noteref_1644" href="#note_1644"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1644</span></span></a> its +service was performed by the most distinguished priestesses, +and celebrated by the first festivals and games, +being also one of the earliest nurseries of the art of +sculpture. It appears that Argos was the original +seat of the worship of Here, and that there it first received +its peculiar form and character: for the worship +of the Samian Here, as well as that at Sparta,<a id="noteref_1645" name="noteref_1645" href="#note_1645"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1645</span></span></a> was +supposed to have been derived from Argos, which +statement is confirmed by the resemblance in the ceremonies; +and the same is true of the worship of the +same goddess at Epidaurus,<a id="noteref_1646" name="noteref_1646" href="#note_1646"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1646</span></span></a> Ægina, and Byzantium. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page396">[pg 396]</span><a name="Pg396" id="Pg396" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +In the early mythology of Argos her name constantly +occurs; and the traditions concerning Io, so far as they +were native, are only fabulous expressions for the ideas +and feelings excited by this religion. Thus also the +Corinthian fables of Medea refer to the indigenous +worship of Here Acræa.<a id="noteref_1647" name="noteref_1647" href="#note_1647"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1647</span></span></a> Hence the Corinthians introduced +into their colony of Corcyra, together with +the religion of Here,<a id="noteref_1648" name="noteref_1648" href="#note_1648"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1648</span></span></a> the mythology and worship of +Medea.<a id="noteref_1649" name="noteref_1649" href="#note_1649"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1649</span></span></a> The peculiarities of the worship of Here +must partly be looked for in the symbolical traditions +respecting Io and Medea, and other mythological +personages of the same description, and partly in the +various rites of the Samian festival. It was doubtless +founded on some elementary religion, as may be +plainly seen from the tradition that Zeus had on mount +Thornax in southern Argolis seduced Here in the +shape of a cuckoo (whose song was considered in +Greece as the prognostic of fertile rains in the spring). +The marriage with Zeus (called ἱερὸς γάμος) is always +a prominent feature in the worship of Here; she was +represented veiled, like a bride; and was carried, like +a bride, on a car, with other similar allusions.<a id="noteref_1650" name="noteref_1650" href="#note_1650"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1650</span></span></a> At +Samos it was related that the statue of the goddess had +been once entirely covered with branches; and this, as +it appears, was also represented at festivals.<a id="noteref_1651" name="noteref_1651" href="#note_1651"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1651</span></span></a> The +Argive festival of Λέχερνα, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, of the <span class="tei tei-q">“bed of twigs,”</span> +had the same meaning.<a id="noteref_1652" name="noteref_1652" href="#note_1652"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1652</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page397">[pg 397]</span><a name="Pg397" id="Pg397" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. In Argolis also the worship of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Athene</span></span> was of +great antiquity, and enjoyed almost equal honours with +that of Here; her temple was on the height of Larissa: +and doubtless she had the same character and origin +as the Athene Chalciœcus of Sparta.<a id="noteref_1653" name="noteref_1653" href="#note_1653"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1653</span></span></a> Their names +were in both places nearly the same, as at Sparta she +was called Ὀπτιλέτις,<a id="noteref_1654" name="noteref_1654" href="#note_1654"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1654</span></span></a> and in Argolis Ὀξυδέρκης, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the +quick-sighted</span></span>;<a id="noteref_1655" name="noteref_1655" href="#note_1655"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1655</span></span></a> and though in both places the +names were explained from historical events, it seems more +accurate to compare them with the title of Athene at +Athens and Sigeum, Γλαυκῶπις, and others of the +same kind. At Argos a large part of the heroic +mythology is associated with the worship of Athene: +for Acrisius was fabled to have been buried in her +temple on the citadel;<a id="noteref_1656" name="noteref_1656" href="#note_1656"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1656</span></span></a> and since Ἀκρία was a title of +the goddess herself,<a id="noteref_1657" name="noteref_1657" href="#note_1657"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1657</span></span></a> it appears to me that the name +Ἀκρίσιος may be satisfactorily explained in this manner: +especially as it is plain from an analysis of the +mythology of Acrisius, Perseus, and the Gorgons, that +it is entirely founded on symbols of Athene. Corinth +also had a part in these fables, as is clearly shown by +the figures of Pegasus, of the head of Medusa and +Athene herself upon the coins of this state and of its +colonies Leucadia, Anactorium, and Amphilochian +Argos.<a id="noteref_1658" name="noteref_1658" href="#note_1658"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1658</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page398">[pg 398]</span><a name="Pg398" id="Pg398" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There is also another branch of the worship of +Athene in the Doric states, viz., that which extended +from Lindus in Rhodes to Gela in Sicily, and from +thence to Agrigentum and Camarina.<a id="noteref_1659" name="noteref_1659" href="#note_1659"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1659</span></span></a> In all these +places Athene was the protectress of the citadel and +the town, and was associated with Zeus Polieus (also +with Zeus Atabyrius.<a id="noteref_1660" name="noteref_1660" href="#note_1660"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1660</span></span></a>) As to the ceremonies with +which she was honoured, we only know from Pindar +that at Rhodes they offered fireless sacrifices to her, +and that the ancient sculpture of Rhodes was connected +with her worship. That of Hierapytna in +Crete (the coins of which city have the Athenian +symbols of Athene) more resembled the Rhodian +worship, if what the envoys from Præsus stated at +Rhodes was correct, viz., that at Hierapytna the Corybantes +were called the offspring of the sun and of +Athene.<a id="noteref_1661" name="noteref_1661" href="#note_1661"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1661</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. Although the worship of these deities, and of +Here in particular, had probably been more prevalent +before than after the Doric invasion, the religion of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Demeter</span></span> was still more depressed. This worship +was nearly extirpated by the Dorians, a fact which we +know from Herodotus, who, in speaking of some rites +of Demeter Thesmophoria which were supposed to +have been founded by the daughters of Danaus, states +that when the Peloponnesians were driven out by the +Dorians, these rites were discontinued, and were only +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page399">[pg 399]</span><a name="Pg399" id="Pg399" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +kept up by those Peloponnesians who remained +behind, and by the Arcadians.<a id="noteref_1662" name="noteref_1662" href="#note_1662"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1662</span></span></a> Consequently we meet +with few traces of the worship of Demeter in the chief +cities of the Doric name.<a id="noteref_1663" name="noteref_1663" href="#note_1663"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1663</span></span></a> Thus it appears that in +Argos the ceremonies in honour of this goddess were +on one side driven into the marshes of Lerna, and on +the other to the eastern extremity of the peninsula, inhabited +by the Dryopes. In the former of these two +places some mystical rites were long performed, and +in the latter the chief worship was that of the deities +of the earth and the infernal regions (χθόνιοι θεοί). +Some inscriptions found at Hermione, which besides +Demeter and Cora mention the name of Clymenus,<a id="noteref_1664" name="noteref_1664" href="#note_1664"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1664</span></span></a> +an epithet of Pluto, agree well with the beginning of +the hymn which Lasus the Hermionean addressed to +the deities of his native city: <span class="tei tei-q">“I sing of Demeter +and the Melibœan Cora, the wife of Clymenus, +sounding the deep-toned Æolic harmony of hymns.”</span><a id="noteref_1665" name="noteref_1665" href="#note_1665"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1665</span></span></a> +And that the Hermioneans considered the temple of +the earthly Demeter (which was connected with the +entrance of the infernal regions supposed to be at Hermione) +as the first in the city, is also evident from the +fact that the Asinæans, expelled from Argolis and resident +in Messenia, sent sacrifices and sacred missions from thence to +their national goddess at Hermione.<a id="noteref_1666" name="noteref_1666" href="#note_1666"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1666</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In ancient times also a worship was prevalent at +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page400">[pg 400]</span><a name="Pg400" id="Pg400" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Argos which we will designate by the name of the +Triopian Demeter.<a id="noteref_1667" name="noteref_1667" href="#note_1667"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1667</span></span></a> All the fables concerning Triopas +and his son Erysichthon (from ἐρυσίβη, <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">robigo</span></span>) belong +to an agricultural religion, which at the same time +refers to the infernal regions. The places where this +religion existed in ancient times are the Thessalian +plains of Dotium, Argos, and likewise Attica;<a id="noteref_1668" name="noteref_1668" href="#note_1668"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1668</span></span></a> and +from the first-mentioned place it was transmitted to +the south-western coast of Asia Minor by an early +national connexion which is indicated in the account of +an ancient Pelasgic colony from Dotium to Cnidos, +Rhodes, and Syme;<a id="noteref_1669" name="noteref_1669" href="#note_1669"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1669</span></span></a> and here it formed the basis +of the Triopian worship, on which were afterwards +founded the federative festivals of the six Doric cities. +In front of Triopium is the small island of Telos, +whence a single family joined the Lindian colony that +founded Gela in Sicily, and earned with it the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sacra +Triopia</span></span>. A member of this family named Telines +advanced this private worship of the infernal gods so +greatly that it was incorporated in the national religion, +and he was appointed to administer it as Hierophant; +it was from this person that Hiero the king of +Syracuse was descended.<a id="noteref_1670" name="noteref_1670" href="#note_1670"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1670</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. By this history of the colonial connexions, well +attested from without, and having great internal probability, +we have ascertained the origin of one of the +branches of the worship of Demeter in Sicily. Another +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page401">[pg 401]</span><a name="Pg401" id="Pg401" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +was probably introduced by the clan of the +Emmenidæ,<a id="noteref_1671" name="noteref_1671" href="#note_1671"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1671</span></span></a> +which being originally of Theban origin +came into Sicily with the colony of Gela: for it was +probably owing to the traditions of this family alone +that Agrigentum, as well as ancient Thebes, was +called <span class="tei tei-q">“a gift from Zeus to Persephone at their nuptial +festival.”</span><a id="noteref_1672" name="noteref_1672" href="#note_1672"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1672</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But from neither of these two sources can the celebrated +worship of Demeter at Syracuse and its colony +Enna (which in the eyes both of the inhabitants and +of the Romans had made Sicily the native country of +Ceres) be derived, since it differed in certain respects +from both the above-named worships.<a id="noteref_1673" name="noteref_1673" href="#note_1673"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1673</span></span></a> From its importance +we may infer that it was one of the most +ancient religions of Syracuse, and established at the +first foundation of that town; and since of these some +came from Olympia,<a id="noteref_1674" name="noteref_1674" href="#note_1674"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1674</span></span></a> but the larger part from +Corinth, and there is no reason for supposing that it was derived +from the former place, it must have been brought +over from the parent state. Now it is true that there +was at Corinth a temple of Demeter and Cora, the +priestesses of which also prophesied by means of +dreams;<a id="noteref_1675" name="noteref_1675" href="#note_1675"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1675</span></span></a> but the worship of those goddesses was there +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page402">[pg 402]</span><a name="Pg402" id="Pg402" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of far less importance than in Sicily, where its preponderance +may perhaps be accounted for by the fertility +of the soil, which enabled it to produce wheat, +while the Greeks had in their own country been accustomed +to eat barley, and therefore stimulated the +colonists to be especially thankful to the goddess of +corn. When, however, it is remembered that Megara +also had a large share in the colonising of Syracuse, it +will hardly be doubted that this state was the real +source from which the worship in question originated, +since Demeter was there an ancient national deity, and +was not disturbed in her sanctuary on the citadel of +Caria even by the Doric invaders.<a id="noteref_1676" name="noteref_1676" href="#note_1676"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1676</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In Laconia also the worship of Demeter had been +preserved from ancient times, although it could not +have been much respected by the Dorians in Sparta. +For the Eleusinia of that country were chiefly celebrated +by the inhabitants of the ancient town of +Helos, who on certain days carried a wooden statue +of Cora to the Eleusinium on the heights of +Taygetus.<a id="noteref_1677" name="noteref_1677" href="#note_1677"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1677</span></span></a> The Lacedæmonians had also adopted +the worship of Demeter under the title of χθονία, or +earthly, from the Hermioneans, some of whose kinsmen +had settled in Messenia.<a id="noteref_1678" name="noteref_1678" href="#note_1678"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1678</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Poseidon</span></span> was not originally a god of the +Doric race, but was suited rather to the character of +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page403">[pg 403]</span><a name="Pg403" id="Pg403" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Ionians, who, from dwelling near the sea, had acquired +a love for foreign communication and a great +spirit of enterprise. We therefore find it only in a +few places, for example, at Tænarum<a id="noteref_1679" name="noteref_1679" href="#note_1679"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1679</span></span></a> (whence it was +carried to Tarentum), at Cyrene,<a id="noteref_1680" name="noteref_1680" href="#note_1680"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1680</span></span></a> in Ægina,<a id="noteref_1681" name="noteref_1681" href="#note_1681"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1681</span></span></a> and +particularly on the Corinthian isthmus; also at Trœzen +and Calauria, which places (as has been already +shown) were among the ancient settlements of the +Ionians on the Saronic gulf,<a id="noteref_1682" name="noteref_1682" href="#note_1682"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1682</span></span></a> to which the legends +concerning Theseus chiefly refer.<a id="noteref_1683" name="noteref_1683" href="#note_1683"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1683</span></span></a> From Trœzen the +worship of Poseidon was transmitted to Posidonia in +Magna Græcia, and also to Halicarnassus, chiefly by +the family of the Antheadæ. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. The worship of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Dionysus</span></span> did not enjoy equal +honours among all the Dorians. It had indeed penetrated +as far as Sparta, where it had driven even the +Lacedæmonian women to phrensy;<a id="noteref_1684" name="noteref_1684" href="#note_1684"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1684</span></span></a> and the Delphic +oracle itself had ordered the institution of a race of +Bacchanalian virgins.<a id="noteref_1685" name="noteref_1685" href="#note_1685"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1685</span></span></a> But nothing is known of any +sumptuous or regular ceremonies in honour of Dionysus; +and we might indeed have supposed <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">à priori</span></span> that +the austere and rigid notions of the Spartans would +have been very averse to that deity. The same is +probably true of Argos, which had for a long time +wholly abstained from the worship of Dionysus, but +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page404">[pg 404]</span><a name="Pg404" id="Pg404" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +afterwards dedicated to him a festival called τύρβη +(<span lang="el" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="el"><span style="font-style: italic">turba</span></span>).<a id="noteref_1686" name="noteref_1686" href="#note_1686"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1686</span></span></a> The conduct of Corinth and Sicyon was +in this respect altogether different. The former city +had received from Phlius<a id="noteref_1687" name="noteref_1687" href="#note_1687"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1687</span></span></a> the worship of this god +under the title of βακχεῖος, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">exciting to +phrensy</span></span>;”</span> and also under that of λύσιος, the <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">appeasing</span></span>”</span> +or <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">soothing</span></span>,”</span> from Thebes, whence it +was said to have come at the time of the Doric invasion,<a id="noteref_1688" name="noteref_1688" href="#note_1688"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1688</span></span></a> +and where it was celebrated with festivals, of +which we have very ample accounts.<a id="noteref_1689" name="noteref_1689" href="#note_1689"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1689</span></span></a> In early times +some rude beginnings of tragedy had been formed +from the dithyrambic choruses<a id="noteref_1690" name="noteref_1690" href="#note_1690"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1690</span></span></a> there performed, as +the tradition of Epigenes informs us; though these +were not regular dramas; there were likewise the +tragic choruses transferred from Bacchus to some of +the heroes, and Adrastus had been made the subject +of these songs before the tyranny of Cleisthenes.<a id="noteref_1691" name="noteref_1691" href="#note_1691"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1691</span></span></a> +The worship of this god had also produced a native +kind of comic and ludicrous entertainment, the Phallophori.<a id="noteref_1692" name="noteref_1692" href="#note_1692"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1692</span></span></a> +In the neighbouring city of Corinth, the +same worship, with its musical and poetical accompaniments, +prevailed;<a id="noteref_1693" name="noteref_1693" href="#note_1693"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1693</span></span></a> and it was in this town that, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page405">[pg 405]</span><a name="Pg405" id="Pg405" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +according to Pindar,<a id="noteref_1694" name="noteref_1694" href="#note_1694"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1694</span></span></a> the dithyramb was first established, +although indeed under the direction of a +foreigner (Arion). In the Doric colonies of Magna +Græcia this worship preserved the same character of +irregularity and excess; the whole town of Tarentum +was (as Plato says) drunk at the festival of Bacchus. +The painted vases give a perfect representation of the +antics and masques of this ancient carnival. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_7" id="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. In Corinth, however, and Sicyon, the worship +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Aphrodite</span></span> as well as of Dionysus was established. +It seems probable that the worship of that deity had +indeed a native origin in Greece, but that it had been +extended and modified by Phœnician settlers in some +of the maritime towns. The institution of the <span class="tei tei-q">“hospitable +damsels,”</span><a id="noteref_1695" name="noteref_1695" href="#note_1695"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1695</span></span></a> whom the goddess their mistress +herself ordered to be at the disposal of strangers,<a id="noteref_1696" name="noteref_1696" href="#note_1696"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1696</span></span></a> +was undoubtedly of Asiatic origin, and unknown to +the ancient Greeks.<a id="noteref_1697" name="noteref_1697" href="#note_1697"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1697</span></span></a> Sicyon, however, appears to +have derived the worship of these two deities from +Corinth, the coins of which city generally have a dove,<a id="noteref_1698" name="noteref_1698" href="#note_1698"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1698</span></span></a> +and frequently also a head of Aphrodite of ancient +workmanship; and the native poetess Praxilla (452 +B.C.) addressed Aphrodite as the mother of Dionysus,<a id="noteref_1699" name="noteref_1699" href="#note_1699"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1699</span></span></a> and sang of the joys and woes of the Phœnician +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page406">[pg 406]</span><a name="Pg406" id="Pg406" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Adonis.<a id="noteref_1700" name="noteref_1700" href="#note_1700"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1700</span></span></a> While again the Dorians of these +maritime cities had a certain susceptibility, flexibleness, +and softness of character, the very contrary of all +these qualities distinguished the Spartans. For although +that state came into connexion with a Phœnician +establishment of the worship of Aphrodite in +the island of Cythera, they transformed it while they +adopted it, and had their own armed Aphrodite, and the +chained and veiled goddess of marriage.<a id="noteref_1701" name="noteref_1701" href="#note_1701"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1701</span></span></a> From the +same island also they received the god Adonis under +the name of Ciris.<a id="noteref_1702" name="noteref_1702" href="#note_1702"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1702</span></span></a> Aphrodite, however, enjoyed +greater honours in the Spartan colony of Cnidos, +whence she went to Halicarnassus under the title of +Acræa, and from thence to the mother city Trœzen.<a id="noteref_1703" name="noteref_1703" href="#note_1703"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1703</span></span></a> +The worship of Aphrodite at Selinus in the west of +Sicily<a id="noteref_1704" name="noteref_1704" href="#note_1704"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1704</span></span></a> was doubtless derived from the neighbouring +town of Eryx, and was consequently also Phœnician; +and the temple was probably one of the wealthiest of +that once flourishing city.<a id="noteref_1705" name="noteref_1705" href="#note_1705"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1705</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The worship of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Hermes</span></span> does not appear to have +prevailed in any Doric state; in one respect he was +superseded by Apollo Agyieus. The same may nearly +be said of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Hephæstus</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Ares</span></span>, +the latter of whom +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page407">[pg 407]</span><a name="Pg407" id="Pg407" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +was worshipped by the Spartans under the names of +Theritas and Enyalius. Of the worship of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Æsculapius</span></span> +it has been already<a id="noteref_1706" name="noteref_1706" href="#note_1706"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1706</span></span></a> mentioned that it was derived +to Cos, Cnidos, and Rhodes, from Epidaurus, +which state again had in ancient times received it +through the Phlegyans from Tricca.<a id="noteref_1707" name="noteref_1707" href="#note_1707"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1707</span></span></a> From Epidaurus, +according to Pausanias,<a id="noteref_1708" name="noteref_1708" href="#note_1708"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1708</span></span></a> also came the worship +of Sicyon, and the Cyrenæan at Balagræ,<a id="noteref_1709" name="noteref_1709" href="#note_1709"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1709</span></span></a> with which, +as at Cos, an ancient school of physicians was connected.<a id="noteref_1710" name="noteref_1710" href="#note_1710"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1710</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_8" id="Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. We will just notice the worship of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Charites</span></span> +established in Crete and Sparta; first, as a +fresh proof of the early religious connexion between +those two countries,<a id="noteref_1711" name="noteref_1711" href="#note_1711"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1711</span></span></a> and as a sign of that hilarity and +gladness which was the most beautiful feature of the +religion of the Greeks. These goddesses were at +Sparta called Cleta and Phaënna; their temple was +on the road from the city to Amyclæ, on the river +Tiasa.<a id="noteref_1712" name="noteref_1712" href="#note_1712"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1712</span></span></a> +Allied to this was the worship of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Eros</span></span>, as +practised by the Cretans and Spartans, with whom, +before every battle, the most beautiful men assembled +and sacrificed to that god:<a id="noteref_1713" name="noteref_1713" href="#note_1713"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1713</span></span></a> not as the great +uniter of heaven and earth, but as awaking mutual esteem and +affection, which produce that fear of the disapprobation +of friends which is the noblest source of valour.<a id="noteref_1714" name="noteref_1714" href="#note_1714"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1714</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The most obscure, perhaps, of all the branches of +religion whose origin we have to investigate is the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page408">[pg 408]</span><a name="Pg408" id="Pg408" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +worship of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Dioscuri</span></span>, or the sons of Zeus. It +appears probable that it had a double source, viz., the +heroic honours of the human Tyndaridæ, and the +ancient Peloponnesian worship of the great gods or +Cabiri; and in process of time the attributes of the +latter seem by poetry and tradition to have been transferred +to the former, viz., the name of the sons of +Zeus, the birth from an egg, and the egg-shaped caps, +the alternation of life and death, the dominion over +the winds and the waves. As belonging to their +worship at Sparta I may mention the ancient images +called δόκανα, two upright beams with two others laid +across them transversely;<a id="noteref_1715" name="noteref_1715" href="#note_1715"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1715</span></span></a> the custom in military expeditions +of taking either one or both of the statues +of the Dioscuri according as one or both kings went +with the army;<a id="noteref_1716" name="noteref_1716" href="#note_1716"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1716</span></span></a> which places the Tyndaridæ in the +light of gods of war; and the belief that they often +appeared as assistants in time of need, or even merely +as friendly guests,<a id="noteref_1717" name="noteref_1717" href="#note_1717"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1717</span></span></a> which distinguishes them from most +other heroes. Upon the whole we know that the Dorians +found the worship and mythology of the Tyndaridæ +established at Amyclæ, Therapne, Pephnos, and +other places; and they adopted it, without caring to +preserve its original form and meaning; rather, indeed, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page409">[pg 409]</span><a name="Pg409" id="Pg409" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +attempting to give to the worship of the sons of +Tyndareus a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">military</span></em> and <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">political</span></em> reference. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. Before we proceed to consider the heroic mythology +of the Dorians, which is chiefly confined to Hercules, +we will first attempt to sketch the principal +features of the religious character of the Dorians, as +seen in the several worships already enumerated. +Both in the development of modes of religion peculiar +to that race, and in the adoption and alteration of +those of other nations, an ideal tendency may be perceived, +which considered the deity not so much in +reference to the works or objects of nature, as of the +actions and thoughts of men. Consequently their +religion had little of mysticism, which belongs rather +to elementary worships; but the gods assume a more +human and heroic form, although not so much as +in the epic poetry. Hence the piety of the Doric +race had a peculiarly energetic character, as their notions +of the gods were clear, distinct, and personal; +and it was probably connected with a certain degree of +cheerfulness and confidence, equally removed from the +exuberance of enthusiasm and the gloominess of superstition. +Funeral ceremonies and festivals with +violent lamentations, as well as enthusiastic orgies, +were not suited to the character of the Dorians; although +their reverence for antiquity often induced +them to adopt such rites when already established. +On the other hand, we see displayed in their festivals +and religious usages a brightness and hilarity, which +made them think that the most pleasing sacrifice +which they could offer to their gods was to rejoice in +their sight, and use the various methods which the +arts afforded them of expressing their joy. With all +this, their worship bears the stamp of the greatest +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page410">[pg 410]</span><a name="Pg410" id="Pg410" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +simplicity, and at the same time of warmth of heart. +The Spartans prayed the gods <span class="tei tei-q">“to give them what +was honourable and good;”</span><a id="noteref_1718" name="noteref_1718" href="#note_1718"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1718</span></span></a> and although they did +not lead out any splendid processions, and were even +accused of offering scanty sacrifices, still Zeus Ammon +declared that the <span class="tei tei-q">“calm solemnity of the prayers of +the Spartans was dearer to him than all the sacrifices +of the Greeks.”</span><a id="noteref_1719" name="noteref_1719" href="#note_1719"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1719</span></span></a> They likewise showed the +most faithful adherence to the usages handed down to +them from their ancestors, and hence they were little +inclined to the adoption of foreign ceremonies;<a id="noteref_1720" name="noteref_1720" href="#note_1720"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1720</span></span></a> although +in commercial towns, as, for instance, at Corinth, +such rites were willingly admitted, from a regard +for strangers of other races and nations.<a id="noteref_1721" name="noteref_1721" href="#note_1721"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1721</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc49" id="toc49"></a> +<a name="pdf50" id="pdf50"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter XI.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Legends respecting Hercules in the earliest settlements of +the Dorians. § 2. Servitude of Hercules. § 3. Legends respecting +Hercules in the second settlements of the Dorians. +§ 4. Legends respecting Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Phidippus. +§ 5. Legend of Geryoneus. § 6. Legends respecting Hercules +in the neighbourhood of Thermopylæ. § 7, 8, and 9. Bœotian +legends respecting Hercules. § 10. Attic legends respecting +Hercules. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_1" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. In the following attempt to unravel the complicated +mythology of Hercules, we will begin with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page411">[pg 411]</span><a name="Pg411" id="Pg411" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +those fables in which this hero appears evidently as the +progenitor of the Doric Heraclidæ,<a id="noteref_1722" name="noteref_1722" href="#note_1722"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1722</span></span></a> as representative +of the heroes of the Hyllean tribe, the highest order in +the Doric nation. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We will first direct our attention to the locality described +in the beginning of the first book, the ancient +country of the Dorians in the most mountainous part +of Thessaly, where this nation was continually at enmity +with its immediate neighbours, the Lapithæ. In this +war Hercules appears as the hero of the Hyllean tribe, +according to the epic poem Ægimius, and gained for +them a third part of the conquered territory. With +this contest is, as it appears, also connected the celebrated +conquest of Œchalia, the subject of an epic +poem called Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις, which was ascribed to +Homer or Creophylus.<a id="noteref_1723" name="noteref_1723" href="#note_1723"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1723</span></span></a> In this poem it was related +how Eurytus of Œchalia, the skilful archer, who was +said to have surpassed Hercules himself in this mode of +fighting, and who dared to engage with Apollo,<a id="noteref_1724" name="noteref_1724" href="#note_1724"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1724</span></span></a> +promised his daughter Iole as a prize to the person +who should excel himself and his sons in archery; but +Hercules having accepted the challenge, Eurytus +refused to perform his engagement: upon which Hercules +collected an army, conquered Œchalia, killed +Eurytus and his sons, carried away Iole prisoner, and +gave her in marriage to his son Hyllus.<a id="noteref_1725" name="noteref_1725" href="#note_1725"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1725</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page412">[pg 412]</span><a name="Pg412" id="Pg412" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The situation of this <span class="tei tei-q">“well-fortified”</span><a id="noteref_1726" name="noteref_1726" href="#note_1726"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1726</span></span></a> Œchalia is +an ancient subject of controversy. There were three +places of this name; one on the banks of the Peneus +in Thessaly, in the ancient country of the Lapithæ, +between Pelinna to the east and Tricca to the west, +not far from Ithome:<a id="noteref_1727" name="noteref_1727" href="#note_1727"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1727</span></span></a> another in the island of Eubœa, +in the district of Eretria.<a id="noteref_1728" name="noteref_1728" href="#note_1728"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1728</span></span></a> The third was a town in +Messenia, which in latter times was called Carnasium, +upon the boundary of Arcadia;<a id="noteref_1729" name="noteref_1729" href="#note_1729"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1729</span></span></a> in which region there +was also a town named Ithome; and, as it is stated, +another named Tricca; so that we must suppose that +there was some early connexion between the inhabitants +of this district and the tribes near the Peneus. +Now it may be presumed that each of these Œchalias +was considered by the respective inhabitants as the +celebrated town of the great Eurytus; whence among +the early poets there was a difference of statement on +the subject. For the Messenian Œchalia is called the +city of Eurytus in the Homeric catalogue,<a id="noteref_1730" name="noteref_1730" href="#note_1730"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1730</span></span></a> and in the +Odyssey,<a id="noteref_1731" name="noteref_1731" href="#note_1731"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1731</span></span></a> which +statement was followed by Pherecydes;<a id="noteref_1732" name="noteref_1732" href="#note_1732"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1732</span></span></a> +the Eubœan city was selected by the writer +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page413">[pg 413]</span><a name="Pg413" id="Pg413" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the poem called the Taking of Œchalia;<a id="noteref_1733" name="noteref_1733" href="#note_1733"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1733</span></span></a> as also probably in the +Ægimius,<a id="noteref_1734" name="noteref_1734" href="#note_1734"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1734</span></span></a> and afterwards by Hecatæus +of Miletus;<a id="noteref_1735" name="noteref_1735" href="#note_1735"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1735</span></span></a> the Thessalian, in another passage +in the catalogue of the ships, apparently of considerable +antiquity.<a id="noteref_1736" name="noteref_1736" href="#note_1736"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1736</span></span></a> Since, then, this question cannot be +settled by authority, we can only infer (but with great +probability) from the connexion of the traditions that +the last-mentioned Œchalia was the city of the original +fable. The contest for this city is evidently closely +connected with the war with the Lapithæ; Eurytus, +as well as the Lapithæ, was hated by Apollo. If +Œchalia is placed on the banks of the Peneus, the +conquest of it naturally falls in with the other tradition; +if not, it stands isolated and unconnected. Again; +Hercules, according to all traditions, conquers Iole for +his son Hyllus; now Hyllus never occurs in mythology +except in connexion with the Dorians; consequently +the place of the battle must be looked for in the vicinity +of the Doric territory. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Even before the time of this war (according to the +common narration) Hercules had embroiled himself +with the Œchalians by killing Iphitus, the son of +Eurytus, who demanded of him the restitution of some +plundered cattle or horses. In the common version +of this story, Peloponnesus was the scene of the encounter; +for Hercules is said to have hurled him from +the walls of Tiryns.<a id="noteref_1737" name="noteref_1737" href="#note_1737"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1737</span></span></a> But to expiate this murder, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page414">[pg 414]</span><a name="Pg414" id="Pg414" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the violation of the rights of hospitality, Hercules became +a slave; and, in order to release himself from the +guilt, he was compelled to pay to the father of Iphitus +his own ransom. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_2" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. The meaning of this servitude cannot be rightly +explained without observing the remarkable coincidence +between some parts of the mythology of Hercules and +Apollo, which we will here shortly elucidate. As +Eurytus is represented sometimes as killed by Apollo, +sometimes by Hercules, so in the poem of the Shield +of Hercules<a id="noteref_1738" name="noteref_1738" href="#note_1738"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1738</span></span></a> this hero punishes +Cycnus for profaning the Pagasæan temple; thus, in another tradition, he +slays Phylas and Laogoras, princes of the Dryopes, for +violating the shrine of Delphi and other temples;<a id="noteref_1739" name="noteref_1739" href="#note_1739"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1739</span></span></a> and +consecrates the whole nation to the Pythian Apollo.<a id="noteref_1740" name="noteref_1740" href="#note_1740"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1740</span></span></a> +Nor do I believe that Euripides invented the fable of +the restoration of Alcestis, and the contest between +Hercules and death.<a id="noteref_1741" name="noteref_1741" href="#note_1741"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1741</span></span></a> It is also perhaps fair to infer, +from the legends of epic poets, in which Hercules is +represented as a hero in brazen armour, who defended +the sacred roads with his sword, and overthrew the +violent sons of Ares that waylaid the sacrificial processions +in the narrow passes and defiles, that in ancient +fables he was considered not only as the defender of the +Doric race, but also of the Doric worship. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We may now proceed to consider the sale and servitude +of Hercules; a point of primary importance in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page415">[pg 415]</span><a name="Pg415" id="Pg415" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the various forms which the legends concerning this +hero assume. In the present instance this degradation +originated from the killing of Iphitus. Here also the +parallel with the servitude of Apollo at Pheræ cannot +fail to strike every one. The god and the hero were +chosen, as examples, to impress the people in early +times with a strong sense of the sacred character, and +necessity of expiation for homicide.<a id="noteref_1742" name="noteref_1742" href="#note_1742"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1742</span></span></a> +By whom Hercules +was supposed to have been purchased in the original +legend of northern Thessaly we know not; at a +later period Omphale was called his mistress, who +(according to Pherecydes)<a id="noteref_1743" name="noteref_1743" href="#note_1743"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1743</span></span></a> bought him for three +talents. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. We will now proceed to the second settlements +of the Dorians, which comprehend the towns between +the ridges of Œta and Parnassus; viz., Erineus, Cytinium, +Bœum, and Pindus.<a id="noteref_1744" name="noteref_1744" href="#note_1744"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1744</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The neighbours of the Dorians in these settlements +were, as has been already stated, the Dryopes, the +Melians of Trachis, and the Ætolians. The first were +hostile to the Dorians; the other two were for the most +part friendly to them. These facts again are expressed +with much clearness in the mythology of Hercules. +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page416">[pg 416]</span><a name="Pg416" id="Pg416" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Of the relation between the Dorians and Dryopians, +and the manner in which it is expressed in the fables +of Hercules, we have already given an account.<a id="noteref_1745" name="noteref_1745" href="#note_1745"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1745</span></span></a> Ceyx, +the Trachinian, was a faithful friend of Hercules, and +of his descendants; in one account, indeed, he is called +the nephew of Hercules,<a id="noteref_1746" name="noteref_1746" href="#note_1746"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1746</span></span></a> who is said to +have founded for him his town of Trachis.<a id="noteref_1747" name="noteref_1747" href="#note_1747"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1747</span></span></a> In this place was shown +a grave of Deianira,<a id="noteref_1748" name="noteref_1748" href="#note_1748"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1748</span></span></a> the daughter of Œneus, whose +marriage with Hercules is evidently a mythological +expression for the league which existed between the +Ætolian and Dorian nations before the invasion of +Peloponnesus.<a id="noteref_1749" name="noteref_1749" href="#note_1749"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1749</span></span></a> For Deianira was an inhabitant of +Calydon;<a id="noteref_1750" name="noteref_1750" href="#note_1750"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1750</span></span></a> and the Calydonians had the principal share +in this expedition. To this marriage is annexed a series +of connected Ætolian fables concerning Hercules. For +the peculiarity of this part of the heroic mythology is, +that they readily passed from one nation to another; and +wherever they obtained a firm ground, formed a large +mass of traditions. Among these is the conquest of +the bull Achelous,<a id="noteref_1751" name="noteref_1751" href="#note_1751"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1751</span></span></a> and the adventure at the ford of +the Euenus,<a id="noteref_1752" name="noteref_1752" href="#note_1752"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1752</span></span></a> which afterwards occasioned the death +of Hercules. It is also probable that the residence +of Hercules at Olenus, in the house of Dexamenus, +was connected with the Ætolian adventures; although +even Hesiod does not in this legend mention the ancient +Ætolian town Olenus in the neighbourhood of Calydon, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page417">[pg 417]</span><a name="Pg417" id="Pg417" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +but the Achæan city of the same name on the banks of +the Pirus.<a id="noteref_1753" name="noteref_1753" href="#note_1753"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1753</span></span></a> Now Dexamenus is frequently placed in +connexion with the Calydonian family of Œneus;<a id="noteref_1754" name="noteref_1754" href="#note_1754"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1754</span></span></a> the +wife of Œneus came from Olenus, and was of the same +family. The ancient legend represented him as a hospitable +hero: which quality is also expressed in his +name (Δεξαμενὸς, from δεξάμενος); in return for +which, Hercules released him from his brutal guests, +the Centaurs;<a id="noteref_1755" name="noteref_1755" href="#note_1755"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1755</span></span></a> to which fable the ancient battle of the +Centaurs in the mythology of Hercules probably annexed +itself. Lastly, Hercules is said to have led the +Ætolians against the Thesprotians of Ephyra. This +expedition was perhaps as much celebrated in ancient +lays as the taking of Œchalia. Ephyra, which is here +spoken of, is an ancient city of Thesprotia,<a id="noteref_1756" name="noteref_1756" href="#note_1756"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1756</span></span></a> situated on +the spot where the Acherusian lake flows into the sea +through the river Selleeis (Acheron). In later times +the name of this city was Cichyrus; but even at the +present day remains of the original Cyclopian style of +building, not unlike those of Tiryns, are extant.<a id="noteref_1757" name="noteref_1757" href="#note_1757"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1757</span></span></a> The +whole district is celebrated in fables as the dwelling-place +of Aidoneus: as the seat of an oracle where departed +spirits were questioned, it was always regarded +by the inhabitants with an awe, which was further increased +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page418">[pg 418]</span><a name="Pg418" id="Pg418" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +by a belief that the natives were very skilful in +the preparation of poison.<a id="noteref_1758" name="noteref_1758" href="#note_1758"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1758</span></span></a> This city Hercules is said +to have attacked as an ally of the Ætolians; whence it +appears probable that this circumstance gave occasion +for introducing his contest with Hades, and his adventures +in the infernal regions, such as the carrying away +of Cerberus, the liberation of other heroes,<a id="noteref_1759" name="noteref_1759" href="#note_1759"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1759</span></span></a> &c. It +must not, however, be thought, that in the style of +Euhemerus, I suppose a king Aidoneus to have really +once reigned in this district, who had a dog, or rather +a general, named Cerberus, whom Hercules overcame +in a battle, &c. The following appears to be a more +probable method of accounting for the origin of this +fable. The gloomy religious rites on the banks of +the Acheron, which had always deterred the neighbouring +nations from a participation in them, were +at an early period contrasted with the free and active +habits of the heroic tribes; the awe inspired by the +presence of the unearthly spectres with the proud +spirit and bold thoughts of a military life. If now +the people themselves came into collision with each +other, their gods necessarily did the same; the result +of which was traditions of contest and war between +themselves. On the other hand, it must not be thought +that the fable has a purely symbolical meaning; +and that Hercules was worshipped, together with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page419">[pg 419]</span><a name="Pg419" id="Pg419" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Hades, merely as an enemy of Death, as a deity +alleviating and removing the terrors of the infernal +regions. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. The rest of this fable, however, entirely loses its +symbolical character; viz., the manner in which the +birth of several Doric heroes is connected with the taking +of Ephyra; who, though out of the confines of +history, are nevertheless to be considered as real individuals. +In the first place, Hercules is stated to +have begotten Tlepolemus on Astyocheia, whom, according +to Homer, he carried away from Ephyra, on the river +Sellecis, after having destroyed many cities;<a id="noteref_1760" name="noteref_1760" href="#note_1760"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1760</span></span></a> +Antiphus and Pheidippus also were said to have come +from Ephyra in Thesprotia, the sons of Thessalus, +and grandsons of Hercules, to whom the noblest +families of Thessaly, as well as the Heraclidæ of Cos, +referred their origin;<a id="noteref_1761" name="noteref_1761" href="#note_1761"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1761</span></span></a> the latter, however, according +to another and later tradition, sprang from the union +of Hercules and the daughter of Eurypylus in Cos +itself.<a id="noteref_1762" name="noteref_1762" href="#note_1762"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1762</span></span></a> +The origin of this intricate fable appears to be +as follows: There were in the ancient country of the +Dorians some noble families which referred their origin +to the conquest of Ephyra; and these were designated +by the names of Tlepolemus, Antiphus, and Pheidippus; +those families went with the other Dorians to Peloponnesus, +and passed through Argos and Epidaurus +to Rhodes and Cos, where they partly new-modelled +their original family legends. Now it was always admitted +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page420">[pg 420]</span><a name="Pg420" id="Pg420" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +that the Thessalian people came also from +Ephyra and Thesprotia; and when it settled among +the Greeks, and sought to participate in their traditions, +it was natural that Hercules, the conqueror of +Ephyra, should be placed at the head of its genealogies. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_5" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_5" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +5. To the combat of Hercules and Pluto at Ephyra +we will now annex the legend of Geryoneus. The +cattle of Geryoneus and Pluto grazed together in the +island of Erytheia;<a id="noteref_1763" name="noteref_1763" href="#note_1763"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1763</span></span></a> but they were supposed to +belong to the Sun,<a id="noteref_1764" name="noteref_1764" href="#note_1764"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1764</span></span></a> and therefore were of a bright red colour. +Now Erytheia was anciently believed to be near the +kingdom of Hades. For the statement of Hecatæus, +that Erytheia and Geryoneus belonged to Epirus and +the region of Ambracia,<a id="noteref_1765" name="noteref_1765" href="#note_1765"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1765</span></span></a> could not have been owing to +an attempt to give to mythology an appearance of +reality: but he seems to have availed himself of some +real tradition. This is certain, from the datum of +Scylax, who would never have laid down Erytheia in +his Periplus<a id="noteref_1766" name="noteref_1766" href="#note_1766"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1766</span></span></a> on the authority of a logographer. +According to this writer it is situated between the territory +of the Atintanes and the Ceraunian mountains, +north of Epirus, on the borders of Greece, at no great +distance from the earliest seats of the Dorians. Now +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page421">[pg 421]</span><a name="Pg421" id="Pg421" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +it is a remarkable fact, that, even in historical times, +there were in the same country, viz., near the Aous, a +river running from mount Lacmon, herds sacred to the +Sun, which were guarded in the daytime on the banks +of that river, and in the night in a cave of the mountain, +by men whom the inhabitants of the Greek city of +Apollonia intrusted with this office as a particular +honour.<a id="noteref_1767" name="noteref_1767" href="#note_1767"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1767</span></span></a> It is not probable that the Corinthians, who +founded Apollonia, should have been the first to introduce +this usage, although there are traces of an ancient worship of +the Sun in the territory of Corinth;<a id="noteref_1768" name="noteref_1768" href="#note_1768"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1768</span></span></a> but +we may fairly assume that the colonists merely retained +a native custom. This hypothesis clears away +all difficulty. The empire of Hades on this earth was +conterminous with a district in which the worship of +the Sun prevailed, and which contained innumerable +herds of cattle, under the protection of the god; but the +Greek hero, little caring for their sanctity, had driven +them away, and devoted them to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">his own</span></em> gods. Epirus +was always distinguished for its excellent breed of +cattle, which were said to have sprung from the herds +of Geryoneus, which Hercules offered to the Dodonæan +Zeus.<a id="noteref_1769" name="noteref_1769" href="#note_1769"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1769</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. We were led to these considerations by the +Ætolian legends respecting Hercules, from which we +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page422">[pg 422]</span><a name="Pg422" id="Pg422" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +will now return to the Dorians, who possessed the +mountainous tract along mount Œta towards Thermopylæ. +There was perhaps no region in the whole +of Greece which abounded more in local fables of Hercules. +It was in the pass of Thermopylæ that he +caught those strange monsters the Cercopes;<a id="noteref_1770" name="noteref_1770" href="#note_1770"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1770</span></span></a> here +it was that Athene caused a hot spring to issue for him +from the ground;<a id="noteref_1771" name="noteref_1771" href="#note_1771"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1771</span></span></a> on the top of mount Œta, on the +Phrygian rock,<a id="noteref_1772" name="noteref_1772" href="#note_1772"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1772</span></span></a> was raised the fatal pile, which the +brook of Dyras in vain strove to extinguish;<a id="noteref_1773" name="noteref_1773" href="#note_1773"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1773</span></span></a> and many +adjacent cities claimed a connexion with his exploits:<a id="noteref_1774" name="noteref_1774" href="#note_1774"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1774</span></span></a> +even the Ænianes (who at a later period settled in this +district) attempted to appropriate to themselves these +traditions;<a id="noteref_1775" name="noteref_1775" href="#note_1775"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1775</span></span></a> and Heraclea Trachinia, not founded till +the Peloponnesian war, and the neighbouring Cylicrani, +were referred to the mythology of Hercules.<a id="noteref_1776" name="noteref_1776" href="#note_1776"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1776</span></span></a> +It is certain that local traditions of this kind must +have originated with the inhabitants of this district. +Is it at least probable that the natives of Argos would +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page423">[pg 423]</span><a name="Pg423" id="Pg423" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +have placed the death of their deified hero in a foreign +region, if they had been the original inventors of this +fiction? The career of the Doric hero doubtless closed +on the funeral pile of Œta; and this adventure ended a +series of fables, of which there are now extant only +some fragments. In this point of view we may perceive +a connexion between many of the legends detailed +above. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The general tendency and spirit of these legends +may be described in the following proposition: The +national hero is represented as everywhere preparing +the way for his people and their worship; and as protecting +them from other races. Thus he opens a communication +between Tempe and Delphi, between the +fabulous worshippers of Apollo, the Hyperboreans, +and the worshippers of his own age. At the same +time his own person is an outward symbol of the +national worship; he complies with its rites of expiation +for homicide, being himself both the victim and +the sacrificer. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_7" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_7" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +7. We will next consider the Theban legends of +Hercules; and will, for the sake of clearness, first +state the propositions which the following discussion is +intended to establish. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Hercules at Thebes is not to be considered as a +Cadmean; and has no connexion with the ancient gods, +and traditions of the Cadmeans; but his mythology +was introduced into Bœotia partly by the Doric Heraclidæ, +and partly from Delphi, together with the worship +of Apollo. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +To prove that Hercules has no connexion with the +Cadmean gods, temples, and princes, it is only necessary +to refer to a genealogical table of the Theban +mythology, and a plan of Thebes sketched after +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page424">[pg 424]</span><a name="Pg424" id="Pg424" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Pausanias. From the former we perceive that Hercules +(whose father is represented as having arrived as +a fugitive from Mycenæ) is not made the relation either +by blood or marriage of the Cadmeans, Creon (κρέων, +the ruler), his supposed father-in-law, being only a +fictitious personage, invented to fill up a chasm in the +pedigree;<a id="noteref_1777" name="noteref_1777" href="#note_1777"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1777</span></span></a> from the latter, that the temples of Hercules +were not only not in the citadel (like those of Cadmus, +Harmonia, and Semele), or within the walls of the +city, but were all without the gates. This fact is of +great importance as to the antiquity of any worship in +a city. The ancient and original deities, which enjoyed +the honours of founders, possessed the citadel as their +birthright; while all gods afterwards introduced enjoyed +a less honourable abode in the suburbs of the +town. Now it is known that the house of Amphitryon +and the Gymnasium of Hercules stood in front of the +gate of Electra, opposite the Ismenium;<a id="noteref_1778" name="noteref_1778" href="#note_1778"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1778</span></span></a> and to this +we may add the account of Pherecydes<a id="noteref_1779" name="noteref_1779" href="#note_1779"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1779</span></span></a> +respecting a village near that same gate, which the Heraclidæ had +founded before their invasion of Peloponnesus, and +where there was a statue of Hercules in the market-place. +What can be clearer than that these Heraclidæ +established the worship of their hero at Thebes? +Near this place (it should be observed) was the +Ismenian sanctuary of Apollo. Opposite to this +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page425">[pg 425]</span><a name="Pg425" id="Pg425" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +temple Hercules was said to have been educated; and +at a festival of Apollo to have carried the laurel before +the chorus of virgins; and afterwards to have consecrated +a tripod in the temple, as was the general custom +in later times. This tripod is represented on the +famous relief of the Argive apotheosis of Hercules, +with the inscription Ἀμφιτρύων ὑπὲρ Ἀλκαίου τριπόδ +Ἀπόλλωνι.<a id="noteref_1780" name="noteref_1780" href="#note_1780"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1780</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +With this is evidently connected the story of the +robbery of the Delphian tripod, of which the common +version is as follows: Hercules was visited with a severe +illness, as a punishment for the murder of Iphitus; +and, in consequence, he had recourse for relief to +Delphi; but as the Pythian priestess refused to answer +the questions of one guilty of homicide, he threatened +to plunder the temple, and carry off the tripod. +Apollo accordingly pursued him, till Zeus separated +the combat of his two sons by lightning.<a id="noteref_1781" name="noteref_1781" href="#note_1781"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1781</span></span></a> The fable +went on to say that a new consecration of the Delphian +tripod took place, and a reconciliation of the god and +hero: of this part we are only informed by works of +art, these being indeed of tolerable antiquity.<a id="noteref_1782" name="noteref_1782" href="#note_1782"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1782</span></span></a> But it +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page426">[pg 426]</span><a name="Pg426" id="Pg426" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +is manifest that this is not the genuine, ancient, and +sacred tradition. How could this hero, who in other +respects was entirely dependent on the mandates of the +oracle, and who in so many ways protected and promoted +the worship of Apollo,<a id="noteref_1783" name="noteref_1783" href="#note_1783"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1783</span></span></a> suddenly become a +sacrilegious violator of his most holy and ancient +temple? This carrying away of the tripod appears +from other traditions to signify nothing else than a +propagation of the worship of Apollo.<a id="noteref_1784" name="noteref_1784" href="#note_1784"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1784</span></span></a> Whither, +then, is this tripod stated to have been first moved? +By the Arcadians Hercules was said to have brought +it to Pheneus, but was compelled again to restore it to +Apollo.<a id="noteref_1785" name="noteref_1785" href="#note_1785"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1785</span></span></a> The hero, on his journey to Elis, is said to +have built a temple to the Pythian Apollo;<a id="noteref_1786" name="noteref_1786" href="#note_1786"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1786</span></span></a> which, +however, can scarcely be more ancient than the Doric +migration. The foundation of this temple, as dependent +on the Delphic oracle, was therefore by the tradition +expressed under this image of the transportation +of the tripod, the bearer of it being Hercules. But it +is more important to our present purpose that, according +to the Bœotian account,<a id="noteref_1787" name="noteref_1787" href="#note_1787"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1787</span></span></a> Hercules was supposed +to have brought the tripod to Thebes, that is probably +to the Ismenium. This fable therefore shows the connexion +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page427">[pg 427]</span><a name="Pg427" id="Pg427" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +between the Ismenium and the great sanctuary +of Apollo; and represents Hercules as the intermediate +link between these two temples. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_8" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. Several other traditions current in Bœotia are +connected with the above explanation of this tradition. +The Cretan colony, which, setting out from Cirrha, +established the Tilphosian temple at Ocalea in Bœotia, +was represented under the person of Rhadamanthus.<a id="noteref_1788" name="noteref_1788" href="#note_1788"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1788</span></span></a> +Rhadamanthus is said to have there dwelt with Alcmene, +and to have instructed the youthful hero in the +Cretan art of archery.<a id="noteref_1789" name="noteref_1789" href="#note_1789"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1789</span></span></a> For this reason also Zeus +raised Alcmene from the dead, and conducted her to +the islands of the blest as the wife of Rhadamanthus. +A stone remained in her tomb, which was set up in her +sacred grove at Thebes.<a id="noteref_1790" name="noteref_1790" href="#note_1790"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1790</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_9" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_9" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +9. The Theban traditions of Hercules are not all +equally significant; but some, such as those just mentioned, +had a religious, some a political<a id="noteref_1791" name="noteref_1791" href="#note_1791"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1791</span></span></a> import, and +others only express the bodily strength of that hero. +The education of Hercules is confided to certain fabulous +personages, most of whom were supposed to +reside in Bœotia.<a id="noteref_1792" name="noteref_1792" href="#note_1792"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1792</span></span></a> His most remarkable instructor +is the minstrel Linus, whom (probably in execution of +the will of Apollo) he put to death,<a id="noteref_1793" name="noteref_1793" href="#note_1793"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1793</span></span></a> justifying himself +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page428">[pg 428]</span><a name="Pg428" id="Pg428" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +by the law of Rhadamanthus. The destruction +of the lion of Cithæron is an imitation of the legend +of Nemea, of which we shall speak hereafter.<a id="noteref_1794" name="noteref_1794" href="#note_1794"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1794</span></span></a> After +this adventure he went to Thespiæ, to the house of +Thestius, where he deflowers in one or in fifty-seven +nights the fifty daughters of his host, a fable which +has perhaps an astronomical reference.<a id="noteref_1795" name="noteref_1795" href="#note_1795"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1795</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +With respect to the singular legend of Hercules +murdering his children by Megara by throwing them +into the fire,<a id="noteref_1796" name="noteref_1796" href="#note_1796"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1796</span></span></a> it cannot be denied that this had some +symbolical meaning, derived from an ancient elementary +religion. In general, however, this temporary +fury is merely an exaggerated picture of that heroic +mind whose courage and endurance had carried Hercules +through so many dangers and difficulties for the +good of mankind.<a id="noteref_1797" name="noteref_1797" href="#note_1797"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1797</span></span></a> According to the Bœotian version, +it was a melancholy madness, in which Hercules, +regardless even of all that was most dear to him, +murdered his children, and was even on the point of +slaying his father.<a id="noteref_1798" name="noteref_1798" href="#note_1798"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1798</span></span></a> Upon this the hero, oppressed +with a deep melancholy, turned for relief to the atoning +Apollo; and either to the god of the Ismenium<a id="noteref_1799" name="noteref_1799" href="#note_1799"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1799</span></span></a> or +of Pytho.<a id="noteref_1800" name="noteref_1800" href="#note_1800"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1800</span></span></a> The oracle commands him to serve as a +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page429">[pg 429]</span><a name="Pg429" id="Pg429" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +slave, in the same manner as Apollo himself had +served after the destruction of the Python. In the +broken narrative of Apollodorus a remarkable trace +has been preserved as to the time during which, according +to the Bœotian tradition, the slavery of Hercules +lasted, viz., eight years and one month.<a id="noteref_1801" name="noteref_1801" href="#note_1801"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1801</span></span></a> This +cannot be considered as an accidental number; but it +is probable that the Ennaëteris is signified, which was +a period of eight years and three intercalary months; +of which only the last month is here mentioned, because +the two inserted in the middle were less conspicuous. +Hercules, therefore, like Apollo at Pheræ, +was supposed to have served for an ἀΐδιος ἐνιαυτὸς, for +the octennial period of mythology and ancient astronomy.<a id="noteref_1802" name="noteref_1802" href="#note_1802"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1802</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_10" id="Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_10" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +10. We will here add some observations on the +Attic worship of Hercules, which was celebrated +chiefly at Marathon in the Tetrapolis,<a id="noteref_1803" name="noteref_1803" href="#note_1803"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1803</span></span></a> in the three +villages of Melite, Diomea, and Collytus,<a id="noteref_1804" name="noteref_1804" href="#note_1804"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1804</span></span></a> which lay +close to one another in the vicinity of Athens; at Cynosarges<a id="noteref_1805" name="noteref_1805" href="#note_1805"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1805</span></span></a> +in particular, which belonged to the demus +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page430">[pg 430]</span><a name="Pg430" id="Pg430" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Diomea; at Acharnæ<a id="noteref_1806" name="noteref_1806" href="#note_1806"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1806</span></span></a> +and Hephæstia,<a id="noteref_1807" name="noteref_1807" href="#note_1807"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1807</span></span></a> and in the +city itself; and likewise near the sea in the Tetracomæ, +or <span class="tei tei-q">“Four Hamlets.”</span><a id="noteref_1808" name="noteref_1808" href="#note_1808"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1808</span></span></a> The circumstance that +those temples which were not situated in the vicinity +of the city were all in the northern part of Attica, +seems to prove that the worship was derived from the +northern frontiers; and it was attributed to the presence +of the Heraclidæ in Attica, though the fable of +the great assistance which Athens lent to the Heraclidæ +was peculiar to the +Athenians.<a id="noteref_1809" name="noteref_1809" href="#note_1809"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1809</span></span></a> It is probable, +however, that at some early period a division of the +Doric people passed through Attica, and there founded +that worship which, by the supremacy of the Dorians +and their various connexions with other nations, increased +in character and importance. If the Lacedæmonians +really spared the Tetrapolis in the Peloponnesian +war,<a id="noteref_1810" name="noteref_1810" href="#note_1810"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1810</span></span></a> their forbearance must be attributed +to the respect which they showed to their national +hero. There is a tradition worthy of notice, that +Theseus consecrated to Hercules all the temples which +had been dedicated to himself;<a id="noteref_1811" name="noteref_1811" href="#note_1811"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1811</span></span></a> whence it may be inferred +that the worship of the former demigod was +thus transferred at some early period; only not, it +should be observed, at the time of Theseus himself. +That the worship of Hercules was only half-nationalized +may (as it appears) be inferred from the custom +of the Parasiti of that hero at Cynosarges being always +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page431">[pg 431]</span><a name="Pg431" id="Pg431" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Athenians, of whose parents one only was a citizen; +a symbolical allusion to the half-foreign origin of their +worship. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Of the same description are the traditions which +were peculiar to the villages of Aphidna, Decelea, +and Titacidæ (likewise situated in the north of Attica), +respecting the expedition of the Tyndaridæ; +who were said to have conquered Aphidna with the +aid of Decelus and Titacus.<a id="noteref_1812" name="noteref_1812" href="#note_1812"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1812</span></span></a> From this plunder, +according to a Spartan legend, the very ancient temple +of Pallas Chalciœcus at Sparta was built. In this +instance, likewise, the tradition was recognised as real +history; for the Lacedæmonians always kept up a +friendly intercourse with Decelea; nor was it, we +may be assured, without some particular reason that +in the Messenian war at the command of the oracle +they called to their aid Tyrtæus, the man of Aphidna. +But as the Tyndaridæ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, their images (as was mentioned +above),<a id="noteref_1813" name="noteref_1813" href="#note_1813"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1813</span></span></a> +accompanied every Spartan army on +its marches, it is probable that these stories originated +in some Doric expedition into the northern parts of +Attica, which left behind it these permanent traces +and recollections. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page432">[pg 432]</span><a name="Pg432" id="Pg432" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"> +<a name="toc51" id="toc51"></a> +<a name="pdf52" id="pdf52"></a> +<h2 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 2.88em; margin-top: 2.88em"><span style="font-size: 144%">Chapter XII.</span></h2> + +<div class="block tei tei-quote" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%"> +§ 1. Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules. Adventures of Hercules: +his combats with wild beasts. § 2. His martial exploits. +§ 3. His establishment of the Olympic games. § 4. Complexity +of the mythology of Hercules. § 5. Worship of Hercules +carried from Sparta to Tarentum and Croton. § 6. Coan +fable of Hercules. § 7. Hercules and Hylas. § 8. Identification +of Hercules and Melcart. § 9. Human character of +Hercules. § 10. His joviality and love of mirth. +</span></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_1" id="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_1" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +1. We must now entreat the indulgence of our +readers when we enter upon an obscure and difficult +part of our subject, and one lying beyond the limits +of historical record. We allude to the Peloponnesian +mythology of Hercules; a collection of legends doubtless +for the most part invented subsequently to the +Doric invasion, and intended by that nation in great +measure to justify their conquest of the peninsula, and +to make their expedition appear, not as an act of +wrongful aggression, but as a re-assertion of ancient +right. Some hero (perhaps even of the same name) +must have existed in the Argive traditions in the time +of the Persidæ, and the resemblance may have been +sufficiently striking to identify him with the father of +the Doric Hyllus. We shall therefore consider the +destroyer of the Nemean lion as a native Argive hero; +but the delay experienced at his birth, and his consequent +exposure to want and toil, evidently belong to +the Doric tradition, as well as the enmity of Here; +fables which were partly borrowed from the worship +of Apollo, and may partly have been intended to indicate +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page433">[pg 433]</span><a name="Pg433" id="Pg433" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the contrast between the ancient worship of Argos +and that of the invading race.<a id="noteref_1814" name="noteref_1814" href="#note_1814"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1814</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We shall now proceed without further preface to +consider the different adventures of Hercules, which +may be divided into two classes; the first consisting +of his warlike exploits, the second of his combats +with wild beasts. We shall commence with the examination +of the latter.<a id="noteref_1815" name="noteref_1815" href="#note_1815"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1815</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Nemea was separated from the Argive temple of +Here, the most ancient one in the country, by a chain +of mountains and a long rocky ravine. It cannot be +denied that the moon was often invoked in this worship, +although it would not be safe to consider Here +as the goddess of the moon. Now Nemea is called +the daughter of the moon,<a id="noteref_1816" name="noteref_1816" href="#note_1816"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1816</span></span></a> from which deity the Nemean +lion is also said to have sprung; the antiquity +of which fable may be inferred from the circumstance +that Anaxagoras availed himself of it, as being generally +received, to account for the physical hypothesis +of the Antichthon.<a id="noteref_1817" name="noteref_1817" href="#note_1817"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1817</span></span></a> Connected with this is Hesiod's +tradition that the goddess Here had herself brought +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page434">[pg 434]</span><a name="Pg434" id="Pg434" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +up the lion, which she is by that poet represented as +having done out of enmity to Hercules. Hence we +detect the symbolical character of the fable, which +resembles that of Perseus and Gorgo, &c.; although +we can scarcely attempt to explain the whole legend +in a similar manner. The combat with the Lernæan +hydra may also be thus explained. Hercules is represented +as employing in this contest the same sickle +with which Perseus beheaded Medusa.<a id="noteref_1818" name="noteref_1818" href="#note_1818"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1818</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Whatever meaning we may attach to these combats, +whether we consider them as symbolical, or as memorials +of a remote antiquity, in which it was the hero's +principal occupation to free Greece from monsters and +wild beasts, it is nevertheless evident that they are as +little adapted to the time assigned to them (shortly +previous to the Pelopidæ) as to the character of the +other parts of the fable. A mere consideration of +Hercules' costume will sufficiently convince us of this +fact. It is certain that the Hercules of the early +poets was either a hero armed with a spear and +buckler, as in the poem attributed to Hesiod,<a id="noteref_1819" name="noteref_1819" href="#note_1819"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1819</span></span></a> or with +a bow and sword, as in the Odyssey.<a id="noteref_1820" name="noteref_1820" href="#note_1820"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1820</span></span></a> The latter description +occurs particularly in the battle of the giants; +the former is founded on all the traditions which represent +Hercules as the first of warriors and conquerors. +Pisander and Stesichorus were the first who +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page435">[pg 435]</span><a name="Pg435" id="Pg435" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +introduced him as a half-naked savage, with the lion's +skin round his loins, the jaws covering his head instead +of a helmet, and merely a club in his hand.<a id="noteref_1821" name="noteref_1821" href="#note_1821"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1821</span></span></a> +There were extant so late as the time of Strabo some +ancient wooden statues of Hercules very different from +this description. Pisander, too, was (as far as we +know) the first who represented in detail the combats +of Hercules with wild beasts, collected from scattered +accounts in the Theogony, and who composed the +<span class="tei tei-q">“Labours of Hercules;”</span> for which he perhaps +availed himself of different local traditions. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. We now come to the martial exploits of Hercules, +which, as it appears, were intended to represent +the conquests of the Dorians in Peloponnesus. +We have only to direct our attention to the account +that Hercules, towards the close of his life, being +prince of Mycenæ,<a id="noteref_1822" name="noteref_1822" href="#note_1822"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1822</span></span></a> +delivered Sparta from the Hippocontidæ +into the hands of Tyndareus, and, after conquering +Pylos from Neleus, transferred, it to Nestor,<a id="noteref_1823" name="noteref_1823" href="#note_1823"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1823</span></span></a> +in order to perceive the coincidence of tradition and +history. The circumstances which have chiefly contributed +to the formation of these traditions may best +be traced in the combat at Pylos. The share which +Hades had in this adventure, when that god was himself +wounded by the bold son of Zeus,<a id="noteref_1824" name="noteref_1824" href="#note_1824"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1824</span></span></a> may be considered, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page436">[pg 436]</span><a name="Pg436" id="Pg436" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +according to the connexion established above, +as having been transferred from Ephyra, where Hades +had a greater inducement to the protection of oppressed +cities than at Pylos.<a id="noteref_1825" name="noteref_1825" href="#note_1825"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1825</span></span></a> But Hercules is said +to have destroyed Pylos because Neleus would not +purify him from the murder of Iphitus;<a id="noteref_1826" name="noteref_1826" href="#note_1826"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1826</span></span></a> an act +which Deiphobus afterwards performed in the temple +of Apollo at Amyclæ.<a id="noteref_1827" name="noteref_1827" href="#note_1827"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1827</span></span></a> Here it seems to be assumed +that Œchalia, the native city of Iphitus, was situated +in Messenia, which, as we have shown +above,<a id="noteref_1828" name="noteref_1828" href="#note_1828"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1828</span></span></a> was +not the original tradition. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_3" id="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_3" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +3. The influence of historical facts upon mythology +is most clearly perceivable in the legend of Hercules +having founded the Olympic games when he returned +victorious from his expedition against Augeas of +Elis.<a id="noteref_1829" name="noteref_1829" href="#note_1829"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1829</span></span></a> Afterwards the same hero celebrates the first +Olympiad as a festival of all Peloponnesus, with +various combats, in which heroes from Tiryns, Tegea, +Mantinea, and Sparta were victorious.<a id="noteref_1830" name="noteref_1830" href="#note_1830"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1830</span></span></a> It was also +Hercules who fixed the quinquennial period, and +established the sacred armistice.<a id="noteref_1831" name="noteref_1831" href="#note_1831"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1831</span></span></a> His bringing +the wild olive-tree from the Hyperboreans, and planting it +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page437">[pg 437]</span><a name="Pg437" id="Pg437" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in the grove of Altis, was probably derived from the +traditions of Northern Greece;<a id="noteref_1832" name="noteref_1832" href="#note_1832"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1832</span></span></a> in which Hercules +was represented as more closely connected with +Apollo than in the common Peloponnesian legends. +It should, moreover, be remarked that Hercules in his +expedition against Elis is reported to have founded or +visited several temples of Apollo at Pheneus and +Thelpusa;<a id="noteref_1833" name="noteref_1833" href="#note_1833"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1833</span></span></a> both lying on the road which connected +the isthmus and the north of Greece with Olympia.<a id="noteref_1834" name="noteref_1834" href="#note_1834"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1834</span></span></a> It would, however, involve us in no slight difficulties +to date the tradition of Hercules founding the Olympic +games later than the Olympiad of Iphitus; for +as since that period the Eleans conducted the festival, +and therefore showed a particular veneration for Hercules, +it is scarcely probable that a war <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">against Elis</span></em> +should have been considered as the cause of the establishment +of this festival, had not the report been +handed down from an earlier period. The continual +claim of Pisa, that the presidency of the games should +be restored to her as an ancient right, is, however, +one of several circumstances which render it probable +that she had once enjoyed this privilege before the +festival had acquired its subsequent celebrity; and +that Hercules, to whom a very ancient wooden statue +had been erected at Pisa,<a id="noteref_1835" name="noteref_1835" href="#note_1835"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1835</span></span></a> was, even at this early +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page438">[pg 438]</span><a name="Pg438" id="Pg438" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +period, regarded as the founder: to which facts the +story of a war against Elis was easily subjoined. +The combat with Augeas, a son of Helius, seems to +have been in great part borrowed from some Epirotan +fable respecting Geryon. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_4" id="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. In tracing the various steps which led to the +formation of the Peloponnesian mythology of Hercules, +it has by no means been our aim to enter minutely +into the details of the subject, which would +carry us far beyond the limits of the present inquiry; +the distinction between the ancient and recent parts +of the tradition being so undefined that an accurate +separation of the two is almost impossible. Enough +has been said to show how frequently the same legend +reappears in different shapes; and consequently that +some original version was variously modified in different +places. We shall once for all remind those +who imagine the northern legend of Hercules to +have been of later date than the Peloponnesian because +the latter is mentioned by the early epic poets, +that some higher source must be sought for than a +few passages of those poets which have been accidentally +preserved: that it should be looked for (if anywhere) +in some connected mythological tradition, to +which the particular fables owed their rise and development. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The task is comparatively easy to examine the history +of fables, the scene of which lies in colonies or +countries with which the Greeks did not become acquainted +till a late period, as the events on which +they are founded took place within the era of our +historical knowledge. At the same time the analogy +of these facts, sufficiently ascertained, enables us to +conjecture as to those which are enveloped in fabulous +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page439">[pg 439]</span><a name="Pg439" id="Pg439" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +obscurity; we can reason from what we know to what +we do not know. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. From Sparta the worship of Hercules spread to +her colonies, particularly Tarentum<a id="noteref_1836" name="noteref_1836" href="#note_1836"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1836</span></span></a> and Croton. In +the latter city Hercules enjoyed the honours of a +founder,<a id="noteref_1837" name="noteref_1837" href="#note_1837"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1837</span></span></a> being reported to have established it on his +return from Erythea.<a id="noteref_1838" name="noteref_1838" href="#note_1838"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1838</span></span></a> Afterwards the +tradition of his purification and atonement was transferred from +Amyclæ in Laconia to Croton, an event to which the +high reputation enjoyed by the worship of Apollo in +the latter town greatly contributed. Hence we perceive +on the coins of this place the youthful hero sitting +with a bow, quiver, and arrows before a blazing +altar, on which he scorches a branch of laurel.<a id="noteref_1839" name="noteref_1839" href="#note_1839"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1839</span></span></a> Connected +with the above is the tradition of Philoctetes +having deposited the arrows of Hercules in the temple +of Apollo Alæus at Croton, from whence they were +said to have been brought by the Crotoniats into the +temple of Apollo within the precincts of their +town.<a id="noteref_1840" name="noteref_1840" href="#note_1840"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1840</span></span></a> +On the coins of that city Hercules is frequently seen +with a goblet in his hand, either in a recumbent or +erect posture. The allusion is explained by the following +story: Hercules, who was always thirsty, had +asked for some wine at Croton; but the woman of the +house dissuaded her husband from tapping the cask +for a stranger; on which account the women of that +country never drank wine.<a id="noteref_1841" name="noteref_1841" href="#note_1841"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1841</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_6" id="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_6" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +6. Our readers are, we take for granted, well acquainted +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page440">[pg 440]</span><a name="Pg440" id="Pg440" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +with the fable of Hercules in the island of +Cos, as related by Homer.<a id="noteref_1842" name="noteref_1842" href="#note_1842"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1842</span></span></a> +The events which contributed +to its formation are, in the first place, the +existence of several noble families of Heraclide descent, +whose origin, according to ancient traditions, was connected +with the conquest of Ephyra, though they were +afterwards said to have sprung from the supposed +residence of Hercules in the island itself, where the +ancestor of these families sprang from his connexion +with a daughter of the king of the Meropians. This +fiction of his abode in Cos took its rise in a mistaken +view of certain ceremonies there practised: for the +peculiarity of the worship in question, in which the +priest at the festival ἀντιμαχία, celebrated in the +spring, put on a female dress (as Hercules is said to +have disguised himself in woman's clothes,)<a id="noteref_1843" name="noteref_1843" href="#note_1843"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1843</span></span></a> betrays +an Asiatic origin; which induced the poets of ancient +times to consider Hercules of Cos as identified with +the Idæan Dactyli.<a id="noteref_1844" name="noteref_1844" href="#note_1844"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1844</span></span></a> This dress was also probably +worn in the Lydian worship of Sandon<a id="noteref_1845" name="noteref_1845" href="#note_1845"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1845</span></span></a> (who was +called Hercules by the Greeks); for Omphale is said +to have attired the effeminate hero in a transparent +garment dyed with sandyx, a custom which evidently +originated in the practice of some festival. The man +described as the slave of a lascivious woman was a +symbolical representation of a soft and voluptuous elementary +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page441">[pg 441]</span><a name="Pg441" id="Pg441" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +religion; while the same allegory was by the +Greeks referred to the servitude of Hercules in the +house of Eurystheus. This legend is first mentioned +by Pherecydes, then by Hellanicus of Lesbos (who +refers to the traditions current in the city of Acele),<a id="noteref_1846" name="noteref_1846" href="#note_1846"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1846</span></span></a> and also in Herodotus, whose genealogy of the ancient +kings of Lydia—Hercules, Alcæus (from the Greek +mythology, Belus, the god of Babylon), Ninus (Nineveh), +Agron, &c., refers to the Assyrian origin of the +ancient Lydian kings, and agrees remarkably with the +statement that Hercules-Sandon or Sandes, was originally +an Assyrian deity belonging to the same religious +system as Belus.<a id="noteref_1847" name="noteref_1847" href="#note_1847"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1847</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. We now come to a fable of kindred origin, the +fable of Hylas. Hylas was invoked during midsummer +at the sides of fountains by the aboriginal inhabitants of +Bithynia,<a id="noteref_1848" name="noteref_1848" href="#note_1848"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1848</span></span></a> long before the Greeks founded their city of +Cios; but the latter adopted the story of the boy falling +into the water, connecting it (as they worshipped Hercules +as their founder)<a id="noteref_1849" name="noteref_1849" href="#note_1849"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1849</span></span></a> with the fable of that +hero. Indeed a legend very similar had previously existed, +the minion of Hercules being (according to Hellanicus) +Theiomenes, the son of Theiodamas the king of the +Dryopes.<a id="noteref_1850" name="noteref_1850" href="#note_1850"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1850</span></span></a> The death of Lityerses was in Phrygia the +subject of an ancient song; and who else should have +slain him, according to the tradition of the Greeks, than +he whose power was dreaded throughout the countries +of the barbarians?<a id="noteref_1851" name="noteref_1851" href="#note_1851"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1851</span></span></a> +The Greeks introduced such +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page442">[pg 442]</span><a name="Pg442" id="Pg442" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +heterogeneous matter without hesitation into their mythology. +Hercules, even in the spot where his worship +originated, was represented as a hero of great power +abroad: he was the protector of boundaries and (if I +may be allowed the expression) of marches: afterwards, +when his worship was adopted by the whole of +Greece, he was considered as the general guardian of +the Grecian colonists. Thus he is represented as contending +for the territory of Heraclea on the Pontus, +against the aboriginal Bebryces, and in defence of +Cyrene against the native Libyans. For it seems very +probable that the combat with Antæus,<a id="noteref_1852" name="noteref_1852" href="#note_1852"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1852</span></span></a> who derived +new vigour from touching the earth, was merely emblematical +of the contests sustained by the Greek colonists +against the Libyan hordes, which, though often conquered, +always sallied forth from the deserts in increased +numbers. Thus the fable of Hercules and +Busiris was invented at a time when the Greeks first +became known in Egypt, and had as yet only an imperfect +acquaintance with that country; for which +reason Herodotus ridicules it as a silly invention of the +Ionians. Busiris appears to me to have been the name +of the principal deity with the addition of the article. +In this story he is described as a ferocious tyrant, who +orders Hercules to be sacrificed, until the latter, recovering +himself suddenly, slays the tyrant and his +cowardly retinue. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_8" id="Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_8" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +8. While attempting to reconcile these discordant +traditions, and mould them into one connected story, +it was natural that the Greeks should find some affinity +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page443">[pg 443]</span><a name="Pg443" id="Pg443" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of character between Hercules and the Phœnician god +Melcart, the son of Baal and Astarte (Ἀστερία). It +was to the existence of a temple of Hercules at Gadira +that the fable of this hero having there terminated his +voyage after the battle of Geryon, owed its origin; and +the neighbouring pillars of Hercules or Briareus<a id="noteref_1853" name="noteref_1853" href="#note_1853"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1853</span></span></a> were +originally considered as the work of Melcart. The +Hercules of the Carthaginians was also represented as +a wanderer and conqueror;<a id="noteref_1854" name="noteref_1854" href="#note_1854"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1854</span></span></a> his particular province was +the island of Sardinia;<a id="noteref_1855" name="noteref_1855" href="#note_1855"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1855</span></span></a> which island became also +included in the Grecian mythology: he is likewise said +to have passed through Spain.<a id="noteref_1856" name="noteref_1856" href="#note_1856"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1856</span></span></a> The discoverer of the purple dye, in +the Tyrian tradition, is the same personage;<a id="noteref_1857" name="noteref_1857" href="#note_1857"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1857</span></span></a> +the quail was sacred to him, the smell of +that bird having resuscitated him from death.<a id="noteref_1858" name="noteref_1858" href="#note_1858"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1858</span></span></a> Great +as the confusion soon became between the Doric and +Phœnician traditions respecting Hercules, they may +still be easily distinguished from each other; and the +first effect of their union may perhaps be traced in the +wish of Dorieus, the son of Anaxandridas, to found a +kingdom near mount Eryx, because Hercules had formerly +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page444">[pg 444]</span><a name="Pg444" id="Pg444" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +conquered that country;<a id="noteref_1859" name="noteref_1859" href="#note_1859"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1859</span></span></a> now the worship and +name of the Phœnician Aphrodite (Astarte) existed +on mount Eryx, and probably also that of her son +Melcart. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. Notwithstanding the long digression into which +the examination of our subject has led us, we are +afraid that the following positions, attempted to be +established as the result of the preceding investigation, +will by no means carry with them conviction +to all readers. We may, however, rest assured, that +whatever traces of an elementary religion can be +discovered in this fable, they were additions totally +at variance with its original structure. The fundamental +idea of all the heroic mythology may be pronounced +to be a proud consciousness of power innate +in man, by which he endeavours to place himself on +a level with the gods, not through the influence of +a mild and benign destiny, but by labour, misery, and +combats. The highest degree of human suffering +and courage is attributed to Hercules: his character +is as noble as could be conceived in those rude and +early times; but he is by no means represented as +free from the blemishes of human nature; on the +contrary, he is frequently subject to wild, ungovernable +passions, when the noble indignation and anger of +the suffering hero degenerate into phrensy.<a id="noteref_1860" name="noteref_1860" href="#note_1860"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1860</span></span></a> Every +crime, however, is atoned for by some new suffering; +but nothing breaks his invincible courage, until, purified +from earthly corruption, he ascends mount Olympus, +and there receives the beauteous Hebe for his +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page445">[pg 445]</span><a name="Pg445" id="Pg445" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +bride, while his shade threatens the frightened ghosts +in Hades.<a id="noteref_1861" name="noteref_1861" href="#note_1861"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1861</span></span></a> As in the fable of Apollo, the godhead +descends into the circle of human life, so in Hercules +a purely human power is elevated to the gods. Hercules +also corresponds to the last-mentioned deity, +in his divine attributes, as an averter of evil (ἀλεξίκακος +and σωτὴρ);<a id="noteref_1862" name="noteref_1862" href="#note_1862"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1862</span></span></a> which the Œtæans carried so far +as to worship him as the destroyer of grasshoppers +(κορνοπίων), and the Erythræans as the killer of the +vine-worm (ἰποκτόνος).<a id="noteref_1863" name="noteref_1863" href="#note_1863"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1863</span></span></a> We cannot, however, agree +with Herodotus, who derives the deification of Hercules +from a combination of the Phœnician or Idæan +god, and the hero of Thebes, since Hercules also +enjoyed divine honours at places (as Messene and +Marathon<a id="noteref_1864" name="noteref_1864" href="#note_1864"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1864</span></span></a>) where such an amalgamation can scarcely +be imagined. But he is a deity representing the +highest perfection of humanity, and therefore the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page446">[pg 446]</span><a name="Pg446" id="Pg446" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +model and aim of human imitation; and the summit +of heroic energy was seen where the human passed +into the divine nature. His life and actions on earth +are in ancient mythology perfectly human; and those +fables, which raise him above humanity, for instance, +those alluding to the combat with the giants,<a id="noteref_1865" name="noteref_1865" href="#note_1865"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1865</span></span></a> betray a +later origin. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. How little the ancient mythology was desirous +of divesting Hercules of any feelings of humanity may +be collected from various features in his character. +Hercules, whether invited or not invited, is a jovial +guest, and not backward in enjoying himself. This +explains the frequent allusions to him as a great eater +(βουθοίνας) and tippler, and also the Herculean goblets +and couches. The original source of all these +fictions was the ancient tradition of the residence of +Hercules with Ceyx and Dexamenus: nay, they +may be traced to the ceremonies observed at his +worship and festivals.<a id="noteref_1866" name="noteref_1866" href="#note_1866"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1866</span></span></a> The Doric,<a id="noteref_1867" name="noteref_1867" href="#note_1867"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1867</span></span></a> like the Athenian +comic poets and satirists, merely adopted the general +outline of the story, filling up the details to suit their +own fancy and humour: the latter adding some jokes +upon the gluttony of their Bœotian neighbours.<a id="noteref_1868" name="noteref_1868" href="#note_1868"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1868</span></span></a> It +was Hercules, above all other heroes, whom mythology +endeavoured to place in ludicrous situations; and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page447">[pg 447]</span><a name="Pg447" id="Pg447" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +sometimes made the butt of the buffoonery of others. +This was the case in the fable of the Cercopes (treated +of in a ludicrous epic poem ascribed to Homer),<a id="noteref_1869" name="noteref_1869" href="#note_1869"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1869</span></span></a> +who are represented as alternately amusing and annoying +the hero. In works of art they are often +represented as satyrs, who rob the hero of his quiver, +bow, and club.<a id="noteref_1870" name="noteref_1870" href="#note_1870"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1870</span></span></a> Hercules, annoyed at their insults, +binds two of them to a pole, in the manner represented +on the bas-relief of Selinus,<a id="noteref_1871" name="noteref_1871" href="#note_1871"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1871</span></span></a> and marches +off with his prize. Happily for the offenders, the +hinder parts of Hercules had become tanned by continued +labours and exposure to the atmosphere: +which reminded them of an old prophecy, warning +them to beware of a person of this complexion;<a id="noteref_1872" name="noteref_1872" href="#note_1872"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1872</span></span></a> and +the coincidence caused them to burst out into an +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page448">[pg 448]</span><a name="Pg448" id="Pg448" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +immoderate fit of laughter. This surprised Hercules, +who inquired the reason, and was himself so +diverted by it, that he set both his prisoners at liberty. +And in general no company better agrees with the +character of Hercules, even in his deified state, than +that of satyrs and other followers of Bacchus, as +might easily be proved by many works of Grecian +art. It also seems that mirth and buffoonery were +often combined with the festivals of Hercules: thus +there was at Athens a society of sixty men, who, on +the festival of the Diomean Hercules, attacked and +amused themselves and others with sallies of wit.<a id="noteref_1873" name="noteref_1873" href="#note_1873"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1873</span></span></a> +We shall hereafter show how these exhibitions originated +in the propensity of the Doric race to the +burlesque and comic.<a id="noteref_1874" name="noteref_1874" href="#note_1874"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1874</span></span></a> +</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page451">[pg 451]</span><a name="Pg451" id="Pg451" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc53" id="toc53"></a> +<a name="pdf54" id="pdf54"></a> +<a name="Appendix_I" id="Appendix_I" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Appendix I.</span></h1> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">On the settlements, origin, and early history of the Macedonian +nation.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">General outline of the +country.</span></span><a id="noteref_1875" name="noteref_1875" href="#note_1875"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1875</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. In the Thermaic bay, the modern <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">gulf of Salonichi</span></span>, +three rivers of considerable size fall into the sea at very short +distances from one another, but which meet in this place in +very different directions. The largest of the three comes +from the north-west, and is now called (as indeed it was in +the time of Tzetzes and Anna Comnena) the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bardares</span></span> (or +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Vardar</span></span>), and was in ancient days celebrated under the name +of Axius. Its stream is increased by large tributary branches +on both sides, and chiefly by the Erigon, which flows from +the mountains of Illyria.<a id="noteref_1876" name="noteref_1876" href="#note_1876"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1876</span></span></a> The river next in order runs from +the west; it is now called in the interior of the country +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Potova</span></span>, and on the coast +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Carasmac</span></span>: its ancient name, as is +evident from passages in Herodotus and Strabo, was Lydias, +or Ludias.<a id="noteref_1877" name="noteref_1877" href="#note_1877"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1877</span></span></a> And, lastly, after many turnings and windings, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page452">[pg 452]</span><a name="Pg452" id="Pg452" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Haliacmon, now called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bichlista</span></span>, flows from the south-west; +in the time of Herodotus it fell into the sea through +the same mouth as the Lydias, probably being widened by +marshes; and in modern maps the interval between the two +rivers is represented as very small.<a id="noteref_1878" name="noteref_1878" href="#note_1878"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1878</span></span></a> It may be easily conceived +that this whole maritime district must have been low +and marshy; and by this means Pella, as Livy remarks, was +of all towns in the country best fitted for being the fortress +of the Macedonian kings, and the place of deposit for their +treasure, since it lay, like an island, in the morasses and +swamps formed by the neighbouring lakes and rivers. These +marshes were called by the expressive name of βόρβορος, or +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">mud</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1879" name="noteref_1879" href="#note_1879"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1879</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_2" id="Appendix_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +2. Although the mouths of these rivers were so near together, +the extent of mountains, valleys, and plains which +they encompassed in their course was very considerable, +amounting, according to modern maps, to 140 geographical +miles from north and south, and more than 60 from east to +west. The Axius, together with its minor branches, runs +from the great Scardian chain, which further on receives +the names of Orbelus, Scomius, and Hæmus; while the +course of the Haliacmon is close to the heights of mount +Olympus (part of which ridge in later times was called the +Cambunian mountains), and therefore to the borders of +Thessaly. Both ridges run at right angles from the great +mountain-chain which cuts the upper part of Greece in a +direction from north-west to south-east, its southern parts +bearing the name of Pindus, the ridge towards Thessaly and +Epirus of Lacmon,<a id="noteref_1880" name="noteref_1880" href="#note_1880"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1880</span></span></a> and further to the north-west it is called +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page453">[pg 453]</span><a name="Pg453" id="Pg453" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Candavian chain<a id="noteref_1881" name="noteref_1881" href="#note_1881"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1881</span></span></a> and mount Barnus.<a id="noteref_1882" name="noteref_1882" href="#note_1882"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1882</span></span></a> It stretches +behind the whole of the district just named, and forms, as +it were, the spine, to which the mountains of Illyria, Epirus, +Macedonia, and Thessaly are attached like ribs. From this +chain the two lines of mountains proceed, which separate +the valleys of the Haliacmon and the Axius. The name of +the ridge between the Haliacmon and the Lydias is known by +the mention of mount Bermius above Berœa;<a id="noteref_1883" name="noteref_1883" href="#note_1883"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1883</span></span></a> and Berœa +is certainly the modern Veria, or Cara Veria,<a id="noteref_1884" name="noteref_1884" href="#note_1884"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1884</span></span></a> near the +northern bank of the Haliacmon. It will be shown presently +that Dysorum was the name of the mountain which +divided the Lydias and the Axius.<a id="noteref_1885" name="noteref_1885" href="#note_1885"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1885</span></span></a> And the ridge, which, +stretching southward from the Scardian chain, parted the +valley of the Axius from the plains to the east, was called +(in one point at least), as we know from Thucydides'<a id="noteref_1886" name="noteref_1886" href="#note_1886"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1886</span></span></a> +account of the Odrysian king's march, Cercine. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. The valleys beyond the last-mentioned ridge are those +of the Strymon and the Angites. As the Axius falls into +the sea in a gulf to the west, so does the Strymon join the +sea to the east of the Chalcidian peninsula. Not far from +its mouth the Strymon forms a lake, into which the Angites +runs; a stream of considerable size, its course lying westward +of the Strymon. For that the eastern stream is the +ancient Strymon (notwithstanding the opinion of most modern +geographers) is, in the first place, evident from its +size; secondly, from the name <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Struma</span></span>, which it now bears; +and, thirdly, from the statement of Herodotus,<a id="noteref_1887" name="noteref_1887" href="#note_1887"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1887</span></span></a> that the +district of Phyllis reached southwards to the Strymon, and +westward to the Angites; it lay, therefore, above the confluence +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page454">[pg 454]</span><a name="Pg454" id="Pg454" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the two rivers and the lake which they formed +by their junction. The ridge which lies to the east of the +Strymon was called, at least where it widens along the coast, +Pangæum.<a id="noteref_1888" name="noteref_1888" href="#note_1888"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1888</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thus much is sufficient to give a general notion of the +geographical structure of the region, the ancient inhabitants +of which form the subject of the present inquiry. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ancient names of the several districts.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_4" id="Appendix_I_Section_4" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +4. We will now chiefly follow the full and accurate accounts +of Herodotus respecting the districts situated near +the mouths of the three rivers just mentioned. First, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Mygdonia</span></span>, +on the Thermaic bay, and round the ancient city of +Therma, extended, according to Herodotus, to the Axius, +which divided this district from Bottiaïs;<a id="noteref_1889" name="noteref_1889" href="#note_1889"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1889</span></span></a> and it agrees +with this statement that the small river Echeidorus (probably +the modern <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Gallico</span></span>), which fell into the sea at the marshes +near the Axius, in the lower part of its course passed +through Mygdonia.<a id="noteref_1890" name="noteref_1890" href="#note_1890"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1890</span></span></a> To the east this district +extended still further; lake Bolbe, beyond Chalcidice, was either in +or near Mygdonia.<a id="noteref_1891" name="noteref_1891" href="#note_1891"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1891</span></span></a> Thucydides, indeed, makes Mygdonia +reach as far as the Strymon;<a id="noteref_1892" name="noteref_1892" href="#note_1892"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1892</span></span></a> but this cannot be +reconciled with the account of Herodotus (who appears to have possessed +a very accurate knowledge of this region), that both +the maritime district, west from the Strymon, in which was +the Greek city of Argilus, and the land further to the interior, +was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Bisaltia</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1893" name="noteref_1893" href="#note_1893"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1893</span></span></a> On the other side, above Mygdonia, +was situated (according to Herodotus) the district of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Crestonica</span></span>, from which the river Echeidorus flowed down +to the coast.<a id="noteref_1894" name="noteref_1894" href="#note_1894"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1894</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page455">[pg 455]</span><a name="Pg455" id="Pg455" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. Beyond the Axius, to the west of the stream, immediately +after Mygdonia, came <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Bottiais</span></span>, which district was +on the other side bounded by the united mouth of the Haliacmon +and the Lydias;<a id="noteref_1895" name="noteref_1895" href="#note_1895"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1895</span></span></a> and thus towards the sea it +terminated in a narrow wedge-shaped strip. On this tongue +of land were the cities of Ichnæ and Pella,<a id="noteref_1896" name="noteref_1896" href="#note_1896"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1896</span></span></a> the first of +which was celebrated for an ancient temple;<a id="noteref_1897" name="noteref_1897" href="#note_1897"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1897</span></span></a> while Pella +became afterwards the royal residence, situated on the lake +of the Lydias, at the distance of 120 stadia from the river's +mouth,<a id="noteref_1898" name="noteref_1898" href="#note_1898"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1898</span></span></a> and may now be recognised by these marks of its +position and some ruins. According to +Strabo,<a id="noteref_1899" name="noteref_1899" href="#note_1899"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1899</span></span></a> also, the +river Axius made the boundary of Bottiæa, and divided it +from the district of Amphaxitis, which was the name of the +opposite and more elevated side of the Axius.<a id="noteref_1900" name="noteref_1900" href="#note_1900"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1900</span></span></a> Thucydides +also calls this tract of country Bottiæa;<a id="noteref_1901" name="noteref_1901" href="#note_1901"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1901</span></span></a> and distinguishes +it from the more recent settlements of the Bottiæans, near +Olynthus, in Chalcidice,<a id="noteref_1902" name="noteref_1902" href="#note_1902"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1902</span></span></a> which he calls +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bottica</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1903" name="noteref_1903" href="#note_1903"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1903</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +6. The united mouth of the Lydias and Haliacmon, according +to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_1904" name="noteref_1904" href="#note_1904"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1904</span></span></a> divided Bottiaïs from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Macedonis</span></span>; +for he can only mean this common mouth when he says +that <span class="tei tei-q">“the rivers Lydias and Haliacmon divide the districts +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page456">[pg 456]</span><a name="Pg456" id="Pg456" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Bottiaïs and Macedonis, uniting their waters in the +same channel.”</span> Further on in the interior the Lydias +alone must have been the boundary of Bottiaïs, since otherwise +this district would not end in a narrow strip of land; +Macedonis, therefore, began on the western bank of the +Lydias. In this place nothing more can be said as to the +meaning of the word <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Macedonis</span></span>, before the precise signification +of some other names has been determined. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +7. Proceeding along the coast, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Pieria</span></span> borders upon Macedonis, +the district under Mount Olympus,<a id="noteref_1905" name="noteref_1905" href="#note_1905"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1905</span></span></a> which ridge, +where it approaches this coast, splits into two branches, +the one stretching towards the mouth of the Peneus, the +other towards those of the three rivers. Herodotus cannot +make Pieria reach as far as the Haliacmon,<a id="noteref_1906" name="noteref_1906" href="#note_1906"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1906</span></span></a> as they are +here separated by Macedonis Proper;<a id="noteref_1907" name="noteref_1907" href="#note_1907"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1907</span></span></a> he probably supposes +it to begin just at the rise of mount Olympus, and +divides the narrow plain on the sea-coast from the tracts to +the interior. The southern boundary of Pieria is stated by +Strabo<a id="noteref_1908" name="noteref_1908" href="#note_1908"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1908</span></span></a> and Livy<a id="noteref_1909" name="noteref_1909" href="#note_1909"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1909</span></span></a> to have been the district of +Dium;<a id="noteref_1910" name="noteref_1910" href="#note_1910"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1910</span></span></a> so +that these writers leave a narrow and mountainous strip of +land, stretching towards Tempe, which belonged neither to +Pieria nor Thessaly. The chief place in Pieria was Pydna, +also called Cydna (according to Stephanus Byz.), and in +later times Citron (according to the epitomizer of +Strabo),<a id="noteref_1911" name="noteref_1911" href="#note_1911"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1911</span></span></a> +which name still remains in the same place. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +8. Now that we proceed from the divisions of the coast +to the interior, we are deserted, indeed, by the excellent account +of Herodotus; but there are nevertheless statements +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page457">[pg 457]</span><a name="Pg457" id="Pg457" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +sufficiently accurate to determine the ancient name of each +district. The high and mountainous valley of the Haliacmon +was, according to Livy,<a id="noteref_1912" name="noteref_1912" href="#note_1912"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1912</span></span></a> +called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Elimeia</span></span>; the inhabitants +Elimiots, who are included by Thucydides<a id="noteref_1913" name="noteref_1913" href="#note_1913"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1913</span></span></a> among +the Macedonians: the district is also called after their name +Elimiotis.<a id="noteref_1914" name="noteref_1914" href="#note_1914"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1914</span></span></a> From thence proceeds the road to +Thessaly over the Cambunian mountains;<a id="noteref_1915" name="noteref_1915" href="#note_1915"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1915</span></span></a> and another almost impracticable +road to Ætolia over the mountainous country +to the south of Elimeia.<a id="noteref_1916" name="noteref_1916" href="#note_1916"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1916</span></span></a> +To Elimeia succeeded <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Parauæa</span></span>, +a fertile district, near the sources of the river called Aous, +Æas, or Auus;<a id="noteref_1917" name="noteref_1917" href="#note_1917"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1917</span></span></a> and to the south again lay <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Paroræa</span></span>, +which was crossed by the river Arachthus at the beginning +of its course from under mount Stympha:<a id="noteref_1918" name="noteref_1918" href="#note_1918"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1918</span></span></a> the country +near this mountain was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Stymphæa</span></span> (or Tymphæa), +extending to the sources of the Peneus and the land of the +Æthicians.<a id="noteref_1919" name="noteref_1919" href="#note_1919"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1919</span></span></a> The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Atintanians</span></span> reached beyond the +country of the Parauæans, and within that of the Chaonians as +far as Illyria.<a id="noteref_1920" name="noteref_1920" href="#note_1920"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1920</span></span></a> All these districts are indeed divided from +Elimeia by the great chain of Pindus; but, from their connexion +with that region, some account of them in this place +was indispensable. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +9. A small valley in the district of Elimeia, which lay to +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page458">[pg 458]</span><a name="Pg458" id="Pg458" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the north towards the Illyrian Dassaretians,<a id="noteref_1921" name="noteref_1921" href="#note_1921"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1921</span></span></a> was inhabited +by the Orestian Macedonians,<a id="noteref_1922" name="noteref_1922" href="#note_1922"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1922</span></span></a> who doubtless were so called +from the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">mountains</span></em> (ὄρη) in which they dwelt, and not from +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orestes</span></span>, the son of Agamemnon. +The valley of Orestis<a id="noteref_1923" name="noteref_1923" href="#note_1923"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1923</span></span></a> +contained a lake, in which was the town Celetrum, situated +on a peninsula.<a id="noteref_1924" name="noteref_1924" href="#note_1924"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1924</span></span></a> Its position coincides with that +of the modern Castoria;<a id="noteref_1925" name="noteref_1925" href="#note_1925"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1925</span></span></a> and it cannot be doubted that the wild +mountain-valley near the source of the Haliacmon was the +ancient Orestis. Another valley in Elimeia was called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Almopia</span></span>, +or Almonia, an ancient settlement of the Minyans, +situated on the confines of Macedonia and Thessaly, apparently +not far from Pieria.<a id="noteref_1926" name="noteref_1926" href="#note_1926"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1926</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +10. Elimeia, together with the surrounding highlands, +was cold and rugged, and difficult of cultivation.<a id="noteref_1927" name="noteref_1927" href="#note_1927"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1927</span></span></a> The +same was the case with the neighbouring district of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Lyncestis</span></span>, +the country of the Lyncestæ, who had received their +name, according to a Macedonian inflexion,<a id="noteref_1928" name="noteref_1928" href="#note_1928"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1928</span></span></a> from Lyncus.<a id="noteref_1929" name="noteref_1929" href="#note_1929"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1929</span></span></a> +Lyncus was the name of the whole district, and not of any +one city, as in early times there were only unfortified villages +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page459">[pg 459]</span><a name="Pg459" id="Pg459" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +in this part.<a id="noteref_1930" name="noteref_1930" href="#note_1930"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1930</span></span></a> It was surrounded on all sides by mountains; +a narrow pass between two heights being the chief road to +the coast.<a id="noteref_1931" name="noteref_1931" href="#note_1931"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1931</span></span></a> The position of Lyncus is accurately +determined by the course of the Egnatian Roman road from Dyrrachium, +which, after crossing the Illyrian mountains at +Pylon (or the gateway), led by Heraclea Lyncestis, and +through the country of the Lyncestæ and Eordians, to +Edessa and Pella;<a id="noteref_1932" name="noteref_1932" href="#note_1932"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1932</span></span></a> as well as by the fact that the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">mons Bora</span></span> of Livy, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +the Bermius, lay to the south of it.<a id="noteref_1933" name="noteref_1933" href="#note_1933"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1933</span></span></a> Consequently +the Lyncestæ must have inhabited the mountains +south of the Erigon, and a part of the valley in which that +river flowed; which is confirmed by other accounts of ancient +writers.<a id="noteref_1934" name="noteref_1934" href="#note_1934"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1934</span></span></a> The country of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Eordians</span></span> is also determined +by the direction of the Egnatian way; viz., to the east of +Lyncus and west of Edessa, and therefore in the valley of +the Lydias, to the north of Elimea<a id="noteref_1935" name="noteref_1935" href="#note_1935"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1935</span></span></a> and the Bermius.<a id="noteref_1936" name="noteref_1936" href="#note_1936"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1936</span></span></a> In +order to go from the valley of the Erigon to Thessaly, the +way passed first through Eordæa and then through +Elimiotis.<a id="noteref_1937" name="noteref_1937" href="#note_1937"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1937</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_11" id="Appendix_I_Section_11" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +11. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Deuriopus</span></span> (ἡ Δευρίοπος) was the name of a tract of +country along the Erigon,<a id="noteref_1938" name="noteref_1938" href="#note_1938"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1938</span></span></a> which was considered as belonging +to Pæonia,<a id="noteref_1939" name="noteref_1939" href="#note_1939"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1939</span></span></a> and probably lay to the east of +Lyncestis +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page460">[pg 460]</span><a name="Pg460" id="Pg460" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and north of Eordæa.<a id="noteref_1940" name="noteref_1940" href="#note_1940"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1940</span></span></a> In Pæonia also was situated the +rugged district of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Pelagonia</span></span>, to +the north of Lyncestis,<a id="noteref_1941" name="noteref_1941" href="#note_1941"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1941</span></span></a> +having on its northern frontiers narrow passes, which protected +it from the incursions of the Dardanians.<a id="noteref_1942" name="noteref_1942" href="#note_1942"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1942</span></span></a> As to +other parts of the extensive territory of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Pæonia</span></span> (in comparison +with which Macedonia was originally very inconsiderable +in size), it is only necessary to observe, that, beginning +near the source of the Axius, the banks of which river had +from early times been occupied by Pæonian tribes, a narrow +strip of land extended down to Pella and the coast;<a id="noteref_1943" name="noteref_1943" href="#note_1943"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1943</span></span></a> though, +according to Herodotus, it could not have actually reached +the edge of the sea, as the frontiers of Bottiaïs and Mygdonia +at this point came into contact with one another.<a id="noteref_1944" name="noteref_1944" href="#note_1944"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1944</span></span></a> +Immediately to the north of Lower Macedonia, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, to the +north of Macedonian Pæonia, Bottiaïs, and Mygdonia, but +without the confines of these provinces, was situated, as we +learn from Thucydides,<a id="noteref_1945" name="noteref_1945" href="#note_1945"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1945</span></span></a> the Pæonian city of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Doberus</span></span>.<a id="noteref_1946" name="noteref_1946" href="#note_1946"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1946</span></span></a> +The king of the Odrysians arrived, according to the same +writer,<a id="noteref_1947" name="noteref_1947" href="#note_1947"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1947</span></span></a> at this place after having come from his +dominions, which were bounded by the Strymon, over mount Cercine; +in which passage he left the Pæonians to the right, and to +the left the Sintes and Mædi (Thracian races, supposed by +Gatterer to have penetrated hither when the Siropæonians +and others crossed over to Asia).<a id="noteref_1948" name="noteref_1948" href="#note_1948"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1948</span></span></a> From which notices I +have ventured to set down the mountain, the city, and nations +just mentioned, as may be seen in the accompanying +map.<a id="noteref_1949" name="noteref_1949" href="#note_1949"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1949</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page461">[pg 461]</span><a name="Pg461" id="Pg461" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Early history of the kingdom of Macedonia.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +12. The subject of this dissertation made it necessary for +us to enter into the above detail as to the several provinces +and divisions of Upper and Lower Macedonia. We must +now proceed to inquire into the gradual extension of the +kingdom of Macedon; an investigation in which we are fortunately +assisted by the clear and accurate account of Thucydides, +who lived at no great distance from the country +which he describes; and whose words I now transcribe as +follows (II. 99.): +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-q">“Accordingly, the subjects of Sitalces mustered at Doberus, +and prepared for a descent into Lower Macedonia, +which country was under the rule of Perdiccas. For to +the Macedonians belong<a id="noteref_1950" name="noteref_1950" href="#note_1950"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1950</span></span></a> the Lyncestæ and +the Elimiots, and other nations in the upper parts of the country, +which are the allies and subjects<a id="noteref_1951" name="noteref_1951" href="#note_1951"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1951</span></span></a> of these Macedonians,<a id="noteref_1952" name="noteref_1952" href="#note_1952"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1952</span></span></a> +but have nevertheless princes of their own. The present +kingdom of Macedonia, extending along the sea,<a id="noteref_1953" name="noteref_1953" href="#note_1953"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1953</span></span></a> was +first occupied by Alexander the father of Perdiccas, and +his ancestors of the family of Temenus, who came originally +from Argos; and ruled over it, having by force of +arms expelled the Pierians from Pieria,<a id="noteref_1954" name="noteref_1954" href="#note_1954"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1954</span></span></a> and the Bottiæans +from the district called Bottiæa. They also obtained +in Pæonia a narrow tongue of land, extending +along the river Axius down to Pella and the sea: and on +the further side of the Axius they possess the district +called Mygdonia, as far as the Strymon, of which they +dispossessed the Edones. They also dislodged the Eordians +from the country still called Eordia, and from Almopia +the Almopians. These Macedonians also subdued +those other nations which they now possess; viz., Anthemus, +together with Crestonia and Bisaltia, and a large +part of the Macedonians themselves. The whole of this +country together is called Macedonia; and Perdiccas, +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page462">[pg 462]</span><a name="Pg462" id="Pg462" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the son of Alexander, was king of it when Sitalces made +his invasion.”</span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +13. This chapter has not by any means been exhausted +by those who have written on the growth and size of Macedonia; +and therefore it will be convenient to set down some +of the chief inferences which may be drawn from it. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the first place, it is plain that the Macedonians, who +made the conquest, and founded the kingdom of Macedon, +were <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">not the whole Macedonian nation</span></em>, but only a part of +it. There were in the mountainous districts Macedonian +tribes, which had their own kings, and originally were not +subject to the Temenidæ. These are the Macedonian highlanders +of Herodotus,<a id="noteref_1955" name="noteref_1955" href="#note_1955"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1955</span></span></a> from whose district the +road passed over mount Olympus (the Cambunian chain) into the country +of the Perrhæbians;<a id="noteref_1956" name="noteref_1956" href="#note_1956"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1956</span></span></a> and it began, +as has been already remarked, in Elimeia.<a id="noteref_1957" name="noteref_1957" href="#note_1957"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1957</span></span></a> The Elimiots were, according to +Thucydides, one portion of these Macedonians, the Lyncestæ +another; both which appellations were merely local, +and the full title was <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the Macedonians in Lyncus</span></span>,”</span> or +<span class="tei tei-q">“the Macedonian Lyncestæ.”</span><a id="noteref_1958" name="noteref_1958" href="#note_1958"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1958</span></span></a> Of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">remaining</span></em> Macedonian +nations in the mountain-districts we only know the +name of the Orestæ;<a id="noteref_1959" name="noteref_1959" href="#note_1959"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1959</span></span></a> at least there are no others who can +with any certainty be considered as Macedonians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +14. The name of Macedonia was not therefore, as some +have supposed, confined to the royal dynasty of Edessa, +but was a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">national appellation</span></em>; so much so, that it is even +stated that those very kings subdued, among other nations, +a large portion of the Macedonians. The tribes of Upper +Macedonia were long governed by their own princes; thus +Antiochus was king of the Orestæ at the beginning of the +Peloponnesian war;<a id="noteref_1960" name="noteref_1960" href="#note_1960"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1960</span></span></a> the Lyncestæ were under the rule of +Arrhibæus, the son of Bromerus,<a id="noteref_1961" name="noteref_1961" href="#note_1961"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1961</span></span></a> the great +grandfather, by the mother's side, of Philip of Macedon, who derived +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page463">[pg 463]</span><a name="Pg463" id="Pg463" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +his descent (not altogether without probability) from the +Bacchiadæ, the ancient rulers of Corinth;<a id="noteref_1962" name="noteref_1962" href="#note_1962"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1962</span></span></a> and these +kings, though properly recognising the supremacy of the Temenidæ, +were nevertheless at times their nearest, and therefore +most dangerous, enemies.<a id="noteref_1963" name="noteref_1963" href="#note_1963"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1963</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_15" id="Appendix_I_Section_15" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +15. The Macedonian kingdom of the Temenidæ, on the +other hand, began from a single point of the Macedonian +territory, concerning the position of which there are various +traditions. According to Herodotus, three brothers of the +family of Temenus, Gauanes, Aëropus, and Perdiccas, fled +from Argos to Illyria, from thence passed on to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lebæa</span></span> in +Upper Macedonia, and served the king of the country (who +was therefore a Macedonian) as shepherds. From this place +they again fled, and dwelt in another part of Macedonia, +near the gardens of Midas, in mount Bermius (near <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Berœa</span></span>), +from which place they subdued the neighbouring +country.<a id="noteref_1964" name="noteref_1964" href="#note_1964"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1964</span></span></a> Thucydides so far recognises +this tradition, that he likewise considers Perdiccas as the founder of the kingdom, +reckoning eight kings down to Archelaus.<a id="noteref_1965" name="noteref_1965" href="#note_1965"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1965</span></span></a> The +other account, however, that there were three kings before +Perdiccas, is unquestionably not the mere invention of later +historians, but was derived, as well as the other, from some +local tradition. According to this account the Macedonian +kingdom began at <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Edessa</span></span>,<a id="noteref_1966" name="noteref_1966" href="#note_1966"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1966</span></span></a> which had been taken by Caranus, +of the family of the Temenidæ, and by him named +after a goatherd, who rendered him assistance, Ægæ (or +Ægeæ).<a id="noteref_1967" name="noteref_1967" href="#note_1967"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1967</span></span></a> Both narrations have equally a traditional +character, and were doubtless of Macedonian origin, only that +the latter appears to have been combined with an Argive +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page464">[pg 464]</span><a name="Pg464" id="Pg464" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +legend of a brother of the powerful Phido having gone to +the north. The claim of Edessa is also confirmed by the +fact, that, even when it had long ceased to be the royal residence, +it still continued the burial-place of the kings of +Temenus' race, and, as Diodorus says, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">hearth</span></em> of their +empire.<a id="noteref_1968" name="noteref_1968" href="#note_1968"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1968</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_16" id="Appendix_I_Section_16" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +16. Edessa and the gardens of Midas were both situated +between the Lydias and the Haliacmon, in the original and +proper country of Macedonia, according to the account of +Herodotus.<a id="noteref_1969" name="noteref_1969" href="#note_1969"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1969</span></span></a> The manner in which the dominions +of the Temenidæ were extended along the sea-coast, and towards +the interior, we learn from Thucydides, who comprises in +one general view all the conquests of these princes until the +reign of Alexander. For to suppose that Alexander, the +son of Amyntas, made <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> these conquests, is an error which +is even refuted by the words of Thucydides; although it is +very possible that this prince, who began his reign about +488 B.C., at the time of the Persian power, and was the +brother-in-law of a Persian general,<a id="noteref_1970" name="noteref_1970" href="#note_1970"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1970</span></span></a> added considerably to +the territory which he had inherited.<a id="noteref_1971" name="noteref_1971" href="#note_1971"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1971</span></span></a> But when Xerxes +undertook his great expedition against Greece, the power of +Macedon was as great as it is described by Thucydides; nor +was its territory much enlarged during the interval between +the Persian and Peloponnesian wars.<a id="noteref_1972" name="noteref_1972" href="#note_1972"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1972</span></span></a> For at the time of +the Persian war (481 B.C.) the Pierians were already +settled in New Pieria, especially in the fortified towns of +Phagres and Pergamus, at the foot of mount Pangæum,<a id="noteref_1973" name="noteref_1973" href="#note_1973"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1973</span></span></a> +whither they retired, after having been driven out of Old +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page465">[pg 465]</span><a name="Pg465" id="Pg465" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Pieria by the Macedonian kings;<a id="noteref_1974" name="noteref_1974" href="#note_1974"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1974</span></span></a> in fact, this +extension of the territory of Macedon must have taken place at an early +period.<a id="noteref_1975" name="noteref_1975" href="#note_1975"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1975</span></span></a> Moreover, Olynthus was, according to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_1976" name="noteref_1976" href="#note_1976"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1976</span></span></a> +at least <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> 480 B.C., in the hands of the Bottiæans, who +had, as we learn from both Herodotus and Thucydides, +expelled the Macedonians from the ancient Bottiaïs; consequently +this district had been under the rule of the Macedonians +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> the expedition of Xerxes. Thirdly, Amyntas +the Macedonian, in 510 B.C., offered Anthemus in Chalcidice +to the Pisistratidæ;<a id="noteref_1977" name="noteref_1977" href="#note_1977"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1977</span></span></a> the same argument therefore +applies in this case also. Anthemus, however, could hardly +have been obtained without Mygdonia: and that this district +was then a part of the Macedonian dominions is probable +also from the following reasons.<a id="noteref_1978" name="noteref_1978" href="#note_1978"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1978</span></span></a> According to Thucydides, +the Macedonians drove out the nation of the Edonians<a id="noteref_1979" name="noteref_1979" href="#note_1979"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1979</span></span></a> from +Mygdonia, between the rivers Axius and Strymon; and +accordingly we find the Edonians always mentioned as +dwelling to the east of the Strymon, at the foot of mount +Pangæum. Now Ennea Hodoi, situated on the eastern +bank of the Strymon, was, according to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_1980" name="noteref_1980" href="#note_1980"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1980</span></span></a> in +the possession of the Edonians in the year 481 B.C.; and +Myrcinus, in the same region, was found by Histiæus, when +he visited it, to be an Edonian district,<a id="noteref_1981" name="noteref_1981" href="#note_1981"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1981</span></span></a> as +it was at a later period by Brasidas.<a id="noteref_1982" name="noteref_1982" href="#note_1982"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1982</span></span></a> +The latter argument is not indeed of +itself decisive, as it might be said that the Edonians were +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page466">[pg 466]</span><a name="Pg466" id="Pg466" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +only driven together by the conquests of the Macedonians, +and had <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">previously</span></em> been in possession of the further side of +the Strymon; but when combined with the former facts, it +offers an almost certain proof that the whole country, from +lake Bolbè to within a short distance from the Peneus, was +subject to the Macedonians before the expedition of Xerxes.<a id="noteref_1983" name="noteref_1983" href="#note_1983"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1983</span></span></a> +Methone<a id="noteref_1984" name="noteref_1984" href="#note_1984"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1984</span></span></a> was on this coast the only interruption to the +series of Macedonian possessions; this Eretrian colony had +been, about 746 B.C.,<a id="noteref_1985" name="noteref_1985" href="#note_1985"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1985</span></span></a> together with the +numerous Eubœan settlements in Chalcidice,<a id="noteref_1986" name="noteref_1986" href="#note_1986"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1986</span></span></a> at a period when the power of +the Macedonians on this line of coast was very insignificant; +and it preserved its independence until the reign of Philip +the son of Amyntas.<a id="noteref_1987" name="noteref_1987" href="#note_1987"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1987</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_17" id="Appendix_I_Section_17" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +17. From the facts now ascertained, we may deduce a +result of some importance with regard to the language of +Herodotus. This historian clearly and precisely distinguishes +between Bottiaïs and Macedonia in the time of +Xerxes,<a id="noteref_1988" name="noteref_1988" href="#note_1988"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1988</span></span></a> although it is certain that Bottiaïs was then in the +power of the Macedonians;<a id="noteref_1989" name="noteref_1989" href="#note_1989"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1989</span></span></a> +Macedonia he classes as a district +with Bottiaïs, Mygdonia, and Pieria. He uses the +word, therefore, not in a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">political</span></em>, but in a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">national</span></em> sense; +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, he restricts it to the territory originally possessed by +the Macedonian nation, not applying it to countries which +had been obtained by conquest or political preponderance. +The Macedonia of Herodotus is consequently the territory +of the Macedonians <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> all the conquests of the Temenidæ. +It extended, according to Herodotus, in a narrow tongue +down to the sea;<a id="noteref_1990" name="noteref_1990" href="#note_1990"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1990</span></span></a> a fact disregarded by Thucydides, when +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page467">[pg 467]</span><a name="Pg467" id="Pg467" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +he states that the coast of Lower Macedonia was first reduced +by the Temenidæ.<a id="noteref_1991" name="noteref_1991" href="#note_1991"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1991</span></span></a> +Further from the sea, however, +the ancient Macedonia had a much wider extent, and included +the districts of Edessa and Berœa, Lyncestis, Orestis, +and Elimeia: for Macedonia is stated by Herodotus to have +been on the one side bounded by mount Olympus (which +ridge, where it borders on Pieria,<a id="noteref_1992" name="noteref_1992" href="#note_1992"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1992</span></span></a> was called the Macedonian +mountains),<a id="noteref_1993" name="noteref_1993" href="#note_1993"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1993</span></span></a> and on the other by mount Dysorum. +This last fact is evident from the statement of the same +writer, that a very short way led from the Prasian lake to +Macedonia, passing first to the mine from which Alexander +obtained an immense supply of precious metal; and then, +that having crossed mount Dysorum, you were in Macedonia;<a id="noteref_1994" name="noteref_1994" href="#note_1994"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1994</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, evidently in the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">original</span></em> Macedonia, since he +expressly excludes from it the mine which had been a subsequent +accession. The Prasian lake was in Pæonia;<a id="noteref_1995" name="noteref_1995" href="#note_1995"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1995</span></span></a> but +in what district of it is not known;<a id="noteref_1996" name="noteref_1996" href="#note_1996"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1996</span></span></a> mount Dysorum, however, +can only be looked for to the north of Edessa and to +the west of the Axius, Macedonia Proper not extending so +far as that river. In this manner it is placed in the accompanying +map; in which also the ancient boundaries of the +Macedonian race are laid down according to the results +obtained by these researches. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +18. On the other conquests of the Macedonians little need +be said. The occupation of Bisaltia and Crestonica was +subsequent to the expedition of Xerxes. The Thracian +king of these districts fled away,<a id="noteref_1997" name="noteref_1997" href="#note_1997"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1997</span></span></a> and left his kingdom a +prey to the ambition of Alexander, who thus extended his +empire to the mouth of the Strymon, which was the boundary +of Macedonia in the days of Thucydides and of Scylax, and +remained so until the time of Philip. At what time the +Macedonian kings reduced that part of Pæonia which +stretched along the Axius, Eordæa, Almopia, and a large +part of the Macedonians themselves, we are nowhere informed; +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page468">[pg 468]</span><a name="Pg468" id="Pg468" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +and to infer from Thucydides that these conquests +succeeded that of Mygdonia and preceded that of Anthemus, +would be laying too much weight upon the order in +which he arranges the events; in which, although he doubtless +paid some regard to chronology, the context required +that the conquests on the coast should be mentioned before +those of the interior. Eordæa was probably subjugated at +a very early period, since it lay, as it were, in a bay of the +Macedonian territory; and a very credible tradition has been +preserved by Dexippus,<a id="noteref_1998" name="noteref_1998" href="#note_1998"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1998</span></span></a> that Caranus had in early times +made an alliance with the Orestæ against the Eordians, and +founded his kingdom by the subjugation of that nation. In +fact, the first nation with whom the king of Edessa had to +contend was these Eordians. They were, according to +Thucydides, nearly annihilated by a war of extermination; +a small number of them escaped to Physca in Mygdonia;<a id="noteref_1999" name="noteref_1999" href="#note_1999"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">1999</span></span></a> +which district therefore was not as yet under the power of +the Macedonians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +19. Among those parts of Macedonia Proper which were +reduced by the Temenidæ, Elimeia may be particularly +mentioned, as is evident from the following circumstances. +Perdiccas, the son of Alexander, was at war with his brother +Philip, with whom he was to have divided his +kingdom,<a id="noteref_2000" name="noteref_2000" href="#note_2000"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2000</span></span></a> and +also with Derdas.<a id="noteref_2001" name="noteref_2001" href="#note_2001"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2001</span></span></a> The brothers of Derdas, before the +beginning of the Peloponnesian war, in alliance with the +Athenians, made a descent from the highlands, that is, from +one of the districts Elimeia, Orestis, or Lyncus, into the +dominions of Perdiccas.<a id="noteref_2002" name="noteref_2002" href="#note_2002"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2002</span></span></a> Now +Derdas<a id="noteref_2003" name="noteref_2003" href="#note_2003"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2003</span></span></a> was the son of +Arrhibæus, and cousin of Perdiccas; and it is plain that the +Temenidæ reduced Elimeia; and a branch of the same +family received this district as their peculiar +possession.<a id="noteref_2004" name="noteref_2004" href="#note_2004"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2004</span></span></a> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page469">[pg 469]</span><a name="Pg469" id="Pg469" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +A separate king of Elimeia also existed in the time of +Archelaus,<a id="noteref_2005" name="noteref_2005" href="#note_2005"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2005</span></span></a> who doubtless belonged to the +same family. For a later Derdas occurs as prince of the Elimiots in the +time of Agesilaus,<a id="noteref_2006" name="noteref_2006" href="#note_2006"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2006</span></span></a> who perhaps was the same +as, or rather was the father of, the Derdas, whose sister Phila Philip +married.<a id="noteref_2007" name="noteref_2007" href="#note_2007"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2007</span></span></a> In like manner, there was a separate sovereignty +in Stymphæa and the neighbouring Æthicia, which was +held by the family of Polysperchon, the general and +guardian of the kingdom.<a id="noteref_2008" name="noteref_2008" href="#note_2008"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2008</span></span></a> Although in later times all these +separate sovereignties, both of the Temenidæ and of other +princes, were suppressed, and Upper and Lower Macedonia +were equally ruled from the city of Pella; yet the tribes of +the highlands still remained to a certain degree distinct. +Even at the battle of Arbela, the Elimiots, Lyncestæ, +Orestæ, and Tymphæans fought in separate bodies;<a id="noteref_2009" name="noteref_2009" href="#note_2009"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2009</span></span></a> +and several persons are denoted in the history of Macedon by +the surname of Lyncestes. Perdiccas came from Orestis, +Ptolemy from Eordæa.<a id="noteref_2010" name="noteref_2010" href="#note_2010"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2010</span></span></a> Those in the lowlands, on +the other hand, were known by the general name of Macedonians; +and it should be observed, that there were also Macedonians +dwelling in Pieria, Bottiaïs, Mygdonia, Eordæa, and Almopia,<a id="noteref_2011" name="noteref_2011" href="#note_2011"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2011</span></span></a> +who had, according to Thucydides, driven out the +native inhabitants; while Pæonia and Bisaltia, together with +Anthemus and Crestonica, remained in the possession of +those tribes which had been settled there before the conquest +of Macedonia.<a id="noteref_2012" name="noteref_2012" href="#note_2012"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2012</span></span></a> +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page470">[pg 470]</span><a name="Pg470" id="Pg470" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">On the national affinity of the original Macedonians.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +20. From what has been already said it is plain that there +was, independently of the extension of the empire of the +Temenidæ, a Macedonian nation possessing from early times +a territory of considerable size, viz., the Macedonia of Herodotus; +the area of which in the accompanying map amounts +to 2400 geographical square miles. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +We now proceed to the most important question to be +considered in this treatise, viz., to what national family these +Macedonians belonged. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +21. The ancient writers distinguish in these regions the +following nations; and in so marked a manner that it is +evident that they differed from one another in their costume, +language, and mode of living.<a id="noteref_2013" name="noteref_2013" href="#note_2013"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2013</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +First, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Thracians</span></span>. This great nation extended to +the north as far as the Danube, where it included the +Getæ;<a id="noteref_2014" name="noteref_2014" href="#note_2014"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2014</span></span></a> to the east beyond the sea, since the Thynians and +Bithynians were Thracians;<a id="noteref_2015" name="noteref_2015" href="#note_2015"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2015</span></span></a> to the west +within mount Hæmus as far as the Strymon, where it bordered on the +Pæonians, widening still more as it receded from the coast, +since it also included the Triballians.<a id="noteref_2016" name="noteref_2016" href="#note_2016"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2016</span></span></a> On the west bank +of the Strymon the Sintians and Mædians were of Thracian +origin;<a id="noteref_2017" name="noteref_2017" href="#note_2017"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2017</span></span></a> to which nation the Bisaltæ and Edones must +also be referred.<a id="noteref_2018" name="noteref_2018" href="#note_2018"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2018</span></span></a> Thrace is often represented as having in early +times extended to Thessaly and Bœotia<a id="noteref_2019" name="noteref_2019" href="#note_2019"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2019</span></span></a> but merely in +reference to the settlements of the Pierians at the foot of +Olympus and Helicon; and there are many reasons against +considering these Pierians as of the same race as the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">other</span></em> +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page471">[pg 471]</span><a name="Pg471" id="Pg471" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Thracians,<a id="noteref_2020" name="noteref_2020" href="#note_2020"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2020</span></span></a> although they were called Thracians at an early +period.<a id="noteref_2021" name="noteref_2021" href="#note_2021"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2021</span></span></a> +Homer at least distinguishes between these two +nations when he makes Here go from Olympus to Pieria, +then to Emathia, and afterwards to the snowy mountains of +the Thracians;<a id="noteref_2022" name="noteref_2022" href="#note_2022"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2022</span></span></a> by which he must mean the +mountains of the Bisaltæ to the north of Edessa, since the goddess next +rests her foot on mount Athos and the island of Lemnos. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Secondly, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Pæonians</span></span>. A numerous race divided into +several small nations,<a id="noteref_2023" name="noteref_2023" href="#note_2023"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2023</span></span></a> inhabiting the districts on the rivers +Strymon and Axius and the countries to the north of Macedonia,<a id="noteref_2024" name="noteref_2024" href="#note_2024"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2024</span></span></a> together with Pannonia, according to the +Greeks.<a id="noteref_2025" name="noteref_2025" href="#note_2025"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2025</span></span></a> +This race, according to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">their own tradition</span></em> (if Herodotus's +account is correct),<a id="noteref_2026" name="noteref_2026" href="#note_2026"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2026</span></span></a> derived their origin from the ancient +Teucrians in the Troad; in their passage from which country +they had been accompanied, according to Herodotus, by the +Mysians, the same people that afterwards gave their name +of Mœsians to a great province.<a id="noteref_2027" name="noteref_2027" href="#note_2027"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2027</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Thirdly, the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Illyrians</span></span> extended southward as far as +the Acroceraunian mountains, eastward to the mountain-chain +known in its southern parts by the name of Pindus, +and northward as far as the Save and the Alps, if Herodotus is correct +in considering the Venetians as of Illyrian origin.<a id="noteref_2028" name="noteref_2028" href="#note_2028"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2028</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Fourthly, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Nations of Grecian descent</span></span>. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +22. Since the Macedonians evidently belonged to some +one of these four races, our present object is to ascertain +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">which</span></em>. Now in the first place the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Greeks</span></span> may be +excluded, since, although it is certain that a large portion of the Macedonian +nation was of Grecian origin, the Macedonians +were always considered by the Greeks as barbarians.—Alexander +the Philhellene,<a id="noteref_2029" name="noteref_2029" href="#note_2029"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2029</span></span></a> +the father of Perdiccas, represented +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page472">[pg 472]</span><a name="Pg472" id="Pg472" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +himself to the Persians (according to Herodotus)<a id="noteref_2030" name="noteref_2030" href="#note_2030"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2030</span></span></a> as +a Greek, and satrap over Macedonians; the same person +who was driven off the course at Olympia for being a barbarian, +until he proved his Argive descent.<a id="noteref_2031" name="noteref_2031" href="#note_2031"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2031</span></span></a> The mouth +of the Peneus, or the Magnesian mountain of Homolè, was +on the eastern side considered as the boundary of Greece,<a id="noteref_2032" name="noteref_2032" href="#note_2032"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2032</span></span></a> +unless Magnesia also was excluded. Fabulous genealogies, +representing Macedon as the son of Zeus and Thyia the +daughter of Deucalion, or of a descendant of Æolus, are +of no weight against the prevailing opinion of the Greeks; +nor are they necessarily of greater antiquity than the fortieth +Olympiad (620 B.C.),<a id="noteref_2033" name="noteref_2033" href="#note_2033"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2033</span></span></a> at which time Danaus and Ægyptus, +and other races equally unconnected, were made the members +of the same family, when the Scythians were derived +from Hercules,<a id="noteref_2034" name="noteref_2034" href="#note_2034"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2034</span></span></a> and even the whole known world was +comprised in extensive genealogies. It would be unreasonable +to suppose, on the credit of these genealogies, that +there was any other migration of Greeks into Macedonia +except that of the Temenidæ. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +23. Secondly, with regard to the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Pæonians</span></span>: it may be +shown that the Macedonians did not belong to that nation.<a id="noteref_2035" name="noteref_2035" href="#note_2035"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2035</span></span></a> +The possessions of the Macedonians in Pæonia are accurately +described by ancient writers; these were, until the +time of Perdiccas, only a narrow strip of land;<a id="noteref_2036" name="noteref_2036" href="#note_2036"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2036</span></span></a> Pelagonia +and Pæonia on the Axius were subdued at a later date. +As the Pæonian race was not aboriginal in this district, its +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page473">[pg 473]</span><a name="Pg473" id="Pg473" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +peculiarities were probably easy to be recognised in the +time of Thucydides, and hence this national name occurs +more frequently than those of the separate provinces. For +this reason great importance should be attached to the circumstance +that the ancients never refer the Macedonians +themselves to the Pæonian race; and it should perhaps be +considered as decisive. On the other hand, with aboriginal +races having a large territory and numerous connexions, +such a separation hardly warrants this inference, since +otherwise the Macedonians, whom both Herodotus and +Thucydides mention <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">together with</span></em> Thracians +and Illyrians,<a id="noteref_2037" name="noteref_2037" href="#note_2037"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2037</span></span></a> +could not have belonged to either of those two tribes, and +therefore to no great national division of the human race. +It is, however, plain that the ancients frequently used the +national name in a limited sense, merely for the chief mass +of the people, and did not apply it to particular <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">portions +of it</span></em> which had acquired a character different from that of +the rest of their nation,<a id="noteref_2038" name="noteref_2038" href="#note_2038"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2038</span></span></a> without by this meaning to +express a diversity of origin. We have therefore now only to ascertain +whether the Macedonians were of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Thracian</span></em> or <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Illyrian</span></em> +descent. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +24. We shall gain one step towards a conclusion by inquiring +in what region were the original settlements of the +Macedonians; a question which should carefully be distinguished +from the former investigation as to the first station +of the Temenidæ. Now in pursuing this inquiry, we soon +perceive that even of Macedonia Proper, from which Bottiæa, +Pieria, and Eordæa were conquered, a large part was +not always in the possession of the Macedonians. Homer, +for example, places Emathia, not Macedonia, between Pieria +and Chalcidice.<a id="noteref_2039" name="noteref_2039" href="#note_2039"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2039</span></span></a> Several writers state in general that Macedonia +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page474">[pg 474]</span><a name="Pg474" id="Pg474" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +had anciently been called Emathia;<a id="noteref_2040" name="noteref_2040" href="#note_2040"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2040</span></span></a> but, as will be +presently shown, they do not so much mean the highlands +as the country about the mouths of the three rivers and +near Edessa.<a id="noteref_2041" name="noteref_2041" href="#note_2041"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2041</span></span></a> The fabulous name was renewed in +later times; and Ptolemy<a id="noteref_2042" name="noteref_2042" href="#note_2042"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2042</span></span></a> even mentions the district of +Emathia, in which were the towns of Cyrrhus,<a id="noteref_2043" name="noteref_2043" href="#note_2043"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2043</span></span></a> Eidomenæ, Gordynia, +Edessa, Berrhœa, and Pella. According to +Thucydides<a id="noteref_2044" name="noteref_2044" href="#note_2044"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2044</span></span></a> +and others, Eidomenæ and Gordynia must have been situated +in the region near the Axius, in the early subdued country +of Pæonia;<a id="noteref_2045" name="noteref_2045" href="#note_2045"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2045</span></span></a> whence it may be understood how +Polybius<a id="noteref_2046" name="noteref_2046" href="#note_2046"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2046</span></span></a> +could say that Emathia, at a distance from the coast, had in +early times been called Pæonia. For the ancient name of +Emathia had evidently been extended to a tract of land +belonging to Pæonia, which had, perhaps, previously to the +Pæonian conquests, once borne the name of Emathia. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_25" id="Appendix_I_Section_25" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +25. Now although the country round Edessa, and nearer +to the sea, was not originally called Macedonia, yet we find +traces of the existence of the name of the Macedonians +under its ancient forms of Μακέται and Μακεδνοὶ, in the hill-country +near the ridge of Pindus. Herodotus says that the +Doric race, having been driven from Hestiæotis, and dwelling +under mount Pindus, was called the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Macedonian +nation</span></span>.<a id="noteref_2047" name="noteref_2047" href="#note_2047"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2047</span></span></a> +By this statement he plainly means that the Dorians were +first known by that name in Peloponnesus;<a id="noteref_2048" name="noteref_2048" href="#note_2048"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2048</span></span></a> and indeed +his other notions on the progress of this people are only +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page475">[pg 475]</span><a name="Pg475" id="Pg475" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +suited to the childhood of history. But notwithstanding +the erroneous conclusions of the narrator, it is allowable to +infer from his statement that the Macedonians had once +dwelt at the foot of Pindus—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, probably in one of the +districts of Upper Macedonia; of which provinces Orestis +may be considered (on the faith of a conjectural emendation) +as the ancient Maceta.<a id="noteref_2049" name="noteref_2049" href="#note_2049"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2049</span></span></a> For it cannot be a Thessalian +district that is alluded to, since Maceta was, as we know +from certain testimony, in fact a part of Macedonia. This +hypothesis is also supported by the ancient patronymic +surname of the Macedonian kings, <span class="tei tei-q">“Argeadæ;”</span> if it is +rightly derived by Appian from Argos in Orestis.<a id="noteref_2050" name="noteref_2050" href="#note_2050"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2050</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The fact that the ancient country of the Macedonians +was near the ridge of mountains on the confines of Illyria, +and was at a considerable distance from Thrace, renders it +probable that the Macetæ were of Illyrian blood; but this +probability would yield to arguments drawn from the language, +costume, and manners of the three nations. The +question therefore is, whom did the Macedonians in the +points most resemble, the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Illyrians</span></em> or the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Thracians</span></em>? +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_26" id="Appendix_I_Section_26" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +26. There is a passage in Strabo<a id="noteref_2051" name="noteref_2051" href="#note_2051"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2051</span></span></a> which, on +account of its importance, I will give nearly at full length, omitting +only those parts which are not necessary to the context. It +contains an account of the population of Epirus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-q">“Of the nations of Epirus the Chaonians and Thesprotians +inhabit the coast from the Ceraunian mountains to +the Ambracian gulf; behind Ambracia is Amphilochian +Argos. The Amphilochians also are Epirots, together +with the tribes lying more in the interior, and joining the +mountains of Illyria—viz., the Molotti, the Athamanes, +the Æthices, the Tymphæi, the Orestæ, the Paroræi, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page476">[pg 476]</span><a name="Pg476" id="Pg476" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the Atintanes, some dwelling nearer to the Macedonians, +and others to the Ionian sea. With these the Illyrian +nations were mixed which dwelt to the south of the hill-country, +as well as those beyond the Ionian sea. For +between Epidamnus and Apollonia and the Ceraunian +mountains there are the Bylliones,<a id="noteref_2052" name="noteref_2052" href="#note_2052"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2052</span></span></a> the +Taulantii,<a id="noteref_2053" name="noteref_2053" href="#note_2053"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2053</span></span></a> the +Parthini,<a id="noteref_2054" name="noteref_2054" href="#note_2054"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2054</span></span></a> and the +Brygi,<a id="noteref_2055" name="noteref_2055" href="#note_2055"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2055</span></span></a> and at a short distance, about +the silver mines<a id="noteref_2056" name="noteref_2056" href="#note_2056"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2056</span></span></a> of Damastium,<a id="noteref_2057" name="noteref_2057" href="#note_2057"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2057</span></span></a> the Perisadies have +established their dominion; the Enchelii<a id="noteref_2058" name="noteref_2058" href="#note_2058"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2058</span></span></a> and Sesarasii<a id="noteref_2059" name="noteref_2059" href="#note_2059"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2059</span></span></a> +are also named as dwelling in these parts; and besides +these, the Lyncestæ, the land of Deuriopus, the Pelagonian +Tripolis,<a id="noteref_2060" name="noteref_2060" href="#note_2060"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2060</span></span></a> the +Eordi, Elimea, and Eratyra.<a id="noteref_2061" name="noteref_2061" href="#note_2061"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2061</span></span></a> Now in +early times these tribes had severally rulers of their own; +the Enchelians were governed by the descendants of +Cadmus, the Lyncestæ were under Arrhibæus, and of the +Epirots the Molotti were ruled by Pyrrhus and his descendants, +while all the other nations of that tribe were +governed by native princes. In process of time, however, +as one nation obtained the dominion over others, the whole +fell into the Macedonian empire, except a small tract +beyond the Ionian sea. Also the country about Lyncestus, +Pelagonia, Orestias and Elimea was once called +Upper Macedonia, and at a later period the Independent. +Some persons, moreover, give to the whole country as far +as Corcyra the name of Macedonia, assigning, as their +reason, that the inhabitants nearly resemble one another +in the mode of wearing the hair, in their dialect, in the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page477">[pg 477]</span><a name="Pg477" id="Pg477" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +use of the chlamys, and in other points of this kind: some +of them likewise speak two languages.”</span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_27" id="Appendix_I_Section_27" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +27. Now, although the historical accounts of Strabo, +collected at a time when these regions had been ravaged by +conquest, and had undergone manifold changes, have not +the value which the statements of Herodotus and Thucydides +possess, yet it is possible to extract from them much +information. In the first place it should be observed that +the Epirots and the Illyrians are not considered as two +wholly distinct nations. The Epirots, although in early +times allied by blood with the Greeks, were always considered +as barbarians,<a id="noteref_2062" name="noteref_2062" href="#note_2062"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2062</span></span></a> and Ambracia as the last city in +Greece;<a id="noteref_2063" name="noteref_2063" href="#note_2063"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2063</span></span></a> which fact, since the +original inhabitants were the +same as in Arcadia, that is, Pelasgians, can only be explained +by supposing that there had been a mixture of +Illyrians. Hence it might be at that late time difficult to +distinguish between the Epirots and the Illyrians; and thus +Strabo includes the Atintanes, who according to Scylax<a id="noteref_2064" name="noteref_2064" href="#note_2064"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2064</span></span></a> +and Appian<a id="noteref_2065" name="noteref_2065" href="#note_2065"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2065</span></span></a> were Illyrians, among the Epirot nations. +It is more singular that he should consider the Orestæ, +whom Polybius<a id="noteref_2066" name="noteref_2066" href="#note_2066"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2066</span></span></a> recognises as a Macedonian people, as +Epirots; but it may be probably accounted for by the circumstance +of their separation from the cause of the Macedonian +kings, which procured them their independence in +the year of the city 556.<a id="noteref_2067" name="noteref_2067" href="#note_2067"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2067</span></span></a> But the other inhabitants of +Upper Macedonia, the genuine Macedonians, such as the +Lyncestæ and Elimiots (who probably, from being mountaineers, +had preserved their national distinctions more than +the civilised tribes of the lowlands), were considered by +Strabo, as the context plainly shows, as original Illyrians; +and it can hardly be doubted that they still bore the characteristic +marks of that nation. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page478">[pg 478]</span><a name="Pg478" id="Pg478" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_28" id="Appendix_I_Section_28" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +28. <span class="tei tei-q">“Some again,”</span> as Strabo says, <span class="tei tei-q">“give to the whole +country as far as Corcyra the name of Macedonia.”</span> What +country this is, is accurately known both from the testimony +of other writers, and even of Strabo himself. The Romans +called the whole region which opened to them the way to +Macedonia<a id="noteref_2068" name="noteref_2068" href="#note_2068"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2068</span></span></a> by the name of Macedonia; and made it reach +from Lissus (now <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Alessio</span></span>) on the river Drilon (now the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Drin</span></span>) either to the Egnatian +road,<a id="noteref_2069" name="noteref_2069" href="#note_2069"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2069</span></span></a> which begins between +Dyrrhachium (or Epidamnus) and Apollonia, or, as Strabo +states in the passage quoted in the text, for a short distance +beyond.<a id="noteref_2070" name="noteref_2070" href="#note_2070"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2070</span></span></a> The inhabitants of this tract of country were +beyond all question Illyrians (Taulantii, Parthini, Dassaretii, +&c.<a id="noteref_2071" name="noteref_2071" href="#note_2071"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2071</span></span></a>); and it is of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">their</span></em> dress and language that +Strabo here speaks. The importance of these points for +the discovery of national affinity is easily perceived. Indeed, +many Grecian tribes might be distinguished merely by +their mode of wearing the hair.<a id="noteref_2072" name="noteref_2072" href="#note_2072"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2072</span></span></a> The chlamys had come to +the Greeks from the Thessalians, and Sappho was the first +Grecian writer who mentioned it:<a id="noteref_2073" name="noteref_2073" href="#note_2073"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2073</span></span></a> afterwards it became a +military dress, and supplanted the ἱμάτιον, as in Italy the +<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">sagum</span></span> took the place of the +<span lang="la" class="tei tei-foreign" xml:lang="la"><span style="font-style: italic">toga</span></span>, which was originally girt +up for military use.<a id="noteref_2074" name="noteref_2074" href="#note_2074"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2074</span></span></a> From this passage of Strabo we learn +that it was the national habit of the Illyrian tribes above +Epirus. In like manner the broad-brimmed, low, flat fur-cap, +known by the name of <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">causia</span></span>, which was equally unlike +the conical<a id="noteref_2075" name="noteref_2075" href="#note_2075"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2075</span></span></a> κυνέη of the +Bœotians and the low, tapering<a id="noteref_2076" name="noteref_2076" href="#note_2076"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2076</span></span></a> +πέτασος, was worn by these northern nations; it was the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page479">[pg 479]</span><a name="Pg479" id="Pg479" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +ancient dress of state among the Macedonians, and worn by +their kings;<a id="noteref_2077" name="noteref_2077" href="#note_2077"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2077</span></span></a> +and it was likewise the dress of the Ætolians<a id="noteref_2078" name="noteref_2078" href="#note_2078"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2078</span></span></a> +and Molossians.<a id="noteref_2079" name="noteref_2079" href="#note_2079"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2079</span></span></a> But the most remarkable +circumstance is, that the same cap which is borne by the riders on the +tetradrachms of the first Alexander also adorns the head of +the Illyrian king Gentius.<a id="noteref_2080" name="noteref_2080" href="#note_2080"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2080</span></span></a> Lastly, the similarity of dialect +is a decisive proof. Now that all these things should have +been introduced by the Macedonian kings seems highly +improbable, when it is remembered that their rule did not +even extend over the whole of this tract, that it was also +often interrupted, and in general not of a nature to alter +the character, language, and costume of the natives.<a id="noteref_2081" name="noteref_2081" href="#note_2081"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2081</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +From these facts it may, I think, be safely inferred that +the Macedonians, viz., the people originally and properly so +called, belonged to the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-variant: small-caps">Illyrian</span></span> race. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">On the mixture of the Macedonians with other, particularly +Greek, races.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +29. It is, however, certain, notwithstanding the result +which has been established, that the Macedonians in their +advance from the highlands dislodged, and partly incorporated +other, and particularly Grecian, tribes. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +The first to fall in their hands was the ancient Emathia, +near Edessa, and downwards to the sea, which Herodotus +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page480">[pg 480]</span><a name="Pg480" id="Pg480" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +includes in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">his</span></em> Macedonia. The name of the country appears +to be Grecian;<a id="noteref_2082" name="noteref_2082" href="#note_2082"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2082</span></span></a> and since +Justin<a id="noteref_2083" name="noteref_2083" href="#note_2083"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2083</span></span></a> distinctly affirms +that the ancient inhabitants of Emathia were Pelasgians, +and as Æschylus, a poet greatly versed in traditional lore, +also makes the kingdom of the Pelasgians extend through +Macedonia as far as the Strymon,<a id="noteref_2084" name="noteref_2084" href="#note_2084"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2084</span></span></a> it must be +considered that, according to ancient tradition, the early inhabitants of +this country were of the Pelasgic race. It is likewise fair, +by the guidance of several parallel cases in the Greek mythology, +to interpret the legend that Lycaon the Arcadian +hero had once ruled in Emathia, and was the father of +Macedon,<a id="noteref_2085" name="noteref_2085" href="#note_2085"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2085</span></span></a> +as signifying merely the succession, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">according to +order of time</span></em>, of the Pelasgians and Macedonians in the +occupation of this country; which the language of mythology +expressed by placing the respective races in a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">genealogical</span></em> +connexion. So Thessalus is called a son of Jason, +although the Thessalians belonged to a different race from +the early rulers of the country, the Minyæ of Iolcus, of +whom Jason was one. Hence it is highly probable that at +the first conquest of this tract of land, viz., of Macedonia +Proper, nations akin to the Greeks were mixed with the +Illyrians. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<a name="Appendix_I_Section_30" id="Appendix_I_Section_30" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +30. One of the earliest conquests of the Macedonians was +the country of their neighbours<a id="noteref_2086" name="noteref_2086" href="#note_2086"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2086</span></span></a> the Phrygians; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, according +to the most exact statements, the district about +mount Bermius, where in the ancient gardens of king +Midas, the son of Gordias (in which Silenus had been once +taken prisoner), the hundred-leaved rose still flourished at +the time of Herodotus.<a id="noteref_2087" name="noteref_2087" href="#note_2087"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2087</span></span></a> It is exceedingly probable that, as +Herodotus states, this district had been occupied by the +Macedonians before the arrival of the Temenidæ;<a id="noteref_2088" name="noteref_2088" href="#note_2088"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2088</span></span></a> with +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page481">[pg 481]</span><a name="Pg481" id="Pg481" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +which the tradition of an ancient migration of the Phrygians +coincides:<a id="noteref_2089" name="noteref_2089" href="#note_2089"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2089</span></span></a> yet it is also stated that Caranus +the Temenid expelled Midas.<a id="noteref_2090" name="noteref_2090" href="#note_2090"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2090</span></span></a> That the Phrygians or +Brygians were entirely incorporated in the Macedonian nation cannot +be supposed, as we hear quite in late times of a tribe of +Brygians (Βρύγοι) in these regions, who then dwelt near the +Illyrian mountains beyond Lychnidus, not far from the +Erigon, together with the Dassaretians.<a id="noteref_2091" name="noteref_2091" href="#note_2091"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2091</span></span></a> The tribe of +Mygdonians, which was allied to the Phrygians,<a id="noteref_2092" name="noteref_2092" href="#note_2092"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2092</span></span></a> must have +been lost in other nations at an early period, since their territory +had been occupied by the Edones before it became a +part of the Macedonian empire. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +31. In their further extension the Macedonians fell in +with Grecian, with Pæonian, and with Thracian tribes, +which they either subdued or dislodged; but no expulsion +was probably so complete that some part of the former +population was not left behind. Among the tribes thus +driven out were the Bottiæans, who were reported to have +come from Athens and Crete;<a id="noteref_2093" name="noteref_2093" href="#note_2093"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2093</span></span></a> a tradition which could +hardly have arisen, if they had not been a Grecian people. +Notice should also be taken of the Grecian and Pelasgic +names of the cities on the Axius, viz., Ichnæ, Eidomenæ, +Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus,<a id="noteref_2094" name="noteref_2094" href="#note_2094"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2094</span></span></a> which cannot have been +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page482">[pg 482]</span><a name="Pg482" id="Pg482" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +given by the Pæonians, and therefore must be referred to +the ancient Greek population of this region. Beyond the Axius, according +to Herodotus,<a id="noteref_2095" name="noteref_2095" href="#note_2095"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2095</span></span></a> was Creston, a settlement +of Thessalian Pelasgians, whence they do not appear to +have been expelled by the victorious Macedonians; which +fate befell the Almopians, an ancient branch of the Minyæ.<a id="noteref_2096" name="noteref_2096" href="#note_2096"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2096</span></span></a> +It has been already shown that the common population of +Leibethrum and Pieria was at least nearly related to the +Greeks: the names of Λείβηθρα, for a well-watered valley, +Πίμπλη for a full fountain, and of Ἑλικὼν for a winding +stream, are evidently Grecian.<a id="noteref_2097" name="noteref_2097" href="#note_2097"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2097</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +As to the Eordians, the ancient foes of Macedon, it is +uncertain whether they should be considered as belonging +to the Illyrian or the Pæonian race;<a id="noteref_2098" name="noteref_2098" href="#note_2098"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2098</span></span></a> of this latter tribe, in +earlier times, a small, and, in later, a considerable portion +obeyed the Macedonian kings. And, lastly, the subjection +of the Bisaltæ, who even in the time of Perseus formed one +of the chief parts of the kingdom of Macedon,<a id="noteref_2099" name="noteref_2099" href="#note_2099"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2099</span></span></a> +joined to that nation a people of purely Thracian descent; and the +Macedonians, in the political meaning of the word, ceased +more and more to be a regular nation, or a body of men of +the same origin and language.<a id="noteref_2100" name="noteref_2100" href="#note_2100"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2100</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">On the customs and language of the Macedonians.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +32. In order to trace the national character and origin +of the Macedonians, it is necessary to distinguish three +things; first, their Illyrian descent; secondly, their extension +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page483">[pg 483]</span><a name="Pg483" id="Pg483" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +over other, for the most part Grecian countries; and +thirdly, the introduction by the ruling family, of the civilisation +and refinements of the Greeks; which must have gained +great ground when Alexander the Philhellene offered himself +as a combatant at the Olympic games, and honoured +the poetry of Pindar;<a id="noteref_2101" name="noteref_2101" href="#note_2101"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2101</span></span></a> and when Archelaus, the +son of Perdiccas,—the same person who first established many +fortresses and roads in his dominions, and formed a Macedonian +army,<a id="noteref_2102" name="noteref_2102" href="#note_2102"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2102</span></span></a> nay, even +had it in view to procure a navy,<a id="noteref_2103" name="noteref_2103" href="#note_2103"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2103</span></span></a>—had +tragedies of Euripides acted at his court under the +direction of that poet. These changes must have chiefly +affected the regions near the sea; for they could not have +equally extended to the Macedonians of Lyncus, &c., who, +even in the time of Strabo, had the greatest resemblance to +the Dassaretians, Taulantians, &c., and, until the overthrow +of the Macedonian monarchy, preserved their ancient savage +habits; which Livy only partially accounts for by their intercourse +with neighbouring barbarians.<a id="noteref_2104" name="noteref_2104" href="#note_2104"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2104</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +33. Since the Illyrian tribes were never distinguished for +that original invention which imagined new gods and established +new modes of worship; while, on the other hand, +they readily adopted strange deities;<a id="noteref_2105" name="noteref_2105" href="#note_2105"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2105</span></span></a> we find among the +Macedonians more traces of foreign than native religion. +Certain deities which the Greeks compared with the Sileni +they called Sauadæ,<a id="noteref_2106" name="noteref_2106" href="#note_2106"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2106</span></span></a> as the +Illyrians called them Deuadæ;<a id="noteref_2107" name="noteref_2107" href="#note_2107"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2107</span></span></a> +a native Macedonian god of health was named Darrhon;<a id="noteref_2108" name="noteref_2108" href="#note_2108"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2108</span></span></a> +there was also a god called Deipatyrus among the neighbouring +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page484">[pg 484]</span><a name="Pg484" id="Pg484" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Stymphæans.<a id="noteref_2109" name="noteref_2109" href="#note_2109"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2109</span></span></a> The wide extension of the worship +of Bacchus must be ascribed to the vicinity of, and early +intercourse with Pieria: the Macetian women were celebrated +as wild and raging Bacchantes.<a id="noteref_2110" name="noteref_2110" href="#note_2110"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2110</span></span></a> The worship of +Zeus appears to have been early introduced among the Macedonians +from mount Olympus.<a id="noteref_2111" name="noteref_2111" href="#note_2111"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2111</span></span></a> Hercules, the heroic +progenitor of the royal family, was worshipped in their first +residence at Edessa:<a id="noteref_2112" name="noteref_2112" href="#note_2112"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2112</span></span></a> +he was called in Macedonia Aretus.<a id="noteref_2113" name="noteref_2113" href="#note_2113"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2113</span></span></a> +The worship of Apollo, which was prevalent in Macedonia +at an early period,<a id="noteref_2114" name="noteref_2114" href="#note_2114"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2114</span></span></a> probably was introduced from Pythium +on mount Olympus:<a id="noteref_2115" name="noteref_2115" href="#note_2115"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2115</span></span></a> that of Pan, at Pella, was perhaps +derived from the Pelasgians.<a id="noteref_2116" name="noteref_2116" href="#note_2116"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2116</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +34. Many barbarous customs of the northern nations, as, +for example, that of tattooing, which prevailed among the +Illyrians and Thracians,<a id="noteref_2117" name="noteref_2117" href="#note_2117"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2117</span></span></a> must have fallen into disuse in +Macedonia at a very early date: for the Greeks would not +have forgotten to mention such evident proofs of barbarian +descent. Even the usage of the ancient Macedonians, that +every person who had not killed an enemy should wear +some disgraceful badge, had been discontinued in the time +of Aristotle.<a id="noteref_2118" name="noteref_2118" href="#note_2118"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2118</span></span></a> Yet at a very late date no one +was permitted to lie down at table who had not slain a wild boar without +the nets.<a id="noteref_2119" name="noteref_2119" href="#note_2119"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2119</span></span></a> It is greatly to be lamented that we know much +less of the ancient customs of the Illyrians than of the +Thracians, of whose singular and almost Asiatic usages we +are sufficiently well informed. The doctrine of the immortality +of the soul in the worship of Zalmoxis, the lamentations +of the Trausi at the birth of a man,<a id="noteref_2120" name="noteref_2120" href="#note_2120"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2120</span></span></a> and the slaughter +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page485">[pg 485]</span><a name="Pg485" id="Pg485" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of the dearest wife on the grave of her husband among +the Sintes and Mædi,<a id="noteref_2121" name="noteref_2121" href="#note_2121"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2121</span></span></a> point to a particular view of human +life, foreign to the Grecian character, but familiar to many +eastern nations.<a id="noteref_2122" name="noteref_2122" href="#note_2122"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2122</span></span></a> +The prevailing custom of polygamy,<a id="noteref_2123" name="noteref_2123" href="#note_2123"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2123</span></span></a> the +buying and inheriting of women, the selling of children as +slaves,<a id="noteref_2124" name="noteref_2124" href="#note_2124"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2124</span></span></a> and the delight in +intoxication,<a id="noteref_2125" name="noteref_2125" href="#note_2125"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2125</span></span></a> are traces of a genuine +barbarian character; no one of which, as far as I am +aware, can be discovered among the Macedonians: with +whom, moreover, the Thracian names (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Cotys, and +those ending in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">cetes</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sades</span></span>) never +occur. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +35. On the other hand, a military disposition, which still +distinguished the Macedonians in the time of Polybius, +personal valour, and a certain freedom of spirit, were the +national characteristics of this people. Long before Philip +organised his phalanx, the cavalry of Macedon was greatly +celebrated, especially that of the highlands, as is shown by +the tetradrachms of Alexander the First. In smaller numbers +they attacked the close array of the Thracians of +Sitalces, relying on their skill in horsemanship and on their +defensive armour.<a id="noteref_2126" name="noteref_2126" href="#note_2126"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2126</span></span></a> Teleutias the Spartan also admired the +cavalry of Elimea;<a id="noteref_2127" name="noteref_2127" href="#note_2127"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2127</span></span></a> and in the days of the conquest of Asia +the custom still remained that the king could not condemn +any person without having first taken the voice of the people +or of the army.<a id="noteref_2128" name="noteref_2128" href="#note_2128"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2128</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +36. It is difficult to treat of the Macedonian language, +as not only the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ancient</span></em> period of the native dialect must be +distinguished from the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">second</span></em>, in which the Grecian language +was partially introduced, after Archelaus, Philip, and +Alexander made their people acquainted with Athenian +civilisation, but also from a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">third</span></em>, in which many barbarous +words were adopted from the mixture of the Macedonians +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page486">[pg 486]</span><a name="Pg486" id="Pg486" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +with Indians, Persians, and Egyptians.<a id="noteref_2129" name="noteref_2129" href="#note_2129"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2129</span></span></a> Nevertheless it +is possible to form a well-grounded opinion as to the form of +the Macedonian language in the first period. In the first +place, they had many barbarous words for very simple and +common objects,<a id="noteref_2130" name="noteref_2130" href="#note_2130"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2130</span></span></a> which may be certainly considered as +Illyrian, since among the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">very scanty</span></em> relics of the Illyrian +and Athamanian dialects<a id="noteref_2131" name="noteref_2131" href="#note_2131"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2131</span></span></a> there are some words which are +also mentioned as Macedonian.<a id="noteref_2132" name="noteref_2132" href="#note_2132"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2132</span></span></a> Indeed, without supposing +some barbarous foundation of this kind, we could hardly +account for the Macedonian language being still unintelligible +to the Greeks in the time of Alexander the Great.<a id="noteref_2133" name="noteref_2133" href="#note_2133"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2133</span></span></a> +Yet it cannot be doubted that the Greek had passed into +the Illyrian dialect <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> the introduction of Athenian literature, +and that their combination produced the mongrel +language which was afterwards called Macedonian. The +nominatives in α, such as ἱππότα, πολῖτα, &c., could not have +been derived from the Athenians; but the Thessalians, the +Dryopians, and probably all the Pelasgians, used that +form.<a id="noteref_2134" name="noteref_2134" href="#note_2134"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2134</span></span></a> That some mixture of Greek had taken place at an +early period seems also to be proved by the great and +almost inexplicable change which the Grecian words experienced +in the mouth of the Macedonians, who appear to +have been unable to pronounce the letters Φ and Θ, and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page487">[pg 487]</span><a name="Pg487" id="Pg487" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +hence they always substituted Β for the former, and Δ for +the latter,<a id="noteref_2135" name="noteref_2135" href="#note_2135"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2135</span></span></a> +perhaps from a peculiarity of the Illyrian nation. +On the other hand, the Macedonian language had a consonant +ΟΥ or V, as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Volustana</span></span>, the name of the country +round Olympus,<a id="noteref_2136" name="noteref_2136" href="#note_2136"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2136</span></span></a> the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Candavian</span></span> +mountains,<a id="noteref_2137" name="noteref_2137" href="#note_2137"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2137</span></span></a> &c., prove; +and thus both in this and the former respect it approximated +to the vocal system of the Latin. +</p> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page488">[pg 488]</span><a name="Pg488" id="Pg488" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Note on the Map of Macedonia.</span></span> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Since the annexed Map is entirely copied from that of +Barbié du Bocage, as far as the country is concerned, I will +only remark some important points in which Arrowsmith's +great Map of Turkey, which is in part founded on quite +different authorities, differs from it. In this Map the small +lake to the east of Lychnis, or Lychnitis (the lake of +Ochrida), is not connected with any river running to the +coast, and the mountains to the west of it stretch uninterruptedly +to the south. (Perhaps this is correct: see p. <a href="#Pg453" class="tei tei-ref">453</a>, +note g. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Candavian chain,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Ptolemy.”</span>]) The Haliacmon rises rather more to the north +than in Barbié du Bocage's Map. The Cara-Sou, which +is certainly the Erigon, runs into the lake of the Lydias. +(Incorrect, according to Strabo, quoted in p. <a href="#Pg451" class="tei tei-ref">451</a>, note b. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“mountains of Illyria,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Its rise in these mountains.”</span>]) +The Lydias has a longer course, and rises in the Illyrian +mountains. The modern river Gallico, which I make the +Echeidorus, flows at some distance from the sea through a +lake into the Axius. The tributary branch of the Achelous, +called by the ancients the Inachus, rises further to the south, +under the Pindus-chain (contrary to the authors quoted in +p. <a href="#Pg452" class="tei tei-ref">452</a>, note f. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Epirus of Lacmon,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Or Lacmus.”</span>]). Upon the whole, Barbié du Bocage's +Map is without doubt the more accurate. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page489">[pg 489]</span><a name="Pg489" id="Pg489" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc55" id="toc55"></a> +<a name="pdf56" id="pdf56"></a> +<a name="Appendix_II" id="Appendix_II" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Appendix II. Genealogy of Hellen.</span></h1> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There is a particular tendency which may be traced +throughout all the accounts that have come down to us of +early Grecian history, viz., of reducing everything to a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">genealogical</span></em> +form. It was much encouraged by the opinion of +the later historians, that every town and valley had received +its name from some ancient prince or hero; thus even Pausanias +meets with persons who explained everything by means +of genealogies;<a id="noteref_2138" name="noteref_2138" href="#note_2138"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2138</span></span></a> who, for example, out of the Pythian temple +at Delphi made a son of Delphus Pythis, a prince of early +times. This tendency, however, is manifestly founded on +the genuine ancient language of mythology. With the inventors +of these fabulous narratives, nations, cities, mountains, +rivers, and gods became real <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">persons</span></em>, who stood to +one another in the relation of human beings, were arranged +in families, and joined to one another in marriage. Now +although such fictions are in many cases easily seen through, +and the meaning of the connexion may be readily deciphered, +yet these genealogies, as there was nothing of arbitrary +and fanciful invention in them, in after-times passed +for real history; and were, both by early and late historians, +with full confidence in their general accuracy, made use of +for the establishment of a sort of chronology. On these +principles, then, the genealogies which were formed in the +age of the later epic poets, and perhaps even of the early +historians, cannot be considered as pure invention; these too +must have been founded on certain arguments and facts, +which were generally believed at that time. We will endeavour +to point this out in the famous genealogy of the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page490">[pg 490]</span><a name="Pg490" id="Pg490" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +chief races of the Greeks, which was taken from the Ἠοῖαι +of Hesiod.<a id="noteref_2139" name="noteref_2139" href="#note_2139"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2139</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +[Transcriber's Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table: +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Prometheus and Pandora had Deucalion. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Deucalion and Pyrrha had Hellen. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Hellen had Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Xuthus had Achæus and Ion.] +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Now the passage of Hesiod only mentions the three brothers, +Dorus, Xuthus, and Æolus, without naming the +sons of Xuthus; but it is evident that in this series Xuthus +must also represent some race or races; and since no +tribe ever bore the title of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Xuthi</span></span>, this name must have +been used by Hesiod to signify the Ionians and Achaæns, +as in Apollodorus, and other writers.<a id="noteref_2140" name="noteref_2140" href="#note_2140"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2140</span></span></a> According to another +tradition, perhaps of equal antiquity, Zeus, the father +of gods and men, was, instead of Deucalion, the husband of +Pyrrha.<a id="noteref_2141" name="noteref_2141" href="#note_2141"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2141</span></span></a> +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +It is evident that the above genealogy was intended to +represent the chief races of the Hellenes, or Greeks, as belonging +to one nation; and consequently could not have +been made before the name Hellenes was applied to the +whole nation; which in the Iliad<a id="noteref_2142" name="noteref_2142" href="#note_2142"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2142</span></span></a> is only the name of a +small tribe in Phthia.<a id="noteref_2143" name="noteref_2143" href="#note_2143"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2143</span></span></a> The more extended use of the +name falls in the period of the poems which went under the +name of Hesiod:<a id="noteref_2144" name="noteref_2144" href="#note_2144"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2144</span></span></a> it is first thus used in +the <span class="tei tei-q">“Works and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page491">[pg 491]</span><a name="Pg491" id="Pg491" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +Days”</span> of the real Hesiod,<a id="noteref_2145" name="noteref_2145" href="#note_2145"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2145</span></span></a> before which time, therefore, the +above genealogy cannot have been formed. But that the +author of it did not make an arbitrary fiction is evident +from the circumstance that he put Xuthus instead of +Achæus and Ion; by which he greatly deranged the symmetry +of his genealogy. It is clear that he thought himself +bound to respect the tradition, that Achæus and Ion were +the sons of Xuthus; which prevented him from making +Hellen their father. As yet, therefore, the other brothers +were not recognised in tradition as having any fathers; and +some obscure legends, such as that of Dorus, the son of +Apollo,<a id="noteref_2146" name="noteref_2146" href="#note_2146"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2146</span></span></a> had not obtained a general belief. +There can be no doubt that Hellen was recognised in the most ancient +tradition. Now in the fictions of mythology the invention +was bound by a sort of fanciful regularity; and in a fabulous +genealogy the part was deduced from the whole, the +species from the genus, as an inferior and subordinate being: +thus in the Theogony the hills are the children of the earth, +and the sun and the moon of light.<a id="noteref_2147" name="noteref_2147" href="#note_2147"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2147</span></span></a> +Accordingly the poet (or whoever was his authority) sang of Æolus, Dorus, and +Xuthus, the progenitors of nations, being the sons of +Hellen, the son of Zeus, or grandson of Prometheus. It +is possible that before this entire genealogy others had +been invented, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, that +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorus</span></em> was a son of Hellen; since, +as early as the time of Lycurgus, the Spartans were commanded +by the Pythian oracle to worship Zeus Hellanius +and Athene Hellania;<a id="noteref_2148" name="noteref_2148" href="#note_2148"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2148</span></span></a> and since both the judges in the +Spartan army<a id="noteref_2149" name="noteref_2149" href="#note_2149"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2149</span></span></a> +and the judges of the Olympic games were +called Hellanodicæ. And when I consider the celebrated +oracle just quoted, and the close connexion of Sparta and +Olympia with Delphi, the sacred families of the Delphians +(the ὅσιοι), who referred their origin to +Deucalion,<a id="noteref_2150" name="noteref_2150" href="#note_2150"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2150</span></span></a> and on +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page492">[pg 492]</span><a name="Pg492" id="Pg492" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +the other hand remember that a Bœotian poem, composed +in the neighbourhood of the Pythian oracle, first uses the +word <span class="tei tei-q">“Hellenes”</span> in this extended sense; I cannot help +conjecturing that this national sanctuary of the Hellenic +name had a large share in the formation of that really beautiful +legend; by which all the different races of Greece, +separated for so many centuries by violent and unceasing +contention, were united into the peaceable fellowship of +brotherly affection and concord. +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page493">[pg 493]</span><a name="Pg493" id="Pg493" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc57" id="toc57"></a> +<a name="pdf58" id="pdf58"></a> +<a name="Appendix_III" id="Appendix_III" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Appendix III. The migration of the Dorians to Crete.</span></h1> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Cnosus,<a id="noteref_2151" name="noteref_2151" href="#note_2151"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2151</span></span></a> the Minoian Cnosus, was, even so late as the +time of Plato, the first city in Crete, and the chief domicile +of the Cretan laws and customs: and Plato, in his Treatise +on Laws, takes a Cnosian as the representative and defender +of the Cretan laws in general;<a id="noteref_2152" name="noteref_2152" href="#note_2152"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2152</span></span></a> although Cnosus +about his time had declined from internal corruption, and +the fame of having preserved the good laws of ancient Crete +soon passed from her to Gortyna and Lyctus.<a id="noteref_2153" name="noteref_2153" href="#note_2153"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2153</span></span></a> In earlier +times, however, the Cretan laws (Κρητικοὶ νόμοι), which +Archilochus even mentions as being of a distinct character,<a id="noteref_2154" name="noteref_2154" href="#note_2154"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2154</span></span></a> +were preserved in the greatest purity at Cnosus. Now +when modern writers admit indeed that the Cretan laws +were founded upon the customs of the Doric race, but affirm +that this race did not penetrate into Crete before the expedition +of the Heraclidæ, and that migrations subsequently +took place from Peloponnesus; it is necessary for them +first of all to show that <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Cnosus</span></em> received its Doric inhabitants +from that country, that is, probably either from Argos +or Sparta. But had such been the case, the memory of these +migrations would assuredly never have been lost: Argos +and Sparta would have been too proud to possess such a +colony. Cnosus must therefore have received its Doric inhabitants +at an earlier date, in the dark ages of mythology; +and the subsequent colonies from Peloponnesus to Lyctus, +Gortyna, and other places, helped to increase the Doric +population, which in Homer's time<a id="noteref_2155" name="noteref_2155" href="#note_2155"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2155</span></span></a> was confined to a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">part</span></em> +of the island, over the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">whole</span></em> of Crete; as was the case in +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page494">[pg 494]</span><a name="Pg494" id="Pg494" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +late ages. And at the time which Homer describes, not +only the language, but the customs and laws were probably +also different; whereas Archilochus appears to mention the +Cretan laws as prevalent over the whole island. Upon the +whole, the Dorians in Crete—and this is a fact of great importance—never +seem to stand, with regard to the Dorians +of Peloponnesus, in the relation of a colony to its mother +country. In Greece, the parent state—so great was the +pride of higher antiquity—never condescended to take the +institutions of a colony as models for its own, as was the case +with Sparta and Crete; nor did the mother country ever +procure priests from its colony, as was the case when the +Pythian Apollo sent Cretan priests to Sparta.<a id="noteref_2156" name="noteref_2156" href="#note_2156"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2156</span></span></a> In short, +everything seems to prove that the Doric institutions were +of great antiquity in Crete, and that the distinction which +has lately been taken between the laws of Minos and the +Doric institutions and customs of Crete—a distinction +directly opposed to the unanimous testimony of antiquity—is +false and untenable. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +But in retaining his conviction respecting a Doric settlement +in Crete before the migration of the Heraclidæ, and +in viewing it as the only means of explaining many facts in +the religious and political history of the Greeks, the Author +does not imply that this Doric colony was exactly similar to +a later migration of Dorians from Argos and Sparta. The +condition of the Dorians in Hestiæotis must have been very +different from that to which the same race attained in +Peloponnesus. The mixture with other races, which had +gone so far, that the head of the mythical settlement bears a +Pelasgic name (Teutamus), does not agree with the character +of the later Dorians. At that time no line of princes, +calling themselves Heraclidæ, could have stood at the head +of the Dorians; for in Crete, Heraclidæ only occur in cities +which were colonised from Peloponnesus; for example, they +do not occur in Cnosus. Moreover, a maritime, and especially +a piratical life (upon which the maritime supremacy +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page495">[pg 495]</span><a name="Pg495" id="Pg495" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +of Minos was founded) does not agree with the principles +followed by the Dorians in Peloponnesus, where they relied +upon a tranquil and secure possession of land. These principles, +however, could not be developed so long as the +Dorians were excluded from the rich plain of Thessaly, +and were forced to eke out their scanty means by hunting +and piracy. How different was the rough and perilous life +of the ancient sea-kings of the Normans from the proud and +secure existence of the barons in Normandy! Yet the eye +of the observant historian can trace a unity of national +character even in the most different circumstances. By a +similar analogy, this remarkable expedition of Doric adventurers +from Hestiæotis to Crete will explain the zeal of the +Cretans for the worship of Apollo, the ancient connexion of +Crete and Delphi, and the early existence in Crete of +notions respecting a strict regulation of public life (κόσμος). +</p> + +</div> + +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page497">[pg 497]</span><a name="Pg497" id="Pg497" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> + +<hr class="page" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<a name="toc59" id="toc59"></a> +<a name="pdf60" id="pdf60"></a> +<a name="Appendix_IV" id="Appendix_IV" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Appendix IV. History of the Greek congress or synedrion during the +Persian war.</span></h1> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +1. In the present article it will be my object to trace the +foreign influence which Sparta possessed at the time of the +Persian war, and for what length of time her supremacy +in Greece remained uncontested and unshaken. This is +chiefly seen in the proceedings of the congress of the allied +Greek states: to ascertain which with precision, it will be +first necessary to fix the chronology of the successive stages +of the Persian war. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +In the course of the year 481 B.C. (Olymp. 74. 3/4) +Xerxes set out from his residence at Susa (Herod. VII. +20), found the great army assembled in Cappadocia, and +marched to Sardis, from which town he sent ambassadors to +the Greek cities (ib. 32). Having wintered here, the army +marched in the spring of 480 B.C. (Olymp. 74. 4) to +Abydos;<a id="noteref_2157" name="noteref_2157" href="#note_2157"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2157</span></span></a> when it had reached the passes of Pieria, +the Persian envoys returned (ib. 131). Soon after this they +met at Thermopylæ the Greek forces, which had set out +before the 75th Olympiad and the Carnean games, about +June 480 B.C. Battles of Thermopylæ and Artemisium +in μέσον θέρος (VIII. 12.) both perhaps a short time before +the Olympic festival (VIII. 26). Conquest of Attica, four +months after the beginning of the διάβασις τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου +(VIII. 51). Battle of Salamis, a little after the time of the +Ιακχος, after the εἰκὰς of Boëdromion Olymp. 75. 1., as the +Etesian winds were either blowing or had ceased to blow +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page498">[pg 498]</span><a name="Pg498" id="Pg498" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +(they last from the summer solstice to the rising of the dog-star), +VII. 168. Mardonius winters in Thessaly and Macedonia, +the Persian fleet at Cume and Samos. Battle of +Platæa on the 26th or 27th of Panemus (Metagitnion), +Olymp. 75. 2. 479 B.C. at the same time as that of Mycale. +The year ends with the taking of Sestos. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +2. The Greeks certainly received early intelligence of the +preparations in Persia (VII. 138), even if the story related +by Herodotus (VII. 239.) about the secret message of Demaratus +is not true. They either refused or gave earth and +water to the envoys late in the year 481 B.C. (VII. 138.). +The states which refused to submit held a congress;<a id="noteref_2158" name="noteref_2158" href="#note_2158"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2158</span></span></a> and +they are now called by Herodotus, <span class="tei tei-q">“the Greeks allied +against the Persians,”</span> (οἱ συνωμόται Ἑλλήνων ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ, +VII. 148.). This assembly of course was formed by deputies +from the different cities: the manner of its formation +may be inferred from the place at which it sat; and it will +be shown presently that it first assembled at Corinth, which +city belonged to the Peloponnesian confederacy. It appears +therefore that Sparta must have convened an assembly at +Corinth, to which the extra-Peloponnesian states, which +had refused earth and water, sent envoys. This congress +first put an end to the internal dissensions of Greece (VII. +145.), in which good service Chileus of Tegea and Themistocles +are said to have earned the gratitude of their countrymen +(Plutarch Themist. 6.). Secondly, when they heard +that Xerxes was at Sardis, they despatched spies thither, +and at the same time envoys to Argos, Sicily, Corcyra, and +Crete. (VII. 145. 199.) The envoys are stated by Herodotus +to have been sent by the Lacedæmonians and their +allies.<a id="noteref_2159" name="noteref_2159" href="#note_2159"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2159</span></span></a> They also made a vow to decimate to the Delphian +God all those Greeks who had unnecessarily given +earth and water to the Persians (VII. 132.); the persons +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page499">[pg 499]</span><a name="Pg499" id="Pg499" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +who made this vow are called by Diodorus XI. 3. <span class="tei tei-q">“the +Greeks assembled in congress at the Isthmus,”</span> οἱ ἐν Ἰσθμῷ +συνεδρεύοντες τῶν Ἑλλήνων. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +3. In this narrative taken from Herodotus there still remains +one contradiction, viz., that if the Greeks did not assemble +till after they had refused earth and water (as appears +from VII. 138. cf. 145.), the Argives had no longer +any option whether they would join the league or not. +Likewise the dismission of the Greek envoys would fall too +late in the unfavourable season for sailing, and there would +scarcely be time for the messages to the oracles (c. 148, +169.), and the other proceedings. It is therefore probable +that this congress was formed <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> the arrival of the Persian +envoys, which was late in 481 B.C.: and Diodorus +seems to be correct in stating that of the nations some gave +earth and water, while the Persian army was in the valley +of Tempe, and others after its departure (XI. 3.); and +therefore none till early in 480 B.C.: previously the ambassadors +were probably in the north; Herodotus in VII. +138. appears to mean only the ambassadors of Darius. +With this the following statements agree, which he adds in +VII. 172. <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">As soon as</span></em> the Thessalians had heard that +the Persians wished to invade Europe”</span>—which they must +have known in the winter of 481-80 B.C.—<span class="tei tei-q">“they sent envoys +to the Isthmus.”</span> Ἐν δὲ τῷ Ἰσθμῷ (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, in the village +which had grown up about the temple of Neptune), ἔσαν +ἁλισμένοι πρόβουλοι (plenipotentiaries, VI. 7.) τῆς Ἑλλάδος, +ἀραιρημένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεουσέων περὶ τὴν +Ἑλλάδα. Now this assembly, while the Persian king was +at Abydos, and therefore very early in 480 B.C., sent the +army to Tempe, which soon returned (VII. 173.), and indeed +returned to the Isthmus, which must therefore have +been the head-quarters of the allied army. When it returned, +the congress was still sitting at the Isthmus.<a id="noteref_2160" name="noteref_2160" href="#note_2160"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2160</span></span></a> This +synedrion or assembly (which is again mentioned in this +place by Diodorus XI. 4.) now resolved to defend the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page500">[pg 500]</span><a name="Pg500" id="Pg500" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +passes of Thermopylæ and Artemisium: and when the intelligence +arrived that the Persians were in Pieria, διαλυθέντες +ἐκ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, departing from the Isthmus) ἐστρατεύοντο +αὐτῶν οἱ μὲν ἐς Θερμοπύλας πεζῇ, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπ᾽ +Ἀρτεμίσιον. But that the Isthmus was still the place in +which the congress sat, is evident from the fact, that Sandoces, +Aridolis, and Penthylus, who fell into the hands of +the Greeks before the battle of Artemisium, were sent +thither (VII. 195.). At this time indeed the Peloponnesians +were celebrating the Olympiad, and the Spartans the +Carnea, at their respective homes,<a id="noteref_2161" name="noteref_2161" href="#note_2161"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2161</span></span></a> after which, as had been +previously arranged, they were to take the field with all +their forces (πανδημεὶ, VII. 206. VIII. 26.). Nevertheless, +the decree that the ships which came too late for Artemisium +should assemble in the Trœzenian Pogon (VIII. 42.), +as well as the other, that the Isthmus should be fortified +(VIII. 40, 71.), which measure was not thought of before +the battle of Thermopylæ, must have been passed in this +interval. Diodorus (XI. 16.) mentions the synedrion in +connexion with this decree. The fortification began after +the Carnea (VIII. 72.). The fleet was commanded (as is +evident from VIII. 2, 9, 56, 58, 74, 108, 111. IX. 90.) by +the Spartan admiral and a council, a συνέδριον of the στρατηγοὶ +or ἐν τέλει ὄντες (IX. 106.), in which the admiral τὸν +λόγον προετίθει (VIII. 59.) put the question to the vote +(ἐπεψήφιζε, c. 61.), and gave out the decree. This commander +was armed with very large powers, and Leotychidas +concluded an alliance with the Samians (IX. 92.), and +even the captains of the fleet debated on the projected migration +of the Ionians (IX. 106.). Nor is it ever mentioned +that the fleet received orders from the Isthmus. But the +circumstance of the fleet's sailing to the Isthmus, after the +battle of Salamis, for the decree on the ἀριστεῖα (VIII. 123.), +is a proof that the Isthmus was still the seat of the confederate +assembly. Diodorus likewise represents this decree +as proceeding from the συνέδριον (XI. 55.); probably the +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page501">[pg 501]</span><a name="Pg501" id="Pg501" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +<span class="tei tei-q">“Greeks,”</span> who refused to confirm the vote of the commanders +(VIII. 124.), were the members of the league. +The ships which had been engaged in the battle returned +home without any decision. Late in the year, after the +eclipse of the sun on the 2nd of October, Cleombrotus had +led the great allied army from the Isthmus, and soon afterwards +died (IX. 10.). The decree for the following year, +that the fleet should go to Ægina (VIII. 131.), may have +proceeded either from the synedrium of the preceding year, +or from <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Sparta</span></em>. For that there were no longer any deputies +assembled at Corinth is evident from the circumstance +that the Ionian envoys only went to Sparta and +Ægina (VIII. 132.); nor is the Isthmus afterwards mentioned +as the seat of an assembly, although it was fortified +until the middle of summer, till the time of the Hyacinthia +(IX. 7.). After this time, Athens, Platæa, and Megara +sent their envoys to Sparta, where there were also Peloponnesian +envoys, as for instance Chileus of Tegea (IX. 9.), +who was mentioned above among the πρόβουλοι; and all +these, together with the ambassadors of the three states just +mentioned, are, as it appears, called by Herodotus οἱ ἄγγελοι +οἱ ἀπιγμένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, IX. 10. There must probably +have been some joint act of the allies,<a id="noteref_2162" name="noteref_2162" href="#note_2162"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2162</span></span></a> by virtue of +which Pausanias was able to collect the great Peloponnesian +army. After the battle of Platæa there was in the army +a kind of council of war, doubtless a συνέδριον τῶν ἐν τέλει +ὄντων, which regulated the number of the sacred offerings, +divided the booty (IX. 81, 85.), and determined on the +expedition against Thebes (c. 86.): the persons who were +given up, Pausanias seems at Corinth to have ordered to +execution on his own authority (c. 88.). +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +4. Such is the substance of the narrative of Herodotus; +in which we can only be surprised, that of the most remarkable +event, viz., the treaty of Pausanias, he should say not +a word: a silence which can only be explained by supposing +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page502">[pg 502]</span><a name="Pg502" id="Pg502" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +that he had intended to mention it in another passage of +his unfinished work. When Pausanias, with the assistance +of the allies, had won the battle of Platæa, he sacrificed +in the market-place of Platæa to Zeus Eleutherius, and +convened an assembly of all the Greeks, in which the Platæans +(who annually performed certain honorary rites to +those who had fallen in the battle, Thuc. III. 58.) were +promised that their country and city should remain independent, +and that no one should attack them without lawful +reason, or with intention to reduce them to subjection: +and that, in case these conditions were not observed, all the +allies then present would protect them (Thuc. VI. 71. cf. +III. 56, 59.); an engagement which the Spartans themselves +afterwards broke, on the ground that the Platæans had first +unjustly given up τὸ ξυνώμοτον (II. 74.). For in <span class="tei tei-q">“the ancient +treaty of Pausanias after the Persian war,”</span> it was +ordered that the allies in general, and the Platæans among +them, should remain at peace with each other (Thuc. III. +68. cf. II. 72.). The further conditions of this treaty may +be collected from Thucyd. I. 67, (for it is evidently this +treaty which is in question,) where the Æginetans complain +that they are not independent, <span class="tei tei-q">“according to the treaty;”</span> +for the thirty years' truce (I. 115.) cannot be meant, as it +was not concluded till after the subjection of Ægina (the +former in Olymp. 83. 3. the latter in Olymp. 80. 4.); +whence it is likewise evident that the treaty, which was violated +by the siege of Potidæa, and the exclusion of the +Megarians from the market of Attica, (I. 67, 87. cf. c. 144.) +was the same ancient act, only renewed by later treaties. +Thus Plutarch states that the latter prohibition was <span class="tei tei-q">“contrary +to the common principles of justice, and the solemn +oaths of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">the Greeks</span></em>.”</span><a id="noteref_2163" name="noteref_2163" href="#note_2163"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2163</span></span></a> +And in another place he mentions +that, in a general assembly of the Greeks after the +battle of Platæa, Aristides proposed a decree that the +Greeks should annually send deputies and sacred messengers +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page503">[pg 503]</span><a name="Pg503" id="Pg503" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +to Platæa, and that the Eleutheria should be solemnised +every five years.<a id="noteref_2164" name="noteref_2164" href="#note_2164"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2164</span></span></a> Also, that it was agreed that an +allied Greek armament should be organised against the +Persians, consisting of 10,000 heavy-armed infantry, 1000 +cavalry, and 100 ships: and that the Platæans should be considered +sacred and inviolable. From what has been stated +above, it is clear how much of this account is true, and how +much added by Athenian partiality. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +5. In the following years, when Sparta still continued +the war against the Persians and their allies by means of +Pausanias and Leotychidas, there must have been a congress, +though not constantly sitting; since the Spartans +would not have determined the amount of <span class="tei tei-q">“the +war contribution”</span><a id="noteref_2165" name="noteref_2165" href="#note_2165"><span class="tei tei-noteref"><span style="font-size: 60%; vertical-align: super">2165</span></span></a> +on their own authority; and there is much probability +in the account of Diodorus (XI. 55.), that the +Spartans summoned Themistocles for his share in the treason +of Pausanias before the common-council of the Greeks, +which used at this time to assemble at Sparta. At least it +is not contradicted by Thucydides; indeed his narrative +(I. 135.) perfectly agrees in this point with that of Diodorus. +The words ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ, which are omitted in some MSS. +of Diodorus, and suspected by Wesseling (yet, it should be +observed, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only</span></em> these words), cannot be well spared; and, +even if they were expunged, the whole chapter would show +that the congress was sitting at Sparta; for it was evidently +under Lacedæmonian influence, and therefore met in the +Peloponnese; and, since the instance mentioned above, it +does not appear that any of its meetings were held at the +Isthmus. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +This account likewise proves that, after Pausanias had +occasioned the defection of the Ionians and Æolians from +Sparta, who were now considered as the separate allies of +Athens, a confederate council, which included other states +besides the Peloponnesians, continued to sit at Sparta; and +<span class="tei tei-pb" id="page504">[pg 504]</span><a name="Pg504" id="Pg504" class="tei tei-anchor"></a> +affords fresh grounds for supposing that this abandonment +of the Spartan alliance was not considered as a transfer of +the chief command to Athens, but that Sparta only intrusted +the Athenians, together with those Greeks who +dwelt in the territory of the Persian king, with the continuation +of the war in Asia, and the management of all +affairs connected with it; and still considered Athens as +under her command, until that state revolted in Olymp. 79. +At last the internal wars of Peloponnesus, Olymp. 79-81, +subverted all the relations of Athens and Sparta. +</p> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +End Of Vol. I. +</p> + +</div> + +<div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +[Transcriber's Note: The following images are sections of the large map attached +to the binding of the book. To allow it to be represented in this e-book, it has +been divided into 16 sections. They are laid out in this manner:] +</p> + +<table summary="This is a table" cellspacing="0" class="tei tei-table" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"><colgroup span="4"></colgroup><tbody><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell">A1</td><td class="tei tei-cell">A2</td><td class="tei tei-cell">A3</td><td class="tei tei-cell">A4</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell">B1</td><td class="tei tei-cell">B2</td><td class="tei tei-cell">B3</td><td class="tei tei-cell">B4</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell">C1</td><td class="tei tei-cell">C2</td><td class="tei tei-cell">C3</td><td class="tei tei-cell">C4</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-row"><td class="tei tei-cell">D1</td><td class="tei tei-cell">D2</td><td class="tei tei-cell">D3</td><td class="tei tei-cell">D4</td></tr></tbody></table> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-a1.png" alt="Map section A1." title="Map section A1." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section A1.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-a2.png" alt="Map section A2." title="Map section A2." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section A2.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-a3.png" alt="Map section A3." title="Map section A3." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section A3.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-a4.png" alt="Map section A4." title="Map section A4." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section A4.</div></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-b1.png" alt="Map section B1." title="Map section B1." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section B1.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-b2.png" alt="Map section B2." title="Map section B2." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section B2.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-b3.png" alt="Map section B3." title="Map section B3." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section B3.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-b4.png" alt="Map section B4." title="Map section B4." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section B4.</div></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-c1.png" alt="Map section C1." title="Map section C1." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section C1.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-c2.png" alt="Map section C2." title="Map section C2." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section C2.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-c3.png" alt="Map section C3." title="Map section C3." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section C3.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-c4.png" alt="Map section C4." title="Map section C4." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section C4.</div></div> + +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-d1.png" alt="Map section D1." title="Map section D1." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section D1.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-d2.png" alt="Map section D2." title="Map section D2." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section D2.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-d3.png" alt="Map section D3." title="Map section D3." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section D3.</div></div> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em"> + </p><div class="tei tei-figure" style="width: 90%; text-align: center"><img src="images/map-d4.png" alt="Map section D4." title="Map section D4." /><div class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: center; margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em">Map section D4.</div></div> + +</div> + +</div> +<hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-back" style="margin-bottom: 2.00em; margin-top: 6.00em"> + <div id="footnotes" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <a name="toc61" id="toc61"></a> + <a name="pdf62" id="pdf62"></a> + <h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Footnotes</span></h1> + <dl class="tei tei-list-footnotes"><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1" name="note_1" href="#noteref_1">1.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The map of Northern Greece was not received until that of +the Peloponnese had been engraved; and being intended by the +author for circulation in Germany, as well as in England, the +names are given in Latin. This must serve as an apology for +this want of uniformity in the two maps.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2" name="note_2" href="#noteref_2">2.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly +Pouqueville's list of Albanian words. +Compare Thunmann's Geschichte +der Europäischen Völker, p. +250. Concerning the Illyrians, +see App. 1, § 21, 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_3" name="note_3" href="#noteref_3">3.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VII. p. 321 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_4" name="note_4" href="#noteref_4">4.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Illyrian words in use among +the Macedonians: σαυάδαι (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sileni</span></span>) +in Macedonian, δευάδαι in +Illyrian; δράμις, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">bread</span></span>, in Macedonian, +δράμικης among the +Athamanes. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. +254. Compare Hesychius in +βατάρα. See the copious collection +in Sturz de Dialecto Macedonica.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_5" name="note_5" href="#noteref_5">5.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As this expression is +often used in the following pages, I +take this opportunity of stating, +that by <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">an aboriginal people</span></span>, I +mean one which, as far as our +knowledge extends, first dwelt +in a country, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> which we +know of no other inhabitants of +that country.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_6" name="note_6" href="#noteref_6">6.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Justin, VII. 1. Compare +Æsch. Suppl. 261.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_7" name="note_7" href="#noteref_7">7.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 57. See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 444.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_8" name="note_8" href="#noteref_8">8.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare, for example, δαίνειν +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">to kill</span></span>, δάνος <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">death</span></span>, with +θανεῖν, θάνατος; ἐέλδω (ἐέλδωρ +in Homer) with ἐθέλω; ἀδραία +for αἰδρία, in which θ loses its +aspiration, as φ does in κεφαλὴ +(so in German <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">haubet</span></span> for +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">haupt</span></span>), ἀφροῦτις for ὀφρὺς +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">brow</span></span>), Βίλιππος, Βερενίκη, +βαλακρὸς, &c. The aspirate is +also frequently lost; ἐνδομενία +or ἐνδυμενία, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">furniture</span></span> (in Polybius), +with a change of υ and ο.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_9" name="note_9" href="#noteref_9">9.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> the nominatives ἵπποτα, +&c., which are also called +Æolico-Bœotic, Doric, and +Thessalian. Sturz <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ut sup.</span></span> p. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_10" name="note_10" href="#noteref_10">10.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> ζέρεθρα for βάραθρα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_11" name="note_11" href="#noteref_11">11.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> ταγῶν ἀγὰ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">the leading +of the Tagus</span></span>, as in Thessaly; +ματτύα, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dainties</span></span>, a Thessalian, +Macedonian, and also Spartan +word.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_12" name="note_12" href="#noteref_12">12.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> βίρροξ, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hirsutus</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hirtus</span></span>; +γάρκαν, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">virgam</span></span>; ἴλεξ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ilex</span></span>. +The want of aspirates also forms +a point of comparison.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_13" name="note_13" href="#noteref_13">13.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollodorus, III. 8, +1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_14" name="note_14" href="#noteref_14">14.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Constant. Porph. de +Themat. II. 2, p. 1453. Sturz +Hellan. Fragm. p. 79. The +passage of Hesiod is probably +from the Ἠοῖαι, and there is no +reason for supposing it spurious. +The second verse should be read, +υἶε δύω Μάγνητα Μάκεδνόν θ᾽ +ἱππιοχάρμην.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_15" name="note_15" href="#noteref_15">15.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the Macedonians, +see <a href="#Appendix_I" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix I</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_16" name="note_16" href="#noteref_16">16.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I allude here particularly to +the ending of the genitive case +of the second declension in οιο, +which the grammarians quote as +Thessalian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_17" name="note_17" href="#noteref_17">17.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_28" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix +I. § 28</a>. The +ancient Macedonian coins represent precisely the same dress +as the Thessalian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_18" name="note_18" href="#noteref_18">18.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Θετταλικὰ πτερὰ in +several grammarians, with Didymus +in Ammonius in χλαμύς. +More will be found on this subject +in book IV. c. 2, § 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_19" name="note_19" href="#noteref_19">19.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Theocritus XII. +14, with Alcman quoted in the +Scholia, and b. IV. c. 4, § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_20" name="note_20" href="#noteref_20">20.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in +δεσποίνας. See +book IV. c. 4, § 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_21" name="note_21" href="#noteref_21">21.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Ælian, V. H. +III. 15, the women of Illyria +were present at banquets and +wine-parties; Herod. V. 18, says +the contrary of the Macedonians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_22" name="note_22" href="#noteref_22">22.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo, V. +p. 221.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_23" name="note_23" href="#noteref_23">23.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Stephan. +Byzant. in Ἔφυρα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_24" name="note_24" href="#noteref_24">24.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alexander Ephesius ap. Stephan. +Byz. in Χαονία.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_25" name="note_25" href="#noteref_25">25.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Niebuhr's Roman History, +vol. i. p. 46, ed. 2, English tr. +Hence many names were the +same in both countries; as, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, +Pandosia (Justin, XII. 2), Acheron, +Acherontia, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_26" name="note_26" href="#noteref_26">26.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodotus also says, that +the Ionians and Æolians had +formerly been Pelasgians, having, +as it were, swallowed up +that nation; he must however +assume that they changed their +language (μετέμαθον τὴν γλῶσσαν), +as the language of the +Pelasgi who dwelt near Creston +and Placia (which was +probably nothing more than an +ancient dialect) appeared to him +barbarous. Æschylus (Suppl. +911) opposes them, as genuine +Greeks, to the καρβανοι, or barbarians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_27" name="note_27" href="#noteref_27">27.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, the Amphilochians +and Chaonians, according +to Thucyd. II. 68, 80. The +following ancient Greek forms +occur in the Epirot dialect: +γδοῦποσ for δοῦποσ (Maittaire, +p. 141), γνώσκω, nosco, Orion +p. 42, 17. Ἄσπετος Achilles, +Plut. Pyrrh. 1. (α-ἕπομαι.)—The +account in Strabo VII. p. +327, of two languages being +spoken in some districts, doubtless +refers to the coexistence of +Grecian and Illyrian dialects.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_28" name="note_28" href="#noteref_28">28.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XVII. 5, 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_29" name="note_29" href="#noteref_29">29.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 253.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_30" name="note_30" href="#noteref_30">30.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hesychius, +Βρέκυς (Βερεκύντιος) is the same +word as Βρύξ. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bruges</span></span> was also +used by Ennius, and, as it appears, +by Marcus Brutus (Plutarch, +Brut. 45).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_31" name="note_31" href="#noteref_31">31.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Chrestomathia of +Proclus. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Briges</span></span>, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Phryges</span></span>, +in the region of Dyrrachium, +Appian, Bell. Civ. II., 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_32" name="note_32" href="#noteref_32">32.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Creuzer Fragment. Histor. +p. 171. Strabo XIV. p. 680. +Compare Conon in Photius I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_33" name="note_33" href="#noteref_33">33.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning this point, see +Hoeck's History of Crete, vol. +I. p. 109, sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_34" name="note_34" href="#noteref_34">34.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the opinion +of their colonists, Herod. VII. +73. Eudoxus ap. Steph. in Ἀρμενία. +Compare Heeren <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De +Linguarum Asiaticarum in +Persarum Imperio Cognatione</span></span>, +Comment. Gotting. vol. XIII.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_35" name="note_35" href="#noteref_35">35.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Armenians frequently +occur in the ancient traditional +history of the oriental kingdoms; +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, in Diod. II. 1 as +conquered by Ninus. They are +likewise represented as the original +inhabitants in the native +legends collected by Moses of +Chorene.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_36" name="note_36" href="#noteref_36">36.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Plato, +Cratyl. p. 410 A. It +is remarkable that these words +are also in the German language. +Πῦρ (see Grimm's +Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. p. +584, 2d ed.) in ancient High +German was <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">viuri</span></span>, in Low German +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">für</span></span>. Κύων, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">canis</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hund</span></span> +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">d</span></span> added as in μὴν, μὰν—Phrygian +for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">moon</span></span>—and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">mahnd</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">mond</span></span>). Ὕδωρ, in High German +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">wazar</span></span>, in Low German +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">water</span></span>; the digamma is present +the genuine Phrygian form +βéδυ, which, on account of ancient +vicinity, was also a Macedonian +and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orphic</span></span> word (see +Neanth. Cyzicen. ap. Clem. +Alexand. Strom. V. p. 673. Jablonsky +de Lingua Phrygia, p. +76), and is sometimes translated +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">water</span></span>, and sometimes <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">air</span></span>. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Lastly, the Phrygian inscription +in Walpole's Memoirs, especially +the words +ΜΙΔΑΙ ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, prove +that it had a great resemblance, +both in radical forms and inflexion, +with the Greek.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_37" name="note_37" href="#noteref_37">37.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus the +verb <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sum</span></span> keeps +in the Armenian or Haicanian +the same fundamental form +which it has in all the languages +allied to the Greek (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">yem</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">yes</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e</span></span>—<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sum</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">es</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">est</span></span>). And it is remarkable, +that the three Phrygian +Greek words noticed in +the text have been likewise +preserved in the Haicanian: +πῦρ is <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hur</span></span> (as πατὴρ <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hair</span></span>, πéντε +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">hink</span></span>); ὕδωρ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">tschur</span></span> (as θερμὸς +tscherm); κύων is <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">shun</span></span>. See +Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. +99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_38" name="note_38" href="#noteref_38">38.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Jablonsky de Lingua +Lycaon. Opusc. vol. III. p. 119.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_39" name="note_39" href="#noteref_39">39.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, if the epic poet +Chœrilus spoke of Lyctian Solymi +in the well-known passage +preserved in Josephus cont. +Apion. vol. II. p. 454, ed. Haverc. +&c. See Naeke's Chœrilus, +p. 130, sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_40" name="note_40" href="#noteref_40">40.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> +ἀδαγοὺς, an androgynous +deity (Hesych. in v.), from +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dagon</span></span>; the name <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adon</span></span> (Athen. +XIV. p. 624); βαλλὴν <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">king</span></span>, +(Hesych. in v. Eustath. ad Od. +τ. p. 680. Bas.) from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Baal</span></span>, &c. +See Blomf. ad Æsch. Pers. 663.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_41" name="note_41" href="#noteref_41">41.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 379-390.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_42" name="note_42" href="#noteref_42">42.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 111.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_43" name="note_43" href="#noteref_43">43.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">All their words with which +we are acquainted are very unlike +the Greek; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> the word +βρία and βρέα for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">city</span></span>, which +frequently occurs, ζίλα <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">wine</span></span>, +πιτῦγες <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">treasure</span></span>, Schol. Apollon. +Rhod. I. 933, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_44" name="note_44" href="#noteref_44">44.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 13. VII, 20, 75. +Compare Hellanicus <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ut sup.</span></span>; +where read, ἐφ᾽ οὖ νῦν Μακεδόνες +καλοῦνται μόνοι μετὰ Μυσῶν +τότε οἰκοῦντες. This at the same +time probably refers to the tradition, +that the Mysians (as +well as the Thynians and others) +came from Thrace to Asia, +according to Strabo, and Pliny +H. N. V. 32, 41. VII. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_45" name="note_45" href="#noteref_45">45.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Homer, Hymn. Ven. 113.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_46" name="note_46" href="#noteref_46">46.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, pp. 12, 155. +Compare also Phavorinus in +Ἀχαιοὺς ἄρξωσιν. In the later +times they were probably still in +the territory of the Molossians, +who were considered as Greeks, +Herod. VI. 127.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_47" name="note_47" href="#noteref_47">47.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XVI. 233.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_48" name="note_48" href="#noteref_48">48.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. 139, +248, sqq. Buttmann, indeed, +in his Memoir on the Minyæ +(Berlin Transactions for 1820, +p. 13), denies the existence of +these places; but several of the +passages which I have quoted +are decisive.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_49" name="note_49" href="#noteref_49">49.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the genealogy +from the Ἠοῖαι—Dorus, +Xuthus (from whom Achæus +and Ion), and Æolus; see <a href="#Appendix_II" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix +II</a>. The genealogy +in Euripides, Ion 1608. viz. +Xuthus, father of Ion, Dorus, +and Achæus, is distorted to +suit the national feelings of the +Athenians. The passage from +the Ἠοῖαι, however, although +in a poetical garb, is more credible +than the testimony of Herodotus, +who considers the +Ionians as <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">aborigines</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_50" name="note_50" href="#noteref_50">50.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning what follows, +see Apollonius Rhod. IV. 521, +sqq. Schol. ad 1. et ad IV. +1125, 1149. Apollodorus ap. +Stephan. Byzant. in Ὑλλεῖς (p. +434, ed. Heyn.) Scylax, p. 7. +ed. Voss. Scymnus Chius 404, +from Timæus (Fragm. 121. ed. +Goeller) and Eratosthenes. Dionys. +Perieg. 386, with Eustathius +and the Scholia. Etymol. +Magn. p. 776. 39, where they +are called a Celtic nation (ἔθνος +Κελτικον). Compare Schoenemann +Geograph. Argonaut. p. +53, and book III. c. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_51" name="note_51" href="#noteref_51">51.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollon. Rh. IV. 538, and +others. Panyasis appears from +the Scholiast to Apollonius +Rhod. IV. 1149, to have mentioned +two Hylluses, viz. the +son of Melite and the son +of Deianira. Compare Schol. +Soph. Trachin. 53. Vales, ad +Harpocrat. p. 126. In the Scholiast +to Pindar Pyth. I. 120, +Ὕλλος, ὄς ἑβασίλευσε τῶν περὶ +τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἱκησάντων, where +Hemsterhuis reads Οἰχαλίαν, +Raoul-Rochette (Histoire de +l'Etablissement des Colonies +Grecques, tom. II. p. 280) proposes, +not without some probability, +Ἰλλυρίαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_52" name="note_52" href="#noteref_52">52.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollon. Rh. IV. 528.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_53" name="note_53" href="#noteref_53">53.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. III. 81.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_54" name="note_54" href="#noteref_54">54.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Especially the connected +chain of Ætolians, Epeans, Locrians +(concerning whose affinity see +Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. +IX. 61. p. 191), and Lelegians +(Hesiod ap. Strab. VII. p. 322); +and if these, as some say, are +the same as the Carian nation, +to which the Lydians and a part +of the Mysians belonged, they +would seem to compose a very +numerous race.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_55" name="note_55" href="#noteref_55">55.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VII" class="tei tei-ref">book II. +ch. 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_56" name="note_56" href="#noteref_56">56.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ancients frequently say, +that the Ionians in Asia ἐλυμήναντο +τῆς διαλέκτου τὸ πάτριον. +Photius in v. φαρμακός.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_57" name="note_57" href="#noteref_57">57.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the Doric dialect, +see Appendix VI.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_58" name="note_58" href="#noteref_58">58.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 56; concerning +which passage see Salmasius, de +Lingua Hellenica, p. 276, and +Mémoires de l'Académie des +Inscriptions, tom. XXV. p. 11-28. +Compare VIII. 43. Ἐόντες +Δωρικόν τε καὶ Μακεδνὸν +ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου +καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_59" name="note_59" href="#noteref_59">59.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, on the subject +of this genealogy, <a href="#Appendix_II" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix II</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_60" name="note_60" href="#noteref_60">60.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. +I. 7, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_61" name="note_61" href="#noteref_61">61.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Pindar, Olymp. VIII. +30, calls the Myrmidons Δωριεὺς +λαὸς, in order, as I conceive, +to oppose them as genuine +Greeks to nations of a different +origin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_62" name="note_62" href="#noteref_62">62.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From the circumstance that, +in Homer, Achilles the Æacides +is represented as chief of +the Hellenes, and that the Æacidæ +were also ancient princes +of Ægina, the author has in a +former work (Æginetica, p. 18) +explained the name of the temple +of Zeus in Ægina, Ἑλλάνιον, +in later times called Πανελλήνιον. +For this temple is assuredly +more ancient than the +time when all the Greeks were +called Hellenes; and it must +therefore be considered as a +sanctuary of the original Hellenes, +who also dwelt in Phthia, +as an ancient national temple +of the Myrmidons.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_63" name="note_63" href="#noteref_63">63.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Appendix_I" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix I</a>., +last note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_64" name="note_64" href="#noteref_64">64.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The height of mount Olympus, +according to Bernouille, +is 1017 toises, or 6501 English +feet; of Ossa, according to Dodwell, +about 5000 feet.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_65" name="note_65" href="#noteref_65">65.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A more accurate description +of this valley than those of +Ælian and Barthélemy is given +by Bartholdy, Bruchstücke zur +Kentniss Griechenlands, p. 112; +Clarke, Travels, part II. sect. +iii. p. 273; Hawkins, in Walpole's +Memoirs relating to European +Turkey, p. 528; Holland, +Albania, p. 291; Dodwell, +Travels, vol. I. p. 103; and +Pouqueville, tom. III. c. 73. +Among the ancients, Theopompus, +in his Φιλιππικὰ, gave an +accurate description of Tempe. +See Theo. Sophist. Progymn. +II. p. 19; Frommel, in Creuzer's +Meletemata, III. p. 141, 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_66" name="note_66" href="#noteref_66">66.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XX. +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">m. p. in ipsis faucibus +saltus</span></span>, Livy from Polyb. XVIII. +10, 2, on the side of Olympus. +Meletius mentions here a place +called Goniga.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_67" name="note_67" href="#noteref_67">67.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. +XXXIX. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_68" name="note_68" href="#noteref_68">68.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. B. 753.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_69" name="note_69" href="#noteref_69">69.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 128, 173.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_70" name="note_70" href="#noteref_70">70.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLIV. 6. Polyb. +XXVIII. 11. 1. Ἀζορίου μεταξὺ +καὶ Δολιχῆς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_71" name="note_71" href="#noteref_71">71.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides +Herodotus, Liv. XLIV. 2, and Plutarch, +Æmil. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_72" name="note_72" href="#noteref_72">72.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the situation of +this place see Liv. XLIV. 2 +and 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_73" name="note_73" href="#noteref_73">73.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Πυθίου Ἀπολλωνος ἱερὸν, τὸ +Πύθιον καὶ τὴν Πέτραν Plutarch. +Æmil. 15. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pythoum</span></span> (Πυθῷον) +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">et Petra</span></span> Liv. XLIV. 2, 32, 35. +XLII. 53. That there was only +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">one</span></em> Pythium in this district is +evident from an accurate examination +of the marches. Mannert +(vol. VII. p. 520, 563) +has placed Pythium on the pass +through the Cambunian mountains +(above the modern Alesson +and Sarviza), of which it +lay far to the right. His opinion +is contradicted by Liv. +XLIV. 2. and Plutarch, ubi +sup. Compare Stephanus in +Πύθιον, Πυθιεῖς οἱ τὸ Πύθιον +οἰκοῦντες, ἐν ῷ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερον +ἐστι, and in Βάλλα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_74" name="note_74" href="#noteref_74">74.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">960 toises. See above.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_75" name="note_75" href="#noteref_75">75.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Plutarch ubi sup. Liv. +ubi sup. and XLIV. 7. comp. +Polyb. XXVIII. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_76" name="note_76" href="#noteref_76">76.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXVI. +10, 13. XLII. 67. XLIV. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_77" name="note_77" href="#noteref_77">77.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ptolemy includes it in Pelasgiotis. +Unfortunately we +have not the Greek original of +the passage in Livy concerning +the Tripolis, XLII. 53.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_78" name="note_78" href="#noteref_78">78.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 126.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_79" name="note_79" href="#noteref_79">79.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXII. 15. Strabo +IX. p. 438, 440.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_80" name="note_80" href="#noteref_80">80.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Pelinna, see, +besides Cellarius, Spanheim de +Usu Numm. IX. p. 902. Salmasius +ad Solin. p. 687. Wesseling +ad Diodor. XVIII. 11. +and Boeckh Comment. ad Pind. +Pyth. X. p. 335.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_81" name="note_81" href="#noteref_81">81.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Besides Strabo, see Diodorus +XVIII. 56. In Polyænus +IV. 2, 18, should be written, +Φίλιππος ἐπολιόρκει Φαρκηδόνα +πóλιν Θεσσαλικήν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_82" name="note_82" href="#noteref_82">82.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Tricca +(Tricala 12-3/4 leagues from Larissa, according +to Pouqueville) see +Mannert, p. 569, and also Eustathius, +vol. II. p. 250. ed. +Basil. Tzetzes Chil. IX. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_83" name="note_83" href="#noteref_83">83.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See II. B. 370, with the +Scholia, and Eustathius. Pelinnus, +a son of Œchalieus, +Steph. Byzant. in Πέλιννα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_84" name="note_84" href="#noteref_84">84.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Pouqueville: according +to Holland twelve miles, +according to Vaudoncourt four +hours.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_85" name="note_85" href="#noteref_85">85.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Meletius, Pouqueville, +Holland, Cockerell in Hughes' +Travels, vol. I. p. 504.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_86" name="note_86" href="#noteref_86">86.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The latter according to +Arrian I. 7; the former according +to Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXII. 15. +XXXVIII. 2. Compare Cæsar +B.C. III. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_87" name="note_87" href="#noteref_87">87.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tempe was about 500 stadia +from Gomphi, Plin. H. N. IV. +8, which distance should be thus +divided: the length of Tempe +40 stadia, then to Larissa 160, +to Tricca about 240, and to +Gomphi 60.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_88" name="note_88" href="#noteref_88">88.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 437. II. B. +729. Pausan. IV. 9, 1. Meteora +cannot be Ithome; more +probably the ruins of Kastraki. +But the passage concerning +Curalius and the temple of the +Itonian Minerva, is a confusion +of the geographer. Otherwise +de la Porte du Theil Eclaircissemens +sur Strabon I. 76, p. 248.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_89" name="note_89" href="#noteref_89">89.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. +p. 639, 640.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_90" name="note_90" href="#noteref_90">90.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pouqueville, p. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_91" name="note_91" href="#noteref_91">91.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 126. Here +also Acrisius of Argos dwelt. +That it is this Larissa is plain +from Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 40, +compare Hellanicus fragm. 116. +Pausan. II. 16. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. +836.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_92" name="note_92" href="#noteref_92">92.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo, +IX. p. 439.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_93" name="note_93" href="#noteref_93">93.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to modern travellers. +The ancients frequently +misinterpreted Homer. In later +times Eurotas, or Europus, as in +the Excerpta of Strabo, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dark-coloured</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_94" name="note_94" href="#noteref_94">94.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pouqueville.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_95" name="note_95" href="#noteref_95">95.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus the writers in Strabo +VII. p. 328. Steph. Byzant. in +Δωδώνη. See <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 11, +§ 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_96" name="note_96" href="#noteref_96">96.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hieronymus, ap. Strab. IX. +p. 443.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_97" name="note_97" href="#noteref_97">97.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byzant. in Γόννος +Liv. XXXII. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_98" name="note_98" href="#noteref_98">98.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +pp. 248 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_99" name="note_99" href="#noteref_99">99.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">If <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Oloosson</span></span> is the modern +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Alassona</span></span> on the road from Larissa +to Macedonia, according to +the opinion of the bishop of +Thessalonica on Il. B. p. 333. +ed. Rom. δοκεῖ δὲ φυλάσσειν καὶ +νῦν τὴν κλῆσιν παραφθειρομένην +βαρβαρικῶς, ἴσως γὰρ αὔτη ἐστὶν +ἡ ἄρτι λεγομένη Ἐλασσών.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_100" name="note_100" href="#noteref_100">100.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +above, § 1. Andron ap. +Strab. X. p. 475 E. τῆς Δωρίδος +πρότερον, νῦν δὲ Ἑστιαιώτιδος +λεγομένης. The Dorians also +dwelt in Hestiæotis to the west +of Pindus, according to Charax +ap. Steph. Byzant. in Δώριον. +According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. +I. 124, and Schol. Aristoph. +Plut. 385 (as emended by Hemsterhuis, +p. 115), they dwelt +in Perrhæbia; and Perrhæbia +nearly coincides with Hestiæotis.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_101" name="note_101" href="#noteref_101">101.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. +I, § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_102" name="note_102" href="#noteref_102">102.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There was a hero named +Azorus, Hesychius in Ἄζωρος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_103" name="note_103" href="#noteref_103">103.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hemsterhuis incorrectly considers +them as identical, ubi +sup. p. 116.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_104" name="note_104" href="#noteref_104">104.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XI. p. 503 D. καὶ ὁ +τὸν Αἰγίμιον ποιήσας, εἴθ᾽ Ἡσιοδός +ἐστιν ἢ Κέρκωψ ὁ Μιλήσιος. +The confusion of the names of +Hesiod and Cercops may, as it +appears to me, be accounted for +as follows. A verse concerning +the desertion of Ariadne by +Theseus for the sake of Ægle, +is ascribed by Plutarch (vit. +Thes. 20) to Hesiod, and by +Athenæus (XIII. p. 557 A.) +to Cercops; it is evidently from +the Ægimius which was attributed +to both these names. This +verse was expunged from the +poem by Pisistratus, as we learn +from Hereas, quoted by Plutarch. +The Ægimius therefore was at +that time arranged and set down +in writing, together with other +epic poems. Consequently Cercops, +an Orphic Pythagorean, +who lived about the time of +Pisistratus, cannot have been +the author of it, though he might +have been the διασκευαστὴς who +arranged it in the same manner +that Onomacritus did the other +poems. Now it might easily +happen, especially if his interpolations +could be now and then +discerned, that the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">whole</span></em> poem +should be attributed to him.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_105" name="note_105" href="#noteref_105">105.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 37, +p. 282.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_106" name="note_106" href="#noteref_106">106.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Valckenaer ad Eurip. +Phœn. p. 735.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_107" name="note_107" href="#noteref_107">107.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Apoll. Rhod. III. +584. IV. 816. The character +of the ancient epic poetry, which +never admitted of history arranged +in a chronological order, +cannot allow us to suppose that +the Ægimius contained an account +of the expedition of the +Dorians, and of their colonies, +down to the founding of Cyrene.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_108" name="note_108" href="#noteref_108">108.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This is the meaning of the +passage in Steph. Byzant. +Ἀβαντίς,—ὡς Ἡσίοδος ἐν Αἰγιμίου +δευτέρῳ περὶ Ἰοῦς; +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +—Νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀβαντίδι δίῃ,<br /> +τὴν πρὶν Ἀβαντίδα κίκλησκον Θεοὶ αἰὲν ἐόντες<br /> +τήν ποτ᾽ ἐπώνυμον Εὔβοιαν βοὸς ὠνόμασε Ζεύς. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +These are followed by the four +verses concerning Argos and Io +quoted by Schol. Eurip. Phœn. +1151. Apollodorus II. 1, 3, +alludes to this passage. Also +what he mentions from this poem +in II. 1, 5, belongs to the Eubœan +fables. Apollodorus, in +both passages, quotes the Ægimius +under the name of Cercops. +Compare Fabric. Bibliothec. +vol. I. p. 592. ed. Harles. +</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_109" name="note_109" href="#noteref_109">109.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Ephorus ap. Steph. +Byzant. in Δυμᾶνες (p. 96. ed. +Marx.), followed by Strabo IX. +p. 427.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_110" name="note_110" href="#noteref_110">110.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book III. ch. 1, § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_111" name="note_111" href="#noteref_111">111.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. +Magn. Τριχάϊκες.—Ἠσίοδος +διὰ τὸ τριχῇ αὐτοὺς οἰκῆσαι, +οἷον; Πάντες γὰρ τριχάϊκες +καλέοντο Οὔνεκα τρισσὴν γαῖαν +ἑκὰς πάτρης ἐδάσαντο. Τρία γὰρ +Ἑλληνικὰ ἔθνη τῇ Κρήτῃ ἐπῴκησαν, +Πελασγοὶ, Ἀχαιοὶ, Δωριεῖς. +The last words must be considered +as a mere ignorant addition; +for the Dorians did not +divide <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">their</span></em> territory into three +parts, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">because</span></em> two <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">other</span></em> Greek +races went to Crete. It is, indeed, +evident that a threefold +division of the land conquered +by the Dorians is here spoken +of, which, as is plain from the +fables concerning Ægimius and +Hercules, took place according +to the three tribes. According +to the present reading, this division +took place at a distance +from the native country of the +Dorians. There might seem +some difficulty in this, since +Hercules is said to have given +Ægimius the third part of the +territory as a παρακαταθήκη in +Hestiæotis, the most ancient habitation +of the Dorians (Diod. +IV. 37, compare Apollodorus +II. 7, 3). Hence πάτρῃς for +πάτρης might be read in this +sense: <span class="tei tei-q">“The Dorians divided +their territory into three parts +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for the families</span></em> (of which the +φυλαὶ or tribes consisted),”</span> +so that they then dwelt separately +from one another (similarly +Pindar Olym. p. VII. 74). +This alteration, however, appears +to be unnecessary; and the +old reading is defended by the +following explanation, viz., that +according to the ancient fable +Hyllus and his descendants did +not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">dwell</span></em> either near mount +Œta, or in Hestiæotis <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">together</span></em> +with the Dorians, but that they +first received in the Peloponnese +the third part of the territory, +whither they came as colonists +at a distance from their more +ancient abodes (ἔκας πάτρης).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_112" name="note_112" href="#noteref_112">112.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, ch. 3, § 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_113" name="note_113" href="#noteref_113">113.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Od. XIX. 174.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_114" name="note_114" href="#noteref_114">114.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. X. p. 475 D. +and Stephan. Byzant. in Δώριον. +Diodorus IV. 60. V. 80, gives +nearly the same account, on the +authority of Cretan historians, +whom he mentions in V. 80.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_115" name="note_115" href="#noteref_115">115.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This may be collected from +the passage of Dicæarchus +(which, indeed, is much mutilated) +cited in Steph. Byz. in +Δώριον. It is given most faithfully +in Montfaucon's Biblioth. +Coislin. p. 286, 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_116" name="note_116" href="#noteref_116">116.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Τεύταμος appears to be the +correct name, the same as that +of an ancient prince of Larissa, +on which the ancient Dorians +bordered. The princes of the +allied nations were doubtless +confounded in tradition. See the +author's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Etrusker</span></span>, vol. I. p. 94.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_117" name="note_117" href="#noteref_117">117.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The settlements which here +come into consideration are, 1. +the immigration, after the death +of Minos (in the third generation +before the siege of Troy), +of various races, chiefly Hellenes, +according to Herod. VII. +170; this is a mere tradition of +the towns of Polichna and Præsus, +and not a very credible one. +2. The colony of Althæmenes +after the expedition of the Heraclidæ +from Argos and Megara, +and in connexion with +Rhodes. 3. Dorians from Peloponnesus, +Lyctus, Lampe, and +other places settled from Sparta; +Pharæ a colony of the Messenians; +Gortyna of Amyclæans +(Minyans); Phæstus colonized +from Sicyon; other towns from +Argos (Scylax, p. 18, Diod. V. +80). 4. Æginetans in Cydonia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_118" name="note_118" href="#noteref_118">118.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo X. p. 475 +C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_119" name="note_119" href="#noteref_119">119.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Cretan cities were generally +considered as Doric; +Menander de Encom. XXXII. +1, p. 81, ed. Heeren. and others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_120" name="note_120" href="#noteref_120">120.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XIX. 175. ἄλλη δ᾽ ἄλλων +γλῶσσα μεμιγμένη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_121" name="note_121" href="#noteref_121">121.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this migration of the +Dorians from their early settlements +in the north of Greece +to Crete, see <a href="#Appendix_III" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix III</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_122" name="note_122" href="#noteref_122">122.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. 233, 234. +According to Andron (Strabo +X. p. 475) they came directly +from Hestiæotis under mount +Parnassus. According to Diodorus +IV. 67, the Cadmeans drove +out the Dorians, who then <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">returned</span></em> +to Doris (Erineus, Cytinium, +Boeum). Lycophron v. +1388, might be quoted in confirmation +of Herodotus, since +he calls the Dorians Λακμώνιοι +(Λάκμων ὄρος Περραιβίας ἔνθα +ῴκουν Δωριεῖς), Lacmon being +the name of the ridge of Pindus +and the Cambunian mountains. +But Lycophron only +alludes to their settlements in +Hestiæotis.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_123" name="note_123" href="#noteref_123">123.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. II. 849, XXI. 159. It +is to this that Herodotus alludes, +when he says that the Teucrians, +to which race he refers +the Pæonians, had penetrated +as far as the Peneus (see the +Introduction, and <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix I. +§ 4</a>).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_124" name="note_124" href="#noteref_124">124.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_17" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix +I. § 17</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_125" name="note_125" href="#noteref_125">125.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Introduction, § 3; +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_25" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix I. § 25</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_126" name="note_126" href="#noteref_126">126.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Amphicæa near Dadja. See +Leake in Walpole's Travels, p. +509. Clarke, p. 227. Gell, +Itinerary, p. 210.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_127" name="note_127" href="#noteref_127">127.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I here chiefly follow Dodwell, +vol. II. p. 133, and Gell: +compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 41. +Pouqueville is completely in +error. According to him the +Cephisus rises 11-1/2 hours N.E. +of Artotina, which he supposes +to be Erineus, and flows from +the north into the Pindus, which +river (he says) runs into the +Gulph of Corinth, contrary to +all accounts of ancient writers.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_128" name="note_128" href="#noteref_128">128.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The old maps are all +incorrect; see now Gell's map to his +Itinerary. According to Strabo +the Tetrapolis lay chiefly to the +east of Parnassus, but it extended +also round to the west, +IX. p. 417. The river Pindus +is now, according to Dodwell, +the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Aniani</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_129" name="note_129" href="#noteref_129">129.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See p. 40, note i. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote below to <span class="tei tei-q">“the Locrians,”</span> +that starts with <span class="tei tei-q">“Thucyd. III. 95”</span>.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_130" name="note_130" href="#noteref_130">130.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strabo IX. p. 427. X. +p. 476 A. Strabo distinguishes +Erineus in Phthiotis from this +town, IX. p. 434. Etymol. +Mag. p. 373, 56, ὁ Ἐρινεὸς is +the correct form. Mela however, +and the scholiasts to Pindar +and Aristophanes quoted +below, call it <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Erineum</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_131" name="note_131" href="#noteref_131">131.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 427 B. p. 434. +Steph. Byz. Ἀκύφας μία τῆς +Δωρικῆς τετραπόλεως.—Ὁ Ἀκύφας, +Gen. Ἀκύφα, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorice</span></span>, see +Bekker's Anecdota, vol. III. +p. 1313.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_132" name="note_132" href="#noteref_132">132.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scymnus Chius v. 591. +Δωριεῖς Ἐρινεὸν, Βοιὸν, Κυτίνιον +ἀρχαιοτάτας ἔχουσι, Πίνδον +τ᾽ ἐχομένην. Comp. Conon. hist. +27. In answer to those who +deny that Pindus was situated +in this Tetrapolis, it is sufficient +to quote Herod. VIII. 43. +Comp. du Theil Eclairc. sur +Strabon IX. tom. III. p. 118. +Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 252, +IV. p. 392.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_133" name="note_133" href="#noteref_133">133.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 427 C. arranges +them in this manner: +Ætolians, Locri Hesperii, Dorians, +Ænianes, Locri Epicnemidii; +compare pp. 425, 430 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_134" name="note_134" href="#noteref_134">134.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. III. 95, 102. It +is the Kakiscala between Stagni +and Salona. Dodwell, vol. I. +p. 149, and Gell, p. 206.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_135" name="note_135" href="#noteref_135">135.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Philochorus ap. Dionys. +ad Ammæum c. 11. Philoch. +Fragm. ed. Siebelis p. 76.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_136" name="note_136" href="#noteref_136">136.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 33, 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_137" name="note_137" href="#noteref_137">137.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This road through Camara, +Palæochori, and Neuropoli, is +described by Dodwell, vol. II. +p. 126. Gell, p. 241.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_138" name="note_138" href="#noteref_138">138.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Holland went over this road +near Eleutherochori, p. 383, +comp. Dodwell, p. 74. It is +also the way alluded to by Procopius +de Ædif. IV. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_139" name="note_139" href="#noteref_139">139.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXVI. 15. For a +description of Thermopylæ see +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 486. Clarke, +ch. 8, p. 240. Holland, ch. 18, +p. 315. Gell, Itinerary, p. 239.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_140" name="note_140" href="#noteref_140">140.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Stephan. Byz. in Ἀμφαναὶ +from Theopompus. Eurip. +Herc. Fur. 386.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_141" name="note_141" href="#noteref_141">141.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 428. Liv. +XXXVI. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_142" name="note_142" href="#noteref_142">142.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον, and +Hellanicus, ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_143" name="note_143" href="#noteref_143">143.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo +ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_144" name="note_144" href="#noteref_144">144.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Lycophron, Hecatæus, +Rhianus quoted by Stephanus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_145" name="note_145" href="#noteref_145">145.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Andron in Strabo X. +p. 476. Thucyd. I. 107.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_146" name="note_146" href="#noteref_146">146.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æschin. de Fals. Leg. p. +43, 24, τὸν ἤκοντα ἐκ Δωρίου +καὶ Κυτινίου. [Dr. Cramer, +Description of Ancient Greece, +vol. II. p. 103, corrects Δωρικοῦ +Κυτίνου in Æschines, after +Thucydides, who in III. 95, +speaks of Κυτίνιον τὸ Δωρικόν. +Transl.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_147" name="note_147" href="#noteref_147">147.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theopompus ap. Steph. +Ἀκύφας. Scymnus Chius ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_148" name="note_148" href="#noteref_148">148.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 383. Conon. +27. Scymnus. To this also +refers the statement in Apollodorus +I. 7, 3. that Dorus the +son of Hellen τὴν πέραν χώραν +Πελοποννήσου ἔλαβεν. Vitruvius +IV. 1, however, gives a +different account, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Achaia Peloponnesoque +tota Dorus Hellenis +et Orseidis nymphæ</span></span> (a mountain +nymph) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">filius regnavit</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_149" name="note_149" href="#noteref_149">149.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hecatæus ap. Stephan.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_150" name="note_150" href="#noteref_150">150.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the scholia to Pindar, +Pyth. I. 121, in which, however, +there is some transposition +and confusion. There is +nowhere else any mention of a +city in Perrhæbia named Pindus. +In Pindar Πινδόθεν is +used generally for the earlier +settlements; for Hestiæotis and +Doris both touch on the chain +of Pindus. See Boeckh. Explic. +p. 235. These scholia are probably +followed by the scholiast +on Aristoph. Plut. 385, and by +Tzetzes ad Lycophr. v. 980. +comp. v. 741; but without separating +the erroneous parts.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_151" name="note_151" href="#noteref_151">151.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tarphe was near the Doric +Tetrapolis between Œta and +Parnassus. It is mentioned in +Iliad II. 533, as a Locrian +town; according to Strabo IX. +p. 426, it was afterwards called +Pharygæ, which Plutarch, Phocion +33, includes in Phocis, +and names near it a hill called +Acrurion. Tarphe and Carphæa +may be considered as +different forms of the same +name, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">t</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">k</span></span> being often interchanged. +Thus the mythological +hero Talaus is sometimes +Calaus. (Schol. Soph. Œd. +Col. 1320.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_152" name="note_152" href="#noteref_152">152.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 31, +comp. Plutarch. Themistocl. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_153" name="note_153" href="#noteref_153">153.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 24. Διμοδωριεῖς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_154" name="note_154" href="#noteref_154">154.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. +31 and 43. ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν καὶ Μακεδνὸν +ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ +Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα +ὁρμηθέντες. According to this +passage, therefore, Cytinium +and Boeum may both have +been inhabited by the Dryopians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_155" name="note_155" href="#noteref_155">155.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Strabo IX. p. +434, there was a Dryopian Tetrapolis +as well as a Dorian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_156" name="note_156" href="#noteref_156">156.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. p. 373. The +scholia to Apollon. Rhod. I. +1283, furnish a genealogy, viz. +Lycaon, Dia, Dryops. Followed +by Tzetzes ad Lyc. 480, and +Etymol. Mag. p. 288, 32. Pherecydes, +however, quoted in the +scholia to Apollonius, gives a +different account.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_157" name="note_157" href="#noteref_157">157.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book II. +ch. 11, § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_158" name="note_158" href="#noteref_158">158.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the neighbourhood of +the Malians and Myrmidonian +Achæans, Pherecydes ap. Schol. +Apoll. Rh. I. 1823, pp. 93, 107, +ed. Sturz. Aristotle ubi sup. +At the foot of Mount Parnassus, +Aristotle and Pausan. IV. 34, +6. Λυκωρείταις ὅμοροι. The +μετοίκησις from the Spercheus +to Trachis is merely a confusion +of the scholiast to Apollonius. +Callimachus had only mentioned +the migration to Peloponnesus, +Schol. Paris. Clavier's +remarks (ad Apollod. p. 323) +are very inaccurate. Dryops, +the son of Spercheus, dwelt at +the foot of mount Œta, according +to Antoninus Liberalis, 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_159" name="note_159" href="#noteref_159">159.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. 4. Κραγαλεὺς ὁ Δρύοπος +ᾢκει γῆς τῆς Δρυοπίδος +παρὰ τὰ λουτρὰ τὰ Ἡρακλέους. +In this strange account Melaneus, +the son of Apollo, a king +of the Dryopes, is represented +as taking Epirus and Ambracia. +It is a part of the same history +as the migration of the Ænianes +and Neoptolemus to Molossis, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_160" name="note_160" href="#noteref_160">160.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">Book II. +ch. 3, § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_161" name="note_161" href="#noteref_161">161.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ap. Strab. ubi sup. +Apollod. II. 7, 7. Diod. IV. +37. Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Servius +ad Æn. IV. 146. Πράξεις +Ἡρακλέους, p. 152. Marini +Ville Albani. comp. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, +p. 33. Heyne Exc. ad Æn. IV. +2, p. 610. Raoul-Rochette, tom. +I. p. 434. Herod. VIII. 43, οἱ +δὲ Ἑρμιονέες εἰσὶ Δρύοπες ὑπὸ +Ἡρακλέος τε καὶ Μηλιέων ἐκ τῆς +νῦν Δωρίδος καλεομένης χώρης +ἐξαναστάντες. A peculiar application +of the tradition in +Suidas in Δρύοπες, Κάρπος. The +verse of Callimachus preserved +in Etymol. Magn. p. 154, 7, +should apparently be thus written, +Δειλαίοις Ἀσινεῦσιν ἐπιτριπτῆρας +ὀπάσσας, the explanation +is given by the etymologist +himself. See above, p. <a href="#Pg045" class="tei tei-ref">45</a>, note k. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Parnassus,”</span> starting <span class="tei tei-q">“In the +neighbourhood of the Malians.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_162" name="note_162" href="#noteref_162">162.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. VIII. 46. Diodor. +IV. 57. Thucydides VII. 57, +however, considers the Styrians +as Ionians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_163" name="note_163" href="#noteref_163">163.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. ubi sup. Diodor. +ubi sup. The fabulous war of +Amphitryon against Cythnus is +probably connected with it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_164" name="note_164" href="#noteref_164">164.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. VII. 90. Diodor. +ubi sup. Asine in Cyprus, Stephan. Byz. +Also in Cyzicus, +according to Strabo XIII. p. +586.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_165" name="note_165" href="#noteref_165">165.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 496. +In Æschines adv. Ctesiph. p. +68, 40, according to Didymus +and Xenagoras in Harpocration, +Κραυγαλλίδαι should be written.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_166" name="note_166" href="#noteref_166">166.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Antonin. +Liberal. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_167" name="note_167" href="#noteref_167">167.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">Book II. ch. +3, § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_168" name="note_168" href="#noteref_168">168.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Παράλιοι, Ἱερῆς, Τραχίνιοι +Thucyd. III. 92. comp. Dodwell, +II. p. 71. I may also remark +that Scylax and Diodorus, +XVIII. 11, appear to make a +distinction between Melians and +Malians; but in both places +ΛΑΜΙΕΙΣ should be written for +Μαλιεῖς and Μαλεῖς. Wesseling's +opinion concerning the +last passage is untenable, since +there never was a town of the +name of Malea. Diodorus is +not quite accurate.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_169" name="note_169" href="#noteref_169">169.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diodor. XII. 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_170" name="note_170" href="#noteref_170">170.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. +Polit. IV. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_171" name="note_171" href="#noteref_171">171.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. IV. 100.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_172" name="note_172" href="#noteref_172">172.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Tittmann's +Amphiktyonenbund, p. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_173" name="note_173" href="#noteref_173">173.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 434.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_174" name="note_174" href="#noteref_174">174.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_175" name="note_175" href="#noteref_175">175.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 253.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_176" name="note_176" href="#noteref_176">176.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book +II. ch. 3, § 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_177" name="note_177" href="#noteref_177">177.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. +III. 92.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_178" name="note_178" href="#noteref_178">178.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. IX. p. +442.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_179" name="note_179" href="#noteref_179">179.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. VIII. 3. Concerning +the founding of Heraclea, +see also Stephan. Byz. in v. +Δώριον, after the hiatus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_180" name="note_180" href="#noteref_180">180.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">II. +ch. 1. § 8</a>, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. +§ 5.</a></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_181" name="note_181" href="#noteref_181">181.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 238. Compare +in general with this chapter, +Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. +p. 249.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_182" name="note_182" href="#noteref_182">182.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἡ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν +κάϑοδος. Thucydides I. 12, says Δωριεῖς +ξὺν Ἡρακλεíδαις. Isocrates Archidam. +p. 119 C. mentions an +oracle enjoining them ἐπì τὴν +πατρῴαν ἰέναι χώραν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_183" name="note_183" href="#noteref_183">183.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XIX. 105.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_184" name="note_184" href="#noteref_184">184.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Pausan. VII. 25. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_185" name="note_185" href="#noteref_185">185.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων, καλλιστεφάνου πόσις Ἥρης,<br /> +Ζεὺς Ἡρακλείδαις τήνδε δέδωκε πόλιν.<br /> +Οἷσιν ἅμα προλιπόντες Ἐρινεὸν ἠνεμόεντα,<br /> +Εὐρεῖαν Πέλοπος νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +τήνδε πόλιν is Laconia. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">We</span></span> +mean the Dorians: Erineus +the Tetrapolis. Strabo VIII. p. +362 has not correctly understood +and applied these verses. +(See below, note to <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 10</a>.) +Tyrtæus also calls the Dorians +generally Ἡρακλῆος γένος—whence +Plutarch de Nobil. 2. +p. 388.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_186" name="note_186" href="#noteref_186">186.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. V. 72. According +to VI. 53, he might also have +said, <span class="tei tei-q">“I am an Egyptian.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_187" name="note_187" href="#noteref_187">187.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A similar idea is entertained +by Plato in his Laws, III. p. +682—viz., that the Dorians +were properly Achæans, expelled +from their own country +after the Trojan war, and afterwards +collected and brought +back by one Dorieus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_188" name="note_188" href="#noteref_188">188.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Pyth. V. 70. In +Pyth. I. 61, he calls them descendants +of Pamphylus and +the Heraclidæ, not mentioning +Dymas. Compare the fragment +of the Isthmians, Ὕλλου στρατὸς +Δωριεύς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_189" name="note_189" href="#noteref_189">189.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">See Pausan. IV. 2. 1. There +are two other passages of Hesiod +referring to the expedition +of the Heraclidæ. Schol. Apollon +I. 824. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Θεσσάμενος γενεὴν Κλεαδαίου κυδαλίμοιο, +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +the connexion of which is very +obscure (see Bentley ad Callim. +Cer. Calath. 48); and Schol. +Pind. Olymp. XI. 79. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e cod. +Vratisl</span></span>. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Τιμάνδην Ἔχεμος θαλερὴν ποιήσατ᾽ ἄκοιτιν. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +From this passage Apollod. III. +10. 6. Pausan. VIII. 5. 1. draw +their materials. This, however, +might also occur among the actions +of Hercules, particularly +at the first Olympian festival, +as may be seen from Pindar.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_190" name="note_190" href="#noteref_190">190.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 52.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_191" name="note_191" href="#noteref_191">191.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Pausan. IV. 2. 1. +with V. 17. 4. and Valckenar. +Diatrib. Eurip. pp. 58, 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_192" name="note_192" href="#noteref_192">192.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. ubi sup. et c. 51. +Wesseling misinterprets the +first passage; its purport is, +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Lacedæmonians give a +different account from all the +poets, who make Eurysthenes +and Procles first come to +Sparta.</span></span>”</span> Schweighæuser does +not see the exact meaning of +the second; the sense is, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">So +far is the national tradition +of the Lacedæmonians; in +what follows, I relate the +common tradition of Greece.</span></span>”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_193" name="note_193" href="#noteref_193">193.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. IX. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_194" name="note_194" href="#noteref_194">194.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IX. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_195" name="note_195" href="#noteref_195">195.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In general the tragic poets +successively descend, according +to their age, to a later date of +mythological history.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_196" name="note_196" href="#noteref_196">196.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 2. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_197" name="note_197" href="#noteref_197">197.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I take this +opportunity of renewing the memory of one of +these Doric-Heraclide leaders, +who has been so far forgotten, +that in the passage of Pausanias +IV. 30. 1. his name has been +driven from the text. It should +be thus written from the MSS.: +Ὕλλου δὲ καὶ Δωριέων μάχῃ +κρατηθέντων ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν, ἐνταῦθα +Ἀβίαν Γλήνου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους +τροφὸν ἀποχωρῆσαι λέγουσι, +&c. This Glenus occurs +as the son of Deianira in Apollod. +II. 7. 8. and Schol. Soph. +Trachin. 53. Diodorus IV. 37. +calls him Gleneus. Pherecydes +ap. Schol. Pind. Isth. IV. 104. +reckons him among the children +of Megara by Hercules.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_198" name="note_198" href="#noteref_198">198.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Longin. 27. Creuzer. +Fragment. p. 54. Apollodorus +II. 8. 1. almost makes it appear +that the Heraclidæ had +been entertained by Eurystheus; +but this does not agree with what +precedes. Euripides Heraclid. +13. 195. represents them as flying +first from Argos to Trachis, +and to Achaia in Thessaly, and +then to Athens.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_199" name="note_199" href="#noteref_199">199.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Pherecydes in Antonin. +Liber. 33. Sturz (Fragm. +50. p. 196.) does not quite understand +this passage.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_200" name="note_200" href="#noteref_200">200.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Marathon, according to +most authors. Diodorus IV. 57. +mentions Tricorythus; Compare +XII. 45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_201" name="note_201" href="#noteref_201">201.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The outline of the narrative +is furnished by Pherecydes and +Herod. IX. 27. the details by +Euripides in the Heraclidæ, +whose account was influenced +by the circumstances of the +time (Boeckh. trag. Gr. princ. +p. 190). Whether the Heraclidæ +of Pamphilus (Aristoph. +Plut. 385. Schol. ad I. p. +112, Hemsterh.) was a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">tragedy</span></em> +or a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">picture</span></em>, was frequently +contested by the ancients. +The latter appears to +be most probable: see Winckelmann +and Meyer Kunstgeschichte, +p. 166. Pamphilus +painted the battle of Phlius, +one of those which took place +in the 102nd or 103rd Olympiad; +and it may be fairly supposed +that he flourished about +Olymp. 97, 4, the year in which +the second edition of the Plutus +was brought forward, and he +might have lived to be the master +of Apelles, who had obtained +great celebrity in the reign +of Philip.—Concerning the battle, +see Elmsley ad Eur. Heraclid. +860; concerning the death +of Eurystheus, Wesseling. ad +Diod. IV. 57. and Staveren. +Misc. Obs. vol. X. p. 383. +Pallene is between Marathon +and Athens;—according to +Strabo VIII. p. 377. the tomb +was at Gargettus on the western +coast; according to Pausanias +I. 40. in Megaris. Concerning +Macaria, see Pausan. I. 32. +Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1148. Zenob +II. 61. and other grammarians +in v. βάλλ᾽ εἰς Μακαρíαν. +A totally different tradition +is preserved by Duris ap. +Schol. Plat. p. 134, Ruhnk. In +the above quoted passage of +Strabo, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν χωρὶσ ἐν +ΤΗΙ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΩΙ, ἀποκόπσαντος +αὐτὴν Ἰολάου περὶ τὴν κρὴνην +τὴν Μακαρίαν should probably +be written ἐν ΤΡΙΚΟΡΥΘΩΙ; +thus in VIII. p. 383. one MS. +has Τρικόρινθος. (In this correction +I now find that I was +anticipated by Elmsley ad Eurip. +Heracl. 103.) Heyne indeed +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ad Apollod.</span></span> II. 8. 1.) +explains ἐν τῇ Κορίνθῳ of the +tomb of Eurystheus in Pausan. +I. 44. 14.; but this was in Megaris, +and there never was any +change in the boundaries of +Corinth and Megaris. Heyne +also considers the tomb near +the temple of the Pallenian +Minerva and that at Gargettus +as identical; but this is not +possible, on account of the +situation of the two places.—Concerning +Gargettus see the +article <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Attika</span></span> in Ersch's Encyclopædia, +p. 222.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_202" name="note_202" href="#noteref_202">202.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demosth. de Corona, p. +147.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_203" name="note_203" href="#noteref_203">203.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It does not follow from +Pindar Pyth. IX. 82. that Iolaus +was restored to life, which +must have been alluded to elsewhere. +I follow the second +Scholiast, ηὔξατο δὲ τῷ Διὶ ἐπὶ +μίαν ὤραν ἡβῆσαι, &c. Compare +Ovid. Met. IX. 408.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_204" name="note_204" href="#noteref_204">204.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 11. § 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_205" name="note_205" href="#noteref_205">205.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Antonin. Lib. 33.—There +is also a trace of another +tradition in Apostolius XVIII. +7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_206" name="note_206" href="#noteref_206">206.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 11. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_207" name="note_207" href="#noteref_207">207.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus also Thucyd. I. 9. +Plat. Leg. III. p. 686. In +Schol. Eurip. Orest. 5. write +αὐτοὺς μὲν (the Atridæ) ἀποστῆσαι +Λακεδοίμονες, τοὺς δὲ Περοείδας +βασιλεῦσαι. Polyænus +I. 10. is singular in mentioning +Eurysthidæ in Sparta at the +time of the migration; but by +Eurysthidæ must be meant <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">descendants</span></span> +of Eurysthenes,”</span> not +<span class="tei tei-q">“Eurysthenes and his party.”</span> +See Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 333.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_208" name="note_208" href="#noteref_208">208.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Plato ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_209" name="note_209" href="#noteref_209">209.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 8. 2. ὁ δὲ θεὸς +ἀντεῖπε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὑτοὺς +αἰτίους εἶναι. τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς +οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς +ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον καὶ +στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξίαν +κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι +τὴν θάλασσαν. With the word +εὐρυγάστωρ compare κύτους κοιλογάστορος, +Æschyl. Theb. 478. +and 1026. In later times, however, +these oracles were put +into an epic form, as may be +seen from Œnomaus ap. Euseb. +Præp. Ev. V. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_210" name="note_210" href="#noteref_210">210.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Herod. IX. 26. Pausan. +I. 41. 3. I. 44. VIII. 5. 1. +VIII. 45. 2. Diod. IV. 58. +Schol. Pind. Olymp. N. 80. +Van Staveren Misc. Observ. X. +3. p. 385.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_211" name="note_211" href="#noteref_211">211.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 5. Apollod. +II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 58. Strabo +IV. p. 427 C. Isocrat. Archidam. +p. 119 B. τελευτήσαντος +Εὐρυσθέως.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_212" name="note_212" href="#noteref_212">212.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 61.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_213" name="note_213" href="#noteref_213">213.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 8. 3. In Pausan. +II. 28. 3. Orsobia, a daughter +of Deiphontes of Epidaurus, +is the wife of Pamphylus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_214" name="note_214" href="#noteref_214">214.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">He was mentioned by Hesiod; +see above, p. <a href="#Pg055" class="tei tei-ref">55</a>. note k. +[Transcriber's Note: No such note on that page, nor any reference to Cleodæus.] +A different +genealogy is given by +Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 804, viz., +that Cleodæus was the son of +Hyllus, the brother of Lichas +and Ceyx, the husband of a +certain Peridea, and the father +of Temenus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_215" name="note_215" href="#noteref_215">215.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Crates ap. +Tatian. cont. Græcos, p. 107. ed. Oxf. Interpret. +ad Vellei. I. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_216" name="note_216" href="#noteref_216">216.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Œnomaus +ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.; +and concerning the second see +Apollod. II. 8. 2. Pausan. II. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_217" name="note_217" href="#noteref_217">217.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrates Archidam, p. 119, +only supposes one expedition.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_218" name="note_218" href="#noteref_218">218.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 3. Eusebius ubi +sup. Polyæn. I. 9. Compare +Heyne ad Apollod. p. 208.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_219" name="note_219" href="#noteref_219">219.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strab. IX. p. 427. +Ephorus, p. 105. ed. Marx. +Compare Stephanus and Suidas +in Naύpaktoς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_220" name="note_220" href="#noteref_220">220.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Bekk. Anecd. Græc. p. 305. +31. στεμματιαῖον. μίμημα τῶν +σχεδιῶν αἷς ἔπλευσαν οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι +τὸν μεταξὺ τῶν Ῥίων τόπον. +Hesychius, στεμματιαῖον. +δίκηλόν τι ἐν ἑορτῇ πομπέων +δαιμόνων (as should be read for +δαίμονος, rather than πομπέως +for πομπέων with Siebelis ad +Pausan. III. 20. 9). Δίκηλον is +explained by Hesychius to be a +Lacedæmonian word for <span class="tei tei-q">“statue.”</span> +These πομπεῖς δαίμονες, +the <span class="tei tei-q">“conducting deities,”</span> were +probably Zeus Agetor (book +III. ch. 12. § 5.) and the Carnean +Apollo: and their festival +doubtless was connected with +the Carnea. At this solemnity +then (as it seems) a boat was +carried round, and upon it a +statue of the Carnean Apollo +(Ἀπόλλων στεμματίας), both +adorned with lustratory garlands, +called δίκηλον στεμματιαῖον, +in allusion to the passage +from Naupactus. Compare <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">book +II. ch. 3. § 1</a>. <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § +15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_221" name="note_221" href="#noteref_221">221.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 20. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_222" name="note_222" href="#noteref_222">222.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 333. +To the passages there quoted +may be added Etymol. in v. +Ἀλήτης. And see <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 8. +§ 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_223" name="note_223" href="#noteref_223">223.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There were in later times +Acarnanian soothsayers at Thermopylæ, +Herod. VIII. 221. in +the case of Pisistratus, and elsewhere.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_224" name="note_224" href="#noteref_224">224.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 103. The +city was afterwards Ætolian: +Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. +No. 1756.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_225" name="note_225" href="#noteref_225">225.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. Excerpt. lib. XII. ap. +Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. +vol. II. p. 386.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_226" name="note_226" href="#noteref_226">226.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">And of Pleuron with Xanthippe +the daughter of Dorus, +Apollod. I. 7. 7, although Ætolus +is also represented as killing +Dorus the son of Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_227" name="note_227" href="#noteref_227">227.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps the Ætolians +had from early times worshipped the +three-eyed Zeus (Ζεὺς τριόφθαλμος), +which Sthenelus the +Ætolian brought from Troy, +according to Pausanias II. 24. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_228" name="note_228" href="#noteref_228">228.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Oxylus is said to have contracted +an alliance with the +Heraclidæ in the island of +Sphacteria (Steph. Byzant.); +but this story is probably +founded merely on the etymology +of the name Sphacteria.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_229" name="note_229" href="#noteref_229">229.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As also Pausanias, V. 1. +says.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_230" name="note_230" href="#noteref_230">230.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. ubi sup. Strabo X. +p. 463. Compare Il. ψ. 630.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_231" name="note_231" href="#noteref_231">231.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is the representation +given by Pausanias V. 4. 1. ἐπὶ +ἀναδασμῷ τῆς χώρας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_232" name="note_232" href="#noteref_232">232.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 15. 7. Concerning +the Tyrrhenians who accompanied +them, see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 443. note 3, together with +Pausan. II. 31. 3. Of the Thebans, +who are said to have +joined under Autesion, see a +detailed account in the same +place.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_233" name="note_233" href="#noteref_233">233.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Apollodorus +evidently.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_234" name="note_234" href="#noteref_234">234.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The name of Tisamenus, as +an epithet of his father (τισάμενος), +corresponds to Eurysaces +the son of Ajax, Telemachus +and Ptoliporthus of Ulysses, +Astyanax of Hector, Nicostratus +the youngest son of Menelaus +according to Hesiod, Gorgophone +the daughter of Perseus, +Metanastes the son of Archander, +Aletes of Hippotes; but it +cannot be inferred from this +that it was mere fiction, since +this method of giving names existed +in historic times (Polyæn. +VI. 1, 6) even in the royal family +of Macedon. See also what +Plutarch de Malignit. Herodot. +39, says on the names of the +children of Adeimantus the Corinthian. +Names derived from +a characteristic of the parent +(an example of which occurs in +Iliad IX. 562) were called +φερώνυμα, according to Schol. +Steph. in Dionys. Gramm. ap. +Bekker Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. +868.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_235" name="note_235" href="#noteref_235">235.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 4, 1. See below, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7, § 6</a>, +note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_236" name="note_236" href="#noteref_236">236.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 29, 4. It +is related as a stratagem of Cypselus +by Polyænus I. 7. Perhaps +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cypsela</span></span>, a fort in Parrhasia, +near Sciritis in Laconia, is +the same as Basilis, Thucyd. +V. 33. It would not however +be very accurate to say of Basilis +that it lies ἐπὶ τῇ Σκιρίτιδι. +An oracle referring to the amity +with the Arcadians is preserved +in Schol. Aristid. Panathen. p. +191, ed. Steph.; p. 33, ed. +Frommel.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_237" name="note_237" href="#noteref_237">237.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 39, note <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="vertical-align: super">e</span></span>, +and Euripides ap. Strab. VIII. +p. 366. Sophocl. Aj. 1287. +(comp. Suidas in v. δραπέτης), +Hesychius in ἀνανομὴν and καταβολή.—Plato +Leg. III. p. 686. +Apollodorus, Polyæn. I. 6. The +vase in Tischbein I. 7, represents +an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς, and +not this casting of lots, as Italinsky +supposes. The same +group indeed sometimes occurs +on gems <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">armed</span></span> (Gemmæ Florentinæ, +tom. II. tab. 29; compare +Winckelmann Monum. +ined. n. 164, vol. III. of his +works, p. xxvii.); but I believe +that an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς is +equally meant, as, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, that of +the Argonauts in Apollon. Rhod. +IV. 1767, since the expedition +of the Heraclidæ, early as it +was, was not one of the usual +subjects of art.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_238" name="note_238" href="#noteref_238">238.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_239" name="note_239" href="#noteref_239">239.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh +Inscr. I. p. 81, 82.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_240" name="note_240" href="#noteref_240">240.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In an oracle preserved by +Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 24, p. +289, the Spartans are called +ὀφιοβόροι. The word of the +oracle itself doubtless was ὀφιόδειροι +(ὀπφιόδειροι), as in Aristot. +Mirab. Auscult. 23, which however +might have been explained +to have the same meaning as +the former word, viz. <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">drawing +back the skin of serpents in +order to eat them</span></span>.”</span> The +frog was the emblem of the Argives, +as never coming out of +their hole; compare <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8, § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_241" name="note_241" href="#noteref_241">241.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrates, Panath. p. 286 A., +says far too generally, μάχῃ δὲ +νικὴσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἡττηθέντας +ἔκ τε τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῆς χώρας +ἐξέβαλον, which he afterwards +modifies considerably.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_242" name="note_242" href="#noteref_242">242.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 4, 2. An <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Achæan</span></span> from +Helice occurs as the cotemporary +of Hercules in Theocrit. +XXV. 165; a greater inconsistency +with the received chronology +than poets usually permit +themselves.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_243" name="note_243" href="#noteref_243">243.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VII. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_244" name="note_244" href="#noteref_244">244.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. 398, 477.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_245" name="note_245" href="#noteref_245">245.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 8, according +to the most probable reading.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_246" name="note_246" href="#noteref_246">246.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Nem. XI. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_247" name="note_247" href="#noteref_247">247.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Peloponnesus is called the +ἀκρόπολις γῆς in Phlegon de +Olymp. p. 129, in Meurs. Op. +vol. VII.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_248" name="note_248" href="#noteref_248">248.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Pouqueville several times +remarks. The mountain-chains +are more connected by the +Œnean promontory, and the +mountains running westward +from Sicyon and joining mount +Cyllene.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_249" name="note_249" href="#noteref_249">249.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Gemin. Elem. Astron. +XIV. p. 55, in Petavius Uranolog. +The passage is from the +work of Dicæarchus, entitled +Καταμετρήσεις τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ +ὀρῶν, concerning which +see Pliny N. H. II. 65, and +Suidas in Δικαίαρχος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_250" name="note_250" href="#noteref_250">250.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollodorus ap. Steph. Byz. +(p. 400, ed. Heyne.) Eustath. +ad Hom. p. 1951, 15. According +to Capt. Peytier Cyllene is +7266 Paris feet in height, Taygetus +7434, Parthenion (Zagura) +6095. These measurements +make Taygetus somewhat +higher than Cyllene.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_251" name="note_251" href="#noteref_251">251.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Holland in Walpole's Travels, +p. 426.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_252" name="note_252" href="#noteref_252">252.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Meteorol. I. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_253" name="note_253" href="#noteref_253">253.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Polybius IV. 21, 1, who +particularly mentions Cynætha. +Close by was the cold spring of +Λοῦσοι, or Λοῦσσα; and Sprengel +in his translation of Theophrastus, +vol. II. p. 383, well corrects +in Theophrast. IX. 15, 8, +τὸ δὲ κώνειον ἄριστον περὶ Λοῦσα +καὶ ἐν τοῖς ψυχροτάτοις τόποις.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_254" name="note_254" href="#noteref_254">254.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From the Journal of +Fourmont the younger.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_255" name="note_255" href="#noteref_255">255.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. V. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_256" name="note_256" href="#noteref_256">256.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the interpretation +of the Venetian Scholiast +and others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_257" name="note_257" href="#noteref_257">257.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Abaris is said to have appeased +a pestilence, which had +been occasioned by this heat; +Jamblich. in Vit. Pythagor. 19. +Compare Apollon. Dyscol. Hist. +Mirab. c. 4, p. 9, ed. Meurs.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_258" name="note_258" href="#noteref_258">258.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theophrastus calls Laconia +ῥοώδης, ἔπομβρος, καὶ ἔλειος (de +causis pluviæ III. 3, 4).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_259" name="note_259" href="#noteref_259">259.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ῥωχμοὺς ἀπὸ σεισμῶν ἔχουσα, +Eustath. ad Hom. p. 294, 10, +p. 1478, 43, ed. Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_260" name="note_260" href="#noteref_260">260.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Des Monceaux in Corneille +le Bruyn, tom. V. p. 465.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_261" name="note_261" href="#noteref_261">261.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alcman ap. Athen. I. p. 31 +C. Theognis, v. 879 sq. ed. +Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_262" name="note_262" href="#noteref_262">262.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book III. ch. 2, § 3. +Boeckh's Economy of Athens, +book IV. ch. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_263" name="note_263" href="#noteref_263">263.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀλιμενότης, Xenoph. Hell. +IV. 8, 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_264" name="note_264" href="#noteref_264">264.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Strabo VIII. p. 366. +See Cresphont. fr. 1, ed. +Dindorf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_265" name="note_265" href="#noteref_265">265.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It has been beautifully said +of this district that ὀφρυᾷ τε καὶ +κοιλαίνεται, Strabo VIII. p. 381.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_266" name="note_266" href="#noteref_266">266.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polybius XVI. 16. 4. +places it about west-south-west from +Corinth. Comp. Athenæus II. +p. 43 E. Pindar Olymp. XI. +30. means the same place.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_267" name="note_267" href="#noteref_267">267.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Meteor. I. 14. p. +755 C, and Aristides, Ægypt. +vol. II. p. 351, ed. Jebb.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_268" name="note_268" href="#noteref_268">268.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. V. p. 219 A. Lucian. +Icaromenipp. 18. Nav. +20. Liv. XXVII. 31. Schol. +Aristoph. Av. 969. Zenobius +III. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_269" name="note_269" href="#noteref_269">269.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Fourmont's +Journal and Gell's Argolis.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_270" name="note_270" href="#noteref_270">270.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Schol. Pind. Olymp. +VII. 152. Boeckh Comment. +Pind. p. 175. Siebelis ad Pausan. +II. 25, 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_271" name="note_271" href="#noteref_271">271.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Elis in general is a +χώρα ὕπαμμος, according to Theophrastus, +Hist. Plant. I. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_272" name="note_272" href="#noteref_272">272.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I here follow the Journal +of the younger Fourmont, which +appears deserving of credit: he +also states that he saw iron +rings on the blocks of stone.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_273" name="note_273" href="#noteref_273">273.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare with this <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +chap. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_274" name="note_274" href="#noteref_274">274.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Schol. Eurip. Orest. +626. comp. Manso, Sparta, +vol. I. p. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_275" name="note_275" href="#noteref_275">275.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 363 +A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_276" name="note_276" href="#noteref_276">276.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. V. 22. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_277" name="note_277" href="#noteref_277">277.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 120. κατακομιδὴ τῶν ὡραίων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_278" name="note_278" href="#noteref_278">278.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book III. ch. +10. § 2, 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_279" name="note_279" href="#noteref_279">279.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrates Panath. p. 286 C, +says, that in the most ancient +times there were only 2000 +Dorians in Sparta; but his statement +is too uncertain to found +any calculation upon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_280" name="note_280" href="#noteref_280">280.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh on the four +ancient tribes of Attica, Museum +Criticum, vol. II. p. 608.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_281" name="note_281" href="#noteref_281">281.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VII. 1. 6, 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_282" name="note_282" href="#noteref_282">282.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. +VII. 18. 3, book III. ch. 4, § 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_283" name="note_283" href="#noteref_283">283.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clarke's Travels, II. 2. +p. 646, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_284" name="note_284" href="#noteref_284">284.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 1</a> +and <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_285" name="note_285" href="#noteref_285">285.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Thucyd. I. 122. III. +85, and the example of Decelea.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_286" name="note_286" href="#noteref_286">286.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Εὐρυσθέος Κυκλώπια πρόθυρα, +Pindar. Fragment. Incert. +48, ed. Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_287" name="note_287" href="#noteref_287">287.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">πολυχρυσοῖο Μυκήνης, Homer. +Compare book IV. ch. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_288" name="note_288" href="#noteref_288">288.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fourmont supposes that he +has recognised Temenium in a +citadel to the south of Lerna, +but it must lie to the north.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_289" name="note_289" href="#noteref_289">289.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Callimach. Fragm. 108. +ed. Bentl. from Schol. Pind. +Nem. X. 1. Concerning the +taking of Argos see Polyæn. +II. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_290" name="note_290" href="#noteref_290">290.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 48. p. +404. Cf. Schol. Callim. Pall. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_291" name="note_291" href="#noteref_291">291.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 28. 3. The +names given by Apollodorus +II. 7. 6., viz. Agelaus, Euryphylus, +and Callias, are probably +from the Temenidæ of Euripides. +Ceisus and Phalces +are mentioned by Ephorus ap. +Strab. VIII. p. 389. Scymn. +Chi. V. 525 sq. Pausan. II. 6. +4. II. 12. 6. II. 13. 1. Ceisus +is also mentioned by Hyginus, +Fab. 124 (where read <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cisus</span></span> Temeni +filius); but his account is +very confused. See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, +p. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_292" name="note_292" href="#noteref_292">292.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 6. 3. Eustath. +ad Il. V. p. 520. Stephanus Byzant. +says Φαῖστος Ῥοπάλου, +Ἡρακλέους παιδός.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_293" name="note_293" href="#noteref_293">293.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Νύμφης Συλλίδος; I conjecture +Ὑλλίδος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_294" name="note_294" href="#noteref_294">294.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fourmont's Journal contains +a detailed and accurate account +of this river.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_295" name="note_295" href="#noteref_295">295.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 11. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_296" name="note_296" href="#noteref_296">296.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 13. 1. +ἐπ᾽ ἀναδασμῷ γῆs.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_297" name="note_297" href="#noteref_297">297.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. ubi sup. and VII. 3. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_298" name="note_298" href="#noteref_298">298.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 16. 5. Θερσάνδρου +τοῦ Ἀγαμηδίδα, βασιλεύοντος +μὲν ΚΛΕΕΣΤΩΝΑΙΩΝ, +τετάρτου δὲ ἀπογόνου Κτησίππου +τοῦ Ἡρακλέους. Since some +Doric state must be here meant, +ΚΛΕΩΝΑΙΩΝ, the conjecture +of Kühn, seems most probable; +and all doubt is removed by a +comparison of Ælian N.A. XII. +31., where, however, Thersander +is called the son of Cleonymus, +not of Agamedidas. Perhaps +Pausanias means <span class="tei tei-q">“Thersander, +the son of the son of +Agamedes.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_299" name="note_299" href="#noteref_299">299.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sophocl. Acris. ap. Hesych. +in ἀκτίης. Scymnus Chius +526. from Ephorus, Polyb. V. +91. 8. Conon. 7. Diodor. XII. +43. XV. 32. XVIII. 11. Strab. +VIII. p. 389. Ælian. V. H. VI. +1. Plutarch. Demetr. 25. Pausan. +II. 8. 4. Ἐπιδαύριοι καὶ +Τροιζήνιοι, ὁι τὴν Ἀργολίδα +ἀκτὴν ἔχοντες. It is different +from the Ἀργολικὸς κόλπος, +which is the south coast.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_300" name="note_300" href="#noteref_300">300.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning these doubtful +names (Ἀγαῖος, Ἀγραῖος), see +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginet</span></span>. p. 40. The name was +common in Macedonia in later +times; see Harpocrat. in +Ἀργαῖος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_301" name="note_301" href="#noteref_301">301.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is stated +by Pausanias. See also Jamblichus Pythagor. +2. concerning the Epidaurian +colony in Samos. Aristotle ap. +Strab. VIII. p. 314, states that +the Ionians came <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">together with</span></em> +the Heraclidæ from the Attic +Tetrapolis to Epidaurus. The +former account is by far the +most probable.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_302" name="note_302" href="#noteref_302">302.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginet</span></span>. +p. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_303" name="note_303" href="#noteref_303">303.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 30. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_304" name="note_304" href="#noteref_304">304.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">Book II. +ch. 2, § 8</a>. According +to Pausanias II. 30. 9. +Anaphlystus and Sphettus, the +sons of Trœzen, passed over to +Attica, and gave their names to +the two boroughs so called. See +<a href="#Appendix_II" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix II</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_305" name="note_305" href="#noteref_305">305.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 33. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_306" name="note_306" href="#noteref_306">306.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. IV. 49.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_307" name="note_307" href="#noteref_307">307.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VIII. p. 312. 377.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_308" name="note_308" href="#noteref_308">308.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. de Def. Orac. p. +620. Paus. X. 18. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_309" name="note_309" href="#noteref_309">309.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book III. ch. 4, § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_310" name="note_310" href="#noteref_310">310.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is evident from Thucyd. +V. 53. Κυριώτατοι τοῦ ἱεροῦ +ἦσαν Ἀργεῖοι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_311" name="note_311" href="#noteref_311">311.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. According to Diodorus +XII. 18. the Lacedæmonians +were bound to send sacrifices +to Apollo Pythaëus (Πύθιος); +but his account is confused.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_312" name="note_312" href="#noteref_312">312.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 35. 2. 36. 5. +Compare <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 3. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_313" name="note_313" href="#noteref_313">313.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2, § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_314" name="note_314" href="#noteref_314">314.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 28. 2. 34. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_315" name="note_315" href="#noteref_315">315.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Νέμεα, where, +from the context, τῆσ Ἀργολίδος +should be written for Ἠλίδος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_316" name="note_316" href="#noteref_316">316.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_317" name="note_317" href="#noteref_317">317.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Conon. 26. Etymol. Mag. in +Ἀλήτης.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_318" name="note_318" href="#noteref_318">318.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare +p. 72, note f.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_319" name="note_319" href="#noteref_319">319.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ap. Proverb. Vatic. +IV. 4. Μηλιακὸν πλοῖον. Compare +Apostol. XIX. 89, and +Suidas, Diogenianus VII. 31, +explains it differently.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_320" name="note_320" href="#noteref_320">320.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Δέχεται καὶ βῶλον Ἀλήτης. +See Duris in Plutarch. Prov. +Alex. 48. p. 593. Diogenian IV. +27. Zenobius III. 22. Suidas in +δέχεται, Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. +155. Perhaps Suidas in ἀδηλώσας +refers to this story.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_321" name="note_321" href="#noteref_321">321.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 352. See +also Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 13. The +delivery of a clod of earth (a +common symbol of transfer of +possession of land, Grimm +Rechtsalterthümer, p. 110-21) +also occurs in the history of the +Ionic colony, Lycophron 1378. +and Tzetzes Chil. XIII. p. +468. v. 112.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_322" name="note_322" href="#noteref_322">322.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. IV. 42. Compare +Polyæn. I. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_323" name="note_323" href="#noteref_323">323.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pind. Olymp. +XIII. 56.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_324" name="note_324" href="#noteref_324">324.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Didymus Schol. Pind. +Olymp. XIII. 17. Conon ubi +sup. Compare Diodorus in +Euseb. Chronic. p. 35. (Fragment. +6. p. 635. Wessel.) +Ephorus in Strab. VIII. p. 389 +D, and Scymnus Chius, 526.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_325" name="note_325" href="#noteref_325">325.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Velleius Paterc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_326" name="note_326" href="#noteref_326">326.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 42.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_327" name="note_327" href="#noteref_327">327.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 140. According +to Conon ubi sup. +Aletes found Sisyphidæ and +Ionians mixed with them.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_328" name="note_328" href="#noteref_328">328.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 257.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_329" name="note_329" href="#noteref_329">329.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 4. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_330" name="note_330" href="#noteref_330">330.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar. +Olymp. XIII. 11. +Compare Boeckh's Commentary, +p. 213. Callimachus ap. +Plutarch. Symp. Qu. V. 3. p. +213. Ἀλητιάδαι παρ᾽ Αἰγαιῶνι +θεῷ Θήσουσιν νίκης σύμβολον +Ἰσθμιάδος Ζήλῳ τῶν Νεμέηθε.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_331" name="note_331" href="#noteref_331">331.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. V. 92. 2. This +perhaps may afford some explanation +of the ancient affinity +between the Cypselidæ and Philaidae +(see Herodot. VI. 128.), +by a comparison of the table, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 465.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_332" name="note_332" href="#noteref_332">332.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. +4. 4. compare V. 18. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_333" name="note_333" href="#noteref_333">333.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Blanchard Recherches +sur la ville de Mégare, Mém. +de l'Acad. des Inscr. tom. XVI. +p. 121.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_334" name="note_334" href="#noteref_334">334.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. V. 76. Lycurg. in +Leocrat. p. 196. Strabo IX. +p. 293. XIV. p. 653. Conon +26. Scymnus Chius, 503.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_335" name="note_335" href="#noteref_335">335.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Raoul-Rochette III p. +56. who has omitted the remarkable +passage of Pausan. +VII. 25. according to which +the Lacedæmonians had partly +taken Athens. There was at +Athens a Delphian <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">gens</span></span> named +Cleomantidæ, whose ancestor +was said to have communicated +to the Athenians the prophecy +concerning the king's death, +Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 196.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_336" name="note_336" href="#noteref_336">336.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycophr. +1388. and Tzetzes' note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_337" name="note_337" href="#noteref_337">337.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +particularly Schol. Pind. +Nem. VII. 155. Schol. Aristoph. +Ran. 440. Pausan. I. 39. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_338" name="note_338" href="#noteref_338">338.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pind. et Aristoph. +ubi sup. According to Zenobius +V. 8. the Megarians mourned +for a daughter of their own king +Clytius, and of Bacchius the +Corinthian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_339" name="note_339" href="#noteref_339">339.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This event is always +narrated in explanation of the +proverb; see Schol. Pind. ubi +sup. Schol. Plat. Euthydem. +pag. 97. edit. Ruhnken. and +Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440 (from +Demon). Compare Aristoph. +Eccles. 828. Zenob. III. 21. +Vatic. Prov. III. 13. Apostolius +VII. 17. XIV. 97. Suidas, +Hesychius, Dissen ad Pind. ubi +sup. It is probably of this victory +of the Megarians that Pausanias +(VI. 19. 9.) had read in +some document that it took +place before the commencement +of the Olympiads, when Phorbas +was archon for life at Athens; +but in my opinion he is incorrect +in referring it to a treasury +of Dontas the Lacedæmonian +(Olymp. 60.), the inscription of +which spoke indefinitely of a +victory of the Megarians over +the Corinthians, in which the +Argives were supposed to have +had a share. Phorbas was +archon from the 173rd to the +148th year before the first +Olympiad, according to Eusebius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_340" name="note_340" href="#noteref_340">340.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 103. Diod. XI. +79. Plutarch Cimon. 17. It +was probably in some war of +this kind that Orsippus of Megara +enlarged the territory of his +native city, according to Etymol. +M. p. 242; he was conqueror +in the 15th Olympiad, see book +IV. ch. 2. note. Pausan. I. 44. +1. and the epigram in Anthol. +Pal. II. App. 272. See Siebelis +ad Pausan. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_341" name="note_341" href="#noteref_341">341.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the account in +Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 17. p. 387.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_342" name="note_342" href="#noteref_342">342.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. +3. § 11</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_343" name="note_343" href="#noteref_343">343.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_344" name="note_344" href="#noteref_344">344.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Called in the Doric dialect +Προκλέας, Kühn ad Pausan. III. +1. According to Polyænus I. +10. Procles and Temenus together +conquered Lacedæmon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_345" name="note_345" href="#noteref_345">345.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 52. and it is +followed by Xen. Agesil. 8. +Plutarch. Agesil. 19. [The same +is preserved in a fragment +of Alcæus (Mus. Crit. I. +p. 432) ὡς γὰρ δή ποτε φασίν +Ἀριστόδαμον ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λόγον +οὐκ ἀπάλαμνον εἰπεῖν, as Niebuhr +has remarked. History of +Rome, vol. I. note 94. ed. 2.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_346" name="note_346" href="#noteref_346">346.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The words of the +oracle, which Herodotus paraphrases, +probably were μᾶλλον δὲ γεραίτερον +ἔστι γεραίρειν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_347" name="note_347" href="#noteref_347">347.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 16. Also in Plato Leg. +III. p. 683. Megillus the Spartan, +to the question καὶ βασιλεὺς +μὲν—Λακεδαίμονος Προκλῆς καὶ +Εὐρυσθένης; answers, πῶς γὰρ +οὐ, against his national tradition.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_348" name="note_348" href="#noteref_348">348.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar Pyth. I. 65. says +that the Dorians, <span class="tei tei-q">“coming down +from Pindus, immediately +took Amyclæ.”</span> Compare +Boeckh Comment, p. 479. This +is equally fallacious with his +other statement, that Pylos fell +at the invasion, see below, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">§ 15</a>. According to Ephorus ap. +Strab. p. 364 D., Philonomus +the Achæan, who had betrayed +Lacedæmon to the Dorians, received +Amyclæ from them as a +reward for his treachery, and +held the νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος (to +which his name seems to allude) +as a vassal. Compare Conon +Narr. 36. Nicol. Damasc. p. +445. Vales.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_349" name="note_349" href="#noteref_349">349.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Servius ad Æn. X. 564. +and Lucilius, ibid, compare +Heyne Excurs. II. ad Æn. X. +Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_350" name="note_350" href="#noteref_350">350.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 2. 6. ib. 12. 7. +ib. 19. 5. The temple was still +standing in his time. Compare +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 313-321.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_351" name="note_351" href="#noteref_351">351.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VII. 6. 2. where +Preugenes, their leader, is stated +to have been descended from +Amyclas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_352" name="note_352" href="#noteref_352">352.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. V. 19. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_353" name="note_353" href="#noteref_353">353.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. +46. Simonides fragm. 177. ed. +Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_354" name="note_354" href="#noteref_354">354.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Εὔπυργος Θεράπια, ap. Priscian. +p. 1328. Fragm. 1. ed. +Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_355" name="note_355" href="#noteref_355">355.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isthm. I. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_356" name="note_356" href="#noteref_356">356.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας Pindar +Nem. X. 55. The δόκανα were, +according to some, tombs of +this description.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_357" name="note_357" href="#noteref_357">357.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Dissen's Commentary +to Pindar ubi sup. p. 471.—Concerning +Helen at Therapne, +see Euripid. Hel. 211. +and Tryphiod. 520. Schol. Lycophr. +143. Isocrat. Encom. +Hel. p. 218 D. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν +ἐν Θεράπναις (Μενελάῳ καὶ +Ἑλένῃ) θυσίας ἁγίας καὶ πατρίους +ἐπιτελοῦσιν οὐχ ὡς ἤρωσιν +ἀλλ᾽ ὡσ θεοῖς. Concerning the +Menelaia, see Athenagoras Leg. +p. 14. A. Θεραπναῖος Ἀπόλλων +Apollon. Rhod. II. 162. Therapne, +according to some, was +ἐν Σπάρτῃ, Schol. Apollon. et +Pind. ubi sup.; according to +other authors, referred to by +Steph. Byz., it was Sparta itself. +Both are in the wrong.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_358" name="note_358" href="#noteref_358">358.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It was first discovered by +Gropius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_359" name="note_359" href="#noteref_359">359.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. ubi sup. See ch. 4. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_360" name="note_360" href="#noteref_360">360.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. B. 327. 359. A. 459. +N. 412. 414. The passage in +Od. A. 10. is also to be explained +in this manner.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_361" name="note_361" href="#noteref_361">361.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 2. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_362" name="note_362" href="#noteref_362">362.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 2. 7. Phlegon +Trallianus ap. Euseb. Arm. p. +130. According to Strabo VIII. +p. 365 A. however it was conquered +by Agis. Concerning a +war between Sparta and its +periœci in the time of Lycurgus, +see Nicol. Damas. fragm.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_363" name="note_363" href="#noteref_363">363.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 22. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_364" name="note_364" href="#noteref_364">364.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_365" name="note_365" href="#noteref_365">365.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is now evident from +the restoration of the fragment +of Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. +364 D. Χρῆσθαι δὲ ΛΑΙ ΜΕΝ +ὀ[χυρώματι, Ἐπιδαύρῳ (or Γυθείῳ) +δὲ ἐμπορίῳ διὰ τὸ] εὐλίμενον, +ΑΙΓΥΙ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους +[ἐπιτειχισμῷ, ταύτην] γὰρ +ὁμορεῖν τοῖς κύκλῳ [πολεμίοις], +ΦΑΡΙΔΙ δὲ [εἰς συνόδους] ἀπὸ +τῶν ἐντος ἀσφάλειαν ἐχούσῃ. +Polybius II. 54. 3. calls Αἰγῦτις +a boundary-district of Sparta, +where no alteration is required. +See Meursius ad Lycophr. 831.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_366" name="note_366" href="#noteref_366">366.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος according +to Nicol. Damasc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_367" name="note_367" href="#noteref_367">367.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Steph. Byz. and Pausanias. +The Διοσκοῦροι Λαπέρσαι +are derived from this town.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_368" name="note_368" href="#noteref_368">368.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ὑαμεία πόλις Μεσσηνίων +τῶν πέντε, Stephanus Byz. Compare +Pausan. IV. 14. 3. Μεσόλα +πόλις Μεσσήνης μία τῶν +πέντε. Νικόλαος τετάρτῳ, Stephanus. +From this Ephorus +in Strabo VIII. p. 361 C. +should be thus restored, ὤστε +τὴν Στενύκλαρον μὲν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ +τῆς χώρας παύτης κειμένην ἀποδεῖξαι +βασίλειον αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας, +πέμψαι δὲ ἐς Πύλον τε καὶ +Ῥίον [καὶ Μεσόλαν καὶ] Ὑαμῖτιν +ποιήσοντας ἰσονόμους πάντας +τοῖς Δωριεῦσι τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. +Compare Μεσόλα καθήκουσα εἰς +τὸν μεταξὺ κόλπον τοῦ Ταυγέτου +καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας, Strab. VIII. +p. 360; Ῥίον ἀπεναντίον Ταινάρου, +ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_369" name="note_369" href="#noteref_369">369.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same termination may +be observed in the name of the +ancient Laconian city Ἱππό-λα, +Pausan. III. 26. 6. Steph. Byz.; +and in the ancient gentile name +of Argos, Ἀργό-λας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_370" name="note_370" href="#noteref_370">370.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Herodotus, Pausanias, +Cicero de Divin. II. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_371" name="note_371" href="#noteref_371">371.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cicero ut sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_372" name="note_372" href="#noteref_372">372.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +above, p. <a href="#Pg090" class="tei tei-ref">90</a>. note n. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Epidaurus,”</span> starting +<span class="tei tei-q">“Pausan. III. 16. 5.]”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_373" name="note_373" href="#noteref_373">373.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Valckenaer. ad Theocrit. +Adoniaz. p. 266.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_374" name="note_374" href="#noteref_374">374.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. +Lycurg. 2, 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_375" name="note_375" href="#noteref_375">375.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. Lac. +Apophth. p. 234.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_376" name="note_376" href="#noteref_376">376.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From what is +not clear, though probably from the Μέσση +of the Homeric Catalogue, the +position of which is however +quite uncertain, since it is not +connected with the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">city</span></em> of +Messene.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_377" name="note_377" href="#noteref_377">377.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 366. The +territory of Pylos had, according +to the tradition in Pausan. +IV. 15. 4. once extended as far +as Καπροῦ σῆμα, near +Stenyclarus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_378" name="note_378" href="#noteref_378">378.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cresphontes, as well as Aristomenes, were names in Messenia +in late days, Boeckh Inscript. +No. 1291.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_379" name="note_379" href="#noteref_379">379.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. p. 633 B. He +was one of the Colophonians +who had settled in Smyrna.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_380" name="note_380" href="#noteref_380">380.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo, p. 355 D. Pausanias +IV. 3. 3. and others speak +too generally of the expulsion +of the Nestoridæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_381" name="note_381" href="#noteref_381">381.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 18. 1. IV. 23. +1. Pindar Pyth. V. 70. is not +so accurate; Λακεδαίμονι ἀν Ἄργει +τε καὶ ζαθέᾳ Πύλῳ ἔνασσεν +ἀλκᾶντας Ἡρακλέος ἐκγόνους Ἀἰγιμιοῦ +τε (Ἀπόλλων).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_382" name="note_382" href="#noteref_382">382.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 8. 5. Pausan. +IV. 3. VIII. 5. 5. Isocrates +Archidam. p. 120. represents +the Lacedæmonians as having +long governed Messenia, which +had been given them by the +sons of Cresphontes. Euripides +in the Merope told the +story as follows:—viz. that Polyphontes +killed Cresphontes, +and obtained possession of his +queen Merope and of his empire: +that on this her son Telephon, +whom Merope had sent +to a friend in Ætolia, returned, +and, after various tragic scenes, +slew the usurper by stratagem. +See the fragments of the Merope, +and Hyginus, Fab. 137, +with the continuation in Fab. +184. The narrative of Apollodorus +is made to coincide more +with the national tradition.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_383" name="note_383" href="#noteref_383">383.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The pedigree is, +Æpytus—Cypselus—Merope—Æpytus—Æpytidæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_384" name="note_384" href="#noteref_384">384.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As it is evident +from several passages in the 4th book of +Pausanias.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_385" name="note_385" href="#noteref_385">385.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 171.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_386" name="note_386" href="#noteref_386">386.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 20. 2. 26. 5, +6. 27. 4. 33. 5. It is to this +time probably that Methapus +the Athenian belongs, who restored +the ancient worship of +Andania, with some few changes, +Pausan. IV. 1. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_387" name="note_387" href="#noteref_387">387.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Leg. III. p. 684.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_388" name="note_388" href="#noteref_388">388.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the following +discussion, although beginning somewhat +in advance, I still take for granted +what is stated in my <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, +p. 42. The ancient expression +Λιμοδωριεῖς was referred +to this migration. See +Hesychius, Plutarch, Prov. 34. +p. 590. Yet Didymus in Hesychius +calls the Dorians who +dwelt under mount Œta Λιμοδωριεῖς. +See above, page <a href="#Pg044" class="tei tei-ref">44</a>. note e. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Dorians as inhabitants of +the sea-coast.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_389" name="note_389" href="#noteref_389">389.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Rhodians came from +Argos, according to Thucyd. +VII. 57. The Coans were also +of Argive origin, according to +Tacit. Ann. XII. 61.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_390" name="note_390" href="#noteref_390">390.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Eratidæ +refer to Argos, according to the note of Boeckh, +Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. VII. +p. 165. Cleobulus also was a +Heraclide, according to Diog. +Laert. I. 6. § 89.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_391" name="note_391" href="#noteref_391">391.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There were different ways +of making the 100 towns of +Crete mentioned in the Iliad +agree with the 90 in the Odyssey, +as may be seen from Schol. +Venet. Catal. 156.—According +to Ephorus, Althæmenes founded +10 cities in Crete, so that in +the time of Ulysses there were +only 90, but in Homer's time +100. Strabo X. p. 479. This +was the manner in which Ephorus +wrote history. <span class="tei tei-q">“Pylæmenes +the Lacedæmonian”</span> in the Venetian +Scholiast is probably only +a corruption of the name. Conon +47. derives the Tripolis of +Rhodes from Althæmenes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_392" name="note_392" href="#noteref_392">392.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_393" name="note_393" href="#noteref_393">393.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">We find in both the worship +of serpents, incubation, the custom +of votive tablets, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_394" name="note_394" href="#noteref_394">394.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 23. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_395" name="note_395" href="#noteref_395">395.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sprengel's Geschichte der +Medicin, vol. I. pp. 343. 326. +new edit.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_396" name="note_396" href="#noteref_396">396.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rhod. Orat. II. p. 396.—Concerning +the Asclepiadæ in +Cnidos, see particularly Theopompus +in Phot. cod. 176.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_397" name="note_397" href="#noteref_397">397.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sprengel, ibid. p. 554.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_398" name="note_398" href="#noteref_398">398.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vitruvius II. 8. 12. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cum +Melas et Areuanius ab Argis et +Trœzene coloniam communem +eo loco induxerunt, barbaros +Caras et Lelegas ejecerunt</span></span>.—The +1200 years, mentioned by +Tacitus, from the time of its +founding to Tiberius, must be +taken as a round number.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_399" name="note_399" href="#noteref_399">399.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The religious ceremonies of +Halicarnassus, as shown on its +coins, can be completely traced +up to their origin. The head +of Medusa, and of Athene, the +trident, and head of Hephæstus, +belong to the worship of Athene +and Hephæstus at Trœzen and +Athens: the tripod, lyre, and +heads of Apollo and Demeter to +the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">sacra Triopia</span></span>. At <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cos</span></span> the +insignia of Æsculapius predominated, +besides those of Hercules +as father of Pheidippus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_400" name="note_400" href="#noteref_400">400.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callimach. ap. Steph. in v. +Ἁλικάρνασσος. compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, +p. 140.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_401" name="note_401" href="#noteref_401">401.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Vitruvius, ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_402" name="note_402" href="#noteref_402">402.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 3. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_403" name="note_403" href="#noteref_403">403.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dionys. Hal. Rom. Hist. +IV. 25. probably ascribes to it +too much influence.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_404" name="note_404" href="#noteref_404">404.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. I. 144.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_405" name="note_405" href="#noteref_405">405.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the account of +Gelon's ancestors in Herodot. +VII. 153.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_406" name="note_406" href="#noteref_406">406.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Herodotus with +Diod. V. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_407" name="note_407" href="#noteref_407">407.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_408" name="note_408" href="#noteref_408">408.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scymnus Chius, 549. Probably +with the colony of Althæmenes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_409" name="note_409" href="#noteref_409">409.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> ε [δοξε] +ταυ βουλαι και τωι δαμωι φιλ ... θενευς +επεστατει γνωμα πρυ [τανιων], +&c. from Villoison's papers.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_410" name="note_410" href="#noteref_410">410.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the quotations in Villoison +in the Mém. de l'Acad. +des Inscr. tom. XLVII. p. 287. +An inscription among his papers +refers to the building of the +temple of Apollo and Aphrodite +at that place. The worship of +Aphrodite appears to indicate +a Laconian colony.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_411" name="note_411" href="#noteref_411">411.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Pholegandrus, +see Mém. de l'Acad. tom. +XLVII. p. 307. 339.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_412" name="note_412" href="#noteref_412">412.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 30. 8. Raoul-Rochette +is wrong in stating +that Scylax declares Caryanda +to have been Doric.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_413" name="note_413" href="#noteref_413">413.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. V. 121. Ἡρακλείδης Ἰβανωλίος, ἀνὴρ Μυλασεὺς +as leader of the Carians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_414" name="note_414" href="#noteref_414">414.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. de Mul. Virt. p. 271. +4. Polyæn. VIII. 56. According +to Lycophron, v. 1388. +the Doric colony also possessed +Thingrus and Satnium, which +were places in Caria, according +to Tzetzes, in whose notes Ἰκαρίας +should be twice altered +into Καρίας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_415" name="note_415" href="#noteref_415">415.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Noricum, see +below, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">§ 11</a>. The coins of Synnada +have ΣΥΝΝΑΔΕΩΝ ΔΩΡΙΕΩΝ; +also ΣΥΝΝ. ΙΩΝΩΝ, +and both together; also the expression +Καστολοῦ (better Καστωλοῦ) +πεδίον Δωριεών, Stephan. +Byz. Xenophon mentions +it twice in the Anabasis, +without precisely stating its +position.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_416" name="note_416" href="#noteref_416">416.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Steph. Byz. in +Ἀραὶ, Ἰωνίας (this is false. +They were situated between +Syme and Cnidos, Athenæus +VI. p. 262.) νῆσοι τρεῖς οὅτω +λεγομέναι διὰ τὰς ἀρὰς, ἅς Δωριεῖς +ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Πενταπολίτας, +ὡς Ἀριστείδης. According +to Dieuchidas in Athenæus, +the curse was in the time +of Triopas and Phorbas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_417" name="note_417" href="#noteref_417">417.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XVI. 12. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_418" name="note_418" href="#noteref_418">418.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the decree of +the Jasians, which includes that of +the Calymnians, in the Doric +dialect: Boeckh. Corp. Ins. Gr. +No. 2671.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_419" name="note_419" href="#noteref_419">419.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 374, endeavours +to give the tradition +an historical colouring by supposing +that Pelops drove away +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Anthes</span></span>. compare XIV. p. 656. +Apollod. ap. Steph. in Ἁλικάρνασσος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_420" name="note_420" href="#noteref_420">420.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Steph. Raoul-Rochette +also perceives this, tom. III. +p. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_421" name="note_421" href="#noteref_421">421.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 30. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_422" name="note_422" href="#noteref_422">422.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. +Hence Athens is called the son of +Poseidon, Paus. II. 30, &c. Concerning +the Antheadæ as priests +of Poseidon see an Halicarnassian +inscription in Corp. Inscript. +No. 2655, and Boeckh's +Commentary. It is well known +that Posidonia in the south of +Italy received the worship of +Poseidon and also its name, +from a Trœzenian colony.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_423" name="note_423" href="#noteref_423">423.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Indeed Pindar appears to +represent him as dwelling at +Argos, the native place of the +descendants of Hercules, at a +time when all the Heraclidæ +were there living together undisturbed; +and from Argos he +sails to Rhodes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_424" name="note_424" href="#noteref_424">424.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. VII. 24. Concerning +the mother of Tlepolemus, +see the epigram, quoted below, +p. <a href="#Pg121" class="tei tei-ref">121</a> note s. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“epigram of Aristotle,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Peplus Troj.”</span>.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_425" name="note_425" href="#noteref_425">425.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Iliad E. 628 sqq. there +is no necessity for assuming +that the poet intended to represent +Tlepolemus as a Rhodian. +In the catalogue, indeed, four +insular Greeks are mentioned, +Nireus of Syme, Antiphus and +Phidippus of Cos, and Tlepolemus +of Rhodes (Il. B. 653-680). +But of these the three +first are not elsewhere mentioned. +Tlepolemus therefore +remains the only Greek, of the +Asiatic colonies, on the Achæan +side, in the Iliad; and the connexion +of the catalogue with the +other parts of the poem does not +seem to intimate as to prove +this exception to have been intended +by the writer of the fifth +book. Tlepolemus must therefore +be considered as a Grecian +of the mother country. I feel +convinced, that, according to +Homer, no enemy of Troy comes +from the eastern side of the +Ægæan sea. Concerning the +numerous differences between +the catalogue and the genuine +Homeric traditions, see the +author's History of the Literature +of ancient Greece, ch. 2, +§ 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_426" name="note_426" href="#noteref_426">426.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. B. 668. When Strabo +XIV. p. 653, states that Tlepolemus +did not lead out Dorians, +but Achæans and Bœotians +(as a Heraclide of +Thebes), he does not follow +any ancient tradition, but the +chronological system of his +times. The ancestors of Theron +of Rhodes (Schol. Pind. +Olymp. II. 14.) have no reference +to this: and Raoul-Rochette, +tom. II. p. 272, mixes +various accounts.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_427" name="note_427" href="#noteref_427">427.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 12. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_428" name="note_428" href="#noteref_428">428.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Peplus Troj. Her. Epig. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_429" name="note_429" href="#noteref_429">429.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Book +II. ch. 11. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_430" name="note_430" href="#noteref_430">430.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Etymol. +Mag. p. 219. 8. also Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. +p. 157.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_431" name="note_431" href="#noteref_431">431.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hecatæus ap. Stephan. Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_432" name="note_432" href="#noteref_432">432.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Raoul-Rochette, tom. +III. p. 251. clearly shews from +Herodotus and Aristænetus +περὶ Φασηλίδος ap. Steph. Byz. +in Γέλα and other words.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_433" name="note_433" href="#noteref_433">433.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eckhel D. N. III. p. 68. +According to Strab. XIV. p. +671 D. Ῥοδίων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν, +which Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. +p. 379, proposes to refer to +Achæa in Rhodes, and leave +out καὶ, but the Gentile name +would be rather Ἀχαιεὺς than +Ἀχαῖος. Solon, the Lindian, of +Rhodes, is called the founder +of this Soli in Cilicia, Vita +Arati, vol. I. p. 3. vol. II. p. +444. Buhle.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_434" name="note_434" href="#noteref_434">434.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Both names in Etymol. +Magn. in v. Γέλα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_435" name="note_435" href="#noteref_435">435.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. VII. 153. The +coins of Telos have the head of +Jupiter and the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Crab</span></span>, like those +of Agrigentum; the last symbol +is also on those of Cos and Lindus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_436" name="note_436" href="#noteref_436">436.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. VI. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_437" name="note_437" href="#noteref_437">437.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the spurious +letters, which are correctly +treated of by Bentley in several +passages of his Dissertation +(without, however, noticing the +historical connexion), and also +by Lennep in the notes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_438" name="note_438" href="#noteref_438">438.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hippostratus +ad Pind. Pyth. VI. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_439" name="note_439" href="#noteref_439">439.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare, besides Meursius, +Heyne, Nov. Comment. Gotting. +II. cl. philol. p. 40 sqq. +That Lyons was a Rhodian colony, +has, though without any +grounds, been lately maintained, +after Father Colonia, by count +Wilgrin de Tailefer, Antiquités +de Vésone.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_440" name="note_440" href="#noteref_440">440.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Raoul-Rochette, tom. +II. p. 124. who also believes +in the victory of Perseus over +Sardanapalus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_441" name="note_441" href="#noteref_441">441.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Dio Chrysost. +Orat. Tars. 33, pp. 394, +406, 408. Hercules was called +ἀρχηγὸς, and on the day of his +festival a funeral pile was built +to his honour; compare Athenæus +V. p. 215 B. on the Stephanephorus +or priest of Hercules +at Tarsus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_442" name="note_442" href="#noteref_442">442.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. +p. 403 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_443" name="note_443" href="#noteref_443">443.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Ἰώνη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_444" name="note_444" href="#noteref_444">444.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The arrival of Diomede the +Argive among the Daunians +may likewise refer to the founding +of Elpiæ. He is said to +have come with <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorians</span></span>. Antonin. +Liber. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_445" name="note_445" href="#noteref_445">445.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. Exc. Leg. XX. 7. +Il. Liv. XXXVII. 56.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_446" name="note_446" href="#noteref_446">446.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. XIV. p. 676.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_447" name="note_447" href="#noteref_447">447.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Γέλα. Compare +Athen. VII. p. 297, from +the Ὦροι Κολοφωνίων of Heropythus, +and Philostephanus +περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_448" name="note_448" href="#noteref_448">448.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">Book II. +ch. 2, § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_449" name="note_449" href="#noteref_449">449.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pompon. Mela I. 14. The +tradition is very ancient. Strab. +XIV. p. 668. from Callinus. +τοὺς λαοὺς μετὰ Μόψου τὸν Ταῦρον +ὑπερθέντας τοὺς μὲν ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ μεῖναι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ +μερισθῆναι καὶ Συρίᾳ, μέχοι καὶ +Φοινίκης. Concerning Mopsus +in Pamphylia, see also Clem. +Alex. Strom. I. p. 334.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_450" name="note_450" href="#noteref_450">450.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. XIV. p. 675, and +others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_451" name="note_451" href="#noteref_451">451.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Philosteph. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_452" name="note_452" href="#noteref_452">452.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Rhodia, near Phaselis, is +also without doubt a Rhodian +colony; and Mopsus (Theopompus +ap. Phot. cod. 176) +was the founder merely in the +above sense. In the same +manner probably Lyrnessus; +compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. +II. p. 404 sqq., who, however, +has not perceived any thing of +all this.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_453" name="note_453" href="#noteref_453">453.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Div. I. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_454" name="note_454" href="#noteref_454">454.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">Book +II. ch. 2. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_455" name="note_455" href="#noteref_455">455.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. III. 102.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_456" name="note_456" href="#noteref_456">456.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">§ 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_457" name="note_457" href="#noteref_457">457.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For what Plutarch. Amator. +and Diodor. Exc. II. 228. p. +548. Wess. relate of the expulsion +of Archias, is stated by the +Scholiast to Apollonius IV. +1211, of the family of the Bacchiadæ. +The former affirm the +accidental murder of the son of +Melissus to have been the cause +of the founding of Syracuse, the +latter of that of Corcyra. Yet +this is contradicted by the Parian +Marble, I. 47. Archias +δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου, since the +Bacchiadæ derived themselves +from Aletes, not Temenus. In +either case Archias is an Heraclide. +See Boeckh. Explic. ad +Pind. Olymp. 6. p. 153. Compare +Göller de situ Syracusarum, +p. 5. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_458" name="note_458" href="#noteref_458">458.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 380 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_459" name="note_459" href="#noteref_459">459.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VI. p. 269. +Compare Scymnus Chius, v. 274.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_460" name="note_460" href="#noteref_460">460.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh's Introduction +to the sixth Olympiad.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_461" name="note_461" href="#noteref_461">461.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Book +II. ch. 9. § 4</a>. ch. <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">10. +§ 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_462" name="note_462" href="#noteref_462">462.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. IV. p. 167. from +Demetrius Scepsius. Archilochus +made mention of this +Æthiops (Siebel. Fragm. p. +233).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_463" name="note_463" href="#noteref_463">463.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. +298. His προσόδιον was composed +before the Messenian +wars, about the same time.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_464" name="note_464" href="#noteref_464">464.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Adoniaz. 53. compare Thucyd. +VI. 77. ὅτι οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε +εἰσὶν,—ἀλλὰ Δωριεῖς, ἐλεύθεροι +ἀπ᾽ αὐτονόμου τῆς Πελοποννήσου +τὴν Σικελίαν οἰκοῦντες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_465" name="note_465" href="#noteref_465">465.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVIII. +4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_466" name="note_466" href="#noteref_466">466.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Thucyd. VI. +5. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 319. +supports the contrary opinion.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_467" name="note_467" href="#noteref_467">467.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 108. where this +Chalcis is evidently intended.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_468" name="note_468" href="#noteref_468">468.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Raoul-Rochette, ib. p. 290. +The coins of Alyzia do not necessarily +prove it to be of Corinthian +origin, since barbarous +towns frequently adopted the +devices of the neighbouring +Greek cities. Herodotus IX. +28. does not afford any reason +for supposing that Pale was a +Corinthian colony; yet both +here and in Thucyd. I. 27. it +appears as closely united with +Corinth.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_469" name="note_469" href="#noteref_469">469.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This I believe, because it +was founded by Heraclidæ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +by Bacchiadæ, according to +Anton. Lib. 4; hence also the +worship of Hercules existed +there. Compare also concerning +the Doric migration to Ambracia, +the Epigram of Damagetus +in the Palat. Anthol. VII. +231.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_470" name="note_470" href="#noteref_470">470.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Γόργος is probably the most +correct form of those in Plut. +Conv. VII. Sap. 17. p. 42. +Strab. X. p. 452, 7. p. 325. +Scymn. Ch. 427. Antonin. Lib. +I. 4. p. 23. Teuchn., who alone +considers him as the brother of +Cypselus. See book III. ch. 9. +§ 6. note. The form ΓΟΡΓΟΣ +is also confirmed by a coin of +Ambracia. See Raoul-Rochette, +Annali dell' Instituto di corrisp. +archeol. 1829, p. 316.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_471" name="note_471" href="#noteref_471">471.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_472" name="note_472" href="#noteref_472">472.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. +No. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_473" name="note_473" href="#noteref_473">473.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Themist. 24.; but +the whole history is inaccurately +related.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_474" name="note_474" href="#noteref_474">474.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Schol. Apollon. IV. +1212., and from Timæus at V. +1216.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_475" name="note_475" href="#noteref_475">475.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Yet Timæus ubi sup. places +Chersicrates 600 years after the +Trojan war, the date of which +he fixed (according to Censorinus +de Die Nat. 21.) 417 years +before the first Olympiad; consequently +the date which he +gives to Chersicrates is Olymp. +46. 3. 594. B.C. in the time of +the Cypselidæ. But since it is +scarcely credible that Timæus +could place the foundation of +Corcyra so low down, it is probable +that he fixed an earlier +date for the Trojan war, according +to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. +135. ω. III. p. 490. Compare +Mustoxidi Illustrazioni Corciresi, +I. 5. p. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_476" name="note_476" href="#noteref_476">476.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 47.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_477" name="note_477" href="#noteref_477">477.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 326. Scymn. +Ch. 620.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_478" name="note_478" href="#noteref_478">478.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scymn. Ch. 412. According +to Raoul-Rochette, IV. p. +86. it was founded at the same +time that Dionysius founded +Lissus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_479" name="note_479" href="#noteref_479">479.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 297.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_480" name="note_480" href="#noteref_480">480.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_481" name="note_481" href="#noteref_481">481.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">μάλιστα ὑπὸ ἀποίκων στεργόμεθα, +the words of the Corinthians +in Thucyd. I. 38. compare +I. 26. Plutarch Timol. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_482" name="note_482" href="#noteref_482">482.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 56. See book III. ch. 8. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_483" name="note_483" href="#noteref_483">483.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Eusebius. See +Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 233.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_484" name="note_484" href="#noteref_484">484.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hesychius Milesius +de Constant, p. 48. the +founder's name was Dineus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_485" name="note_485" href="#noteref_485">485.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The situation of Byzantium, +in a political and commercial +point of view, is well described +by Polybius IV. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_486" name="note_486" href="#noteref_486">486.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dionys. Byzant. de Thracio +Bosporo in Hudson's Geogr. +Min. vol. III. sacrifices were +offered to her on the first day +of the year. Heyne Comment. +Rec. Gotting. tom. I. p. 62. has +treated of the fables of Io at +Byzantium with sufficient fulness, +but without tracing the +origin of the traditions.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_487" name="note_487" href="#noteref_487">487.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_488" name="note_488" href="#noteref_488">488.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides others, Palat. +Anthol. VII. 169. Why does +not Raoul-Rochette admit here +as elsewhere, the supposition of +an ancient colony under the +guidance of Io, an Argive +princess?</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_489" name="note_489" href="#noteref_489">489.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Dionysius. There is +something on this head also in +Hesychius. Besides the names +in the text, there are Athene Ecbasia—Artemis +Dictynna (also +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lucifera in piscinis</span></span>), Ajax Telamonius, +and Achilles—Rhea—Hecate +and Fortune—The +Dioscuri—Amphiaraus ἐν συκαῖς, +Aphrodite the preserver of +peace, and Aphrodite Πάνδημος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_490" name="note_490" href="#noteref_490">490.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">With whom there were at +times dissensions. See Aristot. +Pol. V. 2. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_491" name="note_491" href="#noteref_491">491.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides the decrees +in Demosthenes, Constantin. +Porph. Them. I. p. 1452. in +Meursii Opp.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_492" name="note_492" href="#noteref_492">492.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Μεταμβριανων and Μεσαμβριανων +on coins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_493" name="note_493" href="#noteref_493">493.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Scymnus +Chius, v. 714.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_494" name="note_494" href="#noteref_494">494.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Qu. +Gr. 57. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, +p. 67. It is probable that +Perinthus also at that time received +a party of Doric colonists, +as it is called an allied +town by the Byzantians (Demosth. +de Corona, p. 255), and +the worship of Hercules was +prevalent there. Compare Panofka +Res Samiorum, p. 22, +where, however, several passages +are incorrectly applied.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_495" name="note_495" href="#noteref_495">495.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Arrian, Periplus of the Pontus +Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. +Compare Orelli Heracleot. p. +115. Raoul-Rochette places it +as far back as the 30th Olympiad, +but according to Scymnus +Chius, 231, the founding took +place in the time of Cyrus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_496" name="note_496" href="#noteref_496">496.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Megara was founded in the +same year as Naxus, Olymp. +11. 3, according to Ephorus +(in Strabo and Scymnus); according +to the more exact Thucydides +some time after, 245 +years before its destruction by +Gelon. Gelon reigned from +Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from +Olymp. 73. 4, till 75. 3, in Syracuse +(Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. +I. Explic. p. 100). From the +narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, +it appears that he conquered Megara +in the interval of Olymp. +74. 1-3; in which case the +foundation would fall about +Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. According +then to the account of +Thucydides, the arrival of Lamis +the Megarean must have +been some years before. This +event was contemporary with +the founding of Leontini, which +was five years after that of Syracuse: +this cannot, therefore, be +reconciled with the account of +Eusebius, who dates the building +of Syracuse Olymp. 11. 4. +(Hieron. Scal.) The statement +of the Parian Marble agrees +better, viz. Olymp. 5. 3. Raoul-Rochette, +III. p. 214, reckons +on false suppositions. Compare +Heyne Opusc. Academ. tom. II. +pp. 259. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_497" name="note_497" href="#noteref_497">497.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Passow ad Theogn. +773. Welcker ad Alcman. p. +85, adds Schol. Platon. p. 220. +See also Welcker's Theognis, +p. 14. In literary history many +instances occur of the same +persons being called citizens of +the mother-state, and of the colony; +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Archilochus was a +Parian and Thasian; Protagoras +and Hecatæus the younger +were citizens both of Teos and +Abdera; Terpander belonged to +Arne in Bœotia and Lesbos at +the same time; Mimnermus +was both a Colophonian and +citizen of Smyrna, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_498" name="note_498" href="#noteref_498">498.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. +313-359. Thrige's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Res Cyrenensium</span></span> +(1828), pp. 23-35. Concerning +a family of the Heraclidæ, +see the interesting passages +of Synesius, Καταστ. (p. +10. Morell.) and of Theodorus +Metochita in the Supplem. ad +Nicol. Damasc. Orellii. The +account of the latter is very +confused.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_499" name="note_499" href="#noteref_499">499.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Pyth. IX. Boeckh +Explic. p. 325. Thrige ibid, +121 sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_500" name="note_500" href="#noteref_500">500.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Δωρικοὶ τάφοι, Synesius, ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_501" name="note_501" href="#noteref_501">501.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. I. 174. Diodorus +V. 53. speaks of an Argive-Lacedæmonian +colony in this +district.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_502" name="note_502" href="#noteref_502">502.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 9. 53. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. +1388, calls him Ἱππότης +ὁ Ἀλήτης, but I can hardly +think that he is the same as the +ancestor of the Corinthian +Heraclidæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_503" name="note_503" href="#noteref_503">503.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diodor. V. 53.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_504" name="note_504" href="#noteref_504">504.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also at Nisyrus, according +to its coins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_505" name="note_505" href="#noteref_505">505.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I here speak on the authority +of some beautiful drawings +by M. Huyot, amongst which +is a plan of Cnidos; an accurate +plan of the harbour was shown +me by Captain Beaufort. Compare +Clarke, part II. § 1, +plate 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_506" name="note_506" href="#noteref_506">506.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is stated by Diodorus V. +9, that the Cnidians in the 50th +Olympiad (580 B.C.) sent a +colony to Lipara under the +guidance of three descendants +of their countryman Hippotes, +Gorgus, Thestor, and Epithersidas, +who, in conjunction with +500 of the former inhabitants, +founded a state. Now it was +natural to call Æolus the god +of the winds, who was supposed +to reside on these islands, a son +of the new national hero, Hippotes; +and hence he became +Αἴολος Ἱπποτάδης. If this is +true, then the name Ἱπποτάδης +in the Odyssey (K. 2. 36.) is +certainly <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">later</span></em> than the Homeric +age; which might be almost +supposed from the statement of +the learned Asclepiades, that +the Æolus of Homer was the son +of Poseidon (not of Hippotes), +which he could hardly have said, +if all the copies of the Odyssey +had Ἱπποτάδης.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_507" name="note_507" href="#noteref_507">507.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Pausan. +X. 11. 3, from Antiochus, and +Diodorus V. 9, probably from +the same author.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_508" name="note_508" href="#noteref_508">508.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseud-Plutarch, de fluv. +Mars. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. +321.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_509" name="note_509" href="#noteref_509">509.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strab. XII. p. 570. +The inscription on their coins is +Σελγέων Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμόνοια. +Compare Mionnet Descript. +III. p. 525. Raoul-Rochette, +tom. II. p. 427, with whom I +do not entirely agree. See also +Nicephorus Blemmidas, ed. +Spohn. p. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_510" name="note_510" href="#noteref_510">510.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dionys. Perieg. 860, where +I consider that <span class="tei tei-q">“the Amyclæans”</span> +is not a mere poetical +ornament, although the testimony +is not to be much depended +upon. Compare Eustathius +ad 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_511" name="note_511" href="#noteref_511">511.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Raoul-Rochette's +argument, tom. II. p. 428.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_512" name="note_512" href="#noteref_512">512.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycophr. vv. 452, 593. +Strab. XIV. p. 682. Λακεδαίμων +ἐν Κύπρῳ Eustath. ad Homer. +p. 293. 45. ed. Rom. Golgi in +Cyprus was founded by <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sicyonians</span></span> +(Steph. Byz. in Γόλγοι), +and it was the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only</span></em> colony sent +out by that state, with the exception +of Phæstus in Crete, +whither a Heraclide of Sicyon is +said to have gone; see <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. +§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_513" name="note_513" href="#noteref_513">513.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ut +fertur, octavus ab Hercule</span></span>, +Schol. Vetust. ad Hor. +Carm. II. 6. 12; and so likewise +Servius ad Virgil. Georg. +IV. 125. Æn. III. 551. Compare, +concerning the Phalantiadæ, +Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. +Callimachus is referred to in a +verse quoted by Schol. ined. +ad Dionys. Perieg. (Spohn. +Opusc. Niceph. Blemm. 29.) +πάντες ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλῆος ἐτήτυμον +ἔστε Λάκωνες according to +Goettling's conjecture.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_514" name="note_514" href="#noteref_514">514.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ὑακίνθου or Ἁπόλλωνος +Ὑακίνθου τάφος, Polyb. VIII. +30. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_515" name="note_515" href="#noteref_515">515.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. VIII. 35. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_516" name="note_516" href="#noteref_516">516.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scymn. Ch. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_517" name="note_517" href="#noteref_517">517.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VI. p. 264, from +Antiochus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_518" name="note_518" href="#noteref_518">518.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. III. 138. IV. 164.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_519" name="note_519" href="#noteref_519">519.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 387.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_520" name="note_520" href="#noteref_520">520.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 3. 1. Jamblichus +Vit. Pythag. 10. Raoul-Rochette, +III. p. 187.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_521" name="note_521" href="#noteref_521">521.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_522" name="note_522" href="#noteref_522">522.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Metam. XV. 15. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Grates +agit ille parenti Amphitryoniadæ.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_523" name="note_523" href="#noteref_523">523.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Pausan. ubi sup. The +newly discovered fragments of +Polybius confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization +of Locri, p. 384. Mai, +inasmuch as they mention the +sending of Locrian auxiliaries +to the Spartans as the cause of the foundation +of Locri in Italy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_524" name="note_524" href="#noteref_524">524.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Justin XX. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_525" name="note_525" href="#noteref_525">525.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. VI. 44. Raoul-Rochette, +p. 194, derives it +from Dorians, who had previously +settled at Cape Zephyrium: +but even if there were +Dorians there, they must have +been Megareans.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_526" name="note_526" href="#noteref_526">526.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It would lead us too far +from our subject to explain the +tradition concerning the Lacedæmonians +among the Sabines +and Samnites. It is remarkable +that, according to Silius +Italicus, these Lacedæmonians +came from Amyclæ and Therapne, +the ancient settlements +of the Achæans. I must also +pass over the Cretan colonies, +for many reasons.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_527" name="note_527" href="#noteref_527">527.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 2. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_528" name="note_528" href="#noteref_528">528.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A war with Cnosus is very +improbable and almost impossible; +Paus. II. 21. III. 11. +Vell. Paterc. I. 4. (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacedæmonii +in Asia Magnesiam</span></span>), had +probably some account of the +share of the Spartans in these +Cretan colonies, which will be +discussed <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_529" name="note_529" href="#noteref_529">529.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 20. I, +according to Clavier, Plutarch. Lycurg. I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_530" name="note_530" href="#noteref_530">530.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Λυκοῦργος ὑπὸ πάντων συμφώνως +ἱστορεῖται μετὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου +τοῦ Ἠλείου τὴν πρώτην ἀριθμηθεῖσαν +τῶν Ὀλυμπίων θέσιν +διαθεῖναι, Athen. XIV. p. 635 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_531" name="note_531" href="#noteref_531">531.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 8. 3. ἐξ οὗ γὰρ +τὸ συνεχὲς ταῖς μνήμαις ἐπὶ ταῖς +Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐστί—</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_532" name="note_532" href="#noteref_532">532.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">γράμματα Ἡλείων ἐς τοὺς +Ὀλυμπιονίκας, Pausan. V. 21. +5. VI. 2. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_533" name="note_533" href="#noteref_533">533.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Aristodemus ap. Syncell. +Chron. p. 196 C. Compare +Goeller de Situ Syracusarum, +p. 198.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_534" name="note_534" href="#noteref_534">534.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Olymp. VII. 86. ἐν +Μεγάροισίν τ᾽ οὐχ ἔτερον λιθίνα +ψᾶφος ἔχει λόγον. Compare +Boeckh Explic.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_535" name="note_535" href="#noteref_535">535.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Musica, 3. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_536" name="note_536" href="#noteref_536">536.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sturz. +Hellanici fragment. p. 79 sqq. ed. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_537" name="note_537" href="#noteref_537">537.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Agesil. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_538" name="note_538" href="#noteref_538">538.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Colot. 17. p. 268. Λακεδαιμόνιοι +τὸν περὶ Λυκούργου +χρησμὸν ἐν ταῖς παλαιοτάταις +ἀναγραφαῖς ἔχοντες. Concerning +this oracle see Theodoret +Græc. Affect. 9. 10. Max. Tyr. +Diss. XXIX. p. 72. The oracle +in Œnomaus (Euseb. Præp. Ev. +V. p. 113.) is evidently a modern +forgery.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_539" name="note_539" href="#noteref_539">539.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_14" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 14</a>. Eurysthenes, +according to Eusebius, +reigned 42 years.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_540" name="note_540" href="#noteref_540">540.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in Χάρων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_541" name="note_541" href="#noteref_541">541.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. +XI. p. 475 B. concerning +the καρχήσιον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_542" name="note_542" href="#noteref_542">542.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XII. 12. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_543" name="note_543" href="#noteref_543">543.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lycurg. I. Diod. +I. 5. who calls the ἀναγραφὴ of +the kings a παράπηγμα. Eusebius +says that at the beginning +of the Olympiads <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacedæmoniorum +reges defecerunt</span></span>, which +error arose from the lists ending +here, which had been made +for computing the preceding +periods.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_544" name="note_544" href="#noteref_544">544.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. ap. Diod. ubi sup. +Eratosthenes ap. Clem. Alex. +Strom. I. p. 336. ed. Colon. +Compare Tatian. adv. Græcos, +p. 174. Censorinus de Die +Natali 21. Euseb. Scalig. p. +23. Cicer. de Rep. II. 10. who +also followed the Χρονικὰ of +Apollodorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_545" name="note_545" href="#noteref_545">545.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I do not contend that the +chronological statements in the +Spartan lists form an <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">authentic +document</span></em>, more than those in +the catalogues of the priestesses +of Here and in the list of Halicarnassian +priests (Boeckh Corp. +Ins. Gr. No. 2655). The chronological +statements in the +Spartan lists may have been +formed from imperfect memorials; +but the Alexandrine chronologists +must have found such +tables in existence, since they +could not have been produced +by mere computation; and yet +the date of 328 years before +the 1st Olympiad was entirely +founded upon them.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_546" name="note_546" href="#noteref_546">546.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Clem. comp. Diod. de +Virt. et Vit. p. 547, ed. Vales.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_547" name="note_547" href="#noteref_547">547.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 411. Fragm. ed. Heyn. +from Tatian and Clemens I. p. +327. comp. p. 309. Pausan. +III. 2. 4. Eusebius's quotation +of Apollodorus at the 18th year +of Alcamenes is incorrect, as +may be seen from Plutarch. Lycurg. I.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_548" name="note_548" href="#noteref_548">548.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 65. Pausan. III. 2. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_549" name="note_549" href="#noteref_549">549.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. +V. H. IX. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_550" name="note_550" href="#noteref_550">550.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Simonid. ap. Plutarch. Lyc. +2. and compare Schol. Plat. +Rep. X. p. 474. 21 Bekker. +The latter, also, according to +Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 1. Ephorus +ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Compare +Dieuchidas, ap. Plutarch. +Lycurg. 2. et Clem. Alex. Strom. +I. p. 328. ed. Colon, (p. 390 +Potter). cf. Strab. X. p. 481. +He took Lycurgus for a son of +Polydectes and a younger brother +of Eunomus, and placed +him 290 years after the taking +of Troy. Dionys. Hal. Arch. +Rom. II. 49. calls Lycurgus the +uncle of Eunomus, whom he +probably places with Herodotus +(VIII. 131.) <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">after</span></em> Polydectes. +Thucydides I. 18. places Lycurgus +not long before 800 B.C. +Timæus escaped the difficulty +by supposing that there were +two Lycurguses. Xenophon disagrees +the most (Rep. Lac. 10. +quoted by Plutarch. Lyc. I.), +as he says that Lycurgus lived +κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> κατὰ +τὴν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάθοδον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_551" name="note_551" href="#noteref_551">551.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VIII. 131.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_552" name="note_552" href="#noteref_552">552.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Clinton, F. H. vol. I. +p. 144. The same explanation +also diminishes the difficulty +about the relationship of Lycurgus; +yet there still remains +the great discrepancy between +Herodotus (where the emendation +proposed by Marsham does +not suit the context) and Xenophon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_553" name="note_553" href="#noteref_553">553.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The dates of these are +given, doubtless from Alexandrine +chronologists, by Diodorus, fragm. 6 p. 635, where +(with Wesseling after Didymus) +30 years must be assumed +from the return of the Heraclidæ +to the reign of Aletes, by +which the computation comes +out right. This has been overlooked +by Eusehius, since he +makes Aletes contemporary with +Eurysthenes. See the Armenian +Eusebius, p. 16. Mai.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_554" name="note_554" href="#noteref_554">554.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +p. <a href="#Pg136" class="tei tei-ref">136</a>. note t. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“district of Laconia.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_555" name="note_555" href="#noteref_555">555.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 62. Comp. +Theocritus XVII. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_556" name="note_556" href="#noteref_556">556.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As may fairly be inferred +from V. 4. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_557" name="note_557" href="#noteref_557">557.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 4. 4 In an inscription +at Olympia (Brunck. Anal. II. +p. 193.) he was called the son +of Hæmon; according to common +tradition, he was the son of +Praxonides. In Eusebius (Hieronym.) +should be written, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Iphitus +Praxonidis vel Æmonis f</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_558" name="note_558" href="#noteref_558">558.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 66, 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_559" name="note_559" href="#noteref_559">559.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning this word see +Boissonade, Classical Journal, +vol. XX. p. 289.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_560" name="note_560" href="#noteref_560">560.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh +Inscript. No. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_561" name="note_561" href="#noteref_561">561.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> by Wolf Proleg. Homer. +p. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_562" name="note_562" href="#noteref_562">562.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of Clem. Alexand. Strom. +I. p. 308.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_563" name="note_563" href="#noteref_563">563.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For the date of Terpander, +see book IV. ch. 6. § 1. note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_564" name="note_564" href="#noteref_564">564.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scymnus Chius, v. 313. +Strabo VI. p. 259.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_565" name="note_565" href="#noteref_565">565.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Lyc. 13. whose +words should be thus understood, +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lycurgus did not enact +any written laws, but merely +sanctioned existing customs.</span></span>”</span> +The ῥῆτραι however were evidently +not mere ἔθη, but oracular +dicta, expressed in definite +words, which had been +preserved from ancient times. +Plutarch. Agesil. 26. calls them +Αἰ καλούμεναι τρεῖς ῥῆτραι, and +also de Esu Carn. II. 1. ὁ θεῖος +Λυκοῦργος ἐν ταῖς τρίσι ῥήτραις; +consequently this was in a certain +degree a fixed number.—One +of these very regulations +was μὴ χρῆσθαι νόμοις ἐγγράφοις.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_566" name="note_566" href="#noteref_566">566.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. +19. αἱ ῥῆτραι, δι᾽ ὧν ἐκόσμησε +τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, πολιτείαν +Λυκοῦργος, ἐδόθησαν αὑτῷ καταλογάδην.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_567" name="note_567" href="#noteref_567">567.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Delphian Inscription +in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. +1711. The Cretan in Chishull +Ant. Asiat. p. 135. The Samian +and Prienian in Chandler Inscript. +p. 1. 38. 1, 2, 3. Marm. +Oxon. p. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_568" name="note_568" href="#noteref_568">568.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I agree with Creuzer Histor. +Ant. Fragm. p. 122. that it is +unnecessary <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">always</span></em> to alter +writers concerning ὄροι into +ὡρόγραφοι, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> chronologists. +The above Samian inscriptions +expressly refer to historical +works; and are we then to +alter in Herodian p. 7. (where +see the passages quoted), and +in p. 39. ἐν Σαμίων ὄροις?</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_569" name="note_569" href="#noteref_569">569.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Monumenta saxis sculpta +et ære prisco</span></span>, Tacitus Annal. +IV. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_570" name="note_570" href="#noteref_570">570.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I mention Eumelus in this +place, as being a Lyric poet in +the modern sense of the word, +on account of his ᾆσμα προσόδιον +for the Messenian Theoria to +Delos, Pausan. IV. 4. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_571" name="note_571" href="#noteref_571">571.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Περὶ νομοθετῶν. He must +however have either invented +himself, or adopted the inventions +of others, if he mentioned +the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">names</span></em> of the twenty assistants +and friends of Lycurgus, +Plutarch. Lyc. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_572" name="note_572" href="#noteref_572">572.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. +Lyc. 31. and 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_573" name="note_573" href="#noteref_573">573.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book II. ch. 10. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_574" name="note_574" href="#noteref_574">574.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">He was anciently celebrated +for his mildness. Plutarch in +the Life of Lycurgus, and de +Adul. 16. On the other hand, +Heraclides Ponticus 2. καὶ τὸν +Χάριλλον (ΧΑΡΙΛΑΟΝ) τυραννικῶς +ἄρχοντα μετέστησε.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_575" name="note_575" href="#noteref_575">575.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. +Lyc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_576" name="note_576" href="#noteref_576">576.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book III. ch. 1. The names +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eunomus</span></span> as the father and of +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Eucosmus</span></span> as the son of Lycurgus +(Pausan. III. 16. 5.) belong +to the class pointed out +above, p. <a href="#Pg069" class="tei tei-ref">69</a>. note g. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“capture of Ægialea,”</span> starting +<span class="tei tei-q">“The name of Tisamenus.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_577" name="note_577" href="#noteref_577">577.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Only Plutarch. Lycurg. 23. +and Heraclid. Pont. 2. καὶ κοινὸν +ἀγαθὸν τὰς ἐκεχείρας (the +Pythian are probably meant) +κατέστησε. The account of Hermippus +is evidently, in part at +least, invented.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_578" name="note_578" href="#noteref_578">578.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This Cleosthenes is +mentioned in Phlegon Trallianus +ap. Meurs. Opera, vol. VII. p. +128. and Schol. Plat. Rep. V. +p. 246, 7. Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_579" name="note_579" href="#noteref_579">579.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Συνχώρημα Ἑλλήνων ἱερὰν +καὶ ἀπόρθητον εἶναι Ἠλείαν, +Polyb. IV. 73. who calls the +peaceable existence of the Eleans +in early times a ἱερὸς βίος; +Strab. VIII. p. 357. Diod. +Excerpt, p. 547. Wessel., where +very absurd motives are attributed +to the Lacedæmonians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_580" name="note_580" href="#noteref_580">580.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isthm. II. 23. Boeckh Explic. +p. 494. Schneider Lexicon +in v. et ad Xen. Hell. IV. +7. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_581" name="note_581" href="#noteref_581">581.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The determination of this +time was somewhat ambiguous. +See Thuc. V. 49. ἐπαλλέλλειν +is the proper word for the +announcement.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_582" name="note_582" href="#noteref_582">582.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 19. see also V. +77.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_583" name="note_583" href="#noteref_583">583.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 49. comp. +Pausan. V. 6, 4. VI. 3, 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_584" name="note_584" href="#noteref_584">584.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As in the +well-known treaty between the Eleans and Heræans, +αἰ δὲ μά συνέαν, τάλαντόν +κ᾽ ἀργύρω ἀποτίνοιαν τῷ Δὶ +Ολυμπίῳ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_585" name="note_585" href="#noteref_585">585.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_586" name="note_586" href="#noteref_586">586.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. III. 8, 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_587" name="note_587" href="#noteref_587">587.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_588" name="note_588" href="#noteref_588">588.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">Book +II. ch. 3, § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_589" name="note_589" href="#noteref_589">589.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 2. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_590" name="note_590" href="#noteref_590">590.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Romul. 25. Sympos. +Qu. IV. 1. 1. Sept. Sap. +Conviv. 16. Polyæn. II. 31. 2. +Plin. H. N. XI. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_591" name="note_591" href="#noteref_591">591.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Fulgentius in Staveren +Mythograph. Latin, p. 770. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Si +quis enim centum hostes interfecisset, +Marti de homine sacrificabat +apud insulam Lemnum, +quod sacrificatum est a duobus, +Aristomene Gortynensi et Theoclo +Eleo, sicut Sosicrates scribit.</span></span> +Apollodorus ap. Porphyr. de +Abstin. II. 55. p. 396. (comp. +Meursius, Misc. Lac. II. 14.) +says that the Lacedæmonians +also had sacrificed a man to +Mars.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_592" name="note_592" href="#noteref_592">592.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. IV. 15. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_593" name="note_593" href="#noteref_593">593.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyæn. II. 31. +3. Plin. XI. 70. Valer. Maxim. I. 8. +ext., 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_594" name="note_594" href="#noteref_594">594.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Stephanus Byz., who quotes +Herodotus, Rhianus, and Plutarch. +Herodotus, however, does +not mention the subject. What +Stephanus says is taken from +Plutarch de Herodot. Maled. +2. p. 291. where however for +φησὶν αὐτὸς should probably be +written φασὶν αὐτόν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_595" name="note_595" href="#noteref_595">595.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Isocrates +(Archidam. 11.) connects the Messenian war +with the assassination of Cresphontes; +and relates that the +Spartans were much encouraged +by the oracle: the narrative +evidently had not at this +time received the form in which +it was afterwards represented. +Yet he mentions the twenty +years' siege (on the authority of +Tyrtæus), § 66.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_596" name="note_596" href="#noteref_596">596.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Antip. +Sidon. VII. 161. Anthol. Palat.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_597" name="note_597" href="#noteref_597">597.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 16. 4. VI. 32. +5. IX. 39. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_598" name="note_598" href="#noteref_598">598.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycurgus in Leocrat. 15. +p. 155. comp. Isocrates Archidam. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_599" name="note_599" href="#noteref_599">599.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 27. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_600" name="note_600" href="#noteref_600">600.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also Æschylus of Alexandria +wrote Messeniaca, Athen. +XIII. p. 599 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_601" name="note_601" href="#noteref_601">601.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Athen. +XIV. p. 857 D. Diodorus probably follows +him, since he represents Cleonnis +in the first war and Aristomenes +as fighting together, +Fragm. N. p. 637, Wessel. In +XV. 66. he means him among +the ἔνιοι. Boivin and Wesseling +endeavour in vain to reconcile +the contradictions. The +genuineness of the fragment of +Diodorus is however doubtful.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_602" name="note_602" href="#noteref_602">602.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 15. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_603" name="note_603" href="#noteref_603">603.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning Rhianus see +Jacobs in the Index Auctorum to +the Anthology.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_604" name="note_604" href="#noteref_604">604.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strabo, VIII. p. 362.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_605" name="note_605" href="#noteref_605">605.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> +it was a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Messenian</span></span> +account which Myron followed +(Pausan. IV. 6. 2), that Aristomenes +killed the king Theopompus +(contrary to Tyrtæus, +as may be seen from Plutarch +Agid. 21.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_606" name="note_606" href="#noteref_606">606.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I will now point out some +instances of modern fiction in +the narrative of Pausanias. +The account of Polychares and +Euæphnus supposes a greater +power in the Areopagus than +it ever possessed; nor did the +quarrel come at all within the +province of the Argive Amphictyons. +Besides Pausanias, +see Diodorus Excerpt, p. 547, +who generally follows the same +authorities. The Cretan bowmen +must have been introduced +by Rhianus from his own country; +it is certain that there were +no mercenaries at so early a period. +How could the Corinthians +have gone to Laconia +without passing through an +enemy's country, and who would +have allowed them a free passage? +The flight of the initiated +to Eleusis is contrary to all probability; and this the more, as +in the second war they were +quiet spectators, Pausan. IV. +16. 1. Yet we are told the +sacred torchbearers (δᾳδοῦχοι) +fought at Athens in military +array. The disposition of the +light-armed troops in separate +bodies (IV. 7. 2.) is contrary +to the account of Tyrtæus and +to ancient usage, compare IV. +8. 4. Οἱ Μεσσήνιοι δρόμῳ ἐς +τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο +(IV. 18. 1.) is contrary to Herodotus +(VI. 112). Many events +are attributed to very improbable +causes, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> that they left +the fortified cities (IV. 9. 1.) +from want of money. There is +absolutely no reason given for +the subjection of Messenia. +That the Argives came in a +private capacity, and not at the +command of the state, appears +from Herodot. VI. 92. The +oracle in IV. 9. 2. in iambic +verses is of a late date, but nevertheless +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">more</span></em> ancient than the +corresponding one in hexameters +preserved by Eusebius Præp. +Ev. V. 27. p. 130. ed. Steph. +The verse in Pausan. IV. 12. 1. +ἀλλ᾽ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα +λαὸς, refers to the fraud +of Cresphontes at the original +division. In the oracle in Pausan. +IV. 12. 3. and Eusebius +ubi sup. should be written, ἦ +γὰρ Ἄρης κείνων εὐήρεα τείχη, +Καὶ τειχέων στεφάνωμα πικροὺς +οἰκήτορας ἕξει. Whence these +oracles were derived does not +appear: nor is it easy to decide +concerning the date of such +short pieces. (The above oracle +is differently, and perhaps more +correctly, emended by Lobeck +ad Phrynich. Par. p. 621.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_607" name="note_607" href="#noteref_607">607.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Fragments as arranged +by Frank, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Callinus</span></span>, p. 168.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_608" name="note_608" href="#noteref_608">608.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_609" name="note_609" href="#noteref_609">609.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">By Pausauias and Diodorus +de Virt. et Vit. p. 540.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_610" name="note_610" href="#noteref_610">610.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 4. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_611" name="note_611" href="#noteref_611">611.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Justin. III. 5. says eighty +years. Thirty-nine years are +probably too short a period; for, +as the Spartans did not marry +before the age of thirty (book +IV. ch. 4. § 3.), the difference +between grandfathers and grandchildren +must have been on an +average sixty years. If the interval +had been only thirty-nine +years, most of those engaged in +the second war would have been +the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">sons</span></em> of the conquerors of +Ithome.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_612" name="note_612" href="#noteref_612">612.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The same date is in the +Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But +Pausanias IV. 15. 1. proves +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only from Tyrtæus</span></em> that Rhianus +was incorrect in calling Leotychides +a contemporary of the +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">second</span></em> war; consequently the +numbers cannot have much authority. +Pausanias had however +various means of judging: <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> +after the expulsion and subjugation +of the inhabitants no +Messenian occurred in the +Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι, Pausan. VI. 2. 5. +Different writers however vary +remarkably. Dinarchus in Demosth. +p. 99. 29. places the +subjection of the Messenians +400 years before their restoration +(370 B.C.); Lycurgus in +Leocrat. p. 155. 500; Isocrates +Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; +but Bekker reads 400 from a +manuscript, which agrees better +with the early date of Isocrates +for the subjection of the Messenians. +Plutarch Reg. Apoph. +p. 126. only 230 years before +the liberation by Epaminondas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_613" name="note_613" href="#noteref_613">613.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It has been proved by the +succession of the excerpts of +Diodorus that he placed the second +Messenian war at the same +time as Eusebius: Krebs Lectiones +Diodoreæ, Epimetrum. +Now Eusebius places the beginning +of the second war at Olymp. +35. 3. (638 B.C.), and Tyrtæus +at Ol. 36. 3. (636).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_614" name="note_614" href="#noteref_614">614.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. +Frank, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Callinus</span></span>, pp. 172, 196. +who proposes Polydôrô without +any reason); see Polyæn. +I. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_615" name="note_615" href="#noteref_615">615.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 12</a>, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_13" class="tei tei-ref">13</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_616" name="note_616" href="#noteref_616">616.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 360.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_617" name="note_617" href="#noteref_617">617.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the time of Augustus it +was in Messenia. The name +Nedon was only preserved in +that of Ἀθηνᾶ Νεδουσία.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_618" name="note_618" href="#noteref_618">618.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 4. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_619" name="note_619" href="#noteref_619">619.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly +the same account as that of the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lacedæmonians</span></span> in Pausanias; +and so also Heraclides Ponticus, +and Justin. III. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_620" name="note_620" href="#noteref_620">620.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Annalium memoria vatumque +carminibus</span></span>, Tacit. Annal. +IV. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_621" name="note_621" href="#noteref_621">621.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See +above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_13" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 13</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_622" name="note_622" href="#noteref_622">622.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Probably tradition had preserved +some report of a sacrifice +to Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), +concerning which see book <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IX" class="tei tei-ref">II. +ch. 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_623" name="note_623" href="#noteref_623">623.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch also mentions the +same expedition, de Superstit. +7. p. 71, Hutten.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_624" name="note_624" href="#noteref_624">624.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_625" name="note_625" href="#noteref_625">625.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. +p. 257.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_626" name="note_626" href="#noteref_626">626.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">IV. 14. 2. 23. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_627" name="note_627" href="#noteref_627">627.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Hercules Manticlus +was worshipped at Messana, +Pausan. IV. 23. 5. IV. 26. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_628" name="note_628" href="#noteref_628">628.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Thucyd. +VI. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_629" name="note_629" href="#noteref_629">629.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo ubi sup. The Rhegini +considered the Messenians +of Naupactus as kinsmen, Pausan. +IV. 26. We may pass +over the often corrected error of +Pausanias concerning Anaxilas +(last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I. +p. 199. where Bentley is forgotten).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_630" name="note_630" href="#noteref_630">630.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Yet it should be observed +that Dionysius Perieg. 376. +mentions Amyclæans as colonists +in Tarentum, which is +probably not a mere poetical +embellishment.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_631" name="note_631" href="#noteref_631">631.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀνδανία.—ἐκ ταύτης Ἀριστομένης +ἐγένετο, Steph. Byz. +The words οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη +Ἀνδανία ἐκαλεῖτο, ἥν οἰκίσαι +φασί τινας τῶν μετὰ Κρεσφόντου +καὶ οὕτω καλέσαι, &c. +contain two errors; comp. Pausan. +IV. 26. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_632" name="note_632" href="#noteref_632">632.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The whole of the +following passage is evidently taken from +Tyrtæus, VIII. p. 362. τὴν μὲν +πρώτην κατακτ. φησὶ Τυρταῖος—γενέσθαι. +τὴν δὲ δευτέραν, καθ᾽ +ἥν ἑλόμενοι συμμάχους Ἠλείους +καὶ Ἀργείους [καὶ Ἀρχάδας addendum] +καὶ Πισάτας ἀπέστησαν, +Ἀρκάδων μὲν Ἀριστοκράτην +τὸν Ὀρχομενοῦ βασιλέα παρεχομένων +στρατηγὸν, Πισατῶν δὲ +Πανταλέοντα τὸν Ὀμφαλίωνος. +It is stated by Strabo, p. 355 C. +that at the ἐσχάτη κατάλυσις τῶν +Μεσσηνίων the Eleans assisted +the Spartans. They must therefore +have espoused the cause of +the latter out of hatred towards +Pisa. With Strabo agrees the +article of Phavorinus in v. +Αὐγείας, p. 134. viz. that <span class="tei tei-q">“the +Lacedæmonians deprived the +Pisatans of this privilege for +siding with Messenia, and +gave it to the Eleans, who +took their part.”</span> But if Elis +was friendly and Pisa hostile to +the Spartans, Pantaleon can +hardly have obtained the agonothesia, +when Sparta had overcome +all her enemies, and had +ended the war victoriously. Accordingly, +the 34th Olympiad, +which Pantaleon celebrated +without the Eleans, probably +fell in the period of the second +war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_633" name="note_633" href="#noteref_633">633.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Pausanias also +the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sicyonians</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_634" name="note_634" href="#noteref_634">634.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VI. 22. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_635" name="note_635" href="#noteref_635">635.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de sera Num. +Vind. 2. p. 216. agrees with +Pausanias, and states that the +war lasted for more than twenty +years.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_636" name="note_636" href="#noteref_636">636.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The +words of the inscription are as +follows:— +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι,<br /> +εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην<br /> +ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον.<br /> +χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν. +</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_637" name="note_637" href="#noteref_637">637.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_638" name="note_638" href="#noteref_638">638.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Which city was still governed +by kings in the Peloponnesian +war, Plutarch Parallel. +32. p. 430. In this strange +composition, arbitrary fictions +are curiously mixed with learned +notices.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_639" name="note_639" href="#noteref_639">639.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the genealogy of the +Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and +Corinthian princes below, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. +8. § 3</a>. note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_640" name="note_640" href="#noteref_640">640.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The battle ἐπὶ τῇ Μεγάλῃ +Τάφρῳ, περὶ Τάφρον (Polyb. IV. +33. Pausan. IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), +in which Aristocrates is supposed +to have betrayed the +Messenians, was also mentioned +by Tyrtæus; but the account +which he gave of it quite differs +from that in Pausanias, viz. that +the Spartans were intentionally +posted in front of a trench, that +they might not be able to run +away. Eustratius ad Aristot. +Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. καὶ +οἱ πρὸ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν τοιούτων +παρατάττοντες. τοῦτο περὶ +Λακεδαιμονίων λέγοι ἄν; τοιαύτην +γάρ τινα μάχην, ὄτε πρὸς +Μεσηνίους ἐμαχέσαντο, ἐπολέμουν, ἧς καὶ Τυρταῖος +μνημονεύει.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_641" name="note_641" href="#noteref_641">641.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Pausanias.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_642" name="note_642" href="#noteref_642">642.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV 15. 4. What +he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, +however, agree well with this.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_643" name="note_643" href="#noteref_643">643.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 41. That the +Lacedæmonians, at the beginning +of the second war, dedicated +a statue of Jupiter, twelve +feet in height, at Olympia, with +the inscription in Pausan. V. +24. 1. is merely a conjecture of +the ἐξηγηταί.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_644" name="note_644" href="#noteref_644">644.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The passage of Strabo +VIII. p. 362. should be arranged thus: +<span class="tei tei-q">“Tyrtæus says that the second +conquest of Messenia took +place,”</span> ἡνίκα φησὶν αὐτὸς στρατηγῆσαι +τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, +καὶ γὰρ εἶναί φησιν +ἐκεῖθεν ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἥν ἐπιγράφουσιν +Εὐνομίαν; Αὐτὸς γὰρ +Κρονίων—νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. +Ὤστε ἤ ταῦτα ἈΚΥΡΩΤΕΟΝ +τὰ ἐλεγεῖα (for ἠκύρωται τὰ ἐλ. +some MSS. have ΗΚΥΡΩΤΑΙΟΝΤΑ), +ἢ Φιλοχόρῳ ἀπιστητέον +καὶ Καλλισθένει καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν +εἰποῦσιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν καὶ +Ἀφιδνῶν ἀφίκεσθαι. Comp. +p. 52. n. d., and Porson's Adversaria, +p. 39. But there is +nothing surprising in Tyrtæus, +who lived among the Dorians, +speaking of the whole nation in +the first person plural, without +mentioning his own different +origin. In the same manner +Tyrtæus says of the Spartan nation +as of a whole, Μεσσήνην +εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον, Pausan. IV. +6. 2. Compare the verses of +Mimnermus in Strab. XIV. p. +634. The Laconian town of +Aphidnæ, from which the Leucippidæ +are supposed to have +come, has probably arisen from +some misunderstanding. (Steph. +Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, +the father of Tyrtæus (Suidas +in v.), looks like an etymological +invention; Ἀρχίμβροτος, +<span class="tei tei-q">“the ruler of men.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_645" name="note_645" href="#noteref_645">645.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning a defeat of the +Spartans by the Argives, see +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_13" class="tei tei-ref">below, § 13</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_646" name="note_646" href="#noteref_646">646.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. +33. 2. Aristomenes, according +to Pausan. IV. 24. married his +sister and daughters to persons +at Phigalea, Lepreum, and Heræa. +This is alluded to in a +verse from the fifth book of +Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. +Φιγάλεια, τὴν μὲν ἀνήγετ᾽ ἄκοιτιν +ἐπὶ κραναὴν Φιγάλειαν, viz. +Tharyx.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_647" name="note_647" href="#noteref_647">647.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This circumstance was narrated +by Rhianus in the sixth +(probably the last) book, in +which Atabyrum, a town in +Rhodes, was mentioned, Steph. +Byz. in v. Ἀτάβυρον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_648" name="note_648" href="#noteref_648">648.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. +speaks of wars with Argos, Arcadia, +and Messenia, before the +time of Lycurgus; but probably +he is incorrect. According to +Polyæn. VIII. 34. the Tegeatans +took king Theopompus +prisoner (provided the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">king</span></em> is +meant): and the same authority +states II. 13. that Mantinea was +taken by Eurypon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_649" name="note_649" href="#noteref_649">649.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 39. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_650" name="note_650" href="#noteref_650">650.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. concerning +Ἄρης γυναικοθοίας, +compare III. 7. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_651" name="note_651" href="#noteref_651">651.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. +3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. +XVII. p. 251. C. the speech +of the Tegeatans in Herodotus +IX. 26. Polyænus I. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_652" name="note_652" href="#noteref_652">652.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At this time probably the +oracle was delivered, which held +out such deceitful promises to +the Spartans, Δώσω τοι Τεγέην +ποσσίκροτον ὀρχήσασθαι, Καὶ +καλὸν πέδιον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι, +Herod. I. 66. The +ambiguity lies in the word ὀρχήσασθαι, +which may be derived +from ὄρχος. Also διαμετρήσασθαι +signifies the condition of +a Helot, or a Clarotes, who receives +a measured-out piece of +land to cultivate.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_653" name="note_653" href="#noteref_653">653.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the stratagem of king +Ἄλνης (Ἄλεος Casaubon) in +Polyæn. I. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_654" name="note_654" href="#noteref_654">654.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_IX_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_655" name="note_655" href="#noteref_655">655.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 1</a>, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_656" name="note_656" href="#noteref_656">656.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The +Amphictyons decided concerning +Thyrea, Plutarch Parallel. +Hist. Gr. et Rom. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_657" name="note_657" href="#noteref_657">657.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 92. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_658" name="note_658" href="#noteref_658">658.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning these Amphictyons, +see S<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="vertical-align: super">te</span></span> Croix <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Governemens +fédératifs anciens</span></span>, p. 100. +who, however, treats the subject +with his usual carelessness. See +Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1121. +cf. n. 1124. Maffei in Muratori, +561.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_659" name="note_659" href="#noteref_659">659.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I should not now venture +to make such positive assertions +as those made in my +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_660" name="note_660" href="#noteref_660">660.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_661" name="note_661" href="#noteref_661">661.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_662" name="note_662" href="#noteref_662">662.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 7. 3. and hence perhaps +Œnomaus ap. Euseb. +Præp. Ev. p. 133. Steph.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_663" name="note_663" href="#noteref_663">663.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 26. 5. III. +7. 5. IV. 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_664" name="note_664" href="#noteref_664">664.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus, according to +Herodotus, Hermione and Asine ἡ +πρὸς Καρδαμύλῇ τῇ Λακωνικῇ, +which then probably was the +nearest place of importance, belonged +to the Dryopians; comp. +Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_665" name="note_665" href="#noteref_665">665.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh. Inscript. n. +1193.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_666" name="note_666" href="#noteref_666">666.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, pp. 51-63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_667" name="note_667" href="#noteref_667">667.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">With regard to the dominion +of his brother in Macedonia, the +relation of this narrative to that +in Herodotus VIII. 137. appears +to me to be as follows. +Both describe the same event; +but the latter is the rude native +tradition of Macedon, formed +among a people which had few +historical memorials; the former +is derived from an Argive tradition, +and, though as well as +the other not purely historical, +is yet connected together in a +more probable manner. Κάρανος +is perhaps only another +form of Κοίρανος; see Hesychius +in Κόραννος. The account of +Euripides, that Archelaus, the +son of Temenus, took the city +of Ægæ in Macedonia, whither +he had come as a goatherd in +great distress (Hyginus Fab. +219; Dio Chrysost. p. 70.), is +the most unfounded. Whether +Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) +was acquainted with the tradition +concerning Caranus, or followed +the account of Herodotus, +does not appear. There is also +a discrepancy in the account of +Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. +p. 1453. See <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix I. § 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_668" name="note_668" href="#noteref_668">668.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_669" name="note_669" href="#noteref_669">669.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">And +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only</span></em> silver (not τό τε +ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν, as Strabo +says), since copper was not +coined till a much later period, +and gold was first coined in +Asia. In the Etymologicum +Gudianum, p. 549. 58. it is +stated inaccurately that Phido +reduced the measures.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_670" name="note_670" href="#noteref_670">670.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book III. c. 10. § 12. +The ancient Macedonian coins +were struck according to the +same standard.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_671" name="note_671" href="#noteref_671">671.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. II. 37. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_672" name="note_672" href="#noteref_672">672.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See in general Julian. Epist. +ad Arg. 35. p. 407.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_673" name="note_673" href="#noteref_673">673.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Eusebius, p. +1297. ed. Pont. Pausanias +places τὸν περὶ τῆς Θυρεάτιδος +ἀγῶνα at the end of the reign of +Theopompus, at the same date; +Solinus, c. 13. in the seventeenth +year of Romulus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_674" name="note_674" href="#noteref_674">674.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Otherwise Herodotus could +not have said of the Cynurians, +ἐκδεδωρίευνται ὑπό τε Ἀργείων +ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνον. Compare +Æginetica, p. 47.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_675" name="note_675" href="#noteref_675">675.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 24. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_676" name="note_676" href="#noteref_676">676.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In addition to the passages +in Æginetica ubi sup. see the +Epigrams of Simonides VIII. +431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. +Damagetus 432. Nicander 526. +Chæremon 720. Gætulicus 244. +in the Palatine Anthology. According +to Isocrates Archid. p. +136. D. 300 Spartans destroyed +all the Argives. It is a remarkable +continuation of the legend, +that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, +who went away too soon (Herod. +I. 82.), a conqueror at the +Nemean games, slew Othryadas, +Pausan. II. 20. 6.—The offerings +of the Argives for the battle +of Thyrea, as well as those of +the Tegeatans for a victory over +Sparta, at Delphi (Pausan. X. +9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates +of the artificers, have been made +before the 100th Olympiad +(380 B.C.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_677" name="note_677" href="#noteref_677">677.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence their +institution (according to Eusebius, Olymp. +27. 3. 678 B.C.) is derived from +that event. See Athen. XIV. +p. 631. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. +54. Hesychius in Θυρεατικοὶ +στέφανοι. Apostolius VI. 56.—Compare +Manso, Sparta, I. +2. p. 211.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_678" name="note_678" href="#noteref_678">678.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. +calls Cynuria, taking indeed a +bird's-eye view, a χωρίον κατ᾽ +οὐδὲν φακοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πλατύτερον, +<span class="tei tei-q">“not wider than a bean.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_679" name="note_679" href="#noteref_679">679.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 24. +1. IV. 35. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_680" name="note_680" href="#noteref_680">680.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Eusebius +in Olymp. 51. 6. ed. Pontac. comp. +Corsini Dissert. Agon. p. 51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_681" name="note_681" href="#noteref_681">681.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Dissen has shown, ad +Pind. Nem. IV. p. 381.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_682" name="note_682" href="#noteref_682">682.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From this I have explained +Herod. VIII. 73. in my Æginetica, +p. 47, where however the +σύνοικοι after the Persian war +are not different from the former +Periœci.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_683" name="note_683" href="#noteref_683">683.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 18. and compare I. 76. +and I. 122. See also Herodotus +V. 92. 1. ἄπειροι τυράννων καὶ +φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν +τῇ Σπάρτῇ μὴ γενέσθαι, Sosicles +the Corinthian says to the Spartans, +<span class="tei tei-q">“Heaven and earth will be +changed, before you abolish +free governments (ἰσοκρατίαι) +in order to introduce tyrannies.”</span> +See also Dionys. Halicarn. +Lys. 30. p. 523. The +Syracusans also overthrew many +tyrants, before they had one of +their own, Aristot. Polit. V. +8. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_684" name="note_684" href="#noteref_684">684.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tyrtæus Fragm. 3. v. 8. +Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_685" name="note_685" href="#noteref_685">685.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Libanius in Sever, vol. III. +p. 251. Reisk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_686" name="note_686" href="#noteref_686">686.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. V. 9. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_687" name="note_687" href="#noteref_687">687.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The series is not, however, +quite certain, as Herodotus VI. +126. only goes down as far as +Andreas. Aristotle merely says, +Ὀρθαγόρου παῖδες καὶ αὐτὸς +Ὀρθαγόρας, and Plutarch, de +sera Num. Vind. 7 (see Wyttenbach. +p. 44). Ὀρθαγόρας καὶ +μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ περὶ Μύρωνα καὶ +Κλεισθένην. From the new Excerpta +of Diodorus, VII-X. +14. Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. +vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears +that Andreas and Orthagoras +are probably the same person: +for Andreas is stated also to +have been a cook, by whom the +dynasty was first raised.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_688" name="note_688" href="#noteref_688">688.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VI. 19. 2. II. 8. 1. +where for Πύρρων write Μύρων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_689" name="note_689" href="#noteref_689">689.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 163. and others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_690" name="note_690" href="#noteref_690">690.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 3. For +what Aristotle says, μεταβάλλει +καὶ εἰς τυραννίδα τυραννὶς, +ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος +εἰς τὴν Κλεισθένους, implies +that the tyranny did not pass +quietly from Myron to Cleisthenes, +but that the latter re-acquired +it by force.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_691" name="note_691" href="#noteref_691">691.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book III. ch. 4. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_692" name="note_692" href="#noteref_692">692.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 67. Ἀργείοισι +πολεμήσας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_693" name="note_693" href="#noteref_693">693.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, besides Herodotus, Diodor. +Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wesseling's +Notes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_694" name="note_694" href="#noteref_694">694.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodotus, followed +by Dio Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would +now in this passage of Herodotus +(V. 67.) retain λευστῆρα, +where Casaubon proposed ληιστῆρα; +not, however, in a passive +sense, but according to its +grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> a γύμνης or ψιλοὸς, +the great mass of light-armed +soldiers being furnished with +slings. Compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> Thuc. I. +106. οἱ ψιλοὶ κατέλευσαν.—<span class="tei tei-q">“Adrastus +is king of the Argives, +but thou art a common +bond-slave,”</span> says the oracle +to Cleisthenes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_695" name="note_695" href="#noteref_695">695.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 37. 4. +Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. +Polyæn. III. 5. It is remarkable +that Sparta took no part +in this war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_696" name="note_696" href="#noteref_696">696.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. +Olymp. XII. p. 206.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_697" name="note_697" href="#noteref_697">697.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 9. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_698" name="note_698" href="#noteref_698">698.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 7. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_699" name="note_699" href="#noteref_699">699.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For the tyranny lasted, according +to Aristotle and Diodorus, +p. 11. Mai, 100 years, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> from about the 26th to the +51st Olympiad, 676-576 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_700" name="note_700" href="#noteref_700">700.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_701" name="note_701" href="#noteref_701">701.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 128.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_702" name="note_702" href="#noteref_702">702.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. p. 378. About +200 men according to Diodorus ap. +Syncell. Cronograph. p. 178. +Par.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_703" name="note_703" href="#noteref_703">703.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 92. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_704" name="note_704" href="#noteref_704">704.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. +V. 9. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_705" name="note_705" href="#noteref_705">705.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. II. I. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_706" name="note_706" href="#noteref_706">706.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning a stratagem of +Cypselus on this occasion, see +Polyænus V. 31. 1. That a +Bacchiad, Demaratus, should +have gone at this time to Italy, +is very probable; but that the +Tarquins were descended from +him is a fiction. See Niebuhr's +History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_707" name="note_707" href="#noteref_707">707.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Eusebius, +which agrees with the 447 years +in Diodorus (Fragm. 6. p. 635. +Wessel.), from the return of the +Heraclidæ until Cypselus. It +is not easy to see what were +Strabo's grounds for reckoning +the dominion of the Bacchiadæ +at 200 years, VIII. p. 378. According +to Diodorus they were +Prytanes for only 90 years.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_708" name="note_708" href="#noteref_708">708.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_709" name="note_709" href="#noteref_709">709.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. +cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. +361.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_710" name="note_710" href="#noteref_710">710.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 92. 6. according +to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. +135 Ruhnk. he was πρῶτον δημοτικὸς, +as should be read in +Apostol. XX. 47.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_711" name="note_711" href="#noteref_711">711.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. +III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_712" name="note_712" href="#noteref_712">712.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_713" name="note_713" href="#noteref_713">713.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Nicolaus Damascenus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_714" name="note_714" href="#noteref_714">714.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. Heraclid. +Pont. 5. Nicol. Damasc.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_715" name="note_715" href="#noteref_715">715.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Βουλὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων, Heraclides. +Compare Aristot. Pol. +V. 6. γίγνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ +τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι +τὰ ἴδια, ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς. +καὶ γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι καινοτομεῖν +ζητοῦσι, καὶ ἢ τυραννίδι ἐπιτίθενται +αὐτοὶ, ἢ κατασκευάζουσιν +ἔτερον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_716" name="note_716" href="#noteref_716">716.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_717" name="note_717" href="#noteref_717">717.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book III. ch. 3. § 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_718" name="note_718" href="#noteref_718">718.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclides. Perhaps for +προαγωγοὶ should be written +προσαγωγοὶ (like the ποταγωγίδες +of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. +§ 7. note).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_719" name="note_719" href="#noteref_719">719.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">Book II. ch. 10. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_720" name="note_720" href="#noteref_720">720.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the Colossi and +offerings of the Cypselidæ, see +Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. Theophrast. +ap. Phot, in Κυψελιδῶν +ἀνάθημα. Ephorus ap. Diog. +Laërt. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. +Plato Phædr. p. 236 et Schol. +p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo +VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de +Pyth. orac. 13. See book III. +ch. 10. § 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_721" name="note_721" href="#noteref_721">721.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodotus. Compare Antenor +and Dionysius of Chalcedon, +in Plutarch, de Malign. +Herod. 22. p. 302. and the elegant +legend in Pliny H. N. IX. +41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_722" name="note_722" href="#noteref_722">722.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 8</a>. Besides +Gorgus, there was also at +Ambracia a tyrant named Periander, +Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. +Plutarch. Amator. 23. p. 60. +perhaps the son of Gorgus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_723" name="note_723" href="#noteref_723">723.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Either to this person, or to +Periander, or to Cypselus, the +beautiful Rhadina of Samos +was, according to Stesichorus +(ap. Strab. VIII. p. 347.) sent +as a bride, but she was killed +out of jealousy. That it was the +Ionic Samos is proved against +Strabo by Pausan. VII. 5. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_724" name="note_724" href="#noteref_724">724.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">There is some difficulty in +the chronology of this family; +the following is a genealogical +table:— +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +[Transcriber's Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table: +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who married Melissa. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.] +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +There are also Gordias and +Psammetichus, as to whom +nothing is known. See Æginetica, +p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled +from Olymp. 38. 1. (Eusebius) +to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. +Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44 years +according to Aristotle. This +is not inconsistent with the fact +mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 +and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. +comp. Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. +600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) +that he decided between Athens +and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, +since Phrynon of Athens +(victor in the 36th Olympiad, +Afric.) had contended on this +same point with Pittacus in +Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before +the time of Pisistratus. Compare +Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch +de Herod. Malign. 15. Diog. +Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. +Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 401. The +narrative of Herodotus is not +arranged <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">entirely</span></em> in a chronological +order. Periander, however, +was reigning, according to +Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth +year of the reign of Halyattes +(Olymp. 41), and before his +death sent him a present of +Corcyræan boys, in the third +generation (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> in the 16th +Olympiad), before the siege of +Samos by the Lacedæmonians +(Olymp. 63.), as Panofka (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Res +Samiorum</span></span>, p. 30.) has rightly +corrected in Herod. III. 48. (γ᾽ +γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, +de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus, +according to Herodotus, +reigned thirty years, and therefore +ascended the throne in +Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ +ruled altogether 76-1/2 years (according +to my emendation of +Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22); Procles +reigned from about the 35th to +the 49th Olympiad; Aristocrates +goes as far back as the +25th Olympiad.</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_725" name="note_725" href="#noteref_725">725.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 64.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_726" name="note_726" href="#noteref_726">726.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Who himself had aimed at +the tyranny of Athens so early +as the 42d Olympiad. Thucyd. +I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, +p. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_727" name="note_727" href="#noteref_727">727.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Polit. +V. 4. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_728" name="note_728" href="#noteref_728">728.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Like the Enneacrunus of +the Pisistratidæ. Pausan. I. 40. +1. I. 41. 2. Theognis v. 894. +ὡς κυψελλίζον Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος +cannot well refer to a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">factio +Cypselidarum</span></span>, especially if it +has any connexion with what +precedes, concerning the Persian +war; but κυψελλίζειν must +mean <span class="tei tei-q">“to be deaf,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“to have +the ears closed,”</span> from κυψέλη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_729" name="note_729" href="#noteref_729">729.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I will only mention the tyrants +in Doric states.—Cleobulus +at Lindos, who was similar +to Periander, Plutarch, de EI +3. p. 118. comp. Clem. Alex. +Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Diagoridæ +however still continued +at Ialysus). Cadmus in the +island of Cos, whose history +must, from Herod. VI. 23. and +VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, +the tyrant of Zancle, being driven +out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. +4. 497 B.C.), fled to the king +of Persia, and remained chiefly +at his court. To Scythes' son, +Cadmus, the king of Persia probably +gave the island of Cos. +For though it might be objected +that Cadmus could not have +been the son of Scythes <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">of Zancle</span></em>, +since the latter, according +to Herodotus, died in Persia (ἐν +Πέρσῃσι), whereas Cadmus inherited +the tyranny from his +father (παρὰ πατρός); it may +be answered that Scythes, <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">notwithstanding</span></em> +that the king had +given him the government of +Cos, yet did not reside there, +but at the Persian court, as we +know to have been the case with +Histiæus. Afterwards, however, +before the 75th Olympiad (480 +B.C.), having made a treaty +with the Samians, he returned +to his ancient country. He +was followed by Epicharmus +the comic poet, Suidas, in v. +Ἐπίχαρμος. At his departure +from Cos he gave the state its +liberty, and instituted a senate +(βουλή). He was a contemporary +of Hippolochus the Asclepiad, +and the ancestor by the +mother's side of Thessalus. See +the 7th Epistle of Hippocrates. +In Sicily, Oleander and the family +of Hippocrates, Gelon and +Hieron, at Gela and then at +Syracuse; Phalaris, and afterwards +Theron, and Thrasidæus +at Agrigentum; Anaxilas at +Rhegium and Zancle; Panætius +(Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at +Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. +8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also +Aristophilidas of Tarentum +(Herod. III. 136.) was a tyrant. +Tyrants also existed in Italy, in +Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_730" name="note_730" href="#noteref_730">730.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. +Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare +Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 308.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_731" name="note_731" href="#noteref_731">731.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Although they were the +guests of Sparta, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ +θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιοῦντο ἢ τὰ +τῶν ανδρῶν, Herod. V. 63. 90. +Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph. Lysist. 1150, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_732" name="note_732" href="#noteref_732">732.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. +and his πολίτεια Ναξίων in Athenæus +VIII. p. 348. According +to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis +was established in his government +by Pisistratus, about the +60th Olympiad (540 B.C.). +Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. +Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_733" name="note_733" href="#noteref_733">733.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">§ 2</a>. Sicyon +gave ships to Cleomenes about +the 65th Olympiad, or 520 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_734" name="note_734" href="#noteref_734">734.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Before the time of Histiæus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_735" name="note_735" href="#noteref_735">735.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycurg. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_736" name="note_736" href="#noteref_736">736.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. +de Herod. Malign. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_737" name="note_737" href="#noteref_737">737.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This follows from Plutarch +ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. Herod. +VI. 12. Pausan. III. 7, 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_738" name="note_738" href="#noteref_738">738.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 159.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_739" name="note_739" href="#noteref_739">739.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Pausan. III. +4. 1. Therefore <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">before</span></em> Olymp. +65. 1. or 520 B.C. for Cleomenes +was then king, as is evident +from a comparison of +Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. +III. 68. He was in that year +in the neighbourhood of Platæa. +According to Plutarch. Lacon. +Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes +was regent in the 63rd Olympiad +(525 B. C), when the +Samians came to Sparta: this +however would give too great a +length to his reign, (which Herodotus +states to have been of +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">short</span></em> duration,) viz., from about +525 to 491 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_740" name="note_740" href="#noteref_740">740.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It appears that this wood +was near Sepea in the territory +of Tiryns. Apostolius IV. 27. +states that the battle took place +on the Ἄργους λόφος. The +stratagem of Cleomenes is narrated +after Herodotus by Polyænus +I. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_741" name="note_741" href="#noteref_741">741.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The marvellous narrative of +Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is also +unconnected, from there being +no explanation of the two first +verses of the oracle, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν +ἡ θήλεια, which however must +have referred to some real event. +Or does Herodotus refer θήλεια +to Juno? Pausanias II. 20. +doubts whether Herodotus understands +it. But the story of +Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch. +de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269. and +Polyænus VIII. 33. is very fabulous. +The festival Ὕβριστικὰ +could not have had this historical +origin, but must have belonged +to the mystical rites of some +elementary deities. The number +of the Argives who were slain +is stated by Plutarch and Polyænus +to have been 7777; by +others 6000 (also a tradition of +a seven days' armistice in Plut. +Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is +the battle ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου, +but of <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">what</span></em> month we are ignorant, +Pol. V. 2. 8. Plut. Mul. +Virt. ubi sup. Others placed +it at the νουμηνία of the fourth +month, anciently Hermæus, +but only because the Ὕβριστικὰ +were then celebrated. See Clem. +Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. +Sylb. Suidas in v. Τελέσιλλα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_742" name="note_742" href="#noteref_742">742.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning these +slaves, see book III. ch. 3. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_743" name="note_743" href="#noteref_743">743.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch +confounds bond-slaves and +Periœci.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_744" name="note_744" href="#noteref_744">744.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Schol. Ven. ad Il. +B. 108. concerning the nine hamlets +(islands) near Argos.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_745" name="note_745" href="#noteref_745">745.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 27. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_746" name="note_746" href="#noteref_746">746.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VIII. p. 376. distinguishes +Orneæ κώμη τῆς Ἀργείας +from the city near Sicyon, +as also in the same place a κώμη +named Asine, p. 373 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_747" name="note_747" href="#noteref_747">747.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 65.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_748" name="note_748" href="#noteref_748">748.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo p. 377. Yet Cleonæ +soon occurs again as a +friendly state.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_749" name="note_749" href="#noteref_749">749.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. 7. § 15</a>. +Cleonæ was at that time engaged in a war +with Corinth, Plutarch. Cimon. +17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_750" name="note_750" href="#noteref_750">750.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. +Diodorus XI. 65. It is remarkable +how rapidly Mycenæ fell +into oblivion among the Athenians. +Æschylus does not once +mention it; succeeding poets +frequently confound it with +Argos. In the Electra of Sophocles +there is throughout the +play the most confused notion +of the locality; compare Elmsley +ad Eurip. Heraclid. 188. +Concerning the destruction of +Mycenæ, see Brunck Analect. +tom. II. p. 105. n. 248.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_751" name="note_751" href="#noteref_751">751.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. +17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning +the emigration, see Strabo VIII. +p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. +ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Ἁλιεῖς. ὅτι +οὗτοι Τιρύνθιοί εἰσιν, &c. In +Stephanus in v. Τίρυνς, as well +as in Strabo ubi sup. the Hermioneans +in Halieis are spoken +of. There is much that is very +singular in the oracle, ποῖ τὺ +λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξω καὶ ποῖ +τὺ οἴκησιν ἔχων ἀλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι. +See App. V. § 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_752" name="note_752" href="#noteref_752">752.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 43. The +Hermioneans however maintained +their ancient connexions at a +later period; see above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_13" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. +§ 13</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_753" name="note_753" href="#noteref_753">753.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo +adds the destruction of Asine; +but this took place at a much +earlier period. The statement +of Strabo (p. 373 D.) that the +Mycenæans used Eiones as their +ναύσταθμον, must, if it is correct, +refer to some time before +the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B.C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_754" name="note_754" href="#noteref_754">754.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 25. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_755" name="note_755" href="#noteref_755">755.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XII. 75.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_756" name="note_756" href="#noteref_756">756.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 148.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_757" name="note_757" href="#noteref_757">757.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 30. where the +ἀστυγείτονες are the Megarians, +not the Eleusinians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_758" name="note_758" href="#noteref_758">758.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo +IX. p. 271. Herod. Vit. Homer. +c. 28. Polyæn. Strateg. I. +20. 1, 2. Diogen. Laërt. I. 48. +Quinctil. V. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_759" name="note_759" href="#noteref_759">759.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Comp. Solon, et +Public. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_760" name="note_760" href="#noteref_760">760.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 40. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_761" name="note_761" href="#noteref_761">761.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. +confirmed by Ælian. V. H. VII. +19. There was at Delphi a +statue of Apollo armed with a +lance, mentioned by Plutarch +Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and +Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was offered +up by the Megarians after +a victory over Athens, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> after +that gained in Olymp. 83. 3. see +book III. ch. 9, § 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_762" name="note_762" href="#noteref_762">762.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 23. 1. +compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 126.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_763" name="note_763" href="#noteref_763">763.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">They occur in the following +order; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, +and Epidaurus, at a later period, +after the destruction of Ægina.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_764" name="note_764" href="#noteref_764">764.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_765" name="note_765" href="#noteref_765">765.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα καὶ—IX. +26. Thucyd. V. 67. +Concerning the fidelity of Phlius +towards Sparta, see Theodoret. +Græc. Affin. IX. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_766" name="note_766" href="#noteref_766">766.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_767" name="note_767" href="#noteref_767">767.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_768" name="note_768" href="#noteref_768">768.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 77.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_769" name="note_769" href="#noteref_769">769.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 72.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_770" name="note_770" href="#noteref_770">770.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 202.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_771" name="note_771" href="#noteref_771">771.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">παραστάται, Diod. XV. 12. +See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_772" name="note_772" href="#noteref_772">772.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 29. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_773" name="note_773" href="#noteref_773">773.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 134. Concerning +this internal war, see below, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_IX_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">§ 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_774" name="note_774" href="#noteref_774">774.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 29. See book +III. ch. 4, § 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_775" name="note_775" href="#noteref_775">775.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμονεύειν, Thuc. +I. 71. The Corinthian orator +says to the Spartans, τὴν Πελοπόννησον +πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω +ἐξηγεῖσθαι (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ad finem</span></span>) ἢ οἱ πατέρες +ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_776" name="note_776" href="#noteref_776">776.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 10. περιήγγελλον +κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_777" name="note_777" href="#noteref_777">777.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Likewise ships, implements +for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 16. +VII. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_778" name="note_778" href="#noteref_778">778.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For expeditious without Peloponnesus +τὰ δύο μέρη, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> two +thirds of the whole, appear to +have been the common proportion, +Thuc. III. 15. Demosth. +in Neær. p. 1379.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_779" name="note_779" href="#noteref_779">779.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀργυρίον ῥητόν. Thuc. II. +7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_780" name="note_780" href="#noteref_780">780.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. +It is probably of the time of Lysander.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_781" name="note_781" href="#noteref_781">781.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται +πόλεμος, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. +(Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ παλαιὸς, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the +second, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ +πολέμου.) Compare Plutarch. Demosth. 17. +Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth. p. +126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. +202. Hutten. In this passage +the apophthegm is incorrectly +attributed to Archidamus the +Third, although the Peloponnesian +war is mentioned in connexion +with it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_782" name="note_782" href="#noteref_782">782.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 141.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_783" name="note_783" href="#noteref_783">783.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes +also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the +real object; but the army is soon +separated.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_784" name="note_784" href="#noteref_784">784.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_785" name="note_785" href="#noteref_785">785.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book III. ch. 12. The +army of the 10,000, although +composed entirely of mercenaries, +was in many respects like +an allied army, and was under +Spartan discipline.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_786" name="note_786" href="#noteref_786">786.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_787" name="note_787" href="#noteref_787">787.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 141.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_788" name="note_788" href="#noteref_788">788.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_789" name="note_789" href="#noteref_789">789.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 125. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος +ἐψηφίσαντο. V. 30. κύριον +εἶναι ὅτι ἂν τὸ πλῆθοσ τῶν ξυμμάχων +ψηφίσηται ἢν μή τι θεῶν +ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ. V. 17. the +Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, +and Bœotians are outvoted. +But, according to I. 40, 41, the +vote of the Corinthians <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">alone</span></em> +prevented the Peloponnesians +from succouring the Samians, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> they gave the preponderance +to the party opposed to war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_790" name="note_790" href="#noteref_790">790.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Besides Herodotus V. 93. +see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. +p. 459. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_791" name="note_791" href="#noteref_791">791.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_792" name="note_792" href="#noteref_792">792.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. +Hell. V. 2. 11. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_793" name="note_793" href="#noteref_793">793.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 9. +where however he is distinguished from +the ἄγγελοι. Compare Plutarch +de Malign. Herod. 41. +Polyæn. V. 30. 1. Plutarch +Themistocl. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_794" name="note_794" href="#noteref_794">794.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the treaty in Thucyd. +V. 77, 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_795" name="note_795" href="#noteref_795">795.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 79.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_796" name="note_796" href="#noteref_796">796.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_797" name="note_797" href="#noteref_797">797.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. +7, 9. καττὰ πάτρια δίκας +διδόναι τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας. The +expression καττὰ πάτρια does +not at all refer to ancient treaties +of the Dorians. The πατρῷοι +σπονδαὶ in Pausan. III. 5. +8. probably refer to the tradition +mentioned above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_16" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. +§ 16</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_798" name="note_798" href="#noteref_798">798.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. ubi sup. τοῖς δὲ +ἔταις καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_799" name="note_799" href="#noteref_799">799.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 84.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_800" name="note_800" href="#noteref_800">800.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 108. ἐδίδοσαν +σφέας αὐτούς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_801" name="note_801" href="#noteref_801">801.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_802" name="note_802" href="#noteref_802">802.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 49. 70.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_803" name="note_803" href="#noteref_803">803.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Justin XIX. +1. the Sicilian states also applied +to Leonidas for assistance +against Carthage. How general +the respect for Sparta was at +that time in Greece, is shown +by several passages in Pindar, +which are not otherwise intelligible, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> Pyth. V. 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_804" name="note_804" href="#noteref_804">804.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Appendix_IV" class="tei tei-ref">Appendix IV</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_805" name="note_805" href="#noteref_805">805.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pers. 819.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_806" name="note_806" href="#noteref_806">806.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_807" name="note_807" href="#noteref_807">807.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 106.—These +σπονδαὶ are also probably the +ζυνθῆκαι, according to which +the Athenians wished δίκας +δοῦναι at the beginning of the +war, Thuc. I. 144, 145.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_808" name="note_808" href="#noteref_808">808.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 95.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_809" name="note_809" href="#noteref_809">809.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XI. 50.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_810" name="note_810" href="#noteref_810">810.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 82. αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν +ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων +ἡγεμονες καταστάντες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_811" name="note_811" href="#noteref_811">811.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of this Eichstädt has treated +in his Notes to the translation +of Mitford's History of Greece; +also Mosche in a Dissertation +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De eo quod in Cornelii Vitis faciendum +restat</span></span>. Francof. 1802; +and lastly, Dahlmann in his +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Forschungen auf dem Gebiet +der Geschichte</span></span>, vol. I. p. 1-148. +with great clearness and +accuracy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_812" name="note_812" href="#noteref_812">812.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 42. See my +Review of a work of Kortüm's, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Göttingische Anzeigen</span></span>, 1822. +p. 117.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_813" name="note_813" href="#noteref_813">813.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VIII. 5. cf. 46. ὅσοι +ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, +an official expression of frequent +occurrence.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_814" name="note_814" href="#noteref_814">814.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Themist. 29. +Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. +His sons also appear to have +possessed them, according to +Pausan. I. 26. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_815" name="note_815" href="#noteref_815">815.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. +To this family Procles also belongs, +who married the daughter +of Aristotle (when the latter +was at Atarneus), and had by +her two sons, Procles and Demaratus, +Sextus Empiricus adv. +Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_816" name="note_816" href="#noteref_816">816.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_817" name="note_817" href="#noteref_817">817.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_818" name="note_818" href="#noteref_818">818.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. +III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 +A. Hence also Leotychides in +469 B.C. went to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Tegea</span></span> in +exile, Herod. VI. 72. Herodotus +IX. 37. also mentions a +dissension between Tegea and +Sparta before the Persian war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_819" name="note_819" href="#noteref_819">819.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. 21. +Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_820" name="note_820" href="#noteref_820">820.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At that time also Tegea +assisted Argos against Mycenæ; +above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_821" name="note_821" href="#noteref_821">821.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyænus I. 41. 5. confounds +Archidamus III. and II. +Plato Leg. III. p. 692. has not +an accurate idea of the time of +this war, of which Diodorus XI. +64, has given altogether an incorrect +and inconsistent +representation.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_822" name="note_822" href="#noteref_822">822.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plin. H. N. II. +79, 81. Cicero de Divin. I. 50.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_823" name="note_823" href="#noteref_823">823.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ἄγος Ταινάριον. See +Thucyd. I. 128. Ælian. V. H. +VI. 7. Suidas in Ταινάριον κακόν. +Apostolius XVIII. 92. +Prov. Vat. IV. 12. Plutarch. +Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. +2. who mentions Lacedæmonians +instead of Helots.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_824" name="note_824" href="#noteref_824">824.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 101. ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι +ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_825" name="note_825" href="#noteref_825">825.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 64.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_826" name="note_826" href="#noteref_826">826.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">If in Herod. IX. 35. the +alteration πρὸς Ἰθώμῃ may be +ventured. The expression of +Pausanias III. 11. πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ +Ἰσθμοῦ Ἰθώμην ἀποστήσαντας is +compounded of the passage of +Herodotus, which he reads as +we now have it, and Thucyd. +I. 101. οἱ Εἵλωτες—ἐς Ἰθώμην +απεστησαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_827" name="note_827" href="#noteref_827">827.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. +II. 27. IV. 56.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_828" name="note_828" href="#noteref_828">828.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_829" name="note_829" href="#noteref_829">829.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. III. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_830" name="note_830" href="#noteref_830">830.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Lysistr. +1138. The 4000 hoplitæ, here mentioned +by Aristophanes, were +about the third part of the +disposable forces of Athens +(Thuc. II. 13); and since the +Platæans likewise sent τὸ τρίτον +μέρος of their numbers to +the assistance of the Spartans +(ib. III. 54. ἰδιᾳ as opposed to +the rest of Bœotia), this was +probably a contingent fixed for +such cases. Platæa, it should be +observed, had been on friendly +terms with Sparta after the time +of Pausanias, and been connected +with that state by προξενίαι, +to which the son of the +Platæan general Arimnestus +owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. +III. 52, where we should read +Ἀριμνήστου, or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">vice versâ</span></span> in +Plutarch Aristid. 11. and 19. +Ἀείμνηστος should be read for +Ἀρίμνηστος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_831" name="note_831" href="#noteref_831">831.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. Compare +Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They +must also at that time have been +angry with the Athenians on +account of Thasos.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_832" name="note_832" href="#noteref_832">832.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">These συνθῆκαι may, I believe, +be safely referred to this +time; from which Aristotle, +quoted in Plutarch, Qu. Rom. +52. p. 343. and Qu. Gr. 5. p. +380. cites the passages in the +text on account of the expression +χρηστὸν ποιεῖν, for <span class="tei tei-q">“to +kill.”</span> Compare Hesychius: +χρηστοὶ οἱ καταδεδικασμένοι. +That the Arcadians in a certain +manner carried on war for the +Helots is also implied in Zenobius +Prov. I. 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_833" name="note_833" href="#noteref_833">833.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. III. 112. IV. 3. +cf. VII. 57. οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν +καλούμενοι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_834" name="note_834" href="#noteref_834">834.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 102. The σπονδαὶ +Παυσανίου still, however, +remained in force (the συνθῆκαι +in cap. 144).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_835" name="note_835" href="#noteref_835">835.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 179. and see +Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. VIII. +Dissen ad Nem. VIII. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_836" name="note_836" href="#noteref_836">836.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the excellent explanation +of Boeckh ad Pind. Isthm. +VI. p. 532.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_837" name="note_837" href="#noteref_837">837.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the oligarchical +troubles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 +B.C.) and the probable share +of Cimon in them, see the accurate +discussion in Meier's +Historia Juris Attici de Bonis +damnatis, p. 4. n. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_838" name="note_838" href="#noteref_838">838.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 118. τὸ δέ τι καὶ +πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_839" name="note_839" href="#noteref_839">839.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh's Public Economy +of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, +note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_840" name="note_840" href="#noteref_840">840.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 115. Νίσαιαν +καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν; +for in this order the +words should be read. Achaia +therefore is the district on the +north of Peloponnesus, which +indeed did not <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">belong</span></em> to Athens, +but was enumerated in the lists +of the contending parties as belonging +to the Athenian side +(concerning these lists see Thucyd. +I. 31, 40.), and at this +time passed over to that of the +Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. +IV. 21. Compare the very confused +account in Andocides Περὶ +εἰρένης, and that of Æschines +borrowed from it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_841" name="note_841" href="#noteref_841">841.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 40. See above, +p. <a href="#Pg200" class="tei tei-ref">200</a>. note e. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“strong opposition,”</span> starting +<span class="tei tei-q">“Thucyd. I. 125.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_842" name="note_842" href="#noteref_842">842.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The meaning of the article +in the thirty years' truce, Thucyd. +I. 35. can only be, States +not included in the alliance may +join whichever side they please, +by which means they come within +the treaty, and the alliance +guarantees their safety. But +if a state already at war with +another state party to the treaty +(ἔνσπονδος) is assisted, a war of +this description is like one undertaken +by the confederacy of +the assisting state.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_843" name="note_843" href="#noteref_843">843.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_844" name="note_844" href="#noteref_844">844.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Asiatic cities are not +exceptions; in Rhodes also the +Doric spirit rose against Athens +in the person of the noble +Dorieus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_845" name="note_845" href="#noteref_845">845.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. III. 86. with the +exception of Camarina.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_846" name="note_846" href="#noteref_846">846.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_847" name="note_847" href="#noteref_847">847.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. +Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_848" name="note_848" href="#noteref_848">848.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Spartans were at first +quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas +in particular was destitute +of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, +31. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_849" name="note_849" href="#noteref_849">849.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_850" name="note_850" href="#noteref_850">850.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. +174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης +τῆς Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες +τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_851" name="note_851" href="#noteref_851">851.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Thucyd. II. +11. V. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_852" name="note_852" href="#noteref_852">852.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucydides has with great +ingenuity, but with the most +bitter coldness, laid down the +principles of the Athenian policy +in the Melian conference.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_853" name="note_853" href="#noteref_853">853.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Thucyd. III. +82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ +and ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα +εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they +truly were; but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ +πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_854" name="note_854" href="#noteref_854">854.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_855" name="note_855" href="#noteref_855">855.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον +πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful +expression of Thucydides, +ib. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_856" name="note_856" href="#noteref_856">856.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Reg. +Apophth. p. 127.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_857" name="note_857" href="#noteref_857">857.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In conclusion, I remark, +that the possessions of the Peloponnesian +states in this war, +as they had agreed with one +another at the commencement +of it, and as Sparta maintained +them (Thucyd. V. 31. cf. V. +29.), are represented in the accompanying +map of +Peloponnesus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_858" name="note_858" href="#noteref_858">858.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Against Myrtilus in Dionysius +Halic. I. 23. who however +was probably deceived by +confounding a Cabirus with +Apollo (see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 455).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_859" name="note_859" href="#noteref_859">859.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The temples are, first, that +of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, +in connexion with Hercules, +Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. +p. 65. ed. Schellenberg. The +native gods are in this case +Demeter, Erinys, and Poseidon. +Secondly, to the north of Pheneus +the temples of Apollo Pythius +and Artemis; they were +said to have been built by Hercules +after the conquest of Elis, +Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare +Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 59. and +below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12. § 3</a>. Thirdly, in +Tegea the temple of Apollo +Agyieus, in connexion with +Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53. 1. +Fourthly, the temple of Apollo +Epicurius at Phigalea, built at +the beginning of the Peloponnesian +war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5. +Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian +Apollo, near mount Lycæum, +Paus. VIII. 38. 6. (the +temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. +Πύτιον in an Arcadian inscription, +Boeckh, No. 1534.) would +doubtless more properly be +called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo +Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium, +probably came from Messenia, +Paus. VIII. 34. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_860" name="note_860" href="#noteref_860">860.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. +Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga +cand. vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. +Orelli. The <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">sacra</span></span> of the Falisci +on mount Soracte were, as well +as others of that city, half Grecian, +Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. +H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg +de Rel. Latin. p. 38. The +Salian priests did not mention +the name of Apollo, Arnobius +adv. Gent. II. 13. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Aplu</span></span> upon +Etruscan Pateras (Demster +Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. +p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_861" name="note_861" href="#noteref_861">861.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollodorus I. 7. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_862" name="note_862" href="#noteref_862">862.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I" class="tei tei-ref">Book I. +ch. 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_863" name="note_863" href="#noteref_863">863.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The valley of Tempe was a +favourite place of Apollo; see +Callimachus Hymn. in Del. 152. +Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus +also, in his historical work +on Delphi, appears to have derived +the worship of Apollo from +the borders of Macedonia, as +may be conjectured from the +fragment cited by Tzetzes ad +Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. +On account of the vicinity +of this great temple, the worship +of Apollo was very prevalent in +Macedonia, on the coins of +which country his symbols frequently +occur.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_864" name="note_864" href="#noteref_864">864.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. +No. 1767. The other inscription, +found near the ancient +Atrax (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Turnovo</span></span>) may be thus +written in the common dialect: +Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος +Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε +ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. +See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. +No. 1766. and Expl. +Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, +vol. XXVI. p. 393.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_865" name="note_865" href="#noteref_865">865.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι +δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, +Hesychius p. 1040. ed. Alberti. +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Laurus Penei filius</span></span>, Fulgent. +13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_866" name="note_866" href="#noteref_866">866.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν +καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. +12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_867" name="note_867" href="#noteref_867">867.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes +the succession of the +districts.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_868" name="note_868" href="#noteref_868">868.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A temple of Apollo and +Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. +33. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_869" name="note_869" href="#noteref_869">869.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, +with a fragment of Callimachus. +The connexion of Larissa +and Delphi is proved by +the ancient offering mentioned +by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not +known whether Phyllus, with +its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, +and Ichne, with a temple of +Themis, both towns in Thessaliotis, +were situated on this +road, Strabo IX. p. 435.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_870" name="note_870" href="#noteref_870">870.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. +383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned +as a place of pasturage; and is +cited by the Scholia to this passage, +Stephanus Byz. and Hesychius, +as a place in Thessaly, +but probably only from this +passage. In the Orphic Argonautics +the pastures are placed +on the banks of the Amphryssus, +which is near Pheræ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_871" name="note_871" href="#noteref_871">871.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. +Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς +ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, +Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. +I. 404, 411. the Argonauts are +represented as building a temple +of Apollo Actius and Embasius +at Pagasæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_872" name="note_872" href="#noteref_872">872.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Aristoph. Nub. +133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, +a common corruption, as +both words were denoted by the +same abbreviation. See Gaisford +ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_873" name="note_873" href="#noteref_873">873.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. +Fur. 389. Compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 251. Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ +τῆς θαλασσίας, according to +Stesichorus ap. Schol. Pind. +Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. +II. p. 266.) Schol. Il. Ψ. 346. +from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ +τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, +ὅ ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with +Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. +469). Pausanias places the +battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. +See also Schellenberg's Antimachus, +p. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_874" name="note_874" href="#noteref_874">874.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scut. Herc. ad fin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_875" name="note_875" href="#noteref_875">875.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is fair to suppose that +Stesichorus so far altered the +fable as to make Cycnus build +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Apollo</span></em> a temple of sculls; and +it is not necessary with Heyne +ubi sup. to substitute Mars for +Apollo. See also Sturz ad +Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_876" name="note_876" href="#noteref_876">876.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. +p. 194. ed. Heins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_877" name="note_877" href="#noteref_877">877.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. +134. Æginetica, p. 154. The +coins of Cnosus have the head +of Apollo. The Omphalian +plain near Cnosus (Callim. +Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected +with the stone of the Omphalos +at Delphi, but <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">both</span></em> belong to +the worship of Zeus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_878" name="note_878" href="#noteref_878">878.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Odyss. XIX. 188. +Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. +See Boettiger's Ilithyia, p. 18. +Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, +was probably in the +neighbourhood.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_879" name="note_879" href="#noteref_879">879.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. +The geographical position of the +places is partly founded on the +investigation in Hoeck's Kreta, +vol. I. ch. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_880" name="note_880" href="#noteref_880">880.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its +coins have on them the head of +Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_881" name="note_881" href="#noteref_881">881.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 5. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_882" name="note_882" href="#noteref_882">882.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The latter under the title +of φυτία, with a festival named +Ἐκδύσια, Antonin. Liberal. 17. +The wolf on its coins also refers +to Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_883" name="note_883" href="#noteref_883">883.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare +Theophrast. Hist. Plant. +II. 2. An oracle (preserved by +Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. +p. 133 ed. Steph.) calls +upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, +Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, +to make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) +to the Pythian Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_884" name="note_884" href="#noteref_884">884.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. +comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_885" name="note_885" href="#noteref_885">885.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alexander's Κρητικὰ, lib. I. +ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. +1492. comp. Pausan. VIII. 53. +2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_886" name="note_886" href="#noteref_886">886.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. +Verheyk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_887" name="note_887" href="#noteref_887">887.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence +the goat upon the coins of +Elyrus. Also a she-wolf upon +the coins of Cydonia, suckling +the little Cydon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_888" name="note_888" href="#noteref_888">888.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tarrha is the parent state +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zappa</span></span>, the coins of which +city have therefore Apollo or a +lyre. Perhaps this place derived +from this worship the +right of asylum: see Spanheim +de Præst. Num. p. 342. There +are also other traces of the +worship of Apollo in Crete, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> the temple of Allaria. +Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. +Oaxus was called the son of +Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. +I. 66. Upon the ancient coins +of Eleutherna Apollo is holding +in his right hand a ball (viz. an +apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. +Anach. 9), and in the left a bow. +Also the coins of Rhitymna. +On those of Tylissus is a youth +with a goat's head in the right, +and a bow in the left hand; +which is certainly an Apollo. +The same god is also on the +coins of Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, +and Rhaucus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_889" name="note_889" href="#noteref_889">889.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Apollodorus +I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according +to Strabo X. p. 473. by Rhytia +(which refers to the city of +Rhytium under mount Ida).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_890" name="note_890" href="#noteref_890">890.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The statement of the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Theologi</span></span> +in Cicero de Nat. Deor. +III. 23. p. 616. ed. Creuzer.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_891" name="note_891" href="#noteref_891">891.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æn. IV. 146. compare +Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_892" name="note_892" href="#noteref_892">892.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_14" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. +2. § 14</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_893" name="note_893" href="#noteref_893">893.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Anius, the son and priest +of Apollo, is called the viceroy +of Rhadamanthus at Delos. +Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes +Fragm. 74. ed Sturz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_894" name="note_894" href="#noteref_894">894.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ὀργίονας, οἳ +θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε +ῥέξουσι καὶ ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_895" name="note_895" href="#noteref_895">895.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 493.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_896" name="note_896" href="#noteref_896">896.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This etymology was known +to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius +Longus ap. Serv. ad Æn. +III. 332. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">In memoriam gentis +ex qua profectus erat</span></span> (Cretæ,) +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">subjacentes campos Crisæos vel +Cretæos appellasse</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_897" name="note_897" href="#noteref_897">897.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the Homeric +Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. +103. and other passages, Pytho +is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that +is, <span class="tei tei-q">“in the territory of Crissa, +within the Crissæan +boundaries.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_898" name="note_898" href="#noteref_898">898.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is to this that verse 265 +of the hymn probably refers. +Concerning the tripod in the +adytum at Crissa, see Epist. +Hippocrat. VIII. There were +statues of Latona, Artemis, and +Apollo remaining in the time of +Pausanias, X. 37. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_899" name="note_899" href="#noteref_899">899.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hymn. +XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. +Orac. p. 404.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_900" name="note_900" href="#noteref_900">900.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_901" name="note_901" href="#noteref_901">901.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ion v. 418. +(Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... +Δελφῶν ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν +πάλος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_902" name="note_902" href="#noteref_902">902.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. +Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία +ψῆφος, v. 1250. cf. v. 1111. +ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_903" name="note_903" href="#noteref_903">903.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 72. Compare +VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, +ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα +μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν +is also used by Herodotus +of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. +35.); compare VII. 141.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_904" name="note_904" href="#noteref_904">904.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Quæst. +Græc. 9. p. 380.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_905" name="note_905" href="#noteref_905">905.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 6. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_906" name="note_906" href="#noteref_906">906.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. +Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare +Callimachus ap. Steph. Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_907" name="note_907" href="#noteref_907">907.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dodwell's Travels, +vol. I. p. 189.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_908" name="note_908" href="#noteref_908">908.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lycorea appears to have +taken its name from the worship +of Apollo Lyceius, or Lycoreus; +see Callimach. Hymn. +Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα Φοίβου, +frequently in the Anthology, +Suidas, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_909" name="note_909" href="#noteref_909">909.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Appendix V. ad fin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_910" name="note_910" href="#noteref_910">910.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning this connexion +see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. +on tav. 81. Æginetica, p. 154. +Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement +des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. +p. 164. The name of Coretas +also, the supposed discoverer of +the oracle (κώρης for κούρης +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Dorice</span></span>) is Cretan, Plutarch, de +Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears +that the names Κόρης +(otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς +in Ceos, with a temple +of Apollo Smintheius, Κορησία +λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), +Κορησσὸς, a sacred hill near +Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian +hero (Paus. VII. 2. 4.), and the +name of Crete itself, are all etymologically +connected.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_911" name="note_911" href="#noteref_911">911.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 7. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_912" name="note_912" href="#noteref_912">912.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴ, Plutarch, +Thes. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_913" name="note_913" href="#noteref_913">913.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_914" name="note_914" href="#noteref_914">914.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the Cyclic +poets, see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. 188. +sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_915" name="note_915" href="#noteref_915">915.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_916" name="note_916" href="#noteref_916">916.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κρητίδαι: μάντεισ +ἀπὸ Κρήτης, Photius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_917" name="note_917" href="#noteref_917">917.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Raoul-Rochette supposes, +although his work contains +very valuable materials for +this inquiry, Histoire de l'Etabl. +des col. Grecques, tom. II. p. +137-173.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_918" name="note_918" href="#noteref_918">918.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the connexion of Crete +and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad +Æn. III. 102.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_919" name="note_919" href="#noteref_919">919.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 173. cf. VII. 92. According +to Herodotus, Europa +also came to Lycia (IV. 45.), +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the tradition.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_920" name="note_920" href="#noteref_920">920.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 173. Comp. Boeckh +ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Heraclid. +Pont. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_921" name="note_921" href="#noteref_921">921.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Steph. Byz. in v. cf. +Herod. I. 176.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_922" name="note_922" href="#noteref_922">922.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Augustinus de Civ. Dei +XVIII. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_923" name="note_923" href="#noteref_923">923.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 78.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_924" name="note_924" href="#noteref_924">924.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. XVI. 666.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_925" name="note_925" href="#noteref_925">925.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Transplanted to Cilicia, +Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. +Phot. Biblioth. cod. 244. p. 377. +ed. Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_926" name="note_926" href="#noteref_926">926.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the former see Strabo +XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the +latter Diod. V. 56.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_927" name="note_927" href="#noteref_927">927.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. +Antonin. Liber, c. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_928" name="note_928" href="#noteref_928">928.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Σύεσσα καλύβη τις ἐν Λυκίᾳ +ἀπὸ Συέσσης γραός τινος ὑποδεξάμενης +τὴν Λητώ. Steph. Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_929" name="note_929" href="#noteref_929">929.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Both the derivations of the +name <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Patara</span></span>, the one from a +son of Apollo (Hecatæus ap. +Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad +Dionys. Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad +Lycophr. 920.), and the other +from πατάρα, κιστὶς, refer to the +worship of Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_930" name="note_930" href="#noteref_930">930.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. +and Spanheim's note. Herodotus +says indefinitely, ἐπεὰν γένηται, +I. 182. Cf. Serv. ad Æn. IV. +143.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_931" name="note_931" href="#noteref_931">931.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. +in v. Eustath. ubi sup. On the +temple, see the inscriptions in +Walpole's Travels, p. 541. and +Beaufort's Caramania.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_932" name="note_932" href="#noteref_932">932.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VII. 21.3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_933" name="note_933" href="#noteref_933">933.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. I. 78. Apostolius +XVIII. 25. from Dionysius ἐν +κτίσεσιν, Herodian. ap. Eustath. +ad Dion. Perieg. 860.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_934" name="note_934" href="#noteref_934">934.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The coins of Patara, Phaselis, +Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, +Apollonia, Corydalla, Limyra, +and Olympus, have a head of +Apollo, the tripod, lyre, the deer, +and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. +Byz, Δάφνη ὲν Λυκίᾳ. Apollo +Ἐρεθύμιος among the Lycians, +Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is +a corruption of Ἐρυθίβιος, as +Apollo was called in Rhodes, +Strabo XIII. p. 613. See below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_935" name="note_935" href="#noteref_935">935.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strabo XIV. p. 683. +from Hedylus, or some other +poet. On the sacred deer of +Apollo at Curium, see Ælian. +Nat. Anim. XI. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_936" name="note_936" href="#noteref_936">936.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIII. p. 611. Scylax, +p. 26. Compare the obscure +gloss of Hesychius in +Πυθίων ἀνακτόρων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_937" name="note_937" href="#noteref_937">937.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this temple, see Heyne +ad Il. A. 39. According to +Strabo XIII. p. 604. there were +Sminthea near Hamaxitus in +Æolis, near Parium, at Lindus +in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A +certain Philodemus, or Philomnestus, +wrote a treatise on the +Σμινθεῖα in Rhodes, Athen. III. +p. 74 F. 445 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_938" name="note_938" href="#noteref_938">938.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The inhabitants of Tenea, a +village near Corinth, were said +to have been transplanted by +Agamemnon from Tenedos. +That they really worshipped +Apollo <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">in the same manner</span></em> as +the Tenedians, is testified by +Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380. +Paus. II. 5. 3. And the worship +of Apollo was carried by +means of Archias from Tenea to +Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 6. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_939" name="note_939" href="#noteref_939">939.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A. 37-39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_940" name="note_940" href="#noteref_940">940.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIII. p. 591. Hesych. +in Θύμβρα. Schol. Il. X. +430. Servius ad Æn. III. 85. +compare Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage +Pittoresque, tom. III. to pl. +25. Walpole's Memoirs, p. 609. +The fable of Pan, the son of +Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo +in divination (Apollodor. I. 4. +1.), has also reference to this +story.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_941" name="note_941" href="#noteref_941">941.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. V. 446. VII. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_942" name="note_942" href="#noteref_942">942.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. II. 827. IV. 119. V. 105. +with the Schol. Min.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_943" name="note_943" href="#noteref_943">943.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in Λυκαῖον. There +are likewise many other signs +of the worship of Apollo on this +coast, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in +Priapus, Schol. Lycophr. 29; +Apollo Πασπάριος in Parium +and Pergamum (Hesych. in v.); +on the coins of Gargara, Germe, +Lampsacus, Atarneus, Neandria, +Abydos, and New Troy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_944" name="note_944" href="#noteref_944">944.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Æolians built a temple +to the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cillæan</span></span> Apollo at Colonæ, +Strabo XIII. p. 613. from +Daes of Colonæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_945" name="note_945" href="#noteref_945">945.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIII. p 604. τοῖς +γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις +Τεύκροις, οὓς πρῶτος παρέδωκε +Καλλῖνος, &c. It does not appear +that this can, with Frank, +Callinus, p. 31, he understood +only of a mention of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">name</span></em> +of the Teucrians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_946" name="note_946" href="#noteref_946">946.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The latter fact is supported +by the ancient name of Cephalion, +an inhabitant of the Teucrian +city of Gergis (ap. Steph. +Byz. in Ἀρίσβη. Eustath. ad +Il. p. 894.): but his Τρωικὰ +was the forgery of an Alexandrine +writer named Hegesianax +(Athen. IX. p. 393 B). Lycophron, +v. 1302. calls Teucer, +Scamander, and Arisbe, +Cretans.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_947" name="note_947" href="#noteref_947">947.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the fragments of Nicolaus +Damascenus, p. 442. ed. +Vales.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_948" name="note_948" href="#noteref_948">948.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. +which passages do not agree. +Hesiod in Her. Geneal. ap. +Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellanicus +ap. Schol. Il. XX. 145. +Coluthus v. 309.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_949" name="note_949" href="#noteref_949">949.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Inscription in Walpole's +Memoirs, p. 104.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_950" name="note_950" href="#noteref_950">950.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æneid. II. 318. 430.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_951" name="note_951" href="#noteref_951">951.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. XV. 522.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_952" name="note_952" href="#noteref_952">952.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Achilles was slain by Apollo, +according to Homer; Aretinus +and Æschylus in the ψυχοστασία +(Heyne ad Il. XXII. 359. +Tychsen ad Quint. Smyrn. Comment. +p. 61); Neoptolemus was +killed at Pytho. For the same +reason Achilles slays Tennes, +the son of Apollo (Tzetzes ad +Lycophr. 232.), in whose temple +it was forbidden to pronounce +the name of the Phthian +hero (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 28. +p. 933).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_953" name="note_953" href="#noteref_953">953.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. V. 446.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_954" name="note_954" href="#noteref_954">954.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. +It was situated in the territory +of Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. +589.), in mount Ida (Athen. +VI. p. 256 C.), opposite Dardanus +(Herod.); the village of +Mermessus, 240 stadia from +Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. +12. 2), was a κώμη Γεργιθία, +Suidas in v. Also in Schol. +Plat. Phædr. p. 61. Ruhnken. +p. 315. Bekker. write, ἐν κώμη +Μερμήσσῳ—περὶ τινα πολίχνην +Γέργιθα or Γέργιθον for Μαρμυσσῷ +and Γεργετίωνα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_955" name="note_955" href="#noteref_955">955.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_956" name="note_956" href="#noteref_956">956.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. XX. 307. Compare +the remarks of A. W. Schlegel +on this point in his celebrated +Review of Niebuhr's Roman +History.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_957" name="note_957" href="#noteref_957">957.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Γέργις, from +Phlegon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_958" name="note_958" href="#noteref_958">958.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This may be collected from +the confused account of Clearchus +of Soli ἐν Γεργιθίῳ, in +Athen. VI. p. 256. cf. XII. p. +524 A. Strab. XIII. p. 589 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_959" name="note_959" href="#noteref_959">959.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plin. H. N. XXXIV. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_960" name="note_960" href="#noteref_960">960.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne Exc. ad Æn. VI. 3. +The rock was called Ζωστηρία +κλιτὺς (Lycoph. 1278), as the +Attic promontory with the temple +of Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_961" name="note_961" href="#noteref_961">961.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">tabula Iliaca</span></span>, +ΜΙΣΗΝΟΣ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_962" name="note_962" href="#noteref_962">962.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. IX. 197.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_963" name="note_963" href="#noteref_963">963.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. V. 79. compare Raoul-Rochette, +tom. II. p. 160.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_964" name="note_964" href="#noteref_964">964.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar, in Pæan. ap. Tzetz. +ad Lycophr. 445.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_965" name="note_965" href="#noteref_965">965.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. +p. 634 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_966" name="note_966" href="#noteref_966">966.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callimachus apud Clem. +Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. +IX. p. 421. Conon Narr. c 33, +44. Stat. Theb. VIII. 198. Gesner +Comment. Soc. Gotting. +vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Antiquities, +vol. II. new ed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_967" name="note_967" href="#noteref_967">967.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI. +3. p. 305. Bipont. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Est interim +et longus et plenus et clarus +salis spiritus, non tamen firmæ +intentionis, idemque tremulus. +Id</span></span> βράνχον <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Græci vocant</span></span>. This +is exactly the voice of enthusiastic +priests and prophets.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_968" name="note_968" href="#noteref_968">968.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There was likewise a family +of diviners named Εὐαγγελίδαι, +Conon Narr. c. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_969" name="note_969" href="#noteref_969">969.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IV. p. 139 B. Æginetica, +p. 151.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_970" name="note_970" href="#noteref_970">970.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_971" name="note_971" href="#noteref_971">971.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this see D'Orville ad +Chariton. p. 349. and Quintus +Smyrnæus I. 283.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_972" name="note_972" href="#noteref_972">972.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. II. 159.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_973" name="note_973" href="#noteref_973">973.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pythius and Comæus. Athen. +IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Marcellin +XXIII. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_974" name="note_974" href="#noteref_974">974.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 966. +Hence the offerings of the Cyzicenians +in the Didymæum, +Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In +the character of Ἐκβάσιος, Apollo +has on coins his foot resting on +a <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">fish</span></em>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_975" name="note_975" href="#noteref_975">975.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A coin of Parium, in the +cabinet of M. Allier de Hauteroche, +shows the statue of +Apollo on the seashore, with the +circumscription, ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ +ΑΚΤΑΙΟΥ ΠΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ, agreeing +with Strabo XIII. p. 588.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_976" name="note_976" href="#noteref_976">976.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VII. p. 319 B. Apollo +Ἠῷος on the island of Thynias +(Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. +Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. +Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is probably +Milesian: also Apollo +Φιλήσιος at Trapezus on the +Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_977" name="note_977" href="#noteref_977">977.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Collected in Raoul-Rochette's +Antiquités Grecques du +Bosphore Cimmérien, pl. 5, 7, 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_978" name="note_978" href="#noteref_978">978.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Cyclic Thebaid in +Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 308. +Apollod. III. 7. 4. Diod. IV. +66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. +33. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_979" name="note_979" href="#noteref_979">979.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">He was called both Ῥάκιος +and Λάκιος, because in the Cretan +dialect ῥάκος and λάκος were +exchangeable forms, Schneider +ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 11. p. +83. Compare <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 6. +§ 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_980" name="note_980" href="#noteref_980">980.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proclus Chrestomath.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_981" name="note_981" href="#noteref_981">981.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIV. p. 675. Conon +Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. +On the temple see Locella ad +Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. +Peerlkamp.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_982" name="note_982" href="#noteref_982">982.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_983" name="note_983" href="#noteref_983">983.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. +in Γρῦνοι. Strabo XIII. p. 622. +Hermeias of Methymna wrote a +treatise on the Grynean Apollo, +Athen. IV. p. 149. E. Hence +the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, +and the Apollo δαφνηφόρος, on +the coins of Myrina, which city +also sent χρυσᾶ θέρη to Delphi, +Plutarch. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. +273.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_984" name="note_984" href="#noteref_984">984.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Malus the son of Manto, +Hellanicus ἐν Λεσβικοῖς apud +Steph. Byz. in Μαλλόεις. Thucyd. +III. 3. Likewise in Lesbos, +Apollo Ναπαῖος (Hellanicus +ap. Steph. Byz. in Νάπη. +cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in +Ναπαῖος. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. +coins of Nape with the image +of Apollo in Mionnet's work), +Λεπετύμνιος, Antigon. Caryst. +17. and Ἐρέσιος, Hesych. in v. +In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. +for ΓΟΝΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος +write ΤΟΥ ΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_985" name="note_985" href="#noteref_985">985.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIV. p. 675 C. Arrian. +II. 5. Hence perhaps the +worship of Apollo came to Tarsus, +Osann. Syllog. Inscr. p. +141.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_986" name="note_986" href="#noteref_986">986.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Book +I. ch. 5. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_987" name="note_987" href="#noteref_987">987.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 32. 2. Ἄρτεμις +σώτειρα, brought from Crete to +Trœzen, ib. 31. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_988" name="note_988" href="#noteref_988">988.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 31. 7. 11. The +temple of Apollo Thearius at +Trœzen was, according to Pausan. +ib. 31. 9. the most ancient +in Greece. Apollo joined with +Leucothea, Ælian. V. H. I. +18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_989" name="note_989" href="#noteref_989">989.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Called Ψυχοπομπεῖον, like +the institutions in Thesprotia, +at Phigalea and Heraclea Pontica. +See <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 1. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_990" name="note_990" href="#noteref_990">990.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, de sera Num. +Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in +τέττιγος ἔδρανον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_991" name="note_991" href="#noteref_991">991.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. +the name being derived from +Delos. Also called Ἐπιδήλιον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_992" name="note_992" href="#noteref_992">992.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. +Epigram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. +Brunck. Analect. Meziriac ad +Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.—Also, +Megareus the son of +Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Μέγαρα. +comp. Dieuchidas of Megara +in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. +517.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_993" name="note_993" href="#noteref_993">993.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 773. Φοῖβε ἄναξ, αὐτὸς +μὲν ἐπύργωσας πόλιν ἄκρην, +Ἀλκαθόῳ Πέλοπος παιδὶ χαριζόμενος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_994" name="note_994" href="#noteref_994">994.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Δεκατηφόρος, ὅς δεκάτην φέρει, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> here, <span class="tei tei-q">“he who <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">receives</span></em> +it,”</span> Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. +Compare an Argive inscription +(Boeckh No. 1142. Δεξιστρατος +Αρχιππ. Απολλωνι δεκατ—.) +Apollo was likewise +worshipped at Megara under +the titles of Pythius (Schol. +Pind. Nem. V. 84. Philostrat. +Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archagetas, +Prostaterius, Carnius and +Agræus. The tripod and the +Delphine on the coins of Megara +see Pouqueville, tom. IV. +p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. +sect II. p. 768.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_995" name="note_995" href="#noteref_995">995.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From Megara +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Calchedon</span></span> +(see the coins) derived its +worship and oracle of Apollo +(Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far +off was Demonesus; and an +Apollo of Demonesian brass is +mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. +de Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad +Poll. V. 5. 39. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Byzantium</span></span> +likewise, a Megarian colony, +had a temple of Apollo on the +promontory of Metopon, according +to Dionysius de Bosp. +Thrac. Byzantium, moreover, +had evidently derived from its +parent city, but in an exaggerated +form, the tradition of the +foundation of the city by Apollo, +and that this god placed his lyre +upon a tower. Hence the seven +resounding towers (Hesych. +Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dionys. +Byz. p. 6. Dio Cass. +LXXIV. 14): also the fable +of the dolphin charmed by the +sound of the lyre (Dionysius +pag. 9. Gyllius de Constantinop. +pag. 285.) evidently belongs +to the Megarian worship.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_996" name="note_996" href="#noteref_996">996.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_997" name="note_997" href="#noteref_997">997.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Pherecydes ap. Schol. +Od. XI. 320. Apollod. II. 4. 7. +Observ. ad Apollod. p. 333.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_998" name="note_998" href="#noteref_998">998.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κεφαλίδαι γένος Ἀθήνησιν, +Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_999" name="note_999" href="#noteref_999">999.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. I. 37. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1000" name="note_1000" href="#noteref_1000">1000.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strabo X. p. 452. Thuc. +III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin. +Servius ad Æn. III. 271. Dodwell, +vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. +I. p. 402. has a Leucadian inscription, +Ἀπολλωνιᾶται ᾠκοδόμησαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1001" name="note_1001" href="#noteref_1001">1001.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. +Etymol. M. in Ἀρκείσιος, Heraclid. +Pont. 17 and 37. ed. +Koehler. Heyne ad Apollod. +II. 4. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1002" name="note_1002" href="#noteref_1002">1002.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. III. 15. 1. According +to the ancient Charon +of Lampsacus, Phobus of Phocæa +was the first who took this +leap, Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 289.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1003" name="note_1003" href="#noteref_1003">1003.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κατ᾽ ἐνίαυτον, Strabo X. p. +452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tristia +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Leucadio</span></span> sacra peracta <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">modo</span></span>. +Photius Lex. Λευκάτης. σκοπελὸς +τῆς ἠπείρου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ῥίπτουσιν αὑτους +εἰς τὸ πέλαγος οἱ ἱερεῖς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1004" name="note_1004" href="#noteref_1004">1004.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Photius in Τευμησία, from +the ἐπικὸς κύκλος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1005" name="note_1005" href="#noteref_1005">1005.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Stesichorus apud Athen. +XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappho. +Compare Hardion. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Sur le sault +de Leucade</span></span>, Mém. de l'Acad. +des Inscript. tom. VII. p. 245.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1006" name="note_1006" href="#noteref_1006">1006.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hesych. in θόρικος. +Ptolem. Hephæst. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1007" name="note_1007" href="#noteref_1007">1007.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragment of the Παρθένια, +p. 595. ed. Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1008" name="note_1008" href="#noteref_1008">1008.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1009" name="note_1009" href="#noteref_1009">1009.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. VII. 322.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1010" name="note_1010" href="#noteref_1010">1010.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, de Def. +Orac. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1011" name="note_1011" href="#noteref_1011">1011.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the emendation +Τεγύρας for Τανάγρας in +fragm. incert. 14. Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1012" name="note_1012" href="#noteref_1012">1012.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 220. +Boeckh in the Berlin Transactions +on the Oration against +Midias, below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1013" name="note_1013" href="#noteref_1013">1013.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IX. 10. See Stanley +ad Æsch. Eum. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1014" name="note_1014" href="#noteref_1014">1014.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. +Œd. T. 21. μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, Philochorus +ap. Schol. ad 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1015" name="note_1015" href="#noteref_1015">1015.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in v. Also +the lots burnt in the sacred fire, according +to the same grammarian, +φρυκτὸσ Δελφοῖς κυῆρος. Compare +Boeckh Explic. Pind. Ol. +VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. +Am. 20. To this custom likewise +refer the Φοίβου ἐσχάραι in +Eurip. Phœn 292, and the name +of the ancient priest of the Delphic +oracle πύρκεων. See the +Eumolpia in Paus. X. 5. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1016" name="note_1016" href="#noteref_1016">1016.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The stone of Manto in front +of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. +μαντίων θῶκος. Pind. Pyth. +XI. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1017" name="note_1017" href="#noteref_1017">1017.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The serpent of Cadmus is +also by later writers called Castalius +and Δελφίνιος, Creuzer +ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. +I. p. 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1018" name="note_1018" href="#noteref_1018">1018.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollo Polius was also without +the gates at Thebes, Paus. +IX. 12. 1. Apollo was likewise +worshipped in the village of +Calydna near Thebes, Androtion +ap. Steph. Byz. in Κάλυδνα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1019" name="note_1019" href="#noteref_1019">1019.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1020" name="note_1020" href="#noteref_1020">1020.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. 234, +393.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1021" name="note_1021" href="#noteref_1021">1021.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the author's +work <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De +Minerva Poliade</span></span>, p. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1022" name="note_1022" href="#noteref_1022">1022.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. +VIII. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1023" name="note_1023" href="#noteref_1023">1023.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Ion is called the +πολέμαρχος or στρατηγὸς of the +Athenians, Herod. VIII. 44. +Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. +1. 2. &c. hence also Euripides +says (Ion 1319) that <span class="tei tei-q">“the shield +and spear was the whole patrimony +of Xuthus.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1024" name="note_1024" href="#noteref_1024">1024.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. +22. 23. Lydus de Mens. p. 105.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1025" name="note_1025" href="#noteref_1025">1025.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Phanodemus ap. Athen. +IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Euseb. +præp. ev. II. p. 99. fragm. +10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. +Canon. 497. comp. Paus. I. 18. +5. Legends of this kind were +greatly amplified by Attic orators, +who, like Hyperides before +the Amphictyons, had to defend +the claims of Athens upon Delos.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1026" name="note_1026" href="#noteref_1026">1026.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Μηδὲν προσήκων +Ἐρεχθείδαις, Plutarch Thes. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1027" name="note_1027" href="#noteref_1027">1027.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ξοῦθος is the <span class="tei tei-q">“bright”</span> +<span class="tei tei-q">“shining”</span> god, another form +of ξανθός. See below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § +7</a>. Αἰγεὺς, from αἶγες, <span class="tei tei-q">“the +waves of the sea”</span> is equivalent +to Ποσειδῶν Αἰγαῖος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1028" name="note_1028" href="#noteref_1028">1028.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Thes. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1029" name="note_1029" href="#noteref_1029">1029.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 392. after +Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. +Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. +1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1030" name="note_1030" href="#noteref_1030">1030.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Philochorus apud Schol. +Soph. Œd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1031" name="note_1031" href="#noteref_1031">1031.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare Barbié du Bocage's +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Histoire de la bourgade +d'Œnoë la sacrée</span></span> at the end of +Stanhope's Plan of Platæa.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1032" name="note_1032" href="#noteref_1032">1032.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Sophocles ubi sup, +calls the district of Eleusis Πυθίας +ἀκτάς. The Scholiast confounds +the Œnoë of the tribe +Hippothoontis with that of the +tribe Aiantis. The situation of +the Pythium is correctly treated +by Reisig Enarr. Œd. Col. p. +134.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1033" name="note_1033" href="#noteref_1033">1033.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In the passage of Philochorus +ubi sup. read οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους +Πυθιάδα καὶ Δηλιάδα, for οἱ ἐκ τοῦ +γένους Πυθίαι δὲ καὶ Δηλιάδες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1034" name="note_1034" href="#noteref_1034">1034.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Δηλιασταὶ occurred in +the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. +p. 234 E. the Πυθαϊσταὶ are +mentioned in Steph. Byz. in +Πυθώ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1035" name="note_1035" href="#noteref_1035">1035.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eurip. +Ion. 285. On the Pythium, +see Thuc. II. 15. VI. 54. Isæus +p. 113. 187. Suidas in Πύθιον. +Suidas, Hesychius, Prov. ἐν +Πυθίῳ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1036" name="note_1036" href="#noteref_1036">1036.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. +Byz. in ἅρμα. Eustath. ad Il. +β' 499. Hesych. in ἀστράπτει. +Prov. in ὅταν δι᾽ Ἄρματος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1037" name="note_1037" href="#noteref_1037">1037.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. +170.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1038" name="note_1038" href="#noteref_1038">1038.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æsch. Eum. 12. πέμπουσι +δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ σεβίζουσιν +μέγα κελευθοποιοὶ παῖδες Ἡφαίστου. +Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. +IX. p. 422 D. Aristid. Panath. +vol. I. p. 329. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span> p. +36. 188.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1039" name="note_1039" href="#noteref_1039">1039.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This rare tradition is preserved +in the Schol. Æsch. Eum. +13. Schol. Aristid. p. 107. ed. +Frommel.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1040" name="note_1040" href="#noteref_1040">1040.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This explains Herod. VI. +34. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν +ὁδὸν διὰ Φωκέων τεκαὶ Βοιωτῶν +ἤϊσαν. καί σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, +ἐκτράπονται ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1041" name="note_1041" href="#noteref_1041">1041.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There is a trace of the correct +tradition in Diod. IV. 60. +cf. Serv. ad Æn. VI. 14. The +funeral games of Laius were +made by the poets the motive +for this journey.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1042" name="note_1042" href="#noteref_1042">1042.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐν πολιτείᾳ Βοττιαίων ap. +Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. +35. Conon. Narr. c. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1043" name="note_1043" href="#noteref_1043">1043.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. +IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. +171.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1044" name="note_1044" href="#noteref_1044">1044.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The chief passage on the +septenary number of the boys +and girls sent to Crete is Servius +ad. Æn. VI. 21. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Septena +quotannis</span></span> (κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">quidam +septem pueros et septem +puellas accipi volunt, quod et +Plato dixit in Phædone</span></span> (p. 58.) +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">et Sappho in Lyricis</span></span> (p. 255. +in Wolf's Poetr. Gr.) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">et Bacchylides +in Dithyramhis</span></span> (p. 17. ed. +Neue.) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">et Euripides in Hercule</span></span> +(v. 1331.), <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">quos liberavit secum +Theseus</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1045" name="note_1045" href="#noteref_1045">1045.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The visit to Naxos originally +signified a transmission of +the worship of Dionysus and +Ariadne to that island, which +rites had been kept up at the +festival of the Ὀσχοφόρια, though +confounded with the laurel-bearing +procession of Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1046" name="note_1046" href="#noteref_1046">1046.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Economy +of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is +said to have sent the ξόανον +with theorias to Delos, Plutarch +Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1047" name="note_1047" href="#noteref_1047">1047.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This confirms a fact which +we collected from other sources, +viz., that the Thargelian Apollo +was the same god as that worshipped +at Delos and Crete.—There +was an ancient writing +on this subject preserved in the +Daphnephoreum at Phyle in +Attica, Theophrastus ap. Athen. +X. p. 424 F. The origin of the +Thargelia is also referred to +Crete by a tradition, that this +festival arose from the expiatory +rites for the murder of Androgeus, +Helladius ap. Phot. in +Gronov. Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. +p. 978.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1048" name="note_1048" href="#noteref_1048">1048.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. I. 18. 5. τὰ μὲν δὴ +δύο ξόανα εἶναι Κρητικά. See +above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1049" name="note_1049" href="#noteref_1049">1049.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. I. 31. Compare Dodwell, +vol. I. p. 532.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1050" name="note_1050" href="#noteref_1050">1050.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. +cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his return +Theseus sacrifices to Apollo +and Diana as οὔλιοι θεοὶ, Pherecydes +ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. +frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Spanheim +ad Callim. Hymn. Apoll. +40. 46.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1051" name="note_1051" href="#noteref_1051">1051.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Pollux VIII. 10. 119.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1052" name="note_1052" href="#noteref_1052">1052.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demosth de Coron. p. 274. +cf. Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in +Ἀπόλλων πατρῷος. The Achenians +had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at +Delphi, Demosth. Epist. p. +1481. Apollo's Attic title of +πατρῷος is explained from his +being the πατὴρ of Ion; it is +possible, however, that he was +so called as being the god of the +πάτραι of the Ionians. Apollo +was also called λεσχηνόριος at +Athens (Plutarch Εἰ 2. p. 217. +Suidas in v.); perhaps as being +the titular deity of the 360 +Δέσχαι of the 360 γένη at +Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. +et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus +ap Harpocrat. in λέσχαι, Meursius +ad Lycophr. 543.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1053" name="note_1053" href="#noteref_1053">1053.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">γεννῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῷου +καί Διὸς ἑρκείου, Demosth. +adv. Eubulid. p. 1315. 15. Pollux +VIII. 85.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1054" name="note_1054" href="#noteref_1054">1054.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As appears from Plato, +Euthyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et +Heindorf. p. 404.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1055" name="note_1055" href="#noteref_1055">1055.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux VIII. 122.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1056" name="note_1056" href="#noteref_1056">1056.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. +with the Schol. and Spanheim. +Harpocrat. in Βοηδρόμια. Suidas +and Etym. M. in Βοηδρομεῖν. +Hence the archon Polemarchus +administered justice in the Lyceum, +the temple of Apollo +Lyceus, near the statue of a +wolf, Suidas in ἄρχων. Bekker +Anecd. vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. +in ἐπιλύκιον. Λυκαμβὶς ἀρχὴ of +the polemarch, according to +Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And +in general all the courts at +Athens were under the protection +of the wolf, viz., Apollo, +Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in δεκάζων, +Lexic. and Parœmiogr. +in λύκου δέκας. Etymol. M. in +δεκασαι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1057" name="note_1057" href="#noteref_1057">1057.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Colot. p. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1058" name="note_1058" href="#noteref_1058">1058.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thes. 25. According to +Plato Rep. IV. p. 427. Apollo +is the πάτριος ἐξηγητὴς of the +Athenians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1059" name="note_1059" href="#noteref_1059">1059.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. +IX. p. 410 A.) ἐν τοῖς τῶν εὐπατριδῶν +(not τῶν θυγατριδῶν) +πατρίοις treated of the purification +of suppliants.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1060" name="note_1060" href="#noteref_1060">1060.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1061" name="note_1061" href="#noteref_1061">1061.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">By representing the notion +that Xuthus was the father of +Ion as a mere deceit of Xuthus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1062" name="note_1062" href="#noteref_1062">1062.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example v. 668. Ὑμῖν +δὲ σιγᾶν, δμωΐδες, λέγω τάδε, +Ἢ θάνατον εἰπούσαισι πρὸς δάμαρτ᾽ +ἐμήν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1063" name="note_1063" href="#noteref_1063">1063.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 591. Εἶναί φασι τὰς +αὐτόχθονας Κλεινὰς Ἀθήνας οὐκ +ἐπείσακτον γένος, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1064" name="note_1064" href="#noteref_1064">1064.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The view taken in the text +on the Ion of Euripides has +been approved, since the first +publication of this work, by +Hermann, in the preface to his +edition of that tragedy, p. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1065" name="note_1065" href="#noteref_1065">1065.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_V_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 5, § 2</a>. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. +§ 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1066" name="note_1066" href="#noteref_1066">1066.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">Book I. +ch. 5, § 3</a>. comp. +Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also +called Δειραδιώτης, from the +height. There was likewise +divination there, Telesilla ap. +Pausan. II. 35. 2-36. 5. +Πυθαεὺς and Κρηταεὺς are Doric +forms; the hero Pythaëus cannot +be separated from the god. +Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, +were the deities of the city of +Argos, Liv. XXXII. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1067" name="note_1067" href="#noteref_1067">1067.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. +Electr. 7. Hence Λύκειος ἀγόρα, +Sophocles, Hesych. in v. The +Argive coins with the wolf refer +to this statue, comp. Pausan. +VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an +oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31. 31. +where write, ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις +Ἀπόλλωνος. At Argos +also stood the statue of Apollo +Ζωτεάτας, Hesych. in v. A temple +of Latona, Pausan. II. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1068" name="note_1068" href="#noteref_1068">1068.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alcman Fragm. 35, 36. ed. +Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. +Bast. ad Gregor. Corinth, p. +187. At Sparta, according to +Hesychius, Λυκιάδες κόραι τὸν +ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ +κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον (a +kind of Hydrophoria).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1069" name="note_1069" href="#noteref_1069">1069.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respecting +the ancient temple of Apollo +there, and a brass statue, see +Pseud.-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. +p. 59. Pausan. II. 11. 2. Polyb. +XVII. 16. 2. The tradition +respecting its foundation by +Epopeus is not worth notice. +Cleisthenes was the person who +instituted the Pythian games, +Schol. Pind. Nem. IX. 49, 76. +comp. Boeckh and Dissen Explic. +p. 451. Apollo had there +an ἱερὰ χώρα; Polyb. ubi sup. +Liv. XXXII. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1070" name="note_1070" href="#noteref_1070">1070.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 15. 5. The +Messenians at Naupactus had +also a temple of Apollo (Thucyd. +II. 91.); and the coins of +the Messenians of Sicily afford +proof of the same worship. Concerning +the ancient temple at +Æpea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1071" name="note_1071" href="#noteref_1071">1071.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1072" name="note_1072" href="#noteref_1072">1072.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. +III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo +Pythaëus, III. 11. 2. Hesych. +in Θόρναξ, cf. in θοράτης. Apollo +Maleates, Pausan. III. 12. 8. +Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Λιθήσιος, +Steph. Byz. Suid. in v. +comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo +at Geronthræ, Boeckh Inscript. +No. 1334.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1073" name="note_1073" href="#noteref_1073">1073.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. II. 32. Plutarch +Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. +Hesych. in Ζωτελιστὴς. At Corinth, +Apollo, as at Argos, was +ἀγορῆς καλλίχορου πρύτανις, Simonides +in Palat. Anthol. VI. +212. On the temple of Apollo +at Sicyon, likewise in the market-place, +Ampel. Liber. Memor. +8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1074" name="note_1074" href="#noteref_1074">1074.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. +the inscriptions of the temple of +Æsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. +Nos. 1175, 1176. The temple +of Apollo Ægyptius belongs to +the time of the Antonines.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1075" name="note_1075" href="#noteref_1075">1075.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In this island a temple of +Apollo was connected with the +Thearion (see Dissen ad Pind. +Nem. III. p. 376.), with the +worship of Apollo Δελφίνιος, +Οἰκιστὴς, and Δωματίτης, and +the festival of the Hydrophoria. +Æginetica, p. 150. cf. 135.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1076" name="note_1076" href="#noteref_1076">1076.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 8</a>. The +Pythian games, according to +Pausan. II. 32. 2. founded by +Diomed, are probably of a later +date.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1077" name="note_1077" href="#noteref_1077">1077.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἀρχηγέτης, δωματίτης, οἰκιστὴς +(Æginetica, p. 150, note <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="vertical-align: super">k</span></span>); +for, as Callimachus says (Hymn. +Apoll. 55.), Φοῖβος ἀεὶ πολίεσσι +φιληδεῖ Κτιζομένῃς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1078" name="note_1078" href="#noteref_1078">1078.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 4. 1. 33. 3. cf. +V. 25. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1079" name="note_1079" href="#noteref_1079">1079.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 18. +IV. 118.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1080" name="note_1080" href="#noteref_1080">1080.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Among the Achæans of +Patræ. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.—of +Ægira. id. VII. 26. 3. comp. +the tradition respecting Bolina, +id. VII. 23. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1081" name="note_1081" href="#noteref_1081">1081.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 53. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1082" name="note_1082" href="#noteref_1082">1082.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. Theognis +of Megara, v. 777.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1083" name="note_1083" href="#noteref_1083">1083.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 4. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1084" name="note_1084" href="#noteref_1084">1084.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this enmity, +to which so many legends refer, see Pausan. +V. 2. 4. VI. 16. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1085" name="note_1085" href="#noteref_1085">1085.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That Zeus was the chief +god of the Eleans is evident +from the confederate temple at +Ægium and elsewhere.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1086" name="note_1086" href="#noteref_1086">1086.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1087" name="note_1087" href="#noteref_1087">1087.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 15. +4.—τὸν μὲν +δὴ παρὰ Ἠλείοις θέρμιον καὶ +αὐτῷ μοι παρίστατο εἰκάζειν, ὡς +κατὰ Ἀτθίδα γλῶσσαν εἴν θέρμιον; +for the last θέρμιον Buttmann +corrects θέσμιον; and it is +evident that θέρμα was Elean +for θέσμα, <span class="tei tei-q">“sacred ordinance or +armistice.”</span> See Appendix +V. § 2. Also Therma, the place +of the Panætolia, derived its +name from this word, which is +probably of Ætolian-Elean +origin. On its temple of Apollo, +see Polyb. XI. 4. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1088" name="note_1088" href="#noteref_1088">1088.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 4. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1089" name="note_1089" href="#noteref_1089">1089.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps this was the beginning +of the connexion with +Crete, to which the name of the +Ἰδαῖον ἄντρον at Olympia (Pind. +Olymp. V. 42. Demetrius ἐν +νεῶν διακόσμῳ in the Scholia. +Boeckh ad Schol. and Explic. +p. 150.), and the tradition that +Clymenus, a descendant of the +Idæan Hercules, came to Pisa +soon after the flood of Deucalion, +and there founded a temple, +refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. +VI. 21. 5. V. 14. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1090" name="note_1090" href="#noteref_1090">1090.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. +III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes +ad Lycophr. 41. does not speak +of this event with the same exactness +as the Schol. Pind. +Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also +Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90. +p. 174.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1091" name="note_1091" href="#noteref_1091">1091.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly +Philostratus Vit. Apollon. V. 25. p. 208. +Cic. de Divin. I. 41. concerning +the Telliadæ, Herod. IX. 37. +VIII. 27. These diviners are +called the μάντεις Ἠλείων πρόμολοι +at the altar of Olympia in +the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in +Meursii Op. vol. VII.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1092" name="note_1092" href="#noteref_1092">1092.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VI. +17. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1093" name="note_1093" href="#noteref_1093">1093.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 8. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1094" name="note_1094" href="#noteref_1094">1094.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. +1711.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1095" name="note_1095" href="#noteref_1095">1095.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As appears from the Homeric +Hymn to Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1096" name="note_1096" href="#noteref_1096">1096.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. +17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and +the story of Æsop; also the +proverb, Δελφὸς ἀνὴρ στέφανον +μὲν ἔχει, δίψει δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1097" name="note_1097" href="#noteref_1097">1097.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1098" name="note_1098" href="#noteref_1098">1098.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The λαὸς οἰκήτωρ θεοῦ, Eur. +Androm. 1092.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1099" name="note_1099" href="#noteref_1099">1099.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. +16. p. 273. The Thessalians +vowed at least every year a +hecatomb of men to Apollo +Καταιβάτης. Schol. Eur. Phœn. +1416. Zenobius in θετταλῶν +σόφισμα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1100" name="note_1100" href="#noteref_1100">1100.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosicrates ap. Suid. +vol. I. p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apostol. +VII. 37. Prov. Vat. App. +II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Δούλων +πόλις, with which he mentions +the ἱερόδουλοι. We may +probably discern a similar servitude +in the gift of the golden +tripods which the Θηβαγένεις +were bound to bring at certain +times to the Ismenian temple +of Apollo, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 397. +Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in +Bœotia also possessed Hieroduli, +Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1607. +The Delian Ἑκατηβελέταο θεράπναι +(Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) +were of the same description as +the chorus in the Phœnissæ. +In the Didymæum (Inscript. in +Walpole's Travels, p. 582) there +were οἱ περι το μαντειον παντες +και οἱ το ἱερον κατοικουντες και +οἱ προσχωροι, boys sent thither +as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. +c. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1101" name="note_1101" href="#noteref_1101">1101.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Eurip. Ion. 322. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Ver. 1299. +</p></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1102" name="note_1102" href="#noteref_1102">1102.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh in Hirt <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ueber die +Hierodulen</span></span>, p. 48.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1103" name="note_1103" href="#noteref_1103">1103.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See book III. +ch. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1104" name="note_1104" href="#noteref_1104">1104.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. +3. 1. see above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 7</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1105" name="note_1105" href="#noteref_1105">1105.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apostol. VII. 34. where for +Ἀθηναίων read Ἀργείων. Suidas +in δόρυ κηρυκεῖον. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 118.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1106" name="note_1106" href="#noteref_1106">1106.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. +Hell. VI. 3. and 5. ἐλπὶς δεκατευθῆναι +τὸ πάλαι λεγόμενον Θηβαίους. +Not the land, but the +people themselves were to be +decimated.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1107" name="note_1107" href="#noteref_1107">1107.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. +<a href="#Pg046" class="tei tei-ref">46</a>, note n. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“the Dorians or Malians,”</span> starting +<span class="tei tei-q">“Aristot. ap. Strab.”</span>] +Etymol. M. p. 154. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1108" name="note_1108" href="#noteref_1108">1108.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. +IV. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1109" name="note_1109" href="#noteref_1109">1109.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo +was also worshipped under the +titles of Ὄριος and Πλατανίστιος. +Concerning the Dryopes +as worshippers of Apollo see +Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad +Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad Virgil. +Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal. +c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32. +Heyne ad Æn. IV. 143. vol. +II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to +Pausanias they also retained +this worship in the Messenian +settlements. According to Conon, +c. 29. upon the occasion of +the return from Troy they sent +a tithe (δεκάτη).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1110" name="note_1110" href="#noteref_1110">1110.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">b. +I. ch. 2. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1111" name="note_1111" href="#noteref_1111">1111.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ver sacrum vovere, i.e. +quæcunque vere proximo nata +essent immolaturos</span></span>, Festus in +v. Mamertin. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Trecenta millia +hominum, velut ver sacrum, +miserunt</span></span>, Justin. XXIV. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1112" name="note_1112" href="#noteref_1112">1112.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the remarkable +account of Parthen. Erot. +5. they were δεκατευθέντες ἐκ +Φερῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀδμήτου, and were +conducted by Leucippus a Lycian. +Strab. XIV. 647. reverses +the story: Δελφῶν ἀπόγονοι, +τῶν ἐποικησάντων τὰ Δίδυμα ὄρη +(near Pheræ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. +192.) ἐν Θετταλίᾳ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1113" name="note_1113" href="#noteref_1113">1113.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. +comp. Boeckh In Minoem et +Leges, pag. 68. Magnesia, re-established +according to Plato's +fiction, consecrates to Apollo +and Helius, κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν +νόμον, three men as an ἀκροθίνιον, +ibid. XII. p. 945. See +also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386. +Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. +Rer. Human. apud Prob. ad +Virg. Ecl. VI. Cretans in the +Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. +p. 636. Schol. Apollon. Rhod. +I. 584.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1114" name="note_1114" href="#noteref_1114">1114.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Parthenius mentions Κρητιναῖον +and Leucophryne instead +of Magnesia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1115" name="note_1115" href="#noteref_1115">1115.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Corp. Inscript. +2910; and see particularly +Conon ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1116" name="note_1116" href="#noteref_1116">1116.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. and +Theophrast. ap. Athen. p. 173 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1117" name="note_1117" href="#noteref_1117">1117.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Semus ἐν Δηλιακοῖς ap. +Athen. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1118" name="note_1118" href="#noteref_1118">1118.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is to this that the Homeric +hymn to the Pythian +Apollo, v. 1. refers; also the +coins of Magnesia (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Apollo supra +Mæandrum stans</span></span>). There +was also a place near Magnesia +called Apollonia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1119" name="note_1119" href="#noteref_1119">1119.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">X. 32. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1120" name="note_1120" href="#noteref_1120">1120.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence the name of Apollo +Hylates in Lycoph. 447; where +Tzetzes is confused. Apollo +Hylates at Amamassus in Cyprus, +Steph. Byz. in v. In Athen. +XV. p. 672 E. for ὙΒΛΑ +ὙΛΑΙ. Query, whether +Hiera. Come, Liv. XXXVIII. +12, 13. is the same place? +Magnesia on the Sipylus also +worshipped Apollo, τὸν ἐν Πάνδοις, +Marm. Oxon. 26. 85.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1121" name="note_1121" href="#noteref_1121">1121.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Frank Callinus, p. 89. +Liebel Archil. p. 202. Concerning +the founding of Magnesia +see Ruhnken on Velleius +I. 4. Kanne on Conon, c. 29. +Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 387.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1122" name="note_1122" href="#noteref_1122">1122.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Quæst. Græc. 13. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1123" name="note_1123" href="#noteref_1123">1123.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A Rhegian in Timæus +(Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. +1), ἱεροὺς εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς +προγόνους αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν +ἐνθένδε ἐστάλθαι. cf. VI. p. +257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. +p. 373. cf. p. 178.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1124" name="note_1124" href="#noteref_1124">1124.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Respecting the ablutions in +the seven rivers, the sacred +laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. +Prob. Præf. ad Virg. Ecl. and +compare Hermann's excellent +dissertation on the Glauci of +Æschylus, Opuscula, vol. II. p. +59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1125" name="note_1125" href="#noteref_1125">1125.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. V. 25. 1. The +coins of Rhegium have the head +of Apollo, a lyre, a tripod, and +cortina.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1126" name="note_1126" href="#noteref_1126">1126.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Tacit. Annal. +IV. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1127" name="note_1127" href="#noteref_1127">1127.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Founded, according to Callim. +Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius +the Pelasgian, to whom the establishment +of the Amphictyonic +council was <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">for that reason</span></em> +attributed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1128" name="note_1128" href="#noteref_1128">1128.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. III. 1. Liv. +XXXIX. 24. comp. Plutarch +de Def. Orac. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1129" name="note_1129" href="#noteref_1129">1129.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the towns included in +the league see above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book I. +ch. 6. § 2</a>. On the games at +the festival, Herod. I. 144.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1130" name="note_1130" href="#noteref_1130">1130.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Neptune and the nymphs +were also of the number of the +Triopian deities, Schol. Theocr. +XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad +Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. p. +314. Concerning the worship +of Apollo at Halicarnassus, see +Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, +p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at +Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at +Cameirus ἐειγεννήτης and ἐπιμήλιος. +Macr. Sat. I. 17. at Anaphe, +Apollo Ægletes, Æginetica, +p. 170. note a; comp. +above, p. 116. note z.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1131" name="note_1131" href="#noteref_1131">1131.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I have adopted the opinion +of S<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="vertical-align: super">te</span></span>. Croix, Gouvernemens fédératifs, +p. 156. that the federal +festival of the twelve Æolian +cities was at Gryneum, chiefly +on account of the altars of the +twelve gods, and the Ἀχαιῶν +λιμὴν at that place, and the +statements of Scylax.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1132" name="note_1132" href="#noteref_1132">1132.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Strabo X. p. +487. there were here ἑστιατόρια, +as at Delos, for the assembly; +and in a Tenian inscription +(Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. +2329), a citizen is eulogized for +having undertaken a θεαροδοκία +for the Delians, the office of receiving +the θεωροὶ, a species of +λειτουργία. Spanheim ad Callim. +Hymn. Del. 325.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1133" name="note_1133" href="#noteref_1133">1133.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἱστίη νήσων, Callim. Hymn. +Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1134" name="note_1134" href="#noteref_1134">1134.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del. +141. The coins like those of +Delos: the name also reminds +us of mount Cynthus. (Hemsterh. +ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 311.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1135" name="note_1135" href="#noteref_1135">1135.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">An Apollonia in this island, +Steph. Byz. Compare the coins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1136" name="note_1136" href="#noteref_1136">1136.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Particularly at Carthæa, +Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. +p. 456 E. Probably a Δήλιον, +according to Dissen. Explic. p. +484. Πύθια at the same place, +Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning +the choruses of Apollo at Carthæa +see Boeckh Corp. Insc. +Gr. Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum +at Coressus and Pœessa, Strabo +X. p. 486.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1137" name="note_1137" href="#noteref_1137">1137.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollo Tragius, Steph. in +Τραγαία. Apollo Ποίμνιος, +Macr. Sat. I. 17. Hipponax +ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. +A Δήλιον at Naxos. Aristot. +Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. +Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9. comp. +Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. +Besides these, there were many +other Ionic temples of Apollo, +in Samos, Eubœa, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1138" name="note_1138" href="#noteref_1138">1138.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 6. +§ 12</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1139" name="note_1139" href="#noteref_1139">1139.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. II. 26. Tzetzes +ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling +corrects Ἀλαῖος for Ἅλιος in +Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne +Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 178. +with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. +200. The bird on the coins is +not an eagle but a raven (Mionnet +Descr. planche 60), the +<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">comes iripodum</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1140" name="note_1140" href="#noteref_1140">1140.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">One hundred and twenty +stadia from Croton, Aristot. +Mirab. Ausc. p. 1098 C. Justin. +XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in Ἀλιαῖος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1141" name="note_1141" href="#noteref_1141">1141.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1142" name="note_1142" href="#noteref_1142">1142.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On the statue of Aristeas +in the market-place of Metapontum, +by the side of the statue +of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. +and on a brass laurel-tree in the +same place, Athen. XIII. p. +605 C. In the temple of Apollo, +Plutarch περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρᾶν 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1143" name="note_1143" href="#noteref_1143">1143.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Caulonia</span></span> in +Italy is also remarkable for this worship, +the ancient coins of which town +exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, +or a bow, with a stag.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1144" name="note_1144" href="#noteref_1144">1144.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. VI. 3. ΑΡΧΑΓΕΤΑ +ΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ, on the coins of +Tauromenium and Enna. As +to <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Sicily</span></em>, there was a temple +of Apollo Temenites Pythius at +Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. +Steph. Byz. in Συρακοῦσαι. +comp. Ælian. V. H. I. 18. Letronne +Topographie de Syracuse, +p. 26. Göller de Situ +Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo +Δαφνίτας, Etymol. p. 250. 38. +At Gela there was a colossal +statue of Apollo in front of the +town, Timæus apud Diod. XIII. +107. Apollinarian rites of the +Erbitæans and their colony +Alæsa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. +ap. Castelli, p. 109 sqq. At +Lilybæum, according to the +coins, Apollo Libyrtius near +Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. +The month Dalius in Sicily, +Castelli Prol. 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1145" name="note_1145" href="#noteref_1145">1145.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Inscription at Olympia, ap. +Pausan. V. 22. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1146" name="note_1146" href="#noteref_1146">1146.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. +273. Also at Myrina in Æolis. Comp. ch. 2. § +7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1147" name="note_1147" href="#noteref_1147">1147.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 327 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1148" name="note_1148" href="#noteref_1148">1148.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A similar tradition in Sinope, +Philostephanus ap. Schol. +Apoll. Rh. II. 953. Diod. IV. +71.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1149" name="note_1149" href="#noteref_1149">1149.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 32. See also +Homer. Hymn. VII. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1150" name="note_1150" href="#noteref_1150">1150.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">X. 5. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1151" name="note_1151" href="#noteref_1151">1151.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1152" name="note_1152" href="#noteref_1152">1152.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus I write for Ἀμάδοκος +in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Λαοδόκος, +ib. X. 23. 3. on account of the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Laodice</span></span> of Herodotus. Herodotus +VIII. 39. mentions, on a +similar occasion, the native heroes +Phylacus and Autonous.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1153" name="note_1153" href="#noteref_1153">1153.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. +unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. +16, is right in correcting Κελτοὺς +for Δελφούς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1154" name="note_1154" href="#noteref_1154">1154.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the beautiful fragment +in prose in Himerius Orat. +XIV. 10. with which Cicero +de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see +Heindorf's note. It is to this +ode, perhaps, that the words +of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14. +δῆλον ἐκ τῶν χορῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν, +ἃς προσῆγον μετ᾽ αὐλῶν τῷ +θεῷ, καθάπερ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκαῖος +ἔν τινι τῶν ὕμνων ἱστορεῖ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1155" name="note_1155" href="#noteref_1155">1155.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In this part occurred what +Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from +the προοίμιον ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα of +Alcæus, that the water of Castalia +came from the Cephisus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1156" name="note_1156" href="#noteref_1156">1156.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. II. 47. where the +period is alone falsely stated. +That the harvest begins at the +rising of the Pleiades, is stated +by Hesiod. Op. et D. 381. +Compare the story in Eratosth. +Catast. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1157" name="note_1157" href="#noteref_1157">1157.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the +correct explanation of Italinsky. +As in the vase in Tischbien IV. 8. the tripod is represented +as standing beside the +figure, which is a certain proof +that Apollo is in question.—Nevertheless, +some very distinguished +antiquarians are still +of opinion that the figure is +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Triptolemus</span></em>, and not Apollo; +indeed the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Instituto di corrispondenza +Archeologica</span></span> at +Rome has lately published a +painted vase (I. Distrib. pl. 4.), +in which Τριπτολεμος is written +by this figure in the same position, +and with the same accompaniments; +whence it seems to +me probable that, in antiquity, +the ideas attached to this +composition were not fixed. A +vase in Millin I. 46. represents +Apollo Daphnephorus attended +by a Hyperborean in the Arimaspian +costume.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1158" name="note_1158" href="#noteref_1158">1158.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. X. 5. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1159" name="note_1159" href="#noteref_1159">1159.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XXI. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1160" name="note_1160" href="#noteref_1160">1160.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. +Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes +from a supposed oracle of a +prophetess named Asteria, that +the inhabitants and priests of +Delos came from the Hyperboreans.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1161" name="note_1161" href="#noteref_1161">1161.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. +Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. +Beckmann. Schol. Apoll. Rh. +II. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1162" name="note_1162" href="#noteref_1162">1162.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 35. Opis and +Hecaërgus, according to Pseudo-Plato +Axioch. pag. 371. A. +Servius ad Æn. XI. 858. The +circumstance of the θήκη of +these virgins being turned to +the east shows that it was of +the Cretan time, since the Dorians +laid their dead to the east, +the Ionians to the west. See +book IV. ch. 1. § 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1163" name="note_1163" href="#noteref_1163">1163.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">περφέρεες, also +ἀμαλλοφόροι and ὑλοφόροι. See Porphyr. de +Abstin. II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and +Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. +Del. 283.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1164" name="note_1164" href="#noteref_1164">1164.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dodona was Hyperborean, +according to Etymol. M. in +Δωδωναῖος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1165" name="note_1165" href="#noteref_1165">1165.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch +de Musica 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1166" name="note_1166" href="#noteref_1166">1166.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Herodotus and +Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin. +H. N. IV. 26. Mela III. 5. +Salmasius considers the gifts as +θυμάτων ἀπαρχαὶ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">prosiciæ hostiarum</span></span>, +with Mela; but they +were doubtless <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">primitiæ frugum</span></span>, +Exerc. Plin. p. 147.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1167" name="note_1167" href="#noteref_1167">1167.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">No weight can be laid on +the particular road, as Pausanias +I. 31. 2. mentions one +which touches Attica, where +also there were rites or sanctuaries, +τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων, Chrysost. +Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol. +XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. +See below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">§ 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1168" name="note_1168" href="#noteref_1168">1168.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne Excurs. ad Æn. IV. +2. He also comes to Delos in +the spring.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1169" name="note_1169" href="#noteref_1169">1169.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tischbein II. +12. Compare the coins of Chalcedon ap. +Valliant. et Theupoli. A commentary +is furnished by the beginning +of Callimachus' hymn +to Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1170" name="note_1170" href="#noteref_1170">1170.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1171" name="note_1171" href="#noteref_1171">1171.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 13. The statement +of Herodotus is exactly +confirmed by a fragment of +Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. +VII. 144. which may be genuine. +In v. 688. for καὶ σφᾶς +ανθρωπους should be written +καὶ φᾶς᾽ ἀνθρώπους (φασί).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1172" name="note_1172" href="#noteref_1172">1172.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Φοιβόλαμπτος. The Issedones +were first mentioned by +Alcman, who called them Ἀσσέδονες, +Steph. Byz. in Ἰσσήδονες. +He also mentioned the +Rhipæans, Schol. Soph. Œd. +Col. 1312.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1173" name="note_1173" href="#noteref_1173">1173.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Steph. Byz. in +Ὕπερβόρεοι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1174" name="note_1174" href="#noteref_1174">1174.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The two last +points are likewise mentioned by Hellanicus +ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. +305. Later authorities on this +point I pass over.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1175" name="note_1175" href="#noteref_1175">1175.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1176" name="note_1176" href="#noteref_1176">1176.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. +VIII. 41. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. +V. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1177" name="note_1177" href="#noteref_1177">1177.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. +284.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1178" name="note_1178" href="#noteref_1178">1178.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is +considered by Voss +as the original notion, who supposes +the whole fable of the +happy Hyperboreans to be an +invention of Spanish sailors, +Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Weltkunde</span></span>, Jena Journal Quart. +II. p. 20, 29. sqq.: on the Griffins +ib. Quart. IV. His opinions +have been implicitly followed by +Uckert, Géographie, vol. II. p. +237.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1179" name="note_1179" href="#noteref_1179">1179.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +particularly Apollon. +Rh. IV. 284. who, according to +the Scholia, follows Æschylus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1180" name="note_1180" href="#noteref_1180">1180.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Boreas, according to Sophocles +ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried +Orithyia. +</p> +<p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em"> +Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς,<br /> +Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς,<br /> +Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον. +</p> +</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1181" name="note_1181" href="#noteref_1181">1181.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hellanicus ubi sup. Simonides +and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. +p. 1038 B. Æschyl. Choëph. +371.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1182" name="note_1182" href="#noteref_1182">1182.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. X. 56.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1183" name="note_1183" href="#noteref_1183">1183.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare the αἴθρια στέφη, +Suidas in στέφος—τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων +κομιζόμενα, ὡς ἀεὶ ἐν +ὑπαίθρῳ τιθέμενα. Cratinus ap. +Hesych. in v. Bekker. Anecd. +p. 355. 30. Classical Journal +vol. VI. p. 369.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1184" name="note_1184" href="#noteref_1184">1184.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Ælian. N. A. XI. 1. +compare Creuzer Vet. Historic. +fragm. p. 85. This Hecatæus +still believed in the real existence +of the Hyperboreans, Schol. +Apoll. Rh. II. 615. Steph. Byz. +in Καραμβύκαι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1185" name="note_1185" href="#noteref_1185">1185.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. Callim. +fragm. 187. Bœus and Simmias ἐν Απόλλωνι +ap. Anton. Liber, c. 20. Tzet. +zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. +(compare Brunck Anal. vol. II. +p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. +Gotting. vol. II. p. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1186" name="note_1186" href="#noteref_1186">1186.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. +1688. lin. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1187" name="note_1187" href="#noteref_1187">1187.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. +Hellanic. ubi sup. It is remarkable +that this custom of +leaping from high rocks occurs, +in precisely the same manner as +among the Hyperboreans, in +Scandinavian legends. See +Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, +p. 486.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1188" name="note_1188" href="#noteref_1188">1188.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">De Nat. Deor. III. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1189" name="note_1189" href="#noteref_1189">1189.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">So also Etymol. M. in +νόμοι κιθαρ. p. 607. Referred to +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">music</span></span> (from νόμος, a strain) by +Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 42. Procl. +Chrestom. p. 282. 13. in Gaisford's +Hephæstion.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1190" name="note_1190" href="#noteref_1190">1190.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Explic. +p. 324.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1191" name="note_1191" href="#noteref_1191">1191.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. +348.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1192" name="note_1192" href="#noteref_1192">1192.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Parrhasian Apollo on +mount Lycæum (Paus. VIII. +38. 2.) was originally the Apollo +Nomius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1193" name="note_1193" href="#noteref_1193">1193.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. +from Heraclides Ponticus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1194" name="note_1194" href="#noteref_1194">1194.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. +partly from Bacchylides, Pherecydes +fragm. 42. ed. Sturz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1195" name="note_1195" href="#noteref_1195">1195.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 514. +cf. Schol. II. α. 766.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1196" name="note_1196" href="#noteref_1196">1196.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. +cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. +Cyrill. adv. Julian, p. 542.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1197" name="note_1197" href="#noteref_1197">1197.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The statement that Pythagoras +placed at Delphi on a +grave an inscription of these +words, <span class="tei tei-q">“Apollo the son of Silenus,”</span> +is a confused and fabulous +story of late times, Porphr. +ubi sup. The wild olive was +sacred to Apollo Nomius, according +to Theocritus XXV. 20; +and he was considered the author +of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat. +de Morbo Sacro, p. 303.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1198" name="note_1198" href="#noteref_1198">1198.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">ch. +8. § 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1199" name="note_1199" href="#noteref_1199">1199.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1200" name="note_1200" href="#noteref_1200">1200.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. VIII. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1201" name="note_1201" href="#noteref_1201">1201.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollo is +represented with a crown of ears on his head, in +a gem in Lippert's Dactyliothek +I. p. 62. No. 145. Sometimes +also on coins there is only a +grain of corn with symbols of +Apollo, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, on those of Hephæstia +and Abdera.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1202" name="note_1202" href="#noteref_1202">1202.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Σμίνθοι ἀρουραῖοι, Æschylus +ap. Ælian. Hist. An. XII. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1203" name="note_1203" href="#noteref_1203">1203.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIII. p. 604. +Schol. II. α. 89. Ælian ubi sup. Tzetz. +ad Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears +a mouse in his hand on a coin of +Hadrian, belonging to Alexandria +Troas Mionnet. tom. II. p. +644. A painted vase in Tischbein +II. 17. probably refers to +the sacred mice of a Smintheum; +concerning which see Heraclid. +Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup. According +to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the +Argives had a mouse on their +coins (as an emblem of Apollo); +Eckhel has none of this kind; +Mr. Payne Knight's collection +contains a very small ancient +gold coin with this type. See +Knight on the Symbolical Language +of Mythology, § 128. +note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1204" name="note_1204" href="#noteref_1204">1204.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIII. p. 613.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1205" name="note_1205" href="#noteref_1205">1205.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. +ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. +258.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1206" name="note_1206" href="#noteref_1206">1206.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Dion. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1207" name="note_1207" href="#noteref_1207">1207.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de +Defect. Orac. 7, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. +Quæst. III. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1208" name="note_1208" href="#noteref_1208">1208.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 27. The +Apollo Ἠλεῖος at Argos (Paus. +VIII. 46. 2.) is hardly a Ἤλιος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1209" name="note_1209" href="#noteref_1209">1209.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Trœzenian Ὦρος (Paus. +II. 30. 6.) was probably a god +of the seasons, and afterwards +the sun; but ὥρα and the Ægyptian +Horus cannot surely +have any etymological connexion.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1210" name="note_1210" href="#noteref_1210">1210.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 97. Pseudo-Plat. +Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. +Æsch. Pers. 206.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1211" name="note_1211" href="#noteref_1211">1211.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, +ch. 6. § 10. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1212" name="note_1212" href="#noteref_1212">1212.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. +Matthiæ. Ἀπόλλω δ᾽ ἐν βροτοῖς σ᾽ +ὀρθῶς καλεῖ Ὅστις τὰ σιγῶντ᾽ +ὀνόματ᾽ οἶδε δαιμόνων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1213" name="note_1213" href="#noteref_1213">1213.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. 48. The same doctrine +was followed by Apollodorus +(Macrob. Sat. I. 17.) and +Philochorus, according to whom +there was a Helius-Apollo among +the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. +p. 655.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1214" name="note_1214" href="#noteref_1214">1214.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">C. 24. It is only the following +narration which is taken +from the Bassarides of Æschylus; +comp. Timotheus περὶ κοσμοπούας +ap. Euseb. Scalig. p. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1215" name="note_1215" href="#noteref_1215">1215.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This fact refers to the actual +worship of the sun in Thrace, +Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. +Il. XV. 705.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1216" name="note_1216" href="#noteref_1216">1216.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The passages in which he +is considered as the god of the +sun, a fragment in J. Diaconus, +and a hymn, are of the latest +date. The Sibylline oracle in +Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is +called Helius, is of the Alexandrine +age; likewise the strange +hymn in Brunck's Analecta, vol. +II. p. 518. is of very late date. +Moreover, the coins, in which +Apollo is represented with rays +round his head, are, as far as I +can discover, all of the age of +the emperors.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1217" name="note_1217" href="#noteref_1217">1217.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Apollo γενέτωρ +of Delos was probably so called with +a fixed though obscure reference, +like the Apollo πατρῷος, +which the Orphic philosophers +in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also explained +to be <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">progenitor</span></em> in general. +See above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1218" name="note_1218" href="#noteref_1218">1218.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 383. compare +Schwarz Miscell. Polit. +hum. p. 89. Creuzer Symbolik, +vol. III. p. 166.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1219" name="note_1219" href="#noteref_1219">1219.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XV. 402. cf. III. +280. XI. 171. Il. XXIV. 759. Artemis +kills women for him, as +in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On +Artemis and Apollo, as gods of +death, see Nast's Opusc. Lat. +P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1220" name="note_1220" href="#noteref_1220">1220.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἕκατος, ἑκάεργος, ἑκηβόλος, +ἑκατηβελέτης, ἀφήτωρ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1221" name="note_1221" href="#noteref_1221">1221.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. IV. 508. VII. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1222" name="note_1222" href="#noteref_1222">1222.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XV. 308. +XVI. 703.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1223" name="note_1223" href="#noteref_1223">1223.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Pind. Pyth. IV. 86.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1224" name="note_1224" href="#noteref_1224">1224.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. Apoll. Del. +13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1225" name="note_1225" href="#noteref_1225">1225.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Homer represents Aphrodite +as the protector of Æneas +and antagonist of Diomed, and +Ares in battle for the Trojans, +in a disadvantageous light; and +describes, with evident irony, +the weakness of the goddess, +and the brutal confidence of the +god. In like manner, Diana +and the river-god Scamander +sometimes play a very undignified +part. Apollo, alone, always +maintains his dignity.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1226" name="note_1226" href="#noteref_1226">1226.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XXI. 464. cf. XXIV. +40. ᾧ οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένες εἰσίν +ἐναίσιμοι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1227" name="note_1227" href="#noteref_1227">1227.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XXIV. 606.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1228" name="note_1228" href="#noteref_1228">1228.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XI. 517.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1229" name="note_1229" href="#noteref_1229">1229.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. VIII. 227. He overcomes +Phorbas in a boxing-match, +Eurytus in a contest of +archery, to which the latter had +challenged all the gods; hence +he is in general supposed to +preside over contests with the +cæstus (Il. XXIII. 660. Plutarch. +Quæst. Symp. VIII. 4); +and amongst the Dorians, who +loved the sports of the field, +was particularly considered as +a patron of archery and huntsmen. +Il. XXIII. 872. Soph. +Œd. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1230" name="note_1230" href="#noteref_1230">1230.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον, καὶ σὺ μὲν +τοὺς αἰτίους Πήμαινε, καὶ σφᾶς +ὄλλυ᾽ ὥσπερ ὀλλύεις. Fragm. +79. ed. Gaisfoid. Compare +Blomfield ad Æsch. Agam. 66. +Gloss.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1231" name="note_1231" href="#noteref_1231">1231.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀπὸ σ᾽ ὀλέσειεν Ἄρτεμίς τε +χὠπόλλων, Fragm. 16. ed. +Welcker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1232" name="note_1232" href="#noteref_1232">1232.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æschyl. Agam. 1091. Plato +Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Phaeth. +(above, p. <a href="#Pg306" class="tei tei-ref">306</a>. note m. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“wont to destroy them,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον.”</span>]) allude +to the same derivation.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1233" name="note_1233" href="#noteref_1233">1233.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hermann <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ueber das +Wesen der Mythologie</span></span>, p. 107.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1234" name="note_1234" href="#noteref_1234">1234.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 43. 7. +Anthol. Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of +Prusia Apollo is represented +with a scourge in his hand, Mionnet +Descript. tom. II. p. 482.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1235" name="note_1235" href="#noteref_1235">1235.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 52. +Walpole's Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic +inscription of the cod. Sherard. +these fines are called ἱεραὶ +δραχμαί.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1236" name="note_1236" href="#noteref_1236">1236.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Agamem. 55.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1237" name="note_1237" href="#noteref_1237">1237.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gellius N. A. V. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1238" name="note_1238" href="#noteref_1238">1238.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Eurip. Phœn. +1446.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1239" name="note_1239" href="#noteref_1239">1239.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Quæst. Græc. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1240" name="note_1240" href="#noteref_1240">1240.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. de Ει 21. p. 246. de +Defect, Orac. 7. p. 309. non +posse suav. vivi sec. Epicur. 23. +p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the +Apollo Philesius should be referred +to this head.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1241" name="note_1241" href="#noteref_1241">1241.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀκήσιος. Paus. VI. 24, 5. +ἀκέστωρ, Eurip. Androm. 900.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1242" name="note_1242" href="#noteref_1242">1242.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐπακούριος, +Paus. VIII. 32-41. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1243" name="note_1243" href="#noteref_1243">1243.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀλεξίκακος, ibid. I. 3. 3. +Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare +Visconti, Museo Pio-Clement. +I. p. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1244" name="note_1244" href="#noteref_1244">1244.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀποτροπαῖος, Orac. ap. Demosth. +in Mid. p. 331. 27. Inscript. +in Walpole's Travels, p. +547. No. 38. Stuart's Antiquities +of Athens, vol. I. p. 25. +called προστάτης, in the colonies +on the Pontus, above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. +§ 6</a>. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. +with Hermann's note. He is +invoked in his character of +Προστατήριος to avert nightly +terrors, in Soph. Elec. 638; in +Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; +in Eurip. Herc. Fur. 821, the +fury. Πύθιοι καὶ σωτήριοι θέοι. +Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1693.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1245" name="note_1245" href="#noteref_1245">1245.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Pyth. v. 63. cf. +IV. 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. +Œd. T. 149. Callim. Hymn. +Apoll. 72. See, however, Il. +XVI. 527. He was called Λοίμιος +at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. +17. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Medicus</span></span> at Rome about +416 A.U.C. Ἰατρὸς, Tzetzes +ad Lycophr. 1206.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1246" name="note_1246" href="#noteref_1246">1246.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demosth. in Mid. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1247" name="note_1247" href="#noteref_1247">1247.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. v. 401, 899. with Schol. +Venet. cf. Od. IV. 232. Aristarchus +considered Apollo and +Pæon in Homer as identical, +yet Hesiod distinguishes them +in the fragment in Eustath. ad +Od. p. 1493. Schol. Min. ad 1. +(cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford's +Poetæ Min. p. 551), and perhaps +also in Brunck's Analecta, +vol. I. p. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1248" name="note_1248" href="#noteref_1248">1248.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. +Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. +Pindar's Pæan in the +Fragments.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1249" name="note_1249" href="#noteref_1249">1249.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proclus apud Phot. ἰδίως +ἀπέκειτο τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ +Ἀρτέμιδι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1250" name="note_1250" href="#noteref_1250">1250.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. 272, 320.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1251" name="note_1251" href="#noteref_1251">1251.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. +In Soph. Œd. T. 152. a song +of a chorus resembling a pæan +has these words; Φοῖβος—σωτήρ +θ᾽ ἵκοιτο καὶ νόσου παυστήριος. +cf. Schol. ad v. 114. et Suid. in +ἰηίων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1252" name="note_1252" href="#noteref_1252">1252.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. +Næniæ and pæans opposed to +one another. Eurip. Iph. T. +183. The god of death was +honoured with no pæan. Æsch. +Niob. Frag. 5. Pæans to Hades, +the Furies, &c. are an oxymoron; +see Monk ad Eurip. Alc. 431.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1253" name="note_1253" href="#noteref_1253">1253.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. the pæans of the +Spartans at the Gymnopædia +for the battle of Thermopylæ. +Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. +Apollo and Artemis, gods of victory, +Soph. Trach. 207.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1254" name="note_1254" href="#noteref_1254">1254.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æschyl. Theb. 250. +The ὀλυλυγμὸς (<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">ululatus</span></span>) which +is here mentioned was in part +the ἐλελεῦ, which according to +Plutarch Thes. 22. occurred in +singing the pæan and at the libation +(in this passage σπένδοντες +is evidently the right +meaning). Hence Apollo is +called ἐλελεὺς in Macrob. Sat. I. +17. From this also comes the +ἐλελίζειν which Xenophon often +mentions, but distinguishes it +from the pæan, and represents +it as performed to Enyalius or +Ares, Anab. I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. +14. Hell. II. 4, 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1255" name="note_1255" href="#noteref_1255">1255.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. +Rhod. II. 710. cf. Athen. XV. +p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etym. Mag. +in ἰηίε.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1256" name="note_1256" href="#noteref_1256">1256.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1257" name="note_1257" href="#noteref_1257">1257.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Again. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1258" name="note_1258" href="#noteref_1258">1258.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. Hippol. 1373. Æsch. +ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1259" name="note_1259" href="#noteref_1259">1259.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Agam. 518.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1260" name="note_1260" href="#noteref_1260">1260.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1261" name="note_1261" href="#noteref_1261">1261.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. +Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. +Harpocrat. In Tegea (derived +from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. +I. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1262" name="note_1262" href="#noteref_1262">1262.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1263" name="note_1263" href="#noteref_1263">1263.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. +comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad +Horat. Carm. IV. 6. 28. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ex responso +sui (Pythii) oraculi in +viis publicis urbis suæ Athenienses +statutis altaribus sacrificare +Apollini instituerunt et +Agyeum appellare</span></span>. Also Eurip. +Ion 186. to which Eustath. +ad Il. p. 166. Rom. refers. +Varro is probably followed by +Euanthius De Tragœdia et +Comœdia: <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Athenienses cum +Apollini Nomio vel</span></span> Ἀγυιαίῳ (as +Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. corrects), +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">pastorum vicinorumque</span></span> +(read <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">vicorumque</span></span>) <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">præsidi +deo constructis aris festum +carmen solenniter cantarent</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1264" name="note_1264" href="#noteref_1264">1264.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 870. +Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. +Eurip. Phœn. 634. Harpocrat. +Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot. +cod. 279. p. 1596. Plautus +Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. +in ἀγυιὰ, also Otto de Diis Vialibus, +et Zoëga De Obeliscis p. +210. The Agyieus often occurs +on coins, instead of other emblems +of Apollo, where numismatic +writers have not recognised +the symbol. See the +coins of Apollonia in Epirus, +Aptera in Crete, Megara, Byzantium, +Oricus, Ambracia, +where the statue is surrounded +with fillets.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1265" name="note_1265" href="#noteref_1265">1265.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. Ion. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1266" name="note_1266" href="#noteref_1266">1266.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">κυισσᾶν ἀγυιὰς, Demosth. +ubi sup. and Stephens's Thesaurus, +ed. Lond. vol. I. p. 1048.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1267" name="note_1267" href="#noteref_1267">1267.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀβέλιος, the Cretans and +Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. +Comp. Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. +in θάβακον, Koen ad Greg. Corinth. +p. 354. ed. Schæfer. βέλα +ἥλιος καὶ αὐγὴ, a Laconism according +to Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1268" name="note_1268" href="#noteref_1268">1268.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The jocular etymology of +Plato from πολεῖν, and the absurd +one from ἀπολὺς, mentioned +by Cicero de Nat. Deor. +II. 27. Plutarch, de Ει 9. p. +228 (because Apollo was τὸ ἓν, +De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Macrob. +Sat. I. 17. and others in +the Etymol. M., I may be excused +from examining.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1269" name="note_1269" href="#noteref_1269">1269.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Maittaire, p. 152, 264.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1270" name="note_1270" href="#noteref_1270">1270.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, +Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1271" name="note_1271" href="#noteref_1271">1271.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There appear to be two radical +forms, having nearly the +same meaning, from which the +word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. +First ϜΕΛ or ϜΕΛϜ, +VOLVO, <span class="tei tei-q">“to roll,”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“to press +together,”</span> and ΕΛ, <span class="tei tei-q">“to push, +strike, drive,”</span> &c. Ἐλάσαι, +ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives +of this ΕΛ; from which +it is probable that ἀπέλλων or +ἀπόλλων is derived, as Homer +constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, +&c., as well as Ἀπόλλων, +without the digamma.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1272" name="note_1272" href="#noteref_1272">1272.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. +833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. +Rh. II. 301.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1273" name="note_1273" href="#noteref_1273">1273.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar +Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει +20. p. 243. De Exilio 17. p. +386. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Apollo sanctus</span></span>, Cicero +Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34. Montfaucon +Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. +No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι +was used of the Thessalian +diviners, when they lived apart +on the ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, +de Ει.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1274" name="note_1274" href="#noteref_1274">1274.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1275" name="note_1275" href="#noteref_1275">1275.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theophrast. +de Lapid. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1276" name="note_1276" href="#noteref_1276">1276.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ +Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. +v. 1009.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1277" name="note_1277" href="#noteref_1277">1277.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sturz. +de Lingua Macedonica.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1278" name="note_1278" href="#noteref_1278">1278.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. +Eurip. Alcest. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1279" name="note_1279" href="#noteref_1279">1279.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. +ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. +246. λοιβαὶ νεκύων φθιμένων +ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων +οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which Hermann +has received in Eurip. +Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης. +Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. +p. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1280" name="note_1280" href="#noteref_1280">1280.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. X. 14. 4. The names +of the chief priestesses were +here registered, Plutarch. Pericl. +21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1281" name="note_1281" href="#noteref_1281">1281.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For +Athens see above, p. <a href="#Pg264" class="tei tei-ref">264</a>. note c. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“festival of Boedromia,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Callim. Hymn.”</span>] +On the sanctity of the wolf there, +Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1282" name="note_1282" href="#noteref_1282">1282.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et +ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. +de Sol. Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. +in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. +9. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1283" name="note_1283" href="#noteref_1283">1283.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. +Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. +14. Aristoph. Av. 516. [The +translators conceive that nothing +more is meant in the passage of +Homer than that Apollo flew +swiftly as a hawk flies swiftly.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1284" name="note_1284" href="#noteref_1284">1284.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, +<span class="tei tei-q">“the god of vultures,”</span> +was worshipped on the top of a +hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. +c. 35. There was also a kind +of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. +Cyneg. III. 304.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1285" name="note_1285" href="#noteref_1285">1285.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, +Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ +δαΐῴ, where see Blomfield. +Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. +Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ τὰ σὰ +βέλεα. In a milder sense in +Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd. +T. 920. Elect. 656. in which +last tragedy Apollo throughout +appears as armed with his highest +and noblest attributes. See +particularly v. 1379.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1286" name="note_1286" href="#noteref_1286">1286.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Voss on Virgil's Georg. +p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. +vol. I. p. 417.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1287" name="note_1287" href="#noteref_1287">1287.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1288" name="note_1288" href="#noteref_1288">1288.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. +Pyth. 266.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1289" name="note_1289" href="#noteref_1289">1289.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1290" name="note_1290" href="#noteref_1290">1290.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος +in Hesych. in v. belongs to this +class of attributes. Also there +were temples of Apollo on the +promontories of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Leucæ</span></span>, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Leucatas</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1291" name="note_1291" href="#noteref_1291">1291.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 +Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. +Apostol. XII. 18. comp. above, +p. <a href="#Pg287" class="tei tei-ref">287</a>. note n. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“twelve days and nights,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1292" name="note_1292" href="#noteref_1292">1292.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apostol. XII. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1293" name="note_1293" href="#noteref_1293">1293.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Among the moderns see +Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. +§ 124. Gail Philologue, tom. I. +p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in +Millin's Magasin Encyclopédique, +tom. 118. p. 346.) where +Λοξίας is brought into connexion +with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me +probable that the word Λοξίας +first expressed the oblique position +of the archer, who always +has ὄμματα λοξά.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1294" name="note_1294" href="#noteref_1294">1294.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1295" name="note_1295" href="#noteref_1295">1295.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theopompus apud Polyb. +XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. +Gr. 39. p. 398. Paus. VIII. 38. +5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis +ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron. II. 1 +p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. +Muncker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1296" name="note_1296" href="#noteref_1296">1296.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. +Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς +was worshipped at Delphi, +Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and +also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος, Hesych. in +v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, +whom Hesychius (in v.) calls +the Doric Hephæstus, may be +the real Zeus; a conjecture +which is confirmed by the circumstance +that the temples of +Zeus at Dodona and in Laconia +were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. +cf. in Ἔλα. That this Elous +might have been originally derived +from the El or Eloha of +the people of Israel, I do not +deny; but it is an etymology +which leads to nothing but +hopeless and uncertain conjecture.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1297" name="note_1297" href="#noteref_1297">1297.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman +ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1298" name="note_1298" href="#noteref_1298">1298.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. +compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius +Sat. V. 22. Schol. Soph. Œd. +Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1299" name="note_1299" href="#noteref_1299">1299.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the +exception of the Messenians see above, +p. <a href="#Pg151" class="tei tei-ref">151</a>. note t, +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Terpander,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“I mention Eumelus.”</span>] +and for his birthplace +at Tegyra above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. +§ 11</a>. Apollo was also said to +have been born at Amphigenia +in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. +and there was a temple of Latona, +Strab. VIII. p. 349. +Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. +ed. Schellenberg.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1300" name="note_1300" href="#noteref_1300">1300.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐν +χρόνῳ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> <span class="tei tei-q">“time was +requisite for his birth;”</span> <span class="tei tei-q">“some +time elapsed before Apollo +could be born,”</span> Pindar ap. +Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 383. +ed. Potter.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1301" name="note_1301" href="#noteref_1301">1301.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. +comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1302" name="note_1302" href="#noteref_1302">1302.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. +ed. Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1303" name="note_1303" href="#noteref_1303">1303.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar ibid.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1304" name="note_1304" href="#noteref_1304">1304.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. +Hymn. Del. 36. 273.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1305" name="note_1305" href="#noteref_1305">1305.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. +Boeckh. This ode must then +have been written before the +earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see +Herod. VI. 98. which confirms +the assertion of Dissen that +Isthm. I. 4. is not alluded to, +since this poem, as the same +critic shows, was written after +Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, +again, had no knowledge of the +earthquake which took place at +the breaking out of the Peloponnesian +war (Thucyd. II. 8.), +and Thucydides had never heard +of the other, which occurred before +his time, nor read the statement +of Herodotus. Comp. Mucian. +apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. +Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78. +Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. +&c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1306" name="note_1306" href="#noteref_1306">1306.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_13" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 13</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1307" name="note_1307" href="#noteref_1307">1307.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. +2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. +IV. 35. The confusion of Eileithyia +and Fate, by Olen, is +only a supposition of Pausanias.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1308" name="note_1308" href="#noteref_1308">1308.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IX. 27. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1309" name="note_1309" href="#noteref_1309">1309.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Spanheim ad Callim. Del. +308.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1310" name="note_1310" href="#noteref_1310">1310.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. Apoll. +16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the +map of the island in Choiseul +Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, +tom. I. pl. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1311" name="note_1311" href="#noteref_1311">1311.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. +Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. +Eurip. Ion 169. Iphigen. Taur. +1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1312" name="note_1312" href="#noteref_1312">1312.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. +Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. +ad Eurip. Ion. 932. Ælian. V. +H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. +Catull. XXXIV. 8. For the +palm as an emblem of Delos on +Greek vases, see Tischbein I. +24. Il. 12.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1313" name="note_1313" href="#noteref_1313">1313.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo X. p. 486, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1314" name="note_1314" href="#noteref_1314">1314.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A fabulous reason is given +by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. +fab. 247.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1315" name="note_1315" href="#noteref_1315">1315.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">When four days old, according +to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. +Iphig. Taur. 1252. Macrob. +Sat. 1. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1316" name="note_1316" href="#noteref_1316">1316.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clearchus of Soli in Athen. +XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. +Mag. in Ἰήϊε, where for +ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. +Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p. 834. +This legend agrees with the +compositions on the Greek vase +in Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree +occurs also in Theophrast. +Hist. Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. +XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at +the Villa Albani, Zoëga de +Obeliscis, p. 212.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1317" name="note_1317" href="#noteref_1317">1317.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apoll. Rh. II. 707. +comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1318" name="note_1318" href="#noteref_1318">1318.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1319" name="note_1319" href="#noteref_1319">1319.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1320" name="note_1320" href="#noteref_1320">1320.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. +The fountain there spoken of, +and not that of Castalia, is the +one which the serpent was supposed +to haunt. Comp. Hesych. +in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound +erected over the Python, in a +ravine near Delphi, which is +sometimes placed at Sicyon, +Paus. II. 7. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1321" name="note_1321" href="#noteref_1321">1321.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. +(where also Δελφύνης is in the +MS.) Dionys. Perieg. 441. +Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An +ἡμίθηρ κόρη, according to later +writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1322" name="note_1322" href="#noteref_1322">1322.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian de Astrol. 23. The +symbol of the goat is connected +with the Python (since Αἴξ is +called a child of the Python, +Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12.), +also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον +Αἰγαῖον at Delphi (Hesiod ap. +Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς +Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf. Pausan. +X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. +26. The same animal was likewise +sacred to Apollo at Elyrus +in Crete (above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 5</a>.) and +Tylissus; in the coins of which +town Apollo is represented with +a goat's head in his hand. At +Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or +Κεράτινος, was made of goat's +horns by Apollo while a boy, +Plutarch. Thes. 21. de Solert. +Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. +Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same +story was told of the Κεραιστὴς +τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. +Etym. Mag. 584. 10.), where +there was a strange story of a +he-goat which gave milk. It +cannot be doubted that the goat +was originally one of the unclean +animals of the worship of Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1323" name="note_1323" href="#noteref_1323">1323.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollo, +according to Simonides +(ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. +39.), slew the monster with an +hundred arrows (as an explanation +of ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle +is represented on the coins +of Croton; see Eckhel Num. +Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1324" name="note_1324" href="#noteref_1324">1324.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. +7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1325" name="note_1325" href="#noteref_1325">1325.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See in +particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. +Pollux IV. 10. 81. calls the performance +ἄχορον αὔλημα +Πύθιον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1326" name="note_1326" href="#noteref_1326">1326.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. +p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. +Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422. +also alludes to the burning of +the καλιὰς, which he calls σκηνή.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1327" name="note_1327" href="#noteref_1327">1327.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 220.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1328" name="note_1328" href="#noteref_1328">1328.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Plutarch de Def. Orat. +14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also +in Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ +κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν +for ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, +the women having the same +name as those of Orchomenus, +Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. +Compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 166.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1329" name="note_1329" href="#noteref_1329">1329.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 2</a>; and on +the different tradition of Tarrha, +ib. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1330" name="note_1330" href="#noteref_1330">1330.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In a verse of +Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. +14. Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος +δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς +μύλην, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">My husband led him +to the mill.</span></span>”</span> The name of +the tragedy seems to have been +Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch +ubi sup. A tragedy, I +say; for, although Hermann +(Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) +thinks that the line is from a +satiric drama, the verses quoted +in Schol. Pind. Pyth. IV. 221. +which appear to be from the +same play, are evidently of +a tragic complexion. On the +imitation of the servitude of +Apollo, see also the words of +Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι +καὶ ἡ λατρεία τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε +γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη +καθαρμοί.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1331" name="note_1331" href="#noteref_1331">1331.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1332" name="note_1332" href="#noteref_1332">1332.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly +Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. +10. Apollod. I. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1333" name="note_1333" href="#noteref_1333">1333.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. +1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου +λόγον, &c. has nothing to +do with this point), and Zenob. +Prov. Ἀδμήτου μέλος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1334" name="note_1334" href="#noteref_1334">1334.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. +c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. +Germ. Ant. p. 168. Porphyr. +Vit. Pyth. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1335" name="note_1335" href="#noteref_1335">1335.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Several coins appear to represent +this lustration; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, one +of Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. +88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. +329; see also those of Alexandria +Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, +115, 116.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1336" name="note_1336" href="#noteref_1336">1336.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. +Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. +Pind. Pyth. III. 96.) who drew +his information from Hesiod. +Hesiod related this tradition in +the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue +which treated of the +daughters of Leucippus, one of +whom is said to have been the +mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes +ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare +Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. +and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. +III. 10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. +IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. +Wesseling. Orph. Argon. 176, +also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades +in the Scholia. The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">religious</span></em> +tradition is given by +Anaxandridas the Delphian in +Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ +τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων, +Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and +Plutarch, perhaps from the same +authority. Those who in Iliad I. +399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, +attributed his banishment to a +rebellion against Zeus. See +also Æschylus ap. Plutarch de +Exilio 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1337" name="note_1337" href="#noteref_1337">1337.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν +εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes +and the others. Clem. +Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν +εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an epic poet. +Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the +whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα +θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1338" name="note_1338" href="#noteref_1338">1338.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. +611; see the very confused account +in Eratosth. Catast. 29. +with Schaubach's note. p. 110.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1339" name="note_1339" href="#noteref_1339">1339.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. +III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan +throne) X. 11. 1. Pind. Pyth. +IV. 90.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1340" name="note_1340" href="#noteref_1340">1340.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. +Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. +Merc. 471, 533.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1341" name="note_1341" href="#noteref_1341">1341.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also +sacrifices of cakes at Athens, +Harpocration and Hesychius in +ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος +Ἀπόλλων. comp. Hemsterhuis +ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. +Bipont.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1342" name="note_1342" href="#noteref_1342">1342.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1343" name="note_1343" href="#noteref_1343">1343.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια +ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus +ap. Censorin. de die nat. +2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). +Compare Macrobius Sat. III. 6. +Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. +Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 28. +(see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus +Vit. Pythagor. 5. 7. Cyrillus +in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning +the horn altar, see above, +p. <a href="#Pg325" class="tei tei-ref">325</a>, note d. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“inner sanctuary,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Lucian de Astrol. 23.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1344" name="note_1344" href="#noteref_1344">1344.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. +The first-fruits of the year were +also carried round at the Attic +Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1345" name="note_1345" href="#noteref_1345">1345.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. +298. ed. Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1346" name="note_1346" href="#noteref_1346">1346.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly +Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas +in εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. +Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. +Thes. 22. Apostal. +Prov. XXI. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1347" name="note_1347" href="#noteref_1347">1347.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ +ἔτνους, which was used at this +festival, referred more to the +gods of husbandry.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1348" name="note_1348" href="#noteref_1348">1348.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The ancient Greeks considered +the winter as the season +when the gods of the infernal +regions were predominant, and +a state of impurity existed; +while they looked on spring and +summer as a pure and sacred +season.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1349" name="note_1349" href="#noteref_1349">1349.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Meursii Græcia Feriata in +Θαργήλια. Compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 106. An historical tradition +respecting the first φαρμακὸς, +from a work of Istrus +περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, +is preserved in Harpocration +and Etymol. Magn. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1350" name="note_1350" href="#noteref_1350">1350.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius +in Θαργήλια ad fin. where +the correction of Hemsterhuis +is disapproved by Welcker on +Schwenck's Mythologische Andeutungen, +p. 341.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1351" name="note_1351" href="#noteref_1351">1351.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. +Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1352" name="note_1352" href="#noteref_1352">1352.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Servius ad Æn. III. 57. +from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius +was worshipped there, +Strabo IV. p. 179 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1353" name="note_1353" href="#noteref_1353">1353.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the verses of Hipponax +in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in +Athen. IX. p. 370 A. and his +testimony in Plutarch de Musica +8. comp. Hesychius in +κραδίης.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1354" name="note_1354" href="#noteref_1354">1354.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">ch. +2. § 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1355" name="note_1355" href="#noteref_1355">1355.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps +there was a local tradition that +the Python was killed in Sicyon; +see above, p. <a href="#Pg324" class="tei tei-ref">324</a>, note b. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“supplied from the Styx,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1356" name="note_1356" href="#noteref_1356">1356.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Thes. 18. The +number is evident from the +context.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1357" name="note_1357" href="#noteref_1357">1357.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In order to show the correspondence +between the sacred +seasons at Athens and Delphi, +it should be remarked that at +the latter place the nine months +of spring, summer, and autumn +were sacred to Apollo, and +during them the sacrifice was +accompanied by the pæan; +while the three winter months +were sacred to Bacchus, and +hence in them the dithyramb +was played at the sacrifices +(Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.); and +that in Athens also the festivals +of Bacchus were celebrated between +Poseideon and Elaphebolion, +and those of Apollo during +the other months.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1358" name="note_1358" href="#noteref_1358">1358.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Æginetica, page 152. +That the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">testamentum Epictetæ</span></span> +belongs to Thera, is proved by +Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. +2448.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1359" name="note_1359" href="#noteref_1359">1359.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1360" name="note_1360" href="#noteref_1360">1360.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Callisthenes +and Anaxandridas (the +same person who is mentioned +above) in Plutarch. Quæst. +Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1. cf. +18. 24. also places the Pythian +festival at the end of Elaphebolion. +The first passage has +been often misunderstood (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> +by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part +II. p. 193.): its meaning is, +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The annual armistice remained +suspended; there was +again war, until the Pythian +games.</span></span>”</span> Without going further +into the complicated inquiry +concerning the time of the +Pythia, and without denying +that in later ages the festival +was transferred to autumn, I +think that the arguments in the +text fully justify me in assuming +that the celebration of the victory +over the Python (which +celebration was the chief subject +of the Pythia) took place +in spring.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1361" name="note_1361" href="#noteref_1361">1361.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is plain from the fable +of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14. +[Transcriber's Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1362" name="note_1362" href="#noteref_1362">1362.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. +2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. +Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. 767. +Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. +p. 243. ed. Reisk. comp. Valckenaer +de Aristobulo Judæo § +37. p. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1363" name="note_1363" href="#noteref_1363">1363.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. +Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. +ed. Heyn. It is probably a +fiction that Socrates was born +on the former, Plato on the +latter day.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1364" name="note_1364" href="#noteref_1364">1364.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The κωπὼ of the +Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. +987.) has some resemblance to +the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, +which was also carried round at +the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), +and is also called a ἱκετηρία, +Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1365" name="note_1365" href="#noteref_1365">1365.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Athenians, according +to Proclus as above, honoured +the seventh day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, +δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν +ἀποστρέφοντες (ἐπιστέφοντες +Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν +θεόν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1366" name="note_1366" href="#noteref_1366">1366.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pontedera Antiq. p. +208. According to Scaliger Emend. +Temp. vol. I. p. 54, this was +anciently the beginning of the +year; which is denied by Petavius +Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. +p. 42. compare Dodwell de +Cyclis V. 12. p. 256.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1367" name="note_1367" href="#noteref_1367">1367.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IV_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 4. § 2</a>. It was +then probably that the festival +of the Theophania was celebrated, +Herod. I. 51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1368" name="note_1368" href="#noteref_1368">1368.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning which see above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 2</a>. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 12.</a> +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_14" class="tei tei-ref">14.</a> +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 1</a>. And for the +ancient octennial Pythian games +see Demetrius of Phalerum in +Eustathius ad Od. γ'. p. 1466. +ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad Od. +γ'. p. 267.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1369" name="note_1369" href="#noteref_1369">1369.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This too, as well as the +olive-branch, was always borne +by a παῖς ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who +had both parents alive.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1370" name="note_1370" href="#noteref_1370">1370.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See a verse from an epic +poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. +Reip. ger. 19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν +οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, +Ἄπολλον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1371" name="note_1371" href="#noteref_1371">1371.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. +43. στέμματα Δελφικά. +Suidas in Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1372" name="note_1372" href="#noteref_1372">1372.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eumen. 326.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1373" name="note_1373" href="#noteref_1373">1373.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. +This expiation is also represented +on several vases; see +Tischbein II. 16. and more +completely in Millin Vases II. +68. Monumens inédits I. 29. +where see the accurate explanation. +Orestes sits, half kneeling, +on the ὄμφαλος, covered +with a net, exactly as Æschylus +describes it: by his side are +Athene and the Furies; next +the tripod is the sacred laurel, +with fillets, and votive tablets; +and by it is Apollo, standing, +with a laurel chaplet, and his +mantle thrown back; the spirit +of Clytæmnestra and Pylades +in the background. On a vase +in the British Museum (No. +102), Orestes is represented as +kneeling, with a sword in his +hand, and a travelling cap +thrown from his head, before an +altar; woollen fillets, in the +form of a chain, fall from one +arm; Apollo, with a branch of +laurel and a patera in one hand, +stands by him; and in the +other, as it appears, a pair of +shears, with which he is going +to cut off a lock of his hair. +See also Museo Pio Clementino, +V. pi. 22.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1374" name="note_1374" href="#noteref_1374">1374.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. +268. The purification of Orestes +was likewise referred to the +very ancient temple of Apollo +at Trœzen; in front of which +there was a building called the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">tent of Orestes</span></span> (σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); +where he lived secluded from +the world, until he was purified, +And from the materials used in +the purification (what Homer +calls λύματα), which were buried +close by, a laurel was said to +have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. +11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 8</a>. It was also supposed +to have been performed +at Rhegium; see the passages +quoted above, p. <a href="#Pg278" class="tei tei-ref">278</a>, note o. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“rites and festivals,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Respecting the ablutions.”</span>] +The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of +Orestes, took place in Parrhasia, +according to Schol. Eurip. +Orest. 1678.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1375" name="note_1375" href="#noteref_1375">1375.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. +Sturz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1376" name="note_1376" href="#noteref_1376">1376.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In later times the ephetæ +decided cases of unpremeditated +and justifiable homicide in the +Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, +and Phreattys: while +the Areopagus, the court for +murder, was separate: but in +early times these aristocratic +judges appear to have sat in <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">all</span></em> +the five courts, each armed with +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">full</span></em> jurisdiction. Demosth. in +Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were +ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according +to Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus +(ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad +S. Dionys. Areop. p. 19. fragm. +ed. Siebel.) gives the same number +for the Areopagites, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, as +they were before the time of +Solon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1377" name="note_1377" href="#noteref_1377">1377.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux ubi sup. This explains +how the Areopagus might +be of great antiquity (Aristot. +Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">never</span></em> have been mentioned by +Draco, who only spoke of the +ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1378" name="note_1378" href="#noteref_1378">1378.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius +in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. +Eurip. Hippol. 35. and see +Barnes's note. The term of +banishment was always called +ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. +III. 4. 2.), and was generally +eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in +ancient times (see below, ch. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">11. § 9</a>.); but at Athens it was +probably undetermined.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1379" name="note_1379" href="#noteref_1379">1379.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1380" name="note_1380" href="#noteref_1380">1380.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα +καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. +Pantænet. p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. +p. 991. 3. where Reiske's +alteration is wrong. See also +particularly the θεσμοί in the +speech of Demosthenes against +Aristocrates. Plato, too, would +have expiation and purification +only in the case of involuntary +homicide, de Leg. IX. p. 869. +It was against every principle +of law for the relations to compound +for a wilful murder (see +Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. +p. 1330. extr.); and thus, too, +the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned +as an exception. See, +however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1381" name="note_1381" href="#noteref_1381">1381.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this point more will be +found below, in <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 9</a>. In +this place I only observe, with +reference to the assertion of +Lobeck (de Præc. Myst. II. p. +6.), <span class="tei tei-q">“that all expiations in the +heroic mythology were invented +by the historians,”</span> +that, according to <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Arctinus</span></span> (Æthiopis +ap. Prod. Chrestom. +comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo +p. 61.), Achilles, after the +murder of Thersites, fled to +Lesbos, to be there expiated by +Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo +and Diana. It may indeed be +shown from the Scholia to Il. +XXIV. 484. that the original +reading in this passage was not +ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but ἀνδρὸς ἐν +ἁγνίτεω, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in the house of the +expiator, or purifier</span></span>.”</span> See +Lobeck's Aglaophamus, vol. I. +p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1382" name="note_1382" href="#noteref_1382">1382.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +p. <a href="#Pg264" class="tei tei-ref">264</a>. note c. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“festival of Boedromia,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Callim. Hymn.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1383" name="note_1383" href="#noteref_1383">1383.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_17" class="tei tei-ref">§ 17</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1384" name="note_1384" href="#noteref_1384">1384.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1385" name="note_1385" href="#noteref_1385">1385.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æschyl. Eum. 62.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1386" name="note_1386" href="#noteref_1386">1386.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theocrit. Id. XXIV.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1387" name="note_1387" href="#noteref_1387">1387.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. +14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1388" name="note_1388" href="#noteref_1388">1388.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh's Economy of +Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare +also the fact mentioned in +the first spurious Epistle of +Æschines, p. 658. ed. Reisk.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1389" name="note_1389" href="#noteref_1389">1389.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1390" name="note_1390" href="#noteref_1390">1390.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Casaubon +ad Theophrast. Char. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1391" name="note_1391" href="#noteref_1391">1391.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Manto is also called +Daphne; and one of the sons of +Priam, a prophet, was named +αἴσακος, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> a laurel-bough, +Apollod. III. 12. 5. cf. Hesych. +in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1392" name="note_1392" href="#noteref_1392">1392.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tischbein I. 33. Millin. +Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1393" name="note_1393" href="#noteref_1393">1393.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. +p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. +XIX. 86. διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ +Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius +p. 683. 40. ed. Bas. +Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the +olive-branch is so called. See +also Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. +II. p. 161.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1394" name="note_1394" href="#noteref_1394">1394.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀλήθεια is often used in +oracles to signify the confirmation +by events of the prediction; +thus Antiphon wrote a treatise +περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> on the +fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is +called ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus +v. 641. where see Wernicke's +note. Diviners were called by +the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, +Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p. 113.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1395" name="note_1395" href="#noteref_1395">1395.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Plin. jun. +Epist. V. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1396" name="note_1396" href="#noteref_1396">1396.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1397" name="note_1397" href="#noteref_1397">1397.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ovid's Metamorphoses and +Hyginus fab. 203. where see +Muncker's note. It is also related +to have taken place at +Amyclæ, at Claros, and also on +the banks of the Ladon; the +latter on account of Apollo Oncæus. +In several coins of Metapontum, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, on two in the +Paris cabinet, Apollo is represented +as placing or planting a +laurel on a low altar; and he is +frequently drawn with a laurel +in his hand, sometimes bound +with woollen fillets.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1398" name="note_1398" href="#noteref_1398">1398.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Od. IX. 200. XX. +278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1399" name="note_1399" href="#noteref_1399">1399.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Od. XVI. +403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. +394. compare Ælian V. H. III. +43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration +in θεμιστεύειν, &c. Themis +was worshipped, together with +Apollo, at Delphi (which also +seems to be stated in the corrupt +gloss of Hesychius in θέμις), +and in the Didymæum, Chishull +Ant. Asiat. p. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1400" name="note_1400" href="#noteref_1400">1400.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. +Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed. +Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. +111. also appears to a certain +degree to praise the simplicity +of the Delphic oracles, as also +Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. +11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1401" name="note_1401" href="#noteref_1401">1401.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. +Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. +Plutarch. Num. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1402" name="note_1402" href="#noteref_1402">1402.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plato de Rep. IV. p. +179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. +Bekker.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1403" name="note_1403" href="#noteref_1403">1403.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The divination from +dreams is also opposed by Euripides +(Iphig. Taur. 1264) to the prophecies +of Apollo; and he also +refers to it the combat between +the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1404" name="note_1404" href="#noteref_1404">1404.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">All regular divination was +of an early date, according to +Pausan. I. 43. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1405" name="note_1405" href="#noteref_1405">1405.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_14" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 14</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1406" name="note_1406" href="#noteref_1406">1406.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. +Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander's +Δελφικὰ. ap. Steph. Byz. +in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. +VII. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1407" name="note_1407" href="#noteref_1407">1407.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, +Eurip. Androm. 1107, +1116. see above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 12</a>. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1408" name="note_1408" href="#noteref_1408">1408.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. +Hymn. Apoll. 45, and +Schol. Etym. Magn. p. 455. 51. +Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius +V. 75. Steph. Byz. in Θρία. +compare Hesychius in the obscure +gloss Θριὼ, and the vase +in Millingen's Diverses Peintures +29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are +also mentioned by Plutarch de +Ει 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1409" name="note_1409" href="#noteref_1409">1409.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. I. 602. Hesiod. +Scut. 200; and see Heinrich's note. +So also on the chest of Cypselus, +with the verses in Paus. V. +18. 1, and Pindar Nem. V. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1410" name="note_1410" href="#noteref_1410">1410.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. +Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. +Apollo himself, as a boy, is represented +dancing on a tripod +in a coin of Cos (Mionnet tom. +III. p. 401).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1411" name="note_1411" href="#noteref_1411">1411.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 381.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1412" name="note_1412" href="#noteref_1412">1412.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> Athen. XIV. p. +636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was +a fish sacred to Apollo, Apollod. +Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1413" name="note_1413" href="#noteref_1413">1413.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Homeric +Hymn to Hermes. But even there the +lyre is frequently confounded +with the cithara (the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">seven-stringed</span></em> +in v. 51, which proves +that this hymn is later than the +time of Terpander). Comp. +Apollod. III. 10. 2, where +Apollod. is said to receive the +pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, +and Eratosth. Catast. 24. +The Æolian lyric poets made +frequent mention of this fable, +and hence it frequently occurs +in Horace.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1414" name="note_1414" href="#noteref_1414">1414.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pyth. V. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1415" name="note_1415" href="#noteref_1415">1415.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1416" name="note_1416" href="#noteref_1416">1416.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The frequent use of +music in medicine in the most ancient +times is certainly not a fiction; +thus Apollo, when a player on +the cithara and an ἰατρόμαντις, +has offices nearly allied to one +another, Æsch. Suppl. 261. +Eumen. 62.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1417" name="note_1417" href="#noteref_1417">1417.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. X. 7. 2. According +to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. +3. he was himself the καθαρτής.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1418" name="note_1418" href="#noteref_1418">1418.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Music. 42.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1419" name="note_1419" href="#noteref_1419">1419.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. VIII. +24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1420" name="note_1420" href="#noteref_1420">1420.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence no flute-player was +allowed to enter the temple of +Tennes the son of Apollo, Diod. +V. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1421" name="note_1421" href="#noteref_1421">1421.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This fable, and the various +representations of it in ancient +art, are well known. See Bœttiger +in Wieland's Attisches +Museum, vol. I. p. 285. Visconti +Museo Pio-Clementino V. +4. Millin. Vases vol. I. pl. 6. +The accompaniments in the +plate given by Tischbein IV. 6. +show that Phrygia, those in I. +33. and Millingen pl. 6. that +Delphi is meant.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1422" name="note_1422" href="#noteref_1422">1422.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. X. 13. The passage +XVIII. 495. cannot be considered +as equally ancient, see +Eustathius and the Venetian +Scholiast.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1423" name="note_1423" href="#noteref_1423">1423.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesiod. Scut. 281.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1424" name="note_1424" href="#noteref_1424">1424.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. +Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. +Fragm. 86.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1425" name="note_1425" href="#noteref_1425">1425.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. +and the commentators.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1426" name="note_1426" href="#noteref_1426">1426.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. +p. 292.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1427" name="note_1427" href="#noteref_1427">1427.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Alcman. Fragm. +38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1428" name="note_1428" href="#noteref_1428">1428.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. +de Mus. 15. The same musician +also composed the νόμος +Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, +Plut. ib. 7. Boeckh ad Pind. +Pyth. XII. p. 345.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1429" name="note_1429" href="#noteref_1429">1429.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the author's +History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1430" name="note_1430" href="#noteref_1430">1430.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. +V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, +Athen. XII. p. 538 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1431" name="note_1431" href="#noteref_1431">1431.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Or +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">perfect</span></em> (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), +Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. +ed. Meibom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1432" name="note_1432" href="#noteref_1432">1432.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1433" name="note_1433" href="#noteref_1433">1433.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. IX. 29. 3. +Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. +57. ed. Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1434" name="note_1434" href="#noteref_1434">1434.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. +II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the +temple of Apollo). comp. Propertius +II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος +Ἀργεῖος is mentioned by Aristides +Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is +only his poetical father (Apollod. +I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); +but his mother Psamathe +and his brother Psamathus must +have some meaning. With the +ceremony mentioned in the text +was connected a festival called +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Arnis</span></span> or <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cynophontis</span></span>, at which +a number of dogs were publicly +slaughtered. Ælian. N. A. XII. +34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon +ubi sup. Athen. III. p. 99 +F. The dog, as was frequently +the case in ancient mythology, +evidently represents Sirius, and +generally the scorching heat of +summer, so fatal to all vegetation. +It appears, therefore, that +they destroyed the emblem of +that power by which the death +of Narcissus was occasioned.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1435" name="note_1435" href="#noteref_1435">1435.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesiod +ap. Eustath. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1436" name="note_1436" href="#noteref_1436">1436.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod +ubi sup. Euripides ap. +Athen. XIV. p. 619 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1437" name="note_1437" href="#noteref_1437">1437.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Stanley ad Æsch. +Agam. 123. The proper name +was perhaps οἶτος Λίνου, and +the first words αἶ Λίνε.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1438" name="note_1438" href="#noteref_1438">1438.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1439" name="note_1439" href="#noteref_1439">1439.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. +Orest. 1402.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1440" name="note_1440" href="#noteref_1440">1440.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1441" name="note_1441" href="#noteref_1441">1441.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 293.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1442" name="note_1442" href="#noteref_1442">1442.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where +it is a melancholy tune to the +lamentations of the chorus) and +Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. +791.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1443" name="note_1443" href="#noteref_1443">1443.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. +Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. +54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1444" name="note_1444" href="#noteref_1444">1444.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. +Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in +Μαριανδυνῶν θρῆνος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1445" name="note_1445" href="#noteref_1445">1445.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux IV. 10. 76.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1446" name="note_1446" href="#noteref_1446">1446.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. +Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1447" name="note_1447" href="#noteref_1447">1447.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. +The name Cinyras was changed so +as to resemble Κινυρός. The +love which Apollo bore him +(Pind. Pyth. II. 16. cf. Schol. +Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies +that he was fond of music.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1448" name="note_1448" href="#noteref_1448">1448.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning +the antiquity of the musical +contests at Delphi see Plutarch +Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius +Phalereus quoted above, +p. <a href="#Pg338" class="tei tei-ref">338</a>, note e. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote on page <a href="#Pg337" class="tei tei-ref">337</a> +to <span class="tei tei-q">“earliest times arranged,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Concerning which see above.”</span>] +Philostrat. Vit. +Apollon. Tyan. VI. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1449" name="note_1449" href="#noteref_1449">1449.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις +ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος +ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν +εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος +μόνος ᾖσε νόμον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1450" name="note_1450" href="#noteref_1450">1450.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1451" name="note_1451" href="#noteref_1451">1451.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. +comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1452" name="note_1452" href="#noteref_1452">1452.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proclus ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1453" name="note_1453" href="#noteref_1453">1453.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Music. 4. from +Timotheus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1454" name="note_1454" href="#noteref_1454">1454.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the passages quoted by +Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. +ed. Harl. It was also called +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">versus Deliacus</span></span>, if the reading +in Atilius Fortunatus, p. 2690. +ed. Putsch. is correct. At <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Miletus</span></span> +also there were ancient +hexameter hymns to Apollo and +Zeus, which were attributed to +Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, +165. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. +p. 647.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1455" name="note_1455" href="#noteref_1455">1455.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch +de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. +XVI. 432. Syncellus Chronogr. +p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1456" name="note_1456" href="#noteref_1456">1456.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Music. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1457" name="note_1457" href="#noteref_1457">1457.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The hymns of Terpander +were, like the most ancient +songs, partly in hexameter metre, +ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. +Proclus ubi sup.): yet Terpander +was the first to introduce a +great variety of metre.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1458" name="note_1458" href="#noteref_1458">1458.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The reason of +Thamyris the Thracian being called the son +of Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), +is probably the near neighbourhood +of the Delphians and +Thracians of Parnassus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1459" name="note_1459" href="#noteref_1459">1459.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1460" name="note_1460" href="#noteref_1460">1460.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus +ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. +IV. p. 179. XI. p. 503 E. from +Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. +1. Hence τελεσίερος, Hesych. +in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1461" name="note_1461" href="#noteref_1461">1461.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 +sqq. In Delos also pæans were +sung round the altars, Eurip. +Herc. Fur. 690.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1462" name="note_1462" href="#noteref_1462">1462.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The +passage of Athenæus XIV. p. +631 C. if properly written, does +not refer to that point. There +was always a person named +ἐξάρχων who accompanied the +song on an instrument. Thus +Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. +Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς +αὐλόν Λέσβιον παιήονα (<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">after</span></em> +the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. +μετὰ λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν +ἐξῆρχε. Compare the +verses on the chest of Cypselus +quoted above, p. <a href="#Pg349" class="tei tei-ref">349</a>. note 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1463" name="note_1463" href="#noteref_1463">1463.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Ει 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1464" name="note_1464" href="#noteref_1464">1464.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1465" name="note_1465" href="#noteref_1465">1465.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Menander de Encom. +p. 27. ed. Heeren.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1466" name="note_1466" href="#noteref_1466">1466.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. +18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1467" name="note_1467" href="#noteref_1467">1467.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. +Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides +ap. Athen. V. p. 181 B. Plutarch +Sympos. IX. 15. explained +by Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. +597.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1468" name="note_1468" href="#noteref_1468">1468.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian. de Saltat. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1469" name="note_1469" href="#noteref_1469">1469.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. +πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ +κρεμβαλιαστὺν Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. +Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant +gestures, such as clapping +of hands, striking of castanets, +&c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1470" name="note_1470" href="#noteref_1470">1470.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. +Hymn. Del. 317. with +Spanheim's note. The leader +of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς +(Hesych. in v.) Blows +also were given, and hence the +expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς +(Hesych. in v.); and there +were also various turnings and +windings, παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις +(Dicæarchus apud Plut. +ubi sup.): when at rest, the +chorus stood in a semicircle, +with leaders at the two wings, +Pollux IV. 4. 101.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1471" name="note_1471" href="#noteref_1471">1471.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare +the extant fragments of +the pæans of Pindar.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1472" name="note_1472" href="#noteref_1472">1472.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. +Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. +That the hyporcheme was native +in Sparta may be seen from +Pindar Fragm. 8. p. 603. ed. +Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1473" name="note_1473" href="#noteref_1473">1473.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Music. 10. +where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν +ῥυθμὸν should probably be +written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment +of a pæan in pæons in Aristot. +Rh. III. 7. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1474" name="note_1474" href="#noteref_1474">1474.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος +by Bacchylides.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1475" name="note_1475" href="#noteref_1475">1475.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and +the Schol.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1476" name="note_1476" href="#noteref_1476">1476.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">There was at Delos an ancient +statue, according to Plutarch +de Music. 14. which Tectæus +and Angelion appear to +have imitated (Pausan. IX. 35. +I.); whose work is perhaps +copied in the Gem in Millin's +Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. +No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I. +17. The Graces had a flute, a +lyre, and a pipe in their hands. +There was another ancient statue +(ξόανον) at Delos, which +was referred to Erysichthon, +Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. +ed. Hutten.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1477" name="note_1477" href="#noteref_1477">1477.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 182. and +see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. +ed. Brunck.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1478" name="note_1478" href="#noteref_1478">1478.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also the Hyacinthia +in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. +Hyacinthus was the son of Amyclas +and of Diomede the +daughter of Lapithas (so named +from the Lapithæum in the +neighbourhood), according to +Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas +is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, +by Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, +ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1479" name="note_1479" href="#noteref_1479">1479.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 327. The +month Hyacinthus was also introduced +into Sicily by the Ægidæ, +Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1480" name="note_1480" href="#noteref_1480">1480.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hyacinthus is himself called +Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. +237.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1481" name="note_1481" href="#noteref_1481">1481.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 35. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1482" name="note_1482" href="#noteref_1482">1482.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1483" name="note_1483" href="#noteref_1483">1483.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in Πολύβοια; +and see below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10. § +3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1484" name="note_1484" href="#noteref_1484">1484.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A worship of the dead +was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες +of Athea.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1485" name="note_1485" href="#noteref_1485">1485.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. Hel. 1490.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1486" name="note_1486" href="#noteref_1486">1486.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Crowns of ivy were given +at the Hyacinthia, according to +Aristot. ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. +Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων +of Æschylus ap. Macrob. +ibid. with Lobeck's correction +ad Soph. Aj. 814. See +Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1487" name="note_1487" href="#noteref_1487">1487.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part +II. p. 201. has properly followed +Dodwell on this point, whose +arguments also convince me.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1488" name="note_1488" href="#noteref_1488">1488.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς +τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες +τοὺς ἐπὶ τρύγῃ. A different account +is given in Bekker's +Anecd. p. 305.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1489" name="note_1489" href="#noteref_1489">1489.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clemens of Alexand. (Str. +I. p. 349.) infers from two +verses of the ancient poem Europia +that Apollo was also represented +at Delphi as a κίων +ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; +for the high column, on which +arms and trophies were hung, +was certainly not the god himself.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1490" name="note_1490" href="#noteref_1490">1490.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. +in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. +I. 54. Apostol. II. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1491" name="note_1491" href="#noteref_1491">1491.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 11. Perhaps +this was the regular form of the +Carnean Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1492" name="note_1492" href="#noteref_1492">1492.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +p. <a href="#Pg195" class="tei tei-ref">195</a>. note k. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“before conquered,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1493" name="note_1493" href="#noteref_1493">1493.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. +comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. +p. 266. Apostol. XVIII. 28. +and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet +tom. II. p. 671.); those of +Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. +722.) of Iasos (tom. III. p. +352.), and particularly those of +Thyateira (Buonarotti Medaglie +Antiche IX. 9.), in which the +symbol of the axe is variously +combined with Apollo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1494" name="note_1494" href="#noteref_1494">1494.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The latter god was called +by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. +XIV. p. 660.); and consequently +the epithet χρυσάωρ, as +applied to Apollo, originally +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> in Il. V. 509. see Heyne's +note, and ad Apollod. p. 274.) +signified his golden armour, although +Pindar (Pyth. V. 104.) +uses it for the golden ornaments +of his cithara; but in an oracle +of Bacis it is again applied to +Artemis, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> to the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">armed</span></em> goddess +(Herod. VIII. 77. compare +Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad +Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh +Explic. Pind. p. 293.)</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1495" name="note_1495" href="#noteref_1495">1495.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Travels +in Greece, vol. II. +p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi +della Grecia, Roma 1812. +The Apollo upon the Capitoline +Puteal appears to be a copy, but +a far more modern copy, of the +same original. The same shape +of Apollo may be also observed +in the reliefs with the carrying +off of the tripod.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1496" name="note_1496" href="#noteref_1496">1496.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There +was also shown at Tegea a gilt +Apollo by Cheirisophus a Cretan, +see Thiersch, Ueber die +Kunstepochen, vol. II. p. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1497" name="note_1497" href="#noteref_1497">1497.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Tryphiodor. 643. and +see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning +the Δελφικὴ μάχαιρα see +Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius +in v. Compare Hom. +Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos +also they used a sacred μάχαιρα, +tempered in the water of Cydnus, +Plutarch de Defect. Orac. +41. p. 368.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1498" name="note_1498" href="#noteref_1498">1498.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In this temple also there +was a wooden statue of Apollo, +θύϊος (probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, +Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1499" name="note_1499" href="#noteref_1499">1499.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For this account see a paper +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos</span></span>, +in the Kunstblatt for 1821, +No. 16. This also serves to +confirm the conjecture of Visconti +that the bas-relief of the +Museo Pio-Clementino V. 23. +represents Menelaus dedicating +the arms of Euphorbus to the +Didymæan Apollo; for the god +upon the pillar has nearly the +form in question. To the copies +of this Apollo many might now +be added.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1500" name="note_1500" href="#noteref_1500">1500.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. +Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. +18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1501" name="note_1501" href="#noteref_1501">1501.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader +should guard against supposing +with Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino +tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. +p. 93.) that these statues of +Apollo in temples had the elegant +proportions and light character +of the later works of art.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1502" name="note_1502" href="#noteref_1502">1502.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning +the ancient statues of +Apollo see also Winckelmann's +Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. +note. vol. III. p. 548.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1503" name="note_1503" href="#noteref_1503">1503.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This important statement is +given in Aristides Fragm. ap. +Mai. Vet. Script. Nov. Syll. I. +3. p. 41. It has first explained +fully the epigram of Antipater +to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck +Analect. vol. II. p. 14. No. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1504" name="note_1504" href="#noteref_1504">1504.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A statue of Apollo by Myron +is mentioned by Cicero in +Verr. II. 4. 43.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1505" name="note_1505" href="#noteref_1505">1505.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> those of +Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip +the First.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1506" name="note_1506" href="#noteref_1506">1506.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> the +head in the Louvre, +No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1507" name="note_1507" href="#noteref_1507">1507.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A bronze found at Argos, of +the same character, is mentioned +by Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, +tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having +a great resemblance to the Belvedere +Apollo occur in many +collections, some of which have +even more heroic forms.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1508" name="note_1508" href="#noteref_1508">1508.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In +a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian +Apollo is represented in +this position, with the laurel in +his right hand, the cithara beside +him, and the bow at his +feet (Mionnet No. 396.); similar +to those of Germe, Apollonia +in Mysia, Chalcedon, and +Cos.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1509" name="note_1509" href="#noteref_1509">1509.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The statue of this class in +the Museo Pio-Clementino I. +tav. 13. is, according to Vis +conti's conjecture, a copy of the +Palatine Apollo of Scopas, Plin. +N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This +form of the Apollo Musagetes +was most in vogue in the time +of Nero. There is a remarkable +statue of this god described and +figured by Raffei in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ricerche +sopra un Apolline delta villa +Albani</span></span>. He is represented as +sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod +covered with a skin, with his +right hand on his knees (to be +kissed, as was the custom in +temples); in his left hand is a +serpent; and his feet rest upon +a <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">cortina</span></span>, also covered with a +skin: by the side of this is a +lion's skin; the hair is interwoven +with laurel leaves, and +falls in a broad cluster over the +back. The style is neither very +ancient nor good, but the symbols +and position are singular +in many respects.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1510" name="note_1510" href="#noteref_1510">1510.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. +p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. +p. 153.) on this subject.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1511" name="note_1511" href="#noteref_1511">1511.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 7</a>. and book +III. ch. 9. § 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1512" name="note_1512" href="#noteref_1512">1512.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Porph. Vit. Pythag. +41. According to Aristoxenus apud +Diog. Laert. VIII. 21. he received +the fundamental doctrines +of his philosophy from +Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. +See Fabric. Bibl. Græc. +vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and +Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1513" name="note_1513" href="#noteref_1513">1513.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">One of the important parts +of the Pythagorean worship was +the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">pæan</span></span>, which was sung to +the lyre, in spring-time, by a +person sitting in the midst of a +circle of listeners: this was +called the κάθαρσις, or purification. +See Schol. Ven. Il. +XXII. 391. Jamblich. Vit. +Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. +32. This is evidently an +application of ancient rites of +the worship of Apollo. The +Pythian oracle likewise commanded +the Greeks of Lower +Italy to sing pæans in the spring +as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus +p. 93. ed. Mahn. apud +Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1514" name="note_1514" href="#noteref_1514">1514.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Creuzer's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Symbolik</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1515" name="note_1515" href="#noteref_1515">1515.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. +4. Compare Hymn. Homer. +XXVII. 14. and the ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην +in Æschin. Ctesiph. +p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου +καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] +in the great Delphian +inscription in Boeckh No. 1688. +The whole family was also in +the temple at Cirrha, Pausan. +X. 36. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1516" name="note_1516" href="#noteref_1516">1516.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VII_Section_6" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 6</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1517" name="note_1517" href="#noteref_1517">1517.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At +Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus +was joined with Latona and +Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1518" name="note_1518" href="#noteref_1518">1518.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. +133. The Artemis Cnagia at +Sparta came from Crete, according +to Pausan. III. 18. 3. +Amnisian nymphs of Artemis, +Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See +above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1519" name="note_1519" href="#noteref_1519">1519.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg342" class="tei tei-ref">342</a>, note s. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“thirst for revenge,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“On this point.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1520" name="note_1520" href="#noteref_1520">1520.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Antonin. Liberal. +c. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1521" name="note_1521" href="#noteref_1521">1521.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Inscription in Walpole's +Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος +Πυθίης.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1522" name="note_1522" href="#noteref_1522">1522.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1523" name="note_1523" href="#noteref_1523">1523.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. +XIV. p. 676.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1524" name="note_1524" href="#noteref_1524">1524.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hyginus fab. 186. Whether +the Artemis of Rhegium +(Thuc. VI. 44.) came from +Delphi (above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 5</a>.) or +from Eubœa (where she was +worshipped under the name of +Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia, +near Eretria, on +mount Cotylæum, and all along +the Euripus, Callim. Hymn. +Dian. 188.) is uncertain.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1525" name="note_1525" href="#noteref_1525">1525.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 33. where the +worship of the Hyperborean +Artemis is also ascribed to the +Thracian and Pæonian women. +Compare Tzetzes ad Lycophr. +936. The Hymn of Olen, +Pausan. V. 1.4. represented +Demeter Ἀχαιία as coming from +the land of the Hyperboreans +to Delos; but the Achæan Demeter +cannot be meant; and +therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ, +as Artemis was called in Ægina. +The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the +Argive legend (Menander de +Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) +perhaps referred to this.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1526" name="note_1526" href="#noteref_1526">1526.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Callim. Hymn. Del. +292. Melanopus of Cume ap. +Pausan. ubi sup. cf. I. 43. 4. +Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning +Οὖπις, see the English +edition of Stephens' Thesaurus, +vol. I. part 4. p. 551.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1527" name="note_1527" href="#noteref_1527">1527.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Apollo was called +Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1528" name="note_1528" href="#noteref_1528">1528.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Nemesis was also +called Οὖπις, as in the inscription +of Herodes Atticus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1529" name="note_1529" href="#noteref_1529">1529.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Palæphat. 52. Apostolius +VI. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1530" name="note_1530" href="#noteref_1530">1530.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sung among the +Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was +worshipped, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. +I. 972.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1531" name="note_1531" href="#noteref_1531">1531.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. +VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The +reason why she kills Ariadne +(Od. XI. 324.) is explained by +Pherecydes in the Scholia. +Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) +probably only as a goddess of +death, and not as Pausanias +IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain +it. Ἃ γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει +κράτος in the Attic Scolion is +ambiguous.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1532" name="note_1532" href="#noteref_1532">1532.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Artemis in Homer is, in the +first place, the complete image +of her brother, as armed with +a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, +τοξοφόρος Il. XX. 39, 71. XXI. +483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, +&c.); as a beautiful and strong +maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. +XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing +women suddenly and without +sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. +59. Od. XI. 171, 323. XV. +476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes +mildly (Od. XV. 409. XVIII. +201.), at another time in anger +(Il. VI. 205.); as punishing +with death the children of +Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and +Orion (Od. V. 123.); as κουροτρόφος, +and therefore giving +height to virgins (Od. XX. 71. +cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally +healing (Il. V. 447.); as honoured +by choruses of singers, +and herself leading the chorus +(Il. XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. +XXVII. 18.). Now, besides +this, there is also the Arcadian +notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, +her chorus plays in +the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she +rejoices in wild boars and stags +(VI. 104.); and thus, being +armed with a bow, becomes a +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">huntress</span></em> (Il. V. 51. XXI. 485.). +The Ætolian Artemis, who requires +θαλύσια (Il. IX. 533.), +is again of a different kind.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1533" name="note_1533" href="#noteref_1533">1533.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IV. 13. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1534" name="note_1534" href="#noteref_1534">1534.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. +Dian. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1535" name="note_1535" href="#noteref_1535">1535.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. I. 7. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1536" name="note_1536" href="#noteref_1536">1536.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion +ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. +108. ed. Meineke, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1537" name="note_1537" href="#noteref_1537">1537.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. +At Melite in Phthia Artemis +was, in some particular worship, +called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, +Antonin. Liberal. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1538" name="note_1538" href="#noteref_1538">1538.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">She was worshipped under +the title of Δαφναία at Las, +Pausan. III. 24. 6. and of +Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. +VIII. p. 343.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1539" name="note_1539" href="#noteref_1539">1539.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. +Trach. 210. according +to Seidler's punctuation; above, +p. <a href="#Pg309" class="tei tei-ref">309</a>, note h. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“in honour of Apollo,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Proclus apud Phot.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1540" name="note_1540" href="#noteref_1540">1540.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. +6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1541" name="note_1541" href="#noteref_1541">1541.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 6. § 3</a>. Also +προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim +ad Callim. Dian. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1542" name="note_1542" href="#noteref_1542">1542.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. +Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare +above, p. <a href="#Pg312" class="tei tei-ref">312</a>, note b. +[Transcriber's Note: This is no such footnote number on that page.] Alcman +used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, +Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month +Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull's +Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in +Sicily, see Castelli Proleg. ad +Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος +in Corcyra, according to inscriptions; +Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, +Thrige Hist. Cyren. p. 218. +Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, +Mustoxidi, Illustrazioni +Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. +comp. Chandler. Inscript. p. +82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. +305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1543" name="note_1543" href="#noteref_1543">1543.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Plato de Rep. p. 406. +Strab. XIV. p. 635.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1544" name="note_1544" href="#noteref_1544">1544.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1545" name="note_1545" href="#noteref_1545">1545.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. +XVI. 183.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1546" name="note_1546" href="#noteref_1546">1546.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. +Pind. p. 453.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1547" name="note_1547" href="#noteref_1547">1547.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the verses in Clem. +Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. +Pausan. X. 12. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1548" name="note_1548" href="#noteref_1548">1548.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. +1, 4. The temple was on the +confines of Mantinca and Orchomenos +12. 3. It may be +also seen from Polyæn. VIII. +34. that the Tegeates sent sacred +processions to Artemis of +Pheneus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1549" name="note_1549" href="#noteref_1549">1549.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. +8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes +give a different account.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1550" name="note_1550" href="#noteref_1550">1550.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. +Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. +2. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Æginetica</span></span>, p. 31. Artemis +was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful, +ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. +Agam. p. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1551" name="note_1551" href="#noteref_1551">1551.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callisto was called even by +Hesiod the constellation of the +Bear, Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. +p. 356. Lactant. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1552" name="note_1552" href="#noteref_1552">1552.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is easy to conceive that, +as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi +represented in the form of a +wolf, so likewise the bear was +made the symbol of Artemis by +the Arcadians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1553" name="note_1553" href="#noteref_1553">1553.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The exceptions are few; +for instance, perhaps, Apollo +Cereatas in Æpytis, Pausan. +VIII. 34. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1554" name="note_1554" href="#noteref_1554">1554.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Menand. de Encom. +3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. +She was called Λυκοᾶτις on +mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. +36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near Tegea, +ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, +ib. 13. 2. (so named +from a cedar on which the +statue stood); Στυμφαλία at +Stymphalus, ib. 22. 5. comp. +Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. +Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia, near +Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. +5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις +at Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία +at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. +342; in Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, +Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. +in Δέρρα. The hymn to Artemis +Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was +called Κάλαβις; there was also +an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. +Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius. +Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. +III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. +Ἰσσωρία near Pitana, +Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. +1. 14. Callim. Hymn. Dian. +172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and +Hesychius (according to Pausanias +the Artemis Issoria or +Limnæa was not properly an +Artemis, but Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις +near Argos, Steph. Byz. +in Οἴνη, Hesychius in Οἰνωᾶτις. +Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. +30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap. +Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία +at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. +Steph. Byz. in Κορυφαῖον +(Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part +II. p. 603. found, by means of +an inscription, what are probably +the ruins of the temple +upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία +at Letrini, Paus. VII. +22. 5; Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. +V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, +ib. VII. 19. 1. (an united temple +of three ancient κῶμαι); +Ἀκταία at Pellene, Plutarch. +Arat. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1555" name="note_1555" href="#noteref_1555">1555.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. +VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, +ib. III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, +near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία +at Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; +and particularly in the celebrated +λιμναῖον, on the frontier +of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. +IV. 4. 31. Tacit. Ann. IV. 43. +Hence, according to Strabo p. +362. the Limnæum in Laconia +was derived. At Trœzen she +was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the +hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. +230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, +Hesych. in ἐλεία, probably +ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the +borders of Arcadia, Strabo VIII. +p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should +probably be written Ἑλείας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1556" name="note_1556" href="#noteref_1556">1556.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. +IV. 35. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1557" name="note_1557" href="#noteref_1557">1557.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 29. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1558" name="note_1558" href="#noteref_1558">1558.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Under the title of +ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes +p. 132. ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. +Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. +Concerning this fountain, see +Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. +Mir. Auscult. p. 1102 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1559" name="note_1559" href="#noteref_1559">1559.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium +also there was <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in piscina +templum Dianæ Luciferæ +et Veneris Placidæ</span></span>, Dionys. +de Thrac. Bosporo. In Samos +also there was Artemis Χησιὰς +and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn. +Dian. 228. Catullus calls her +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">amnium domina</span></span>, XXX. 12; +Horace, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">lætam foliis et nemorum +coma</span></span>, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius +Rhodius also calls +her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, +λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος, +Hymn. Dian. 39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1560" name="note_1560" href="#noteref_1560">1560.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. +VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. +Pind. Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad +Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple +of Artemis in this region is +mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1561" name="note_1561" href="#noteref_1561">1561.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As is shown by Strabo, ubi +sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius +ap. Athen. VIII. p. 376 B.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1562" name="note_1562" href="#noteref_1562">1562.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. VIII. 41. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1563" name="note_1563" href="#noteref_1563">1563.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer's +Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, +&c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1564" name="note_1564" href="#noteref_1564">1564.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See +Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1565" name="note_1565" href="#noteref_1565">1565.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. +Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1566" name="note_1566" href="#noteref_1566">1566.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. VI. 22. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1567" name="note_1567" href="#noteref_1567">1567.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Pyth. II. 7. +comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning +the temple at Ortygia, see +D'Orville's Siculis, p. 196. and +Boeckh, ibid. p. 243. The +beautiful female heads on the +tetradrachms of Syracuse, with +the hair entwined with reeds, +surrounded by four fishes, probably +represent the river +Artemis.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1568" name="note_1568" href="#noteref_1568">1568.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. +I. 117.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1569" name="note_1569" href="#noteref_1569">1569.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. +Nem. I. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1570" name="note_1570" href="#noteref_1570">1570.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1571" name="note_1571" href="#noteref_1571">1571.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls +Ortygia the resting-place of the +Alpheus; and he too, perhaps, +considers Artemis as the object +of pursuit.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1572" name="note_1572" href="#noteref_1572">1572.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the excellent note of +Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. +350.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1573" name="note_1573" href="#noteref_1573">1573.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. VIII. 37. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1574" name="note_1574" href="#noteref_1574">1574.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Paus. VIII. 10. 4. +Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She +had the name of Ἐλαφιαία in +Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence +the Ἐλαφηβόλία (Anecd. Bekk. +p. 249.), a festival widely extended +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> Plutarch. Virt. +Mul. p. 267.) The symbol of +the deer, however, appears to +have been common to all the +different branches of the worship +of Artemis; thus there is +in Mr. Payne Knight's collection +a coin in which she is +represented bearing a stag's +horns, which he ascribes to +Delos.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1575" name="note_1575" href="#noteref_1575">1575.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning human sacrifices +to Artemis on the river +Ameilichus, which were abolished +by the worship of Dionysus +Æsymnetes, at Patræ, +see the description in Paus. V. +19. 1. Human sacrifices were +also offered to the same goddess +near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. +Græcos I. p. 165 A. Compare +Knight on the Symbolical Language +of Mythology, § 143.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1576" name="note_1576" href="#noteref_1576">1576.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Λόμβαι. αἱ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θυσιῶν +ἄρχουσαι ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν +παιδιὰν σκευῆς, οἱ γὰρ φάλητες +οὕτω καλοῦνται. Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1577" name="note_1577" href="#noteref_1577">1577.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Agam. 144.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1578" name="note_1578" href="#noteref_1578">1578.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Εὐρίππα at Pheneus, Paus. +VIII. 14. 4. ἱπποσόα, Pind. +Olymp. III. 27. comp. Boeckh +Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. +Hence Artemis (χρυσήνιος) is +frequently represented on vases +in a chariot with horses; in +Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. +and in the bas reliefs of Phigaleia, +she is attended by goats.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1579" name="note_1579" href="#noteref_1579">1579.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Under the title of κορυθαλλία +at the Tiassa, near Sparta, +near the Cleta, Athen. IV. p. +139; also κουροτρόφος, φιλομείραξ, +Diod. V. 73. (and see +Wesseling's note.) Paus. IV. +34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8. +comp, Spanheim ad Callim. +Dian. 6. These names may, +however, be referred to the +worship of Apollo; above <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">ch. +8. § 7</a>. She was worshipped +under the general epithet of +σώτειρα at Pegæ (Paus. I. 44. +7.), Megara (I. 40. 2.), Bœæ +(III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27. +1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), +and at Syracuse, as we know +from its coins. Comp. Dorville's +Sicula, p. 327. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1580" name="note_1580" href="#noteref_1580">1580.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. +6. § 2</a>, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">3</a>. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. +§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1581" name="note_1581" href="#noteref_1581">1581.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. +Hypsipyl. and Aristoph. +Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in +ἀρκτεῦσαι. See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. +309.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1582" name="note_1582" href="#noteref_1582">1582.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apostolius VIII. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1583" name="note_1583" href="#noteref_1583">1583.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh not. Crit. ad Pind. +Olymp. XIII. 109. There was +also at Miletus a festival of Artemis +called Νηληὶς, Plutarch +Mul. Virt. p. 287. ed. Hutten. +There was also a temple of Artemis +at Pygela, near Ephesus, +which was said to have been +built by Agamemnon, Strab. +XIV. p. 639. Also on coins of +Miletus, Mionnet Description, +&c. tom. III. p. 186.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1584" name="note_1584" href="#noteref_1584">1584.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. +Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. +77. Χιτώνη Ἄρτεμις, Steph. +Byz. in v.; among the Ionians +κιθωνέα (probably κιθωνέη) Ἄρτεμις +Hesych. in v. Also Artemis +Χιτώνεα at Syracuse, Athen. +XIV. p. 629 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1585" name="note_1585" href="#noteref_1585">1585.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. +I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. +cf. III. 17. 6. Eurip. Troad. +1462. sqq. Callim. Hymn. Dian. +173. Euphorion also placed the +sacrifice of Iphigenia at Brauron, +fragm. 81. ed. Meineke.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1586" name="note_1586" href="#noteref_1586">1586.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Argives, +Stesichorus, and Euphorion, according to +Paus. II. 22. 7. Antonin. Liber. +27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1587" name="note_1587" href="#noteref_1587">1587.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. +fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer's +Comment. Herod. p. 244. From +this temple Helen was carried +away, according to Plutarch +Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; +whose name reminds us of the +Ἐλενηφοροῦντες of Artemis of +Brauron.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1588" name="note_1588" href="#noteref_1588">1588.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The διαμαστίγωσις was preceded +by the φούαξιρ, ἡ ἐπὶ τῆς +χώρας σωμασκία τῶν μελλόντων +μαστιγοῦσθαι, Hesychius. The +word φούαξιρ appears to be derived +from φούα, Laconian for +φύα, and ἄξιρ or ἄξις contracted +from ἄσκησις. See App. V. § 4. +Comp. Hemsterhuis and Valcknaer +ad Adoniaz. p. 277. There +were also other games at this +festival, Boeckh. Inscript. No. +1416. ἐπὶ Ἀλκίππου νικάσας τὸ +παιδικὸν κέλητι Ἀρτέμιτι Ὀρθίᾳ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1589" name="note_1589" href="#noteref_1589">1589.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Arist. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1590" name="note_1590" href="#noteref_1590">1590.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Prod. Chrestomath. ap. +Hephæst. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1591" name="note_1591" href="#noteref_1591">1591.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Etym. Mag. in +Ταυρόπολον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1592" name="note_1592" href="#noteref_1592">1592.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. I. 43. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1593" name="note_1593" href="#noteref_1593">1593.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theognis Paræn. 11. Dicæarch. +Anagr. 88. Plutarch. +Ages. 6. Etymol. Magn. p. 747. +Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Siebelis +ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1594" name="note_1594" href="#noteref_1594">1594.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the confused +account in Plutarch. Mulier. Virt. 7. +Quæst. Græc. 21. Polyæn. VII. +49.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1595" name="note_1595" href="#noteref_1595">1595.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 311.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1596" name="note_1596" href="#noteref_1596">1596.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. Magn. p. +815, sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1597" name="note_1597" href="#noteref_1597">1597.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hygin. fab. 121. on the two +Chryses.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1598" name="note_1598" href="#noteref_1598">1598.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Uhden, Berlin Transactions +for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Diverses +Peintures, planche 51. +Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. +p. 512. Compare Buttmann ad +Sophod. Philoct. ad Argum. +Metr. p. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1599" name="note_1599" href="#noteref_1599">1599.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The subject of a picture +mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. +17. Dio Chrysost. Or. LIX. +p. 577. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1600" name="note_1600" href="#noteref_1600">1600.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Millingen ibid, planche 50.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1601" name="note_1601" href="#noteref_1601">1601.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 87.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1602" name="note_1602" href="#noteref_1602">1602.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etym. Magn. ubi +sup. Dionysius de Bosporo Thracio p. +22. ed. Hudson. Hesychius +Milesius de Constantinopoli.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1603" name="note_1603" href="#noteref_1603">1603.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ammianus XXII. 8. Antonin. +Liberal. 27. Perizonius +ad Ælian. V. H. II. 25. Hemsterhuis +ad Poll. IX. 12. p. 982.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1604" name="note_1604" href="#noteref_1604">1604.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 103. Comp. +Scymnus Chius v. 88. Strab. +VII. p. 508. XII. p. 535. Mannert's +Géographie, vol. IV. p. +279. (ed. 1820).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1605" name="note_1605" href="#noteref_1605">1605.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Callim. (fr. 417.) and +Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. +in Αἰθοπία, Hesychius in +Αἰθιοπαῖδα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1606" name="note_1606" href="#noteref_1606">1606.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A temple of Artemis Orthosia +at Teuthrania on the +Caicus, Plutarch, de Fluv.; of +the Tauric Artemis at Tmolia +on the Pactolus, ibid.; of Artemis +Orthia in Cappadocia, Paus. +III. 16. 6.; and of Iphigenia at +Comana, Dion Cassius XXXV. +11. Comp. Steph. Byz. in +Ἄμανον, Plutarch de Fluv.; +and particularly Strab. XII. p. +537. concerning Artemis Perasia +at Castabala.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1607" name="note_1607" href="#noteref_1607">1607.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æschylus had divulged +something relating to the mysteries in the Iphigenia, Eustratius +ad Aristot Eth. Nic. III. 1. +See above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">§ 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1608" name="note_1608" href="#noteref_1608">1608.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. III. 48. Steph. +Byz. in Ταυροπόλιον. She was also +there called Καπροφάγος, Hesychius +in v. Compare Panofka +Res Samiorum, p. 63.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1609" name="note_1609" href="#noteref_1609">1609.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. XIV. p. 639. Callim. +Hymn. Dian. 187. The +Tauropolium in the island of +Icaria in the Persian bay (where +Apollo Tauropolus was also +worshipped) was probably not +established till after the time of +Alexander, Ælian. N. A. II. 9. +Dionys. Perieg. 611.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1610" name="note_1610" href="#noteref_1610">1610.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. +Also in the neighbourhood of +Magnesia on the Sipylus, Marm. +Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1611" name="note_1611" href="#noteref_1611">1611.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sophod. Aj. 174.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1612" name="note_1612" href="#noteref_1612">1612.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Strab. V. +p. 239. She is represented on +coins sitting on an ox running, +which Apollodorus explained of +the periodic course of the goddess, +with reference to the moon, +p. 402. ed. Heyne. Comp. Etymol. +M. in Ταυροπόλον. Apostolius +XVIII. 23. See also +Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. +Dian. 174, 187.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1613" name="note_1613" href="#noteref_1613">1613.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the situation of +which see Locella ad Xenoph. +Ephes. p. 87. Compare Caylus +Mém. de l'Acad. tom. XX. pp. +428-441. Choiseul Gouffier +Voyage pittoresque, tom. I. p. +191.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1614" name="note_1614" href="#noteref_1614">1614.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. II. 10. Artemis visited +the son of the Cayster according +to Callimachus fragm. +102. ed. Bentl.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1615" name="note_1615" href="#noteref_1615">1615.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Corinth, Paus. II. 2. 5. +Alea, id. VIII. 23. 1. An +Ephesium at Massilia, Strabo +IV. pp. 179, 184. at the founding +of which there was a priestess +named Aristarche (compare the +Ἀρισταρχεῖον of Artemis at Elis, +Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 47).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1616" name="note_1616" href="#noteref_1616">1616.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of a peculiar character also +were the sacrifices of parsley +and salt at Dætis in Ephesus, +Etym. Mag. in Δαιτίς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1617" name="note_1617" href="#noteref_1617">1617.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Megabyzi, so +called as early as the time of Xenophon. +Also Μύξος was a priest's name, +Apostol. V. 44. The servants +of the goddess were, according +to their different grades, called +μελλιερῆς, ἱερῆς, and παριερῆς, +according to Plutarch An Seni +sit ger. Resp. 24. p. 130. ed. +Hutten.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1618" name="note_1618" href="#noteref_1618">1618.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">πρωτοθρονίη , Paus. X. 38. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1619" name="note_1619" href="#noteref_1619">1619.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Latona is said to have given +birth to her at Corissus in the +Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in +Κόρισσος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1620" name="note_1620" href="#noteref_1620">1620.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The union of Apollo +of Colophon, of the Ephesian Diana, +and of the Nemesis of +Smyrna on coins of these cities +in the time of the emperors is +only a mutual compliment. In +the speech of the Ephesians in +Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is +evidently much inaccuracy. The +Ἀπόλλων Ἀμαζόνιος in Paus. +III. 25. 2. is a singular +curiosity.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1621" name="note_1621" href="#noteref_1621">1621.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀμμὰς, ἡ τρόφος Ἀρτέμιδος. +καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ Ῥέα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ, +Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1622" name="note_1622" href="#noteref_1622">1622.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. +Gudian. p. 320. 26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1623" name="note_1623" href="#noteref_1623">1623.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, +vol. II. p. 1166.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1624" name="note_1624" href="#noteref_1624">1624.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. +Fragm. Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See +Callim. Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. +Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. +in Ἔφεσος. cf. in Σίσυρβα, +Κύννα. Etym. Mag. in Ἔφεσος. +Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 56. p. +407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. +223, 225. The contrary is +stated in Eusebius Chron. n. +870. Ἀμαζόνες τὸ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ +ἱερὸν ἐνέπρησαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1625" name="note_1625" href="#noteref_1625">1625.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Moses' Vases, plate 133.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1626" name="note_1626" href="#noteref_1626">1626.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hecatæus ap. +Steph. Byz. in Ἀμαζ. According to Heraclides +Ponticus 33. their settlements +reached from Mycale to +Pitane, Diod. III. 55. from +Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus +ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII. +p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. +in Ἀναία of a place called Anæa +opposite Samos, where an Amazon +of that name was buried. +The inhabitants were called +Ἀναΐται. Perhaps an Artemis +Anaitis was here worshipped.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1627" name="note_1627" href="#noteref_1627">1627.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proposed by Tölken, Ueber +das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and +approved by Boeckh in Hirt +Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1628" name="note_1628" href="#noteref_1628">1628.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. VII. 2. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1629" name="note_1629" href="#noteref_1629">1629.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. +p. 431.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1630" name="note_1630" href="#noteref_1630">1630.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. III. 185.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1631" name="note_1631" href="#noteref_1631">1631.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. +fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. +Boeckh.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1632" name="note_1632" href="#noteref_1632">1632.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æschyl. Prometh. 723. +Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. +Rhod. II. 370. Herod. IV. 110. +Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus +Chius v. 229. Creuzer Vet. +Histor. Græc. p. 80. According +to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. (cf. +990.) there were in the πεδίον +Δοίαντος in Phrygia (in the +neighbourhood of Thermodon) +three cities of the Amazons; not +far off was Alcmonia (Acmonia +Steph. Byz), where Harmonia +produced the Amazons to Mars.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1633" name="note_1633" href="#noteref_1633">1633.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. III. 2. 19.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1634" name="note_1634" href="#noteref_1634">1634.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. +Paus. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1635" name="note_1635" href="#noteref_1635">1635.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne Antiquarische Aufsätze, +vol. I. p. 109. Compare +Paciaudi Monum. Pelop. vol. +II. p. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1636" name="note_1636" href="#noteref_1636">1636.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the coins in Mionnet +tom. III. p. 137.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1637" name="note_1637" href="#noteref_1637">1637.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VI. 22. 1. The Sicilian +Greeks also celebrated to Artemis +the effeminate Ionian +dance. Pollux IV. 14, 104.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1638" name="note_1638" href="#noteref_1638">1638.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scylax, p. 39. Strab. XIV. +p. 667. Callim. Hymn. Dian. +187. Cicero in Verr. I. 20. +III. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, +Photius, &c. in Περγαία θεός. +Apostolius IX. 91. where for +παναγαῖα read περγαία. At +Perge also the Syrian Adonis +was worshipped under the name +of Aboba, Hesychius in Ἀβωβα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1639" name="note_1639" href="#noteref_1639">1639.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Represented on coins as a +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">signum informe</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1640" name="note_1640" href="#noteref_1640">1640.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For +example, Artemis Κινδυὰς +of Bargyliæ, Polyb. XVI. +12. 3; Artemis Ἑστιὰς; of Iasbus, +ibid. ΑΣΤΙΑΣ Inscript. +Chandler, p. 19. n. 57; the +goddess of ἱερὰ κώμη; at Thyateira, +called Ὀρεῖτις, Polyb. +XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in +Walpole's Travels, p. 575; the +Mysian Artemis, Paus. III. 20. +8. cf. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 116; +the Astyrene Artemis under +mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, +613; the Boritine Artemis of +Lydia, Eckhel Doct. Num. vol. +III. p. 121; Artemis Adrasteia +in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocration +in Ἀδράστεια, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1641" name="note_1641" href="#noteref_1641">1641.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Θυάδα, φοιβάδα, μαινάδα, +λυσσάδα, Plut. de Superst. 9. p. +75.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1642" name="note_1642" href="#noteref_1642">1642.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. p. 636 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1643" name="note_1643" href="#noteref_1643">1643.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From this temple was derived +the Olympicum at Syracuse +(see above, <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 6. +§ 7</a>.), the priest of which, called +Ἀμφίπολος, was the highest annual +officer, Thucyd. VII. 65, +70. Diod. XVI. 70. Exc. Virt. +et Vit. p. 558. Cic. Verr. II. +51.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1644" name="note_1644" href="#noteref_1644">1644.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Creuzer Symbolik, vol. II. +p. 575. Ἥρας Προσυμναίας +ἱερὸν, Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluv. +Strab. p. 573, is probably not +correct in distinguishing the +temple of Here at Prosymna +from the celebrated one. The +names <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prosymna</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prosymnus</span></span> +also occur at Lerna and at +Gortyna in Arcadia. Inscription +of Gortyna in Boeckh No. +1535, ἁ πατρα των προσυμναιων +νικομαχην αριστοθεμιτος +δᾳδουχησασαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1645" name="note_1645" href="#noteref_1645">1645.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausanias III. 13. Sturz +Pherecydes, p. 79. See particularly +Heyne ad Il. Δ. 52. Eurydice +the daughter of Acrisius +was said to have built the temple. +To the statement of Pausanias +III. 15. 7. μόνοις δὲ Ἑλλήνων +Λακεδαιμονίοις καθέστηκεν Ἥραν +ἐπονομάζειν αἰγοφάγον καὶ αἶγας +τῇ θεῷ θύειν (compare +Hesych. in Αἰγοφάγος Χήρα +ἐν Σπάρτῃ with Welcker on +Schwenck's Etymologische Andeutungen, +p. 294.), it may be +objected that the same custom +prevailed in Corinth; see Photius +Lex. in ἡ δὲ αἶξ τὴν μάχαιραν, +p. 613. Zenob. Proverb. +I. 27. Diogen. Prov. I. 52.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1646" name="note_1646" href="#noteref_1646">1646.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. V. 75.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1647" name="note_1647" href="#noteref_1647">1647.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 267.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1648" name="note_1648" href="#noteref_1648">1648.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The chief temple at Corcyra +was that of Here, Thucyd. I. +24. III. 75, 79. Also at Syracuse, +Ælian. V.H. VI. 11, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1649" name="note_1649" href="#noteref_1649">1649.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 297. The +divinity of Medea there asserted +is completely proved by the testimony +of Athenagoras Legat. +p. 14. that Hesiod and Alcman +called her <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">goddess</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1650" name="note_1650" href="#noteref_1650">1650.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">She was worshipped under +the titles of Εἰλήθυια and Γαμηλὴ, +Hesychius in Εἰλήθυια, +Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1156.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1651" name="note_1651" href="#noteref_1651">1651.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XV. p. 672.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1652" name="note_1652" href="#noteref_1652">1652.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in v. See also +Creuzer's Symbolik, whose +chapter upon Here contains +much in the spirit of the ancient religion, and Welcker on +Schwenck, p. 268.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1653" name="note_1653" href="#noteref_1653">1653.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">At Sparta there was also the +Arcadian worship of Athene +Alea, Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 27.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1654" name="note_1654" href="#noteref_1654">1654.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 18.1. Plutarch +Lycurg. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1655" name="note_1655" href="#noteref_1655">1655.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1656" name="note_1656" href="#noteref_1656">1656.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Clem. Alexand. Protrept. p. +29. ed. Sylburg.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1657" name="note_1657" href="#noteref_1657">1657.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀκρία Ἀθηνᾶ ἐν Ἄργει. +Also Here, Artemis, and Aphrodite, +see Hesych. in Ἀκρέα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1658" name="note_1658" href="#noteref_1658">1658.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">But with a particular reference +to Bellerophon. From +Pegasus was derived the goddess +Hippia, Pind. Olymp. XIII. +97, whose altar was chiefly remarkable +for the rite of incubation. +Ἑλλωτία is, as we also +learn from the Scholiast of +Pindar, like Ἀλέα, the goddess +of light. There was also the +worship of Athene at Syracuse, +Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 549. +ed. Wesseling.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1659" name="note_1659" href="#noteref_1659">1659.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. +Olymp. II. 1. p. 123. V. 9. p. +148, and particularly Polyb. IX. +27. 7. with Timæus in Steph. +Byz. in Ἀτάβυρον. The Athene +Polias of Trœzen was introduced +by the Ionians, as the other +worships of that city show.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1660" name="note_1660" href="#noteref_1660">1660.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">She was always called <span class="tei tei-q">“the +Lindian”</span> even in the city of +Rhodes, Meurs. Rhod. I. 6. +Compare Apostolius XVII. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1661" name="note_1661" href="#noteref_1661">1661.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo X. pag. 472. ὡς εἶεν +Κορύβαντες δαίμονες τινες, Ἀθηνᾶς +καὶ Ἡλίου παῖδες. This is +the proper way of pointing these +words.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1662" name="note_1662" href="#noteref_1662">1662.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 171.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1663" name="note_1663" href="#noteref_1663">1663.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Messenians alone made +Demeter of Andania the chief +goddess of the state; see <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_16" class="tei tei-ref">book +I. ch. 5. § 16</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1664" name="note_1664" href="#noteref_1664">1664.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. +1197, 1198, 1199. Comp. Paus. +II. 35. 3. Perhaps the name of +Hermione also refers to the worship +of the χθόνιοι θεοί, see +Hesych. in Ἑρμιόνη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1665" name="note_1665" href="#noteref_1665">1665.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. pag. 624 E. +Compare the hymn of Philicus +of Corcyra, Hephæst. p. 53. +ed. Gaisford. and the verses of +Aristocles ap. Ælian, de N. A. +XI. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1666" name="note_1666" href="#noteref_1666">1666.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Boeckh Inscript. No. 1193.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1667" name="note_1667" href="#noteref_1667">1667.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 22. 2. Δήμητρός +ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος +ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ +τοῦ Τριόπα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1668" name="note_1668" href="#noteref_1668">1668.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hellanicus ap. Athen. X. +p. 416 A. et Steph. Byz. in v. +Τριόπιον. Callimachus Hymn. +Cer. 24. Inscript. Herod. Attici; +and compare the excellent +explanation of Boeckh ad Schol. +Pind. Pyth. II. 27. pag. 315.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1669" name="note_1669" href="#noteref_1669">1669.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 195.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1670" name="note_1670" href="#noteref_1670">1670.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 153. Schol. +Pind. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1671" name="note_1671" href="#noteref_1671">1671.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 337.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1672" name="note_1672" href="#noteref_1672">1672.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ibid. pag. 257. afterwards +extended over the whole of +Sicily. Boeckh Explic. Pind. +Olymp. II. p. 123. Κόρης παρὰ +Σικελιώταις Θεογάμια καὶ Ἀνθεσφόρια, +Pollux I. 37. The Θεογάμια +were probably connected +with the festival ἀνακαλυπτήρια +(Schol. rec. ad Olymp. VI. 160), +and this festival was derived +from Thebes. Cyzicus also, +founded by Tyrrhenian Pelasgi +(from Bœotia), was considered +as an ἐμπροίκιον of Zeus for +Proserpine, Appian. Bell. Mithridat. +75. comp. Steph. Byz. +in v. Βέσβικος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1673" name="note_1673" href="#noteref_1673">1673.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">A festival Θεσμοφόρια at +Syracuse (Athen. XIV. p. 647 +A. Θεσμοφόρων τέμενος, Plutarch +Dio 56. a month Thesmophorius, +see Castelli), Κούρεια +Plutarch ubi sup. comp. Diod. +V. 4. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1674" name="note_1674" href="#noteref_1674">1674.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_7" class="tei tei-ref">book +I. ch. 6. § 7</a>. and +above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">§ 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1675" name="note_1675" href="#noteref_1675">1675.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plut. Timoleon 8. Diod. +XVI. 66. Demeter ἐποικιδίη in +Corinth according to Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1676" name="note_1676" href="#noteref_1676">1676.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. The mystical worship +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Damia</span></span> and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Auxesia</span></span> at +Epidaurus and Trœzen was also +connected with that of Demeter, +as the manuscript Scholiast ap. +Mitscherlisch ad Hymn. in Cerer. +122. declares. But Δημήτηρ +Ἀζησία (Sophocl. ap. Hesych. +in v. comp. Valcken. Adoniaz. +p. 292) and Δημήτηρ Ἀμαία +(Suidas in v.) must not be +confounded with those +goddesses.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1677" name="note_1677" href="#noteref_1677">1677.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 20. 5. 6. compare +Hesychius, Ἐλευσίνια ἀγὼν +θυμελικὸς ἀγόμενος Δήμητρι παρὰ +Λάκωσι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1678" name="note_1678" href="#noteref_1678">1678.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">III. 14. 5. Compare Hesychius +in Ἐπιπολλὰ and +Ἐπικρῆναι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1679" name="note_1679" href="#noteref_1679">1679.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The priests were probably +called Ταιναρισταὶ, see Hesych. +in v. Ταιναρίας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1680" name="note_1680" href="#noteref_1680">1680.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἀμφιβαῖος, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +Ἀμφι—αῖος, +Boeckh Explic. Pind. Pyth. IV. +p. 268. also Πελλάνιος according +to Hesychius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1681" name="note_1681" href="#noteref_1681">1681.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 148. and see +Plat. Sympos. IX. 6. p. 410.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1682" name="note_1682" href="#noteref_1682">1682.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence also the sacred month +Geræstius at Trœzen (Athen. +XIV. p. 639), which points to +Eubœa.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1683" name="note_1683" href="#noteref_1683">1683.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 2</a>. on +the ancient difference between +the Isthmian and Olympic +games.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1684" name="note_1684" href="#noteref_1684">1684.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ælian V. H. III. 42. Schol. +Aristoph. Av. 963. Pac. 1071.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1685" name="note_1685" href="#noteref_1685">1685.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 13. 4. Here, +too, as well as at Athens, there +was Διόνυσος ἐν Λίμναις, Strab. +VIII. p. 363. See above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_IX_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 9. +§ 3</a>. concerning the Dymænæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1686" name="note_1686" href="#noteref_1686">1686.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 23, 24. 37. +Compare Hesychius in Ὑαργίδες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1687" name="note_1687" href="#noteref_1687">1687.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_V_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 5. +§ 3</a>. Phlius, on account of this +worship, was the birthplace of +the σατυρικοὶ ποιηταὶ Aristeas +and Pratinas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1688" name="note_1688" href="#noteref_1688">1688.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 7. 6. +Also Διόνυσος Χοιροψάλης in that town, +Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1689" name="note_1689" href="#noteref_1689">1689.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Concerning the crown ἰάκχα +see Athen. XV. p. 678. Compare +Hesychius in θιακχὰ and ἰάκχα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1690" name="note_1690" href="#noteref_1690">1690.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The celebration of which +appears to be referred to in the +ancient epigram in Athen. XIV. +p. 629 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1691" name="note_1691" href="#noteref_1691">1691.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 67. The word +ἀπέδωκε proves that the tragic +choruses were originally celebrated +to Bacchus. Perhaps +the Adrastea were engrafted +upon the Dionysia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1692" name="note_1692" href="#noteref_1692">1692.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIV. p. +21, 622. It is to these that the Epigr. +Onestæ 2. refers. Comp. Hermann +ad Aristot. Poet. 3. p. 104.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1693" name="note_1693" href="#noteref_1693">1693.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Worshipped under the titles +of Βακχεῖος and Λύσιος in that +town, Pausan. II. 2. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1694" name="note_1694" href="#noteref_1694">1694.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. XIII. 18. and see +Boeckh's Explic.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1695" name="note_1695" href="#noteref_1695">1695.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">πολύξενοι νεάνιδες, Pindar +Schol. Fragm. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1696" name="note_1696" href="#noteref_1696">1696.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">σὺν δ᾽ ἀναγκᾳ πᾶν καλὸν, +Pindar ibid. Concerning the +ἱερόδουλοι see Hirt <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ueber die +Hierodulen</span></span> and others. I only +add that some of them were +called κατάκλειστοι, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, shut +up in single cells (Hesychius in +v.); but the reason of this name +is not evident.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1697" name="note_1697" href="#noteref_1697">1697.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aphrodite Εὐδωσὼ (Hesych. +in v.) and Aphrodite Βαιῶτις +(ibid.) at Syracuse came from +Corinth; see Clem. Alex. p. 25.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1698" name="note_1698" href="#noteref_1698">1698.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">That is, on those +which are falsely ascribed to the Siphnians +and Seriphians (ΣΕ or ΣΙ), but +are found in great numbers in +the district of Sicyon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1699" name="note_1699" href="#noteref_1699">1699.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in Βάκχου +Διώνης.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1700" name="note_1700" href="#noteref_1700">1700.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Zenob. Prov. IV. 21. Diogen. +V. 21.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1701" name="note_1701" href="#noteref_1701">1701.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. III. 15. 8. III. 23. +1. Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253. +Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 449. She +was, however, also represented +armed at Corinth, Pausan. II. +4. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1702" name="note_1702" href="#noteref_1702">1702.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in v. According +to the great etymologist Κίρρις +is merely Cyprian. Compare +Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. I. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1703" name="note_1703" href="#noteref_1703">1703.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 32. 6. and +concerning the Trœzenian worship +of Aphrodite see Valckenaer ad +Euripid. Hippolyt. 32. Concerning +the sacrifices of a sow +to Aphrodite in <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Argos</span></span> at the +ὑστήρια see Athen. III. p. 96 +A. Callimach. Fragm. 102 ed. +Bentl. Aphrodite was worshipped +there with the title Περιβασίν, +Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. +24. ed. Sylburg.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1704" name="note_1704" href="#noteref_1704">1704.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Timæus apud Zenob. +Prov. I. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1705" name="note_1705" href="#noteref_1705">1705.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. VI. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1706" name="note_1706" href="#noteref_1706">1706.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">Book +I. ch. 6. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1707" name="note_1707" href="#noteref_1707">1707.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 199.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1708" name="note_1708" href="#noteref_1708">1708.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. II. 10. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1709" name="note_1709" href="#noteref_1709">1709.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 26. 7. Tacit. Annal. +XIV. 18. comp. Callimach. +Epigr. 58.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1710" name="note_1710" href="#noteref_1710">1710.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare the +somewhat different +opinion of Boeckh Expl. +Pind. p. 288.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1711" name="note_1711" href="#noteref_1711">1711.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Heyne ad Apollod. III. +15. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1712" name="note_1712" href="#noteref_1712">1712.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. III. 18. 4. ib. 9. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1713" name="note_1713" href="#noteref_1713">1713.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIII. p. 361.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1714" name="note_1714" href="#noteref_1714">1714.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In an inscription found at +Sparta Eleutheria, Poseidæa, +and Erotidæa occur as festivals, +Corp. Inscript. 1430. and see +Boeckh's note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1715" name="note_1715" href="#noteref_1715">1715.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Amore Pat. I. +p. 36. comp. Zoëga de Obeliscis, +p. 225. above, p. <a href="#Pg103" class="tei tei-ref">103</a>. note a. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Castor and Pollux,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας.”</span>] +In Argos there were ancient +figures of the Διοσκοῦροι by Dipœnus +and Scyllis, Paus. Clem. +Alex. Protrept. p. 31 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1716" name="note_1716" href="#noteref_1716">1716.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As ἐπίκλητοι in Herod. V. +35. so likewise the Lacedæmonians +probably sent the statues +of the Tyndaridæ (οἱ ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ) +to the assistance of the Dorians, +as the Æginetans sent the Æacidæ +to Salamis, Æginetica, p. +163. The Κάστωρ Μιξαρχαγέτας +of the Argives (Plutarch +Quæst. Gr. 23. p. 393.) is very +obscure.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1717" name="note_1717" href="#noteref_1717">1717.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">So among the Spartans +Phormion, Paus. III. 16. 3. at +the house of an Azanian of Pagupolis, +Herod. VI. 127. Hence +also the Θεοξένια of the Διοσκοῦροι +at Agrigentum, Boeckh +Expl. Pind. Olymp. III. p. 135.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1718" name="note_1718" href="#noteref_1718">1718.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. II. p. +148. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1719" name="note_1719" href="#noteref_1719">1719.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plat. ubi sup. cf. Plutarch, +Lycurg. 19. Compare the corresponding +expression of the +Delphian oracle, Porphyr. de +Abstin. II. 15.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1720" name="note_1720" href="#noteref_1720">1720.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The worship of Ammon +makes an exception, which was +brought into repute in Sparta +by Lysander, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. +359.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1721" name="note_1721" href="#noteref_1721">1721.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence the Thracian Cotytto, +Eupolis ap. Hesych. Suid. +in Θιασώτης, Κότυς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1722" name="note_1722" href="#noteref_1722">1722.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἡρακλῆς γενάρχας in a +Spartan inscription, Boeckh, +No. 1446.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1723" name="note_1723" href="#noteref_1723">1723.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Bentley Epistol. ad +Mill. p. 503. Jacobs Animadv. +ad Anthol. Gr. vol. I. 2. p. 286. +Weichert <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Ueber Apollonios</span></span>, p. +246. The poem is called a +Ἡρακλεία in Paus. IV. 2. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1724" name="note_1724" href="#noteref_1724">1724.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. VIII. 228. Theocrit. +XXIV. 105. Apollod. II. 4. 9. +cf. II. 4. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1725" name="note_1725" href="#noteref_1725">1725.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The subject of the poem, the +misfortunes of Iole, is given in +general by Callimachus Epig. +(Strab. XIV. p. 638). The detail +is given by Apollodorus II. +6. 1. II. 7. 7, who agrees with +Herodotus ap. Schol. Eurip. +Hipp. 550. where likewise the +Θηβαίων παράδοξα of Lysimachus +are cited, Soph. Trach. +205. Schol. ad v. 358. which +follow Pherecydes and Menecrates, +Diod. IV. 31, 37. Schol. +Il. V. 392. where for Βοιωτίας +write Εὐβοίας. comp. Scythinus +ap. Athen. XI. p. 461 F. Hyginus +Fab. 29, 35. Plutarch de +Def. Orac. 13. p. 322. The +names of Iole's relations vary. +See Hesiod ap. Schol. Trach. +266. as emended by Bentley, +Creophylus cited by Bentley and +Diod. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1726" name="note_1726" href="#noteref_1726">1726.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Soph. Trach. 354, 858. +comp. Hermann ad v. 326.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1727" name="note_1727" href="#noteref_1727">1727.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">Book +I. ch. 1. § 4</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1728" name="note_1728" href="#noteref_1728">1728.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hecatæus ap. Paus. IV. +2. 2. Strabo X. p. 448.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1729" name="note_1729" href="#noteref_1729">1729.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence Pherecydes ap. +Schol. Soph. Trach. 354. places +it in Arcadia, ἐν Θούλῃ Ἀρκαδίας, +perhaps ἐν ΘΩΜΗΙ, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +Ἰθώμῃ. Demetrius of Scepsis in +Strabo VIII. p. 339. identifies +Œchalia and Andamia, cf. X. +p. 448. Strabo in this passage +also mentions an Œchalia in +Trachinia, and another in +Ætolia, comp. Eustath. ad Il. +p. 298. ed. Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1730" name="note_1730" href="#noteref_1730">1730.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 594.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1731" name="note_1731" href="#noteref_1731">1731.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XXI. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1732" name="note_1732" href="#noteref_1732">1732.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ubi sup. Pausanias likewise +follows the local tradition, +IV. 33. 5. cf. 27. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1733" name="note_1733" href="#noteref_1733">1733.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Soph. ubi +sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1734" name="note_1734" href="#noteref_1734">1734.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">Book +I. ch. 1. § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1735" name="note_1735" href="#noteref_1735">1735.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ubi sup. Also Scythinus, +Sophocles and Apollodorus ubi +sup. According to Schol. Apoll. +Rh. I. 87. and Schol. Ven. ad +Catal. 103. the νεώτεροι in general. +Probably all these placed +this exploit after the adventures +in Trachinia, and immediately +before his death, cf. Tzetz. ad +Lycoph. 50.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1736" name="note_1736" href="#noteref_1736">1736.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. B. 730. comp. Steph. +Byz. in Οἰχαλία. Eustath. ad +Il. p. 330. ad Od. p. 1899. ed. +Rom. and see the local tradition +in Paus. IV. 2. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1737" name="note_1737" href="#noteref_1737">1737.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Odyss. and Pherecyd. ubi +sup. cf. Soph. Trach. 38. The +Odyssey has, however, quite a +different story; viz., that the +death of Iphitus (which was, +moreover, a peaceable death, +ἐν δώμασιν, XXI. 33. but inflicted +by Apollo VIII. 227.) +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">preceded</span></em> the slaughter of Iphitus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1738" name="note_1738" href="#noteref_1738">1738.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 1. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1739" name="note_1739" href="#noteref_1739">1739.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 7. 7. +Diod. IV. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1740" name="note_1740" href="#noteref_1740">1740.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1741" name="note_1741" href="#noteref_1741">1741.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Perhaps the Ἡρακλῆς Ἡπιάλητα +πνίγων (the nightmare) +of Sophron was a parody of this +fable, Eustath. ad Il. p. 571. ed. +Rom.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1742" name="note_1742" href="#noteref_1742">1742.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æsch. Agam. 1038. καὶ +παῖδα γάρ τοί φασιν Ἀλκμήνης +ποτὲ Πραθέντα τλῆναι καὶ ζύγων +θιγεῖν βίᾳ. Comp. below, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">§ 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1743" name="note_1743" href="#noteref_1743">1743.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Od. XXI. 23. cf. +Apollod. II. 6. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1744" name="note_1744" href="#noteref_1744">1744.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Erineus was, according to +a fable preserved in a strange +and apocryphal inscription, the +place of a combat between +Hercules and Calchas Mopsus. +Boeckh, No. 1759. Κάλχαντα +Μόψον δικαίως Ἡρακλῆς χλεύμενος +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> χολούμενος) περὶ ἐρινεοῦ, +πλήξας αὐτὸν τῷ κολάφῳ καὶ +ἀποκτείνας τέθαφεν ἐν Ἐρινεῷ. +The transcript has δικαιος and +τεθαψεν; for which Hermann +has emended as above. The +inscription itself is a fabrication +either of the latest period of +antiquity, or of the middle ages. +The same legend is told, with +additional circumstances, and a +different locality, by Tzetzes ad +Lycoph. 980. According to +Hesiod, the contest was between +the two prophets, Calchas and +Mopsus, fragm. 14. ed. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1745" name="note_1745" href="#noteref_1745">1745.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"> +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_II_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">. I. ch. 2. § 4</a>. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">B. II. ch. +3. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1746" name="note_1746" href="#noteref_1746">1746.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Soph. Trach. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1747" name="note_1747" href="#noteref_1747">1747.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Τραχίς. +Marm. Farnes. 1. 66. emended +by Heyne ad Apollod. p. 191.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1748" name="note_1748" href="#noteref_1748">1748.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 23. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1749" name="note_1749" href="#noteref_1749">1749.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">B. +I. ch. 3. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1750" name="note_1750" href="#noteref_1750">1750.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. Diod. &c. Sophocles, +however, calls her a native +of Pleuron, Trach. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1751" name="note_1751" href="#noteref_1751">1751.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Described by Archilochus, +according to Schol. Ven. ad Il. +XXI. 237.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1752" name="note_1752" href="#noteref_1752">1752.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Archilochus ap. Schol. Apoll. +Rh. I. 1213. This scene +is very coarsely represented on +an ancient vase (Hancarville +IV. 31.), with the inscription +ΔΑΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ ΝΕΣΣΟΣ, as +should be read.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1753" name="note_1753" href="#noteref_1753">1753.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the verse in Strabo +VIII. p. 342. Steph. Byz. in +Ὤλενος, which, however, probably +belongs to the story in +Apollod. I. 8. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1754" name="note_1754" href="#noteref_1754">1754.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hyginus Fab. +31, 33. Deianira is the daughter +of Dexamenus. The Schol. +Callim. Hymn. Del. 102. call +Dexamenus himself a Centaur; +and thus on a vase of the best +age Hercules is represented as +wrestling with him for Deianira, +with the inscription ΟΙΝΕΥΣ +ΔΕΞΑΜΕΝΟΣ ΔΕΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ +from left to right, Millingen +Diverses Peintures 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1755" name="note_1755" href="#noteref_1755">1755.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Bacchylides ap. Schol. Od. +XXI. 295. with Buttmann's +note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1756" name="note_1756" href="#noteref_1756">1756.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Raoul-Rochette, Etabliss. +des Col. Grecques, tom. I. p. +219.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1757" name="note_1757" href="#noteref_1757">1757.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hughes' Travels, vol. +II. p. 313. Pouqueville, vol. I. p. 471.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1758" name="note_1758" href="#noteref_1758">1758.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne ad Il. II. 659. Strabo's +opinion, that in Homer, and +the fable of Hercules, Ephyra in +Elis is meant (VII. p. 328. +VIII. 338.), is refuted by the +passages of Homer himself.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1759" name="note_1759" href="#noteref_1759">1759.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Some of these fables were +mixed up with the war against +Pylos, and some (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, the abduction +of Cerberus) taken over +to Tænarum and Heraclea Pontica; +the latter probably first by +Herodorus, who was a native of +that Heraclea, see Heeren de +fontibus Plutarchi, p. 17. Compare +the coin of Heraclea in +Mionnet, No. 160, in which Hercules +is represented as bringing +Cerberus to the statue of +Demeter.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1760" name="note_1760" href="#noteref_1760">1760.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. II. 657.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1761" name="note_1761" href="#noteref_1761">1761.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 443. Polyæn. +Strateg. VII. 44. Veil. Paterc. +I. 3. 2. Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. +1089. See Boeckh Expl. Pind. +Pyth. X. p. 332. The kings of +the Molossi likewise supposed +themselves descended from a +certain Lanassa, the daughter +of Cleodæus, of the Hyllean +tribe, Plutarch Pyrrh. 1. Justin. +XVII. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1762" name="note_1762" href="#noteref_1762">1762.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad. II. 678. Compare +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">b. I. ch. 6. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1763" name="note_1763" href="#noteref_1763">1763.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 5. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1764" name="note_1764" href="#noteref_1764">1764.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ib. I. 6. 4. where it is incidentally +mentioned from an +earlier tradition.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1765" name="note_1765" href="#noteref_1765">1765.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Arrian. II. 16. frag. p. +50. ed. Creuzer.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1766" name="note_1766" href="#noteref_1766">1766.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">P. 23. ed. Gronov. The +mountain <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Abas</span></span> and river <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Anthemoeis</span></span> +in Erythea, according +to Apollodorus, should probably +also be referred to this district. +At least there were Abantes in +the exact spot where Erythea is +placed, on the Aous, near Oricum. +According to Aristot. +Mirab. § 145. Erythea was in the +territory of the Ænianes. Hercules +stole the oxen there from +Cythera Persephassa. Compare +Antonin. Liberal, c. 4. πολεμήσαντας +γὰρ αὐτῷ Κελτοὺς καὶ +Χάονας καὶ Θεσπρώτους καὶ σύμπαντας +Ἠπειρώτας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ +κρατηθῆναι, ὅτι τὰς Γηρυόνου +βοῦς συνελθόντες (ἤθελον) ἀφελέσθαι. +The <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">Celts</span></em> are introduced +from some Geryonis; see +Diod. V. 24. Etymol. M. p. +502. 50. See also Appian, Bell. +Civ. II. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1767" name="note_1767" href="#noteref_1767">1767.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IX. 93. Conon, Narr. +c. 30. Two legends connected +with this fable are remarkable; +first, the punishment of blindness +for any one who had neglected +the worship of the Sun; +secondly, the tale that the Greek +gods themselves had sent wolves +against their herds. The cattle +of the Sun in the Odyssey are +only those of Tænarum and +Epirus transferred to a greater +distance: there was likewise a +fabulous reason for the νηθάλιοι +θυσίαι of the Sun, as they were +performed in many cities of +Greece, Od. XII. 363.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1768" name="note_1768" href="#noteref_1768">1768.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. II. 1. 6, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1769" name="note_1769" href="#noteref_1769">1769.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Proxenus ἐν Ἡπειρωτικοῖς +ap. Suid. et Apostol. in λαρινοὶ +βόες. Compare Lycus of Rhegion +ibid. Ælian, N. H. XII., +11. III. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1770" name="note_1770" href="#noteref_1770">1770.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 216.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1771" name="note_1771" href="#noteref_1771">1771.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Peisander ap. Schol. Aristoph. +Nub. 1047. τῷ δ᾽ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι +θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη +Ποίει θερμὰ λοετρὰ παρὰ ῥηγμῖνι +θαλάσσης, which verses are referred +to by Zenobius Prov. VI. +49. Compare Ruhnken ap. +Heyn. ad Æn. II. Exc. I. p. +287. Wesseling ad Diod. IV. +23. Herod. VII. 176. Phileas +ap. Harpocrat. in Θερμοπύλαι. +The fable was carried over to +the hot spring near Himera in +Sicily, Boeckh Explic. Pind. +Olymp. XII. p. 210.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1772" name="note_1772" href="#noteref_1772">1772.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Callim. Hymn. Dian. 159. +Schol. ad 1. Arrian ap. Eustath. +ad Dionys. Perieg. p. 107. The +Φρίκιον ὄρος should be distinguished +from the place where +Hercules slew a Centaur, Steph. +Byz. in Φρίκιον.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1773" name="note_1773" href="#noteref_1773">1773.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo IX. p. 428. The +part of Œta, where the funeral +pile is said to have stood, was +called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pyra</span></span>; Theophrast. Hist. +Plant. IX. 10. Livy XXXVI. +30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1774" name="note_1774" href="#noteref_1774">1774.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in +Τύφρηστος. The ἀσέληνα ὄρη of Trachis +were mentioned in the fourteenth +book of the Heraclea of +Rhianus, Etymol. M. in v. +Suidas in Ῥίανος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1775" name="note_1775" href="#noteref_1775">1775.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XIII. p. 613. Diod. +XII. 59. the coins in Eckhel +Num. Anecd. tab. 6. p. 89. +Dodwell's Travels vol. I. p. 76. +Clarke's Travels vol. IV. p. 197.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1776" name="note_1776" href="#noteref_1776">1776.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scythinus and Polemon ap. +Athen. XI. p. 461.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1777" name="note_1777" href="#noteref_1777">1777.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 6. +remarks with judgment, <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Herculis +Thebani facta et fata +ad Thebanas historias accommodare +difficile est.</span></span>”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1778" name="note_1778" href="#noteref_1778">1778.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Annual sacrifices were here +offered to the eight children of +Hercules. See Pausan. Pind. +Isthm. III. 79. and Chrysippus +in the Scholia. The graves of +Amphitryon, Iolaus, and Alcmena, +and the Gymnasium for +the Iolaän or Heraclean games, +were in front of the gate of +Prœtidæ, Pind. Pyth. IX. 82. +Nem. IV. 20. Schol. et Dissen. +Explic. p. 382. where the subject +is very clearly explained.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1779" name="note_1779" href="#noteref_1779">1779.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Antonin. Liberal. c. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1780" name="note_1780" href="#noteref_1780">1780.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Marini Ville Alban. p. 150. +Compare Bœttiger's Amalthea, +vol. I. p. 130.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1781" name="note_1781" href="#noteref_1781">1781.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Other versions of this story +may be seen in Cicero De Nat. +D. III. 16. where see Creuzer's +note, and in Paus. X. 13. 4. +See also Visconti, Museo Pio-Clementino, +II. 5. Zoëga, Bassirilievi, +vol. II. p. 98.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1782" name="note_1782" href="#noteref_1782">1782.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The reconsecration on the +foot of a candelabrum at Dresden. +The atonement, on a Corinthian +<span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">puteal</span></span>, in the genuine +archaic style, published by Dodwell +in his Travels and his collection +of Bas-reliefs, Rome, +1820. It afterwards came into +the possession of the late lord +Guilford. In this Apollo, Artemis, +and Latona are met by Pallas, +Hercules, and Alcmena, or +some other woman: the Graces +follow behind. Perhaps this is a +copy of the Sicyonian group of +Dipœnus and Scyllis (Plin. H. +N. XXXVI. 4.) unless this also +represented the contest, as the +one in Paus. ubi sup. There is +a similar composition on a vase +in Millingen's Vases de Coghill, +pl. 11. Apollo δαφνηφόρος, +sitting by the tripod with Artemis +and Latona, receives Hercules; +a goddess with a sceptre +(Vesta, according to Zoega), +and Hermes, are standing by. +Hercules is always drawn as a +youth in this subject.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1783" name="note_1783" href="#noteref_1783">1783.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence also his labours were +represented on the metopes of +the Delphian temple, Eurip. +Ion. 196, 239.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1784" name="note_1784" href="#noteref_1784">1784.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the legend of Tripodiscus +in Paus. I. 43. 7. comp. +above, p. 14.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1785" name="note_1785" href="#noteref_1785">1785.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. +12. p. 245.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1786" name="note_1786" href="#noteref_1786">1786.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">He erected three statues of +Demonesian brass; above, p. +<a href="#Pg250" class="tei tei-ref">250</a>. note l. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“sacred tithe,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“From Megara.”</span>] Comp. Callim. +fragm. 75. v. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1787" name="note_1787" href="#noteref_1787">1787.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It can indeed be only collected +from coins. See Visconti, +Mus. Pio-Clement. tom. +VII. 4. b. No. 11. Mionnet +Descript. tom. II. p. 109. No. +94. and Planches LIII. 4. +Pouqueville, Voyage, tom. IV. +p. 208. I likewise saw a similar +coin in lord Northwick's +collection.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1788" name="note_1788" href="#noteref_1788">1788.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_II_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 2. § 11</a>. Hence +the scene of the Rhadamanthus +of Euripides was laid in Bœotia, +fragm. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1789" name="note_1789" href="#noteref_1789">1789.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Lysand. 18. De +Socrat. Genio 5. Tzetzes ad +Lycoph. 50. Apollod. II. 4. 11. +Pherecydes ap. Antonin. Liberal, +c. 32. fragm. 50. ed. +Sturz. comp. Visconti ad Herod. +Att. Inscript. Triop. fin.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1790" name="note_1790" href="#noteref_1790">1790.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pherecydes ubi sup. Paus. +IX. 16. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1791" name="note_1791" href="#noteref_1791">1791.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. +84. 208. On Hercules Ἱπποδέτης see the +story in Plutarch, Parallel, p. +416.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1792" name="note_1792" href="#noteref_1792">1792.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The passage most in point +is in the Theocritean poem +XXIV. 100. where, however, +much Alexandrine fiction may +be discerned.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1793" name="note_1793" href="#noteref_1793">1793.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See, among other writers, +Alcidamas Rhetor adv. Palamed. +§ 25. ed. Bekker. where for +Τέννος write Λίνος, with two +manuscripts.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1794" name="note_1794" href="#noteref_1794">1794.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 12. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1795" name="note_1795" href="#noteref_1795">1795.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Boeckh Explic. Pind. +Olymp. III. 18. above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. +§ 2</a>. At Nemea honours were +paid to the 360 supposed companions +of Hercules, Ælian, V. +H. IV. 5; evidently referring +to the year of 360 days.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1796" name="note_1796" href="#noteref_1796">1796.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heyne ad Apollod. Dissen. +Expl. Pind. p. 509.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1797" name="note_1797" href="#noteref_1797">1797.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The madness of Hercules +also occurred in the Κύπρια ἔπη, +as appears from the extract of +Proclus (at the end of Gaisford's +Hephæstion); but in that +poem it was, if I rightly apprehend +the context, represented as +caused by the love and seduction +of Hercules.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1798" name="note_1798" href="#noteref_1798">1798.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eurip. Herc. Fur. Paus. IX. +11. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1799" name="note_1799" href="#noteref_1799">1799.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In this temple a λίθος +σωφρονιστὴς, which had restored +him to his senses, was shown +under the altar, Paus. IX. 11. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1800" name="note_1800" href="#noteref_1800">1800.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It is to this that the verses +of Panyasis refer, in which Hercules +is described as coming +over Parnassus to Castalia +(fragm. 7. ed. Gaisford).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1801" name="note_1801" href="#noteref_1801">1801.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 5. 11. conf. +Heyn. According to Herodorus +apud Schol. Soph. Trach. 253. +Hercules afterwards serves an +ἐνιαυτὸς of three years; and so +also Apollod. II. 6. 4. See +above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11, § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1802" name="note_1802" href="#noteref_1802">1802.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VII_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 7. § 9</a>. +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_4" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. +§ 4</a>. The verses from the Heraclea +of Panyasis, Fragm. 4. +ed. Gaisford, appear to have +been spoken by Hercules as +a consolation for his slavery. +Comp. Iliad XXI. 443. They +seem to be incorrectly applied +by Heyne ad Apollod. II. 7. 3. +p. 188.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1803" name="note_1803" href="#noteref_1803">1803.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VI. 116. Paus. I. +15. 4. 32. 4. Harpocrat. in +Ἡρακλῆς. Schol. Pind. OI. IX. +92. XIII. 184. cf. Boeckh Explic. +p. 193. Elmsley ad Eurip. +Heraclid. 32.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1804" name="note_1804" href="#noteref_1804">1804.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristoph. Ran. 504. Schol. +ad 1. et ad 664. Schol. Apoll. +Rh. I. 1209. Harpocrat. in Μελίτη, +Hesych. in ἐκ Μελίτης, +Μήλων et Διομεία, Suidas in +Διομεία. Tzetzes Chil. VIII. +192. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att. +II. p. 335. where, however, +there are some inaccuracies.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1805" name="note_1805" href="#noteref_1805">1805.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Together +with Hebe, Alcmene, and Iolaus, Paus. I. 19. +3. This temple is frequently +mentioned.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1806" name="note_1806" href="#noteref_1806">1806.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Paus. I. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1807" name="note_1807" href="#noteref_1807">1807.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diog. Laert. III. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1808" name="note_1808" href="#noteref_1808">1808.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Ἐχελίδαι. +Hence, according to some writers, +a dance called τετράκωμος +derived its name, Pollux IV. +14. 99. 105. Athen. XIV. p. +618. Hesych. in τετράκωμος. +There was a temple of Hercules, +not far off, on the road to +Salamis, Plutarch Themist. 13.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1809" name="note_1809" href="#noteref_1809">1809.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">Book I. +ch. 3. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1810" name="note_1810" href="#noteref_1810">1810.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XII. 45. Schol. Soph. +Œd. T. 701.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1811" name="note_1811" href="#noteref_1811">1811.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch, Thes. 35. Eurip. +Herc. Fur. 1333.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1812" name="note_1812" href="#noteref_1812">1812.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the Κυκλικοὶ in Schol. +II. T. 242. Herod. IX. 73. Paus. +I. 41. 4. III. 18. 3. Isocrat. Encom. +Helen, p. 211 E. Plutarch, +Thes. 32. Steph. Byz. and Harpocrat. +in Τιτακίδαι. To this +also the verse of Callimachus +refers, Frag. 234. ἄνδρ᾽ ελαιοι +(write Ἔλαον) Δεκελειόθεν αμπρεύοντες, +<span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">dragging Elatus +from Decelea</span></span>,”</span> <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span>, as a +guide to Aphidna. According +to Alcman (Fragm. 3. ed. +Welcker) and the inscription +on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. +V. 19. 1.) they even conquered +Athens. How this is connected +with the gloss in Hesychius, +Ἀσαναίων πόλιν τὰς Ἀφίδνας, +which probably refers to Alcman, +does not appear.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1813" name="note_1813" href="#noteref_1813">1813.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Book_II_Chapter_X_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 10, § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1814" name="note_1814" href="#noteref_1814">1814.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 3. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1815" name="note_1815" href="#noteref_1815">1815.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The striking difference between +the two has been remarked, +amongst others, by +Dio Chrysost. Orat. 47. p. 523. +B.C. The Alexandrine fiction +of the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">twelve</span></em> labours is satisfactorily +treated of by Zoega +(Bassiril. II. p. 46.) and also +by Ouwaroff, Examen critique +de la Fable d'Hercule.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1816" name="note_1816" href="#noteref_1816">1816.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Pind. Nem. Arg. p. +425. ed. Boeckh. Argus was +also fabled to have there pastured +the sacred cows of Here.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1817" name="note_1817" href="#noteref_1817">1817.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. +498. comp. Orph. Fragm. 9. +A fragment of Epimenides ap. +Ælian. Nat. Anim. XII. 7. also +mentions this fable, and Herodorus +apud Tatian. I. p. 164. +(ap. Justin. Martyr, ed. Col.), +where for Ἡροδότου we should +read Ἡροδώρου, and again by +Euphorion Fragm. 47. p. 111. +ed. Meineke. To the passages +there collected add Hesiod. +Theog. 331. Pindar Fragm. inc. +100. p. 660. ed. Boeckh. Callim. +Fragm. 82. Plutarch de +Facie in Orbe Lunæ 24. de +Fluv. 18. 4. Steph. Byz. in +Ἀπέσας. comp. Hygin. Fab. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1818" name="note_1818" href="#noteref_1818">1818.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare the vase published +by Millin. II. tab. 75. with the +description of the metopes on +the temple at Delphi in Eurip. +Ion. 196. On the chest of +Cypselus, however, he is represented +as slaying them with arrows.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1819" name="note_1819" href="#noteref_1819">1819.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heinrich Proleg. in Hesiod. +Scut. pag. 69. Dissen. Explic. +Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. Buttmann +ad Soph. Philoct. 726. +On the chest of Cypselus Hercules +was represented with arrows, +and also with a sword: +he is called αἰχμητὴς in Archilochus +Frag. 60. ed. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1820" name="note_1820" href="#noteref_1820">1820.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Odyss. XI. 600. cf. VIII. +224. II. V. 393.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1821" name="note_1821" href="#noteref_1821">1821.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XII. p. 512 F. Strab. +XV. p. 688. Eratosth. Cataster. +12. Suid. in Πείσανδρος comp. +Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 1197. +concerning the brazen club of +Hercules mentioned by Peisander.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1822" name="note_1822" href="#noteref_1822">1822.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_III_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">b. I. ch. 3. § 5</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1823" name="note_1823" href="#noteref_1823">1823.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Comp. Isocr. Archid. p. 119 +D. Marm. Farnes. p. 152. in +Marini and others.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1824" name="note_1824" href="#noteref_1824">1824.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I understand ἐν Πύλῳ ἐν +νεκύεσσι, Il. III. 395 in the +same manner as Pausanias does +VI. 25. 3. Apollod. II. 7. 3. +The wounding of Hades was +also mentioned by Panyasis, +Arnob. adv. Gent. IV. 25. According +to the same author (ap. +Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 25. ed. +Sylb.) Here was also wounded +at Pylus. The passage in the +Iliad V. 392. leaves this undecided. +Comp. Schol. Venet. ad +Il. XI. 689. Lycophr. 39. with +the Commentary of Tzetzes. +The wounding of Ares is connected +with the above by Hesiod +Scut. 368. the battle with Apollo +and Poseidon by Pindar Olymp. +IX. 33. Boeckh Expl. p. 189.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1825" name="note_1825" href="#noteref_1825">1825.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Nevertheless there was also +near Pylos Triphyliacus a sanctuary +of Hades on mount Minthe.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1826" name="note_1826" href="#noteref_1826">1826.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Il. V. 392. Venet. II. +336. from the Κατάλογοι of Hesiod. +Diod. IV. 31.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1827" name="note_1827" href="#noteref_1827">1827.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. II. 6. 2. Schol. +Venet. Il. II. 88. Marm. Farnes. +p. 151.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1828" name="note_1828" href="#noteref_1828">1828.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_1" class="tei tei-ref">Ch. +11. § 1</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1829" name="note_1829" href="#noteref_1829">1829.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Olymp. XI. 57. The names +of the conquerors were perhaps +taken from public registers, +ἀναγραφαὶ, which usually went +back to the mythical period, +like those of the priestesses of +Here at Argos (see <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. +7. § 2</a>). Comp. with ibid. v. +59. Etym. Mag. Δαιτήριον ἐν +Ἰλιάδι, read ΗΛΕΙΑΙ; the spot +where Hercules distributed the +booty of the Elean war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1830" name="note_1830" href="#noteref_1830">1830.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Provided that Doryclus is +the Δορυκλὲυς mentioned in +Apollod. III. 10. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1831" name="note_1831" href="#noteref_1831">1831.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XII. 26. 2 comp. +above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_III_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 3. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1832" name="note_1832" href="#noteref_1832">1832.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Pind. Olymp. III. 14. +where the connexion seems to +be as follows: Hercules, while +chasing the hind of Artemis, arrives +at the country of the Hyperboreans, +at the source of the +Ister, and there sees the beautiful +olive-trees. Afterwards, +when about to found the Olympic +games, he remembers these +trees, and procures some young +shoots to plant the bare and +sunny plains of Elis. On the +κότινος of Olympia see Schneider +Index Theophrast. vol. V. +p. 424.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1833" name="note_1833" href="#noteref_1833">1833.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. VIII. 25. 5. 15. 2. +comp. above, p. <a href="#Pg220" class="tei tei-ref">220</a>, note b. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“some external influence,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“The temples are.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1834" name="note_1834" href="#noteref_1834">1834.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the map of +Peloponnesus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1835" name="note_1835" href="#noteref_1835">1835.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. +II. 6. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1836" name="note_1836" href="#noteref_1836">1836.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad +Æn. III. From hence the colony +of Heraclea was sent.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1837" name="note_1837" href="#noteref_1837">1837.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ΟΙΚΙΜΤΑΜ on coins, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> +οἰκιστής.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1838" name="note_1838" href="#noteref_1838">1838.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1839" name="note_1839" href="#noteref_1839">1839.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mus. Pembrock. P. II. +tab. 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. +No. 13, from whose explanation +mine differs in some respects.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1840" name="note_1840" href="#noteref_1840">1840.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 115.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1841" name="note_1841" href="#noteref_1841">1841.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. X. p. 441 A. from +the Ἰταλικὴ of Alcimus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1842" name="note_1842" href="#noteref_1842">1842.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VI_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 6. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1843" name="note_1843" href="#noteref_1843">1843.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 58. +p. 409. Nicomachus ap. Lyd. +de Mensibus, p. 93.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1844" name="note_1844" href="#noteref_1844">1844.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Dissen. Expl. Pind. Isthm. +V. p. 525. It may, perhaps, be +collected from Ovid. Metam. +VII. 369. that at this festival +the women were disguised as +cows. Perhaps the festival of +Hercules was connected with +that of Here, concerning which +see Athen. VI. p. 262.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1845" name="note_1845" href="#noteref_1845">1845.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Laur. Lydus de Magistr. +III. 64. p. 268. On the connexion +between the Lydian worship +of Sandon or Sandes and +the Hellenic worship of Hercules +see a paper by the author in the +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Rheinisches Museum</span></span>, vol. III. +p. 22-39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1846" name="note_1846" href="#noteref_1846">1846.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in +Ἀκέλη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1847" name="note_1847" href="#noteref_1847">1847.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Berosus ap. Agath. Hist. +Justin. II. p. 62. ed. Vulcan.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1848" name="note_1848" href="#noteref_1848">1848.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo XII. p. 564 B. Solinus +42, &c. comp. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 293.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1849" name="note_1849" href="#noteref_1849">1849.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Κτιστὴς on the coins.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1850" name="note_1850" href="#noteref_1850">1850.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. +131. Hence this genealogy was +afterwards transferred to Hylas. +In the Spartan fable, Elacatus +was represented as the παιδικὰ +of Hercules (Sosibius ap. Hesych. +in Ἠλακάτια).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1851" name="note_1851" href="#noteref_1851">1851.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See the fragments of the +Lytierses of Sositheus, Hermann, Opuscula, vol. I. p. 54. +and above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_VIII_Section_12" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 8. § 12</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1852" name="note_1852" href="#noteref_1852">1852.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Amongst the passages quoted +in Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. I. +p. 326. those of Pherecydes, +Pindar, and Apollodorus should +be particularly noticed.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1853" name="note_1853" href="#noteref_1853">1853.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ap. Ælian Var. +Hist. V. 3. comp. Schwarz de +Columnis Herculis, Opuscula, +vol. II. p. 205. Peringer de +Templo Herculis Gaditani. Concerning +Hercules-Briareus, see +also Zenob. Prov. οὗτος ἄλλος +Ἡρακλῆς.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1854" name="note_1854" href="#noteref_1854">1854.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The African Hercules Maceris, +according to Pausan. X. +17. 2; the Phœnician Διωδᾶς, +according to Euseb. Scal. p. 26. +in the Greek text. Islands of +Hercules near New Carthage +in Spain, Athen. III. p. 121 A. +We find also an Iolaus connected +with the Carthaginian Hercules, +Polyb. VII. 9. 2. Eudoxus ap. +Athen. IX. p. 392 D.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1855" name="note_1855" href="#noteref_1855">1855.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1856" name="note_1856" href="#noteref_1856">1856.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Sallust. Bell. Jugurth. 21. +which passage also mentions his +death in Spain. Comp. Strabo +XVII. p. 828.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1857" name="note_1857" href="#noteref_1857">1857.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pollux I. 4. 45.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1858" name="note_1858" href="#noteref_1858">1858.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eudoxus ubi sup. Eustath. +ad Il. p. 1702. 50. Zenobius +in ὄρτυξ ἔσωσεν. Compare with +these passages the very ingenious +explanation of this fable in +Heeren's Ideen, vol. I. part 2. +p. 129.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1859" name="note_1859" href="#noteref_1859">1859.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 43. Paus. III. +16. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1860" name="note_1860" href="#noteref_1860">1860.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence also the legend that +Hercules was subject to epilepsy.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1861" name="note_1861" href="#noteref_1861">1861.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Od. XI. 605.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1862" name="note_1862" href="#noteref_1862">1862.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This worship certainly originated +at Delphi, since the +Delphic oracle in Demosth. in. +Mid. p. 531. 7. orders the +Athenians to offer sacrifices +περὶ ὑγιείας to the supreme +Zeus, Hercules, and Apollo +προστατήριος. Concerning Hercules +ἀλεξίκακος see Libanius +Ep. 12. Dio Chrysost. Orat. I. +p. 17. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. +1375. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. +1218. comp. Marini Ville Alban. +p. 141. No. 152. This +character of the hero is generally +alluded to in the exclamations +Ἡράκλεις, Me Hercules; +and as such, representations of +sheep were offered to him (otherwise +the usual sacrifices were +swine); and he was called Μήλων +at Thebes, Pollux I. 1. 27. +30. and at Melite in Attica.—See +Apollod. ap. Zenob. V. 12. +Hesych. in Μήλων. Schol. Aristoph. +Pac. 42. cf. 740. Suidas +in Μήλιος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1863" name="note_1863" href="#noteref_1863">1863.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. XIII. p. 613. This, +however, was not the original +Grecian Hercules; above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XII_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">§ 8</a>. +Hercules ἀπόμυιος (the averter +of flies) was worshipped at +Rome, according to Clemens +Alexand. Protrept. I. p. 24. ed. +Sylb. a title of Zeus at Olympia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1864" name="note_1864" href="#noteref_1864">1864.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Pausanias, who +also gives an account of several +Dædalian wooden images of +Hercules. The divine worship +at Sicyon (Paus. II. 10. 1.) +may, however, be referred to the +Idæan Dactylus, since this town +was anciently connected with +Phæstus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1865" name="note_1865" href="#noteref_1865">1865.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pind. Nem. I. 67. (cf. +VII. 90) represents Hercules as engaged +in this contest with the +gods, probably a short time +before his deification. The first +representations of Hercules the +giant-destroyer occur on the +throne of the Amyclæan Apollo. +Pausan. III. 18. 7. and some +very ancient vases.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1866" name="note_1866" href="#noteref_1866">1866.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In making libations to Hercules +not a drop was left in the +goblet, Athen. XII. p. 1512 F. +Those who wished to make libations +brought him a measure +of wine, Hesych. in Οἰνιστήρια.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1867" name="note_1867" href="#noteref_1867">1867.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For instance, +Epicharmus in the Busiris, and The Marriage +of Hebe (frequently quoted +in Athenæus), and Rhinthon in +the Hercules. See Athen. XI. +p. 500 F.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1868" name="note_1868" href="#noteref_1868">1868.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, Eubulus ap. Athen. +XIII. p. 567.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1869" name="note_1869" href="#noteref_1869">1869.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">On this poem see Fabric. +Biblioth. Gr. vol. I. p. 378. ed. +Harles. Thermopylæ appears +to have been the earliest locality +of this fable (Herod. VII. 216. +above, <a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_5" class="tei tei-ref">ch. 11. § 5</a>.), but in this +poem the scene was perhaps laid +in Œchalia in Eubœa; at least +Tzetzes, enumerating the poems +attributed to Homer, mentions +the Κέρκωπες next to the Οἰχαλίας +ἅλωσις (ap. Bentl. Epist. +ad Mill. p. 505, ed. Lips.).—Hence +Diotimus, in his poem +on the labours of Hercules, +called the Cercopes Œchalians, +viz., in Eubœa, whence they ravaged +the territory of Bœotia +(Suidas in Εὐρύβατος. Apostol. +IX. 33. Schol. Lucian. Alexand. +4. 71.): Æschrion of Sardis, in +his Ephesis, was probably the +first who transplanted them to +Lydia (Lobeck <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Cercopibus +el Cobalis</span></span> p. 7.), and Xenagoras +to the Pithecusæ (apparently +in his treatise περὶ Νήσων, ap. +Harpocrat. in Κέρκωπες. Lactant. +Fab. XIV. 3. Zenobius, +Apostol. XI. 24.). Among the +Athenian comic poets Hermippus +and Plato treated this fable; +but the composition in Hancarville +III. 88. in which Hercules +reaches two monkey-shaped Cercopes +in nets or cages to Eurystheus +sitting on a throne, seems +to be a representation of an Italian +farce.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1870" name="note_1870" href="#noteref_1870">1870.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Millingen Peintures Inédites +pl. 35. Tischbein III. 37. See +Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 691.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1871" name="note_1871" href="#noteref_1871">1871.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Reinganum's Selinus, +plate 3. (Leipsig. 1827).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1872" name="note_1872" href="#noteref_1872">1872.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Μή τευ μελαμπύγου τύχοις. +See the Parœmiographers, Photius, +Suidas, &c., in this expression, +Diod. IV. 31. and others. +The proverb occurred in Archilochus, +fragm. 106. ed. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1873" name="note_1873" href="#noteref_1873">1873.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. VI. p. 260. +from Hegesander, ibid. XIV. p. 615 +D. from Telephanes. Perhaps +Hercules had παράσιτοι here as +well as at Cynosarges and other +demi. See Diodorus of Sinope +in Athen. VI. p. 239 E.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1874" name="note_1874" href="#noteref_1874">1874.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book IV. ch. 6. § 9. 10. +ch. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1875" name="note_1875" href="#noteref_1875">1875.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Our knowledge of Macedonia has +been much increased by the Travels of +F. C. H. L. Pouqueville from Janina to +Greveno and Castoria, of H. Pouqueville +from Guilan to Mezzovo, and +Barbié du Bocage's (the younger) +Examination of the Ruins of Pella; +although in the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Voyage dans la Grèce</span></span> +(tom. II.) of the first-named writer +some singular notions, arising from +an imperfect knowledge of ancient +geography (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span>, of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Haliacmonts</span></span>), +somewhat confuse the description. +But the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Carte de la Grèce Moderne</span></span>, +by J D. Barbié du Bocage, is a work +of great accuracy, and it has been +implicitly followed in the annexed +Map.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1876" name="note_1876" href="#noteref_1876">1876.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Its rise in these mountains, and +course through Pæonia (Liv. +XXXIX. 53. Strabo VII. p. 327. cf. +Exc. 9. p. 330. ed. Casaub. Ptolem. +p. 82. ed. Montan.). prove that it is +the modern Cara-Sou.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1877" name="note_1877" href="#noteref_1877">1877.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VII. 9. p. 330. states that +the Ludias runs out of the lake on +which Pella is situated; which is +now the lake of Jenidge. (According +to modern maps it is not true that the +lake is formed by an ἀπόσπασμα of +the Axius; but in ancient times also +the marshes reached to the east of +Pella, Liv. XLIV. 46.) Compare +Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. It is evident +from Herodotus VII. 127. that the +Lydias was next to the Axius. +Λοιδίας was the reading found by +Harpocration in Æschines de Fals. +Leg. p. 44.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1878" name="note_1878" href="#noteref_1878">1878.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 127. Scylax agrees +with Herodotus, p. 26. ed. Hudson, +where the places come in the following +order: <span class="tei tei-q">“Pydna, Methone, the +mouth of the Haliacmon, Alorus, +the Lydias, then Pella, the Axius, +the Echeidorus, and Therma.”</span> On +the other hand, Strabo, who represents +the Haliacmon as falling into the +sea near Dium (VII. 8. p. 330.), perhaps +confounding it with the Helicon, +(Pausan. IX. 30. 4.) is supported by +Ptolemy, p. 82. <span class="tei tei-q">“Thessalonice, the +Echeidorus, the Axius, the Lydias, +Pydna, the Haliacmon, Dion, +Pharybas (read Baphyras), the +Peneus.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1879" name="note_1879" href="#noteref_1879">1879.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch de Exilio 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1880" name="note_1880" href="#noteref_1880">1880.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Or Lacmus, in which mountain +the Aous and the Inachus, a branch +of the Achelous, have their source, +Hecatæus ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. VII. +p. 316. Steph. Byz. in v. Λάκμων. +Sophocles ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. Herod. +IX. 93. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lingus</span></span> of Livy XXXII. +13. is nearly the same mountain.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1881" name="note_1881" href="#noteref_1881">1881.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ptolemy. It seems plain that +the Καναλόουια ὄρη of Ptolemy, in +which the Haliacmon rises, and the +Κανδαουία ὄρη before Lychnidus, in +Strabo, Cæsar, Cicero, and the Tab. +Peuting. are the <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">same</span></em> name, and that +the passage of Ptolemy is corrupt. +The ridge is, indeed, broken by the +Genusus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1882" name="note_1882" href="#noteref_1882">1882.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See next note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1883" name="note_1883" href="#noteref_1883">1883.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo VII. Exc. 11. p. 330. +This <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bermius</span></span> is a continuation of mount +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Barnus</span></span>, at the foot of which the Via +Egnatia passes (Strab. VII. p. 323.), +and the same as the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bernus</span></span> of Diodorus, +fragm. 27. p. 229. ed. Bipont, +or the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bora</span></span> of Livy XLV. 29. 30. +where it must be distinguished between +what properly belongs to a <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">regio</span></span> +and what <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">adjicitur</span></span>. See below, p. +<a href="#Pg459" class="tei tei-ref">459</a>, note n. +[Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote number on that page.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1884" name="note_1884" href="#noteref_1884">1884.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mannert's Geographie, VII. +p. 516.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1885" name="note_1885" href="#noteref_1885">1885.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below, +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_17" class="tei tei-ref">§ 17</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1886" name="note_1886" href="#noteref_1886">1886.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Below. +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">§ 11</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1887" name="note_1887" href="#noteref_1887">1887.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 113.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1888" name="note_1888" href="#noteref_1888">1888.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodotus (ubi sup.) appears also +to call the mountain between the +Strymon and Angites, Pangæum.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1889" name="note_1889" href="#noteref_1889">1889.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. +VII. 123. cf. 127.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1890" name="note_1890" href="#noteref_1890">1890.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1891" name="note_1891" href="#noteref_1891">1891.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 58.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1892" name="note_1892" href="#noteref_1892">1892.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1893" name="note_1893" href="#noteref_1893">1893.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 115. Diodonis +XXVII. p. 229. also places the Bisaltæ +to the west of the Strymon; +somewhat differently Liv. XLV. 29, +30. Compare Gatterer's excellent +Dissertations <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Herodoti et Thucydidis +Thracia</span></span>, and Commentat. Gotting. +vol. 5. p. 33.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1894" name="note_1894" href="#noteref_1894">1894.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 124. cf. 127. It is, +however, singular that Xerxes should +go from Acanthus to Therma in +Mygdonia, beyond Pæonia (on the +Axius?) and Crestonica. This Crestonica +is probably quite different +from the Crestonæi at the source of +the Echeidorus, and is a district of +Chalcidice. See the author's <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Etrusker</span></span>, +vol. I. p. 96. Ἐν τῇ Κρηστωνίᾳ +παρὰ τὴν τῶν Βισαλτῶν χώραν, Pseud-Aristot. +Mirab. Auscult. p. 710. ed. +Casaubon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1895" name="note_1895" href="#noteref_1895">1895.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 127.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1896" name="note_1896" href="#noteref_1896">1896.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 123. Βοττιαΐδα, τῆς +ἔχουσι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν στεινὸν χωρίον πόλις +Ἴχναι τε καὶ Πελλα. It does not follow +that Pella was, in the opinion of +Herodotus, a coast-town.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1897" name="note_1897" href="#noteref_1897">1897.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of Apollo, according to +Hesychius in Ἰχναίην. Macedonia had +been called from it Ἰχναίη by some +poet, Hesychius and Suidas in v. The +city is mentioned by Eratosthenes ap. +Steph. Byz. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. and +Mela II. 3. Stephanus Byz. confounds +with this town that in Thessaly. +Themis was worshipped at +Ichnæ, according to Strabo IX. p. +435.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1898" name="note_1898" href="#noteref_1898">1898.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. 8. p. 330. compare +Scylax and Æschines above, in +notes c and d.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1899" name="note_1899" href="#noteref_1899">1899.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. 9. p. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1900" name="note_1900" href="#noteref_1900">1900.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Polybius V. 97. 4. +Bottia and Amphaxitis are also mentioned +together.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1901" name="note_1901" href="#noteref_1901">1901.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Βοττία in II. 99. should +probably be written Βοττιαία, as in II. 100. (or +the reverse; see notes c and f in this +page, and Etym. Mag. in v.) +[Transcriber's Note: Note c begins <span class="tei tei-q">“In Polybius V. 97. 4.”</span> +and note f begins <span class="tei tei-q">“Thucyd. I. 65.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1902" name="note_1902" href="#noteref_1902">1902.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, p. <a href="#Pg465" class="tei tei-ref">465</a>, +note k. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“according to Herodotus,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“VIII. 127.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1903" name="note_1903" href="#noteref_1903">1903.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. I. 65, II. 79, 101. The +passage of Theopompus ap. Steph. +Byz. in v. Αἰόλιον should be thus +written: πόλιν Αἰόλιον τῆς Βοττικῆς +(vulg. Ἀττικῆς) μὲν οὖσαν, πολιτευομένην +δὲ μετὰ τῶν Χαλκιδέων. The inhabitants, +however, are always called +Βοττιαῖοι in Thucydides. Βοττιαία for +Βοττικὴ, Dionysius ad Amm. I. 9. +The great etymologist in Βοττεία also +notices the distinction between Βοττικὴ +and Βοττιαία; where write Βοττικὴ +ἡ Χαλκιδικὴ γῆ (ΧΑΛΚΙΔΙΚΗ for +ΧΑΛΔΑΙΚΗ).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1904" name="note_1904" href="#noteref_1904">1904.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 127. Compare the expression +οἱ οὐρίζουσι γῆν Βοττιαΐδα τε καὶ Μακεδονίδα, +with VII. 123. ὅς οὐριζει χώρην τὴν Μυγδονίην +τε καὶ Βοττιαιΐδα.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1905" name="note_1905" href="#noteref_1905">1905.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. IX. 30. 3. χώραν τὴν +ὑπὸ ὄρος, τὴν Πιερίαν. Livy XLIV. +43. calls the mountain-forest above +Pydna <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pieria sylva</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1906" name="note_1906" href="#noteref_1906">1906.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">With Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. +who makes Pæonia extend to the Axius +(and so Ptolemy, p. 82.); though he +afterwards places Alorus to the south +of the Lydias, and yet in Bottiæa. +There is, however, much confusion in +this passage.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1907" name="note_1907" href="#noteref_1907">1907.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_17" class="tei tei-ref">§ 17</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1908" name="note_1908" href="#noteref_1908">1908.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VIII. 8. p. 330.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1909" name="note_1909" href="#noteref_1909">1909.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLIV. 9, +20. Hence also Pausanias (IX. 30. 3. X. 13. 3.) appears +to distinguish Dium (τὸ ὑπὸ τῇ +Πιερίᾳ), and Strabo (IX. p. 410. X. +p. 471.) Leibethrum, from Pieria. On +the other hand, Arrian. Anab. I. 11. +places the ξόανον of Orpheus at Leibethra +(Plutarch Alexand. 14.) in +Pieria.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1910" name="note_1910" href="#noteref_1910">1910.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I have placed Dium at the <span class="tei tei-foreign"><span style="font-style: italic">ruines</span></span> +in B. du Bocage; Platamona is perhaps +the ancient temple of Hercules.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1911" name="note_1911" href="#noteref_1911">1911.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 8. p. 330. comp. Wesseling +ad Anton. Itin. p. 328. and Drakenb. +ad Liv. XLII. 51. The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Citium</span></span> of +Livy must be sought for near Edessa.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1912" name="note_1912" href="#noteref_1912">1912.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XLII. 53.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1913" name="note_1913" href="#noteref_1913">1913.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1914" name="note_1914" href="#noteref_1914">1914.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLV. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1915" name="note_1915" href="#noteref_1915">1915.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLII. 53. Compare Plutarch. +Æmil. 9. βιαζόμενον κατὰ τὰς +Ἐλιμίας (the passes of Elimea?).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1916" name="note_1916" href="#noteref_1916">1916.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLIII. 21. see above, +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">§ 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1917" name="note_1917" href="#noteref_1917">1917.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Steph. Byz. in Παραυαῖοι. According +to Arrian I. 7. the ἄκρα Τυμφαίας +and Παραυαίας, between Elimea +and Thessaly. Plutarch Qu. Gr. 13. +cf. 26. places Parauæa in Molossis, +Stephanus in Thesprotis, as well as +Tymphe. Comp. Thuc. II. 80. It is +now called <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Zagori</span></span>. See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geographische +Ephemeriden</span></span>, vol. XVII. p. +429.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1918" name="note_1918" href="#noteref_1918">1918.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 325. cf. 326. The +Paroræa in Pæonia, Liv. XLII. 51. +Plin. IV. 17. should be distinguished +from it.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1919" name="note_1919" href="#noteref_1919">1919.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 327. cf. 326. Liv. +XLV. 30. According to Marsyas in +Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰθικία, Æthicia lay +between Tymphæa and Athamania. +In Liv. XXXII. 13. should probably +be written, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">in Tymphæa terra Molottidis,</span></span> +where you would arrive by +mounting the course of the Aous. +Plutarch Pyrrh. 6. connects Stymphæa +and Parauæa: τήν τε Στυμφαίαν +καὶ τὴν Παραυαίαν τῆς Μακεδονίας. +Comp. Niebuhr's Römische Geschichte, +vol. III. p. 536.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1920" name="note_1920" href="#noteref_1920">1920.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Polyb. II. 5. +Scylax, p. 10. Comp. Thucydides, +Livy, and Strabo as above. In Proxenus +ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Χαονία, for +Ταραύλιοι, Ἀμύμονες read Παραυαῖοι, +Ἀτίντανες. It is mentioned in Pseud-Aristot. +Mirab. Auscult. p. 704. ed. +Casaub. that Atintania borders on +Apolloniatis; and hence in p. 710. +for Ἀτλαντίνων read Ἀτιντάνων, or +Ἀμαντίνων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1921" name="note_1921" href="#noteref_1921">1921.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Liv. XXXI. 40. Sulpicius +goes from Elimea to Orestis, and from +thence to Dassaretis (on the lake +Lychnidus, XXVII. 32. near Lyncestis, +XXXI. 33. XXXII. 9. cf. Polyb. +V. 108. Ptolem. p. 83,), and +conquers Pelion on the Erigon (see +Arrian I. 5.).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1922" name="note_1922" href="#noteref_1922">1922.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται, Polyb. +XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. cf. +XLII. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1923" name="note_1923" href="#noteref_1923">1923.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Or Ὀρεστιὰς, Strab. VII. p. 326.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1924" name="note_1924" href="#noteref_1924">1924.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXI. 40.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1925" name="note_1925" href="#noteref_1925">1925.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mannert denies this (VII. p. +519.); but without the authority of +any good map. See Pouqueville tom. +II. p. 322. Orestia was beyond +Macedonia, according to Steph. Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1926" name="note_1926" href="#noteref_1926">1926.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This is evident from the following +passages, Plin. H. N. IV. 15. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">In +Thessalia autem Orchomenos Minyeus +ante dictus, et oppidum Almon ab aliis +Salmon.</span></span> Schol. Apollon. II. 1186. +δύναται δὲ καὶ Ὀρχομενοῦ μνημονεύειν τοῦ +μεθορίου Μακεδονίας καὶ Θεσσαλίας. +Steph. Byz. Μινύα πόλις Θεσσαλίας ἡ +πρότερον Ἁλμωνία; Diod. XX. 110. +where Orchomenus and Dium are +mentioned together as cities in existence +in Olymp. 119. 3; Eustath. +ad Il. IX. p. 661. 4. ed. Bas. (cf. II. +p. 206. 22.) who states that the Thessalian +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">or</span></em> Macedonian Orchomenus +was in his time called Charmenas. +See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, pp. 139, 249. +where it is also shown that the Halmopians, +or Salmonians, were an +ancient tribe of the Minyæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1927" name="note_1927" href="#noteref_1927">1927.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Livy XLV. 30. says +of Eordæa, Lyncestis, Pelagonia, Atintania, +Tymphæa, and Elimiotis, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">frigida hæc +omnis duraque cultu et aspera plaga est</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1928" name="note_1928" href="#noteref_1928">1928.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Among the Macedonian +gentile-names, such as Lyncestæ, Orestæ, +Diastæ (Steph. Byz. in Δῖον), may +also be included the Cyrrhestæ (Plin. +H. N. IV. 17.) of the region Cyrrhus +(Thuc. II. 100. Diod. XVIII. 4. +Steph. Byz. in Μανδαραί).</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1929" name="note_1929" href="#noteref_1929">1929.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 83. 124, 129. +Liv. XXVI. 25. XXXI. 33. see p. <a href="#Pg459" class="tei tei-ref">459</a>, +note m, +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Edessa and Pella,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Strab. VII. p. 323.”</span>] p. <a href="#Pg460" class="tei tei-ref">460</a>, note x, +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Lyncestis,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“By the road.”</span>] and <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_27" class="tei tei-ref">§ 27</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1930" name="note_1930" href="#noteref_1930">1930.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 124. τὰς τοῦ Ἀρριβαίου +κώμας. Heraclea Lyncestis appears +to have been a late settlement.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1931" name="note_1931" href="#noteref_1931">1931.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 127.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1932" name="note_1932" href="#noteref_1932">1932.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 323. This road, +which, according to the tab. Peutinger. +and the Itin. Anton. p. 318, 329, +passes through Lychnidus, Heraclea +Lyncestis, Cellæ, Edessa, Pella, and +Therma, evidently in the higher +parts followed the direction of an +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">ancient pass</span></em>, the εὔπορος ὁδὸς διὰ τῆς +Δασσαρήτιδος (see p. <a href="#Pg458" class="tei tei-ref">458</a>, note +a [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Illyrian Dassaretians,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“In Liv. XXXI. 40.”</span>]) +κατὰ Λύγκον, Plut. Flamin. 4. and +also Liv. XXXII. 9. where for <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lychnidum</span></span> +read <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lyncum</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1933" name="note_1933" href="#noteref_1933">1933.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This follows from Liv. XLV. 29. +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Quarta regio trans Boram montem</span></span> +(with respect to which the <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">tertia regio</span></span> +was <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">versus septentrionem</span></span>, and therefore +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">versus meridiem</span></span> of this), and +XLV. 30. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Quartam regionem Eordæi +et Lyncestæ et Pelagones incolunt.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1934" name="note_1934" href="#noteref_1934">1934.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example, the way in Livy +XXVI. 25. cf. XXXI. 33. where the +river <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bevus</span></span> is also mentioned, probably +one of the branches, which, +according to Strabo VII. p. 327, fall into the Erigon ἐκ +Λυγκηστῶν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1935" name="note_1935" href="#noteref_1935">1935.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Liv. XLII. 53. Perseus goes +from Pella through Eordæa to Elimea. +The <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">lacus Begorrites</span></span> appears +to be the lake Citrini.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1936" name="note_1936" href="#noteref_1936">1936.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, note +n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“south of it,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“This follows from Liv.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1937" name="note_1937" href="#noteref_1937">1937.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Arrian I. 7. The river Eordaicus, +ibid. I. 5, probably runs from +Eordæa into the Erigon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1938" name="note_1938" href="#noteref_1938">1938.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strab. VII. p. +327. Places, Bryanium, Alcomenæ, +Stymbara (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Stubera</span></span> Livy, Στύβερρα +Polybius). In Livy XXXI. 39, 40. +Sulpicius follows a mountain-road +from Stubera to Eordæa, and then +to Elimea; compare Polyb. XVIII. +6. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1939" name="note_1939" href="#noteref_1939">1939.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXIX. 53.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1940" name="note_1940" href="#noteref_1940">1940.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg459" class="tei tei-ref">459</a>, +note s. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“along the Erigon,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Liv. XXXIX. 53.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1941" name="note_1941" href="#noteref_1941">1941.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">By the road <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">per Pelagoniam et +Lyncum et Bottiæam in Thessaliam</span></span>, +Liv. XXVI. 25. That it borders on +Deuriopus is shown by Liv. XXXI. +39.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1942" name="note_1942" href="#noteref_1942">1942.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XXXI. 28, 33. comp. +Gatterer Commentat. tom. VI. p. 67.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1943" name="note_1943" href="#noteref_1943">1943.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thucyd. II. 99. +τῆς Παιονίας παρὰ +τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν στενήν τινα καθήκουσαν +ἄνωθεν μέχρι Πέλλης καὶ θαλάσσης. The +same strip of land was included by +Æmilius Paulus in his <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">tertia regio</span></span>, +according to Livy XLV. 29. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Adjecta +huic parti regio Pæoniæ, qua ab occasu +præter Axium amnem porrigitur.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1944" name="note_1944" href="#noteref_1944">1944.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +p. <a href="#Pg454" class="tei tei-ref">454</a>, note p. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“from Bottiaïs,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Herod. VII. 123.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1945" name="note_1945" href="#noteref_1945">1945.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 99. where Sitalces is going +to make a descent into Lower Macedonia, +the country of Perdiccas, from +Doberus κατὰ κορυφήν. He then invades +(II. 100.) Eidomene, Gortynia, +Atalante, and Europus (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Europos ad +Axium amnem</span></span>, Plin. IV. 17.), probably +places in Pæonia, but certainly +not Bottiæa or Mygdonia.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1946" name="note_1946" href="#noteref_1946">1946.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 98. Παίονες Δόβηρες, Herod. +VII. 113.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1947" name="note_1947" href="#noteref_1947">1947.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 98.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1948" name="note_1948" href="#noteref_1948">1948.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 15. Concerning the +settlements of the Sintians, see Mannert. +vol. VII. p. 502.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1949" name="note_1949" href="#noteref_1949">1949.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Doberus coincides with the modern +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Doiran</span></span>. The Κερκινῖτις λίμνη, +Arrian I. 11, is probably the lake near +Doiran.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1950" name="note_1950" href="#noteref_1950">1950.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">τῶν γὰρ Μακεδόνων εἰσί.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1951" name="note_1951" href="#noteref_1951">1951.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ὑπήκοα, as the Magnetes to the +Thessalians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1952" name="note_1952" href="#noteref_1952">1952.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Those of Perdiccas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1953" name="note_1953" href="#noteref_1953">1953.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">τὴν παρὰ (according to +Bekker) θάλασσαν νῦν Μακεδονίαν.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1954" name="note_1954" href="#noteref_1954">1954.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The substance of the clauses +omitted is given below.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1955" name="note_1955" href="#noteref_1955">1955.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 128. cf. 131, 173.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1956" name="note_1956" href="#noteref_1956">1956.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_3" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 1. § 3</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1957" name="note_1957" href="#noteref_1957">1957.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. +<a href="#Pg457" class="tei tei-ref">457</a>, note s. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Cambunian mountains,”</span> +starting with <span class="tei tei-q">“Liv. XLII. 53.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1958" name="note_1958" href="#noteref_1958">1958.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thus Thuc. IV. 83. comp. Xenoph. +Hell. V. 2. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1959" name="note_1959" href="#noteref_1959">1959.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg458" class="tei tei-ref">458</a>, +note b. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Orestian Macedonians,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”</span>] Thucydides +II. 80. distinguishes the Orestæ from +the Macedonians, viz., from those of +Perdiccas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1960" name="note_1960" href="#noteref_1960">1960.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 80. Perhaps from his +name he was of the family of the +Aleuadæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1961" name="note_1961" href="#noteref_1961">1961.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 79. 83.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1962" name="note_1962" href="#noteref_1962">1962.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 326. Comp. +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_VII_Section_15" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 7. § 15</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1963" name="note_1963" href="#noteref_1963">1963.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Περδίκκας ἦγεν ὧν ἐκράτει Μακεδόνων +τὴν δύναμιν against Arrhibæus, Thuc. +IV. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1964" name="note_1964" href="#noteref_1964">1964.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 137, 138.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1965" name="note_1965" href="#noteref_1965">1965.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 100. These were, according +to Herodotus, Perdiccas, Argæus, +Philip, Aeropus, Alcetas, Amyntas, +Alexander, and Perdiccas.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1966" name="note_1966" href="#noteref_1966">1966.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Edessa on the Via +Egnatia, 28. m. p. from Pella, 62-66. from Heraclea +Lyncestis (Antonin. Itinerar. pp. +319, 330; the tab. Peuting. gives less +accurately 45 and 77 m. p.) is probably +the modern <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Vodina</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1967" name="note_1967" href="#noteref_1967">1967.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 262. +Euseb. Scal. p. 47. cf. 37. Justin +VII. 1. Solin. IX. 14. Dexippus +quotes Theopompus for Caranus. +Marsyas (perhaps the cotemporary +of Alexander and Antigonus) related +a fable concerning Cœnus, the successor +of Caranus, Etym. Mag. p. +523. 40. Etym. Gud. p. 332. 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1968" name="note_1968" href="#noteref_1968">1968.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XIX. 52. XXII. p. 307. +Bip. Plin. IV. 17. Solin. IX. 14. comp. +Justin. VII. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1969" name="note_1969" href="#noteref_1969">1969.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_17" class="tei tei-ref">§ 17</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1970" name="note_1970" href="#noteref_1970">1970.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 21. VIII. 136. Justin +VII. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1971" name="note_1971" href="#noteref_1971">1971.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Consequently the story that +Xerxes gave Alexander all the country +between mounts Olympus and +Hæmus (Justin VII. 4.) is not entirely +fabulous.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1972" name="note_1972" href="#noteref_1972">1972.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gatterer Commentat. vol. IV. p. +96. vol. VI. p. 15. is more accurate +on this point than Poppo Thucyd. +vol. II. p. 421.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1973" name="note_1973" href="#noteref_1973">1973.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 112. +Although Ἠιὼν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης in Thuc. IV. 7. cannot +be that on the Strymon, yet +Eustathius ad Il. II. 566. p. 217. ed. +Bas. is incorrect in distinguishing +Ἠιὼν in Pieria from that on the Strymon +(comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἠιὼν, +Schol. Thuc. I. 98.); and Raoul-Rochette, +Histoire des Colonies +Grecques, tom. III. p. 207, should +not have followed him, since Pieria, +viz. New-Pieria, reaches in this point +to the Strymon. But the Ἠιὼν of +Thucydides is not in Pieria, but in +Chalcidice.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1974" name="note_1974" href="#noteref_1974">1974.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 99.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1975" name="note_1975" href="#noteref_1975">1975.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The expression of Thucydides, +καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος καλεῖται, +proves that the circumstance had +taken place long before. Hence +arose the fabulous genealogies of +Pierus and Emathius, the sons of +Macednus, &c; Marsyas ap. Schol. +Il. XIV. 226. comp. Pausan. IX. 29. +1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1976" name="note_1976" href="#noteref_1976">1976.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VIII. 127. +Thucydides also includes +the Bottiæans, I. 57. (cf. IV. +57.) among those ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης. Βοττιαῖοι +ἐν Θρᾴκῃ, Callimachus fragm. +75, 41.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1977" name="note_1977" href="#noteref_1977">1977.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 94. Concerning the +position of Anthemus, see Plin. H.N. +IV. 17. Hence the τάγμα Ἀνθεμουσία +of the Macedonian army, Hesychius +in v. Ἴλη ἑταίρων Ἀνθεμουσία, Arrian +II. 9. [See Thirlwall's Hist. of +Greece, vol. V. p. 194. note.]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1978" name="note_1978" href="#noteref_1978">1978.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">An objection which might be +derived from Thucyd. I. 58. where, +according to the old reading, Mygdonia +is distinguished from the kingdom +of Perdiccas, is removed by +omitting the τε after Μυγδονίας, which +Bekker and Poppo have expunged, +with good MSS.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1979" name="note_1979" href="#noteref_1979">1979.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The distinction +taken by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 419. between the Ἤδωνες +and Ἠδωνοὶ, viz., that the former dwelt +on the coast, the latter inland, cannot +be supported. For instance, +Thucyd. I. 100. calls those by Amphipolis +Ἠδωνοί.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1980" name="note_1980" href="#noteref_1980">1980.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 114.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1981" name="note_1981" href="#noteref_1981">1981.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 11, 24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1982" name="note_1982" href="#noteref_1982">1982.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. IV. 107.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1983" name="note_1983" href="#noteref_1983">1983.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">But τὰ +ἐντὸς Μακεδόνουν ἔθνεα, Herod. +VI. 44, are not the nations in +Macedonia (Heyne Opuscul. Acad. +IV. p. 164.), but those between Macedonia +and Persia. See Boeckh's +Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 483. +note.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1984" name="note_1984" href="#noteref_1984">1984.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Forty stadia beyond Pydna, +Strabo.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1985" name="note_1985" href="#noteref_1985">1985.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Qu. Gr. 11.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1986" name="note_1986" href="#noteref_1986">1986.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. ap. Strab. X. p. +447. Conon Narr. c. 20. Raoul-Rochette, +Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. +III. pp. 198 sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1987" name="note_1987" href="#noteref_1987">1987.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pydna</span></span>, however, early +belonged to the Macedonians, Thucyd. I. 137. +Diod. XIII. 49. Scylax, p. 26. calls +Pydna and Methone Greek cities; +but that proves nothing for their +independence.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1988" name="note_1988" href="#noteref_1988">1988.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg455" class="tei tei-ref">455</a>, note g. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“according to Herodotus,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“VII. 127.”</span>] No one +surely will distinguish between γῆ ἡ +Μακεδονὶς and ἡ Μακεδονία.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1989" name="note_1989" href="#noteref_1989">1989.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_16" class="tei tei-ref">§ 16</a>. Herodotus also +mentions together, among the allies +of Xerxes, VII. 185, the Eordians +(in Physca, see below, p. <a href="#Pg468" class="tei tei-ref">468</a>. note k +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Physca in Mygdonia,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“According to Ptolemy, p. 83.”</span>]), +the Bottiæans (near Olynthus), and +the Chalcideans. Concerning the +Brygians, see below, <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_30" class="tei tei-ref">§ 30</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1990" name="note_1990" href="#noteref_1990">1990.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Besides VII. 127. see also VII. +173. concerning the road from <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Lower +Macedonia</span></span> to Thessaly.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1991" name="note_1991" href="#noteref_1991">1991.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">πρῶτοι (πρῶτον Bekker) ἐκτήσαντο.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1992" name="note_1992" href="#noteref_1992">1992.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Near the pass Volustana, Liv. +XLIV. 2, which led to Elimea, p. +<a href="#Pg457" class="tei tei-ref">457</a>, note s. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Cambunian mountains,”</span> +starting with <span class="tei tei-q">“Liv. XLII. 53.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1993" name="note_1993" href="#noteref_1993">1993.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 131.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1994" name="note_1994" href="#noteref_1994">1994.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1995" name="note_1995" href="#noteref_1995">1995.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 15, 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1996" name="note_1996" href="#noteref_1996">1996.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. +434. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 495.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1997" name="note_1997" href="#noteref_1997">1997.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. +VIII. 116.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1998" name="note_1998" href="#noteref_1998">1998.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Syncellus and Eusebius Scal. +the reading is Dardanians for Eordians; +the latter, which is evidently +the correct reading, is preserved in +the Armenian Eusebius, p. 168. ed. +Mai. who follows Diodorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_1999" name="note_1999" href="#noteref_1999">1999.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to +Ptolemy, p. 83. In +Steph. Byz. it should probably be +written, Ἐορδαῖαι, δύο χῶραι, Μακεδονίας +καὶ Μυγδονίας.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2000" name="note_2000" href="#noteref_2000">2000.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 100. cf. I. 57. VI. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2001" name="note_2001" href="#noteref_2001">2001.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. I. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2002" name="note_2002" href="#noteref_2002">2002.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 59.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2003" name="note_2003" href="#noteref_2003">2003.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Schol. Thuc. I. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2004" name="note_2004" href="#noteref_2004">2004.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence perhaps we might separate +ξύμμαχα καὶ ὑπήκοα in the beginning +of the chapter, and refer the +former rather to Lyncus, the latter to +Elimea.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2005" name="note_2005" href="#noteref_2005">2005.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristot. Pol. V. 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2006" name="note_2006" href="#noteref_2006">2006.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xen. Hell. V. 2. 38.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2007" name="note_2007" href="#noteref_2007">2007.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Athen. XIII. p. 557. C. cf. X. +p. 436 C.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2008" name="note_2008" href="#noteref_2008">2008.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">To be inferred from Lycophron. +Cass. 802. with Tzetzes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2009" name="note_2009" href="#noteref_2009">2009.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diod. XVII. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2010" name="note_2010" href="#noteref_2010">2010.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Arrian VI. 28.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2011" name="note_2011" href="#noteref_2011">2011.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pliny H. +N. IV. 17. mentions <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Almopians</span></span>, together with Eordians, +on the banks of the Axius; and in +Ptolemy p. 83. Almopia is the +country near Europus; it was to this +place that the Almopians probably +fled. This also explains the genealogical +connexion with Pæon and +Edonus. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchamenos,</span></span> p. 250, note 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2012" name="note_2012" href="#noteref_2012">2012.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Of ancient wars of the Macedonians, +not mentioned by Thucydides, +I may mention the fabulous +battle between Caranus and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cisseus</span></span> +(Pausan. IX. 40. 4.), probably a king +of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cissus</span></span>, near Therma, which is the +explanation given by Strabo VII. +exc. 10. p. 330. of Cisseus the Thracian +in Il. XI. 221. Euripides transferred +this war, as well as the story +of the goats, into his tragedy called +Archelaus, perhaps only written from +flattery, fragm. 33. ed. Musgr. Hyginus +Fab. 219. See also Lycophr. +1237. Concerning the supposed war +with the Phrygians, see below, <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_30" class="tei tei-ref">§ 30</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2013" name="note_2013" href="#noteref_2013">2013.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Mannert, vol. VII. p. 281. +In the catalogue of nations, however, +in Appian Illyr. 2. Pæonian and +Thracian (Mædi, Triballi) are mixed +with Illyrian tribes.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2014" name="note_2014" href="#noteref_2014">2014.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. IV. 93. V. 3. Menander +ap. Strab. VII. p. 297. The language +of the Getæ was Thracian, +Strab. VII. p. 303.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2015" name="note_2015" href="#noteref_2015">2015.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VII. 75, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2016" name="note_2016" href="#noteref_2016">2016.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Strabo VII. p. 305, +315. cf. VII. p. 323.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2017" name="note_2017" href="#noteref_2017">2017.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. p. 316. According +to which passage they extended more +to the north as far as the Illyrian +Dardanians. The Thracians beyond +Crestona, mentioned by Herodotus +V. 3. are probably the same people.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2018" name="note_2018" href="#noteref_2018">2018.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Conon Narr. c. 20. calls the Bisaltæ +Thracians (Ἄργιλος was also a +Thracian name according to Heraclid. +Pont. 41); and the Panæans, +whom Thucydides II. 101. calls +Thracians, were an Edonian nation +according to Stephanus Byz.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2019" name="note_2019" href="#noteref_2019">2019.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strabo X. p. 471. does not appear +to make this supposition, but perhaps +in VII. p. 321.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2020" name="note_2020" href="#noteref_2020">2020.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">By Thucydides II. 29. and by +earlier writers.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2021" name="note_2021" href="#noteref_2021">2021.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg011" class="tei tei-ref">11</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2022" name="note_2022" href="#noteref_2022">2022.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Iliad XIV. 225. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2023" name="note_2023" href="#noteref_2023">2023.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gatterer Commentat. VI. p. 37. +Mannert, vol. VII. p. 487.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2024" name="note_2024" href="#noteref_2024">2024.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Solin. +IX. 2, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2025" name="note_2025" href="#noteref_2025">2025.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Appian Illyr. I. +But as in later times Pæonians and +Illyrians were confounded (Appian +Illyr. 14.) the Paunonians also were +called Illyrians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2026" name="note_2026" href="#noteref_2026">2026.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 13. comp. VII. 20, 75, +and see <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Prolegomena zur Mythologie</span></span>, +p. 351. The legend concerning the +great expedition of the Teucrians is +well given in Lycophron v. 1341.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2027" name="note_2027" href="#noteref_2027">2027.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Yet Strabo VII. p. 295. has the +contrary tradition of the Mysians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2028" name="note_2028" href="#noteref_2028">2028.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 196.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2029" name="note_2029" href="#noteref_2029">2029.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Gottleber ad Thucyd. I. 57.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2030" name="note_2030" href="#noteref_2030">2030.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 20.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2031" name="note_2031" href="#noteref_2031">2031.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herodot. V. 22. and see Valckenaer's +note. The Attic orators evidently +exaggerate; there is, however, +perhaps a slight hyperbole in what +Weiske <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">de Hyperbole</span></span>, p. 19. says on +the other side.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2032" name="note_2032" href="#noteref_2032">2032.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +Scylax, p. 12. and the metrical +Dicæarchus, p. 3. Comp. Salmas. +Exercit. Plin. p. 100 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2033" name="note_2033" href="#noteref_2033">2033.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The passage of Hesiod appears +to be from the Ἠοῖαι (above p. <a href="#Pg004" class="tei tei-ref">4</a>. +note n +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Hesiod and Hellanicus,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Ap. Constant.”</span>]), and these poems come down +as late as the 40th Olympiad (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, +p. 358). After Hesiod Solinus +IX. 13. calls <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Macedo Deucalionis maternus +nepos.</span></span> comp. Eustath. ad Dionys. +Perieg. 427.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2034" name="note_2034" href="#noteref_2034">2034.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The account of the Greeks living +on the Pontus, according to Herod. +IV. 8-10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2035" name="note_2035" href="#noteref_2035">2035.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Although +Mannert, vol. VII. p. +492. considers the Macedonians to be +of Illyrian and Pæonian descent, +Comp. p. 421.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2036" name="note_2036" href="#noteref_2036">2036.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +p. <a href="#Pg460" class="tei tei-ref">460</a>. note z. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“and the coast,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Thucyd. II. 99.”</span>] Pliny +H. N. IV. 17. appears to say that the +Eordi were Pæonians; and it is not +improbable that this was the fact, +though the passage of Pliny is corrupt. +Herodotus VII. 185. mentions +together Thracians, Pæonians, Eordians, +Bottiæans, Chalcidians, Brygians, +Pierians, Macedonians, and +Perrhæbians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2037" name="note_2037" href="#noteref_2037">2037.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> Thuc. IV. 124.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2038" name="note_2038" href="#noteref_2038">2038.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> Thucydides II. +96. mentions Thracians between mounts Hæmus +and Rhodope, Getæ and mountain +Thracians together, as if the Getæ +were not Thracians. Instances of +this use are very common; <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> the +common case of Ionians <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">and</span></em> Athenians.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2039" name="note_2039" href="#noteref_2039">2039.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. XIV. 226. And hence in the +Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 39. +(according to Matthiä's and Ilgen's +conjecture), although Emathia does +not suit very well there, and the preceding +word (neither Λεύκον nor Λίγκον +is in its place) remains uncertain. +The Roman poets, as is well known, +use the name in a very wide sense, +Heyne ad Virg. Georg. I. 492.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2040" name="note_2040" href="#noteref_2040">2040.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Justin. VII. +1. Gell. XIV. 6. 4. Solinus IX. 1. +distinguishes between the Edonian, +Mygdonian, Pierian, and Emathian +territory, and IX. 12. derives the +name of Emathia, as being that of +the most ancient Macedonia, from +an Autochthon <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Emathius</span></span>. Tzetzes +ad Hesiod. Op. I. Chiliad. VI. 90. +states, from the Delphica of Melisseus, +that Aëropus, the eldest son of +Emathion, had reigned over Lyncus, +which had previously been called +Pieria,—a very confused account.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2041" name="note_2041" href="#noteref_2041">2041.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Justin VII. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2042" name="note_2042" href="#noteref_2042">2042.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pag. 84.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2043" name="note_2043" href="#noteref_2043">2043.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Ptolemy the word is +Κύριος. See above, p. <a href="#Pg458" class="tei tei-ref">458</a>. note h. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Macedonian inflexion,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Among the Macedonian.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2044" name="note_2044" href="#noteref_2044">2044.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">II. 100. comp. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. +The tabula Peuting. which places +Idomenæ 53 m. p. from Therma, and +35 from Stoboi (Istip), agrees very +well with Thucydides, Ptolemy, and +Pliny.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2045" name="note_2045" href="#noteref_2045">2045.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Since he entirely separates Bottiæa +from Pieria.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2046" name="note_2046" href="#noteref_2046">2046.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XXIV. 8. Liv. XV. 3. Justin VII. +1. says of Emathia, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Populus Pelasgi, +regio Bœotia dicebatur</span></span>, where <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bottiæa</span></span> +is a more probable correction than +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Pæonia</span></span>, and is confirmed by the Vatican +fragments of Diodorus, p. 4. +Mai.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2047" name="note_2047" href="#noteref_2047">2047.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 56. cf. VIII. 43. and see +<a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_10" class="tei tei-ref">book I. ch. 1. § 10</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2048" name="note_2048" href="#noteref_2048">2048.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 56. Δωρικὸν ἐκλήθη. And +yet, according to Herodotus himself, they +were governed by Dorus in Hestiæotis.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2049" name="note_2049" href="#noteref_2049">2049.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Constantin. Porphyrog. II. 2. +λέγεται δὲ καὶ Μακεδονίας μοῖρα Μακέτα, +ὡς Μαρσύας ἐν πρώτῳ Μακεδονιακῶν. καὶ +τὴν Ὀρεστιάδα (vulg. Ἠρέστειαν δὲ) Μακέταν +λέγουσιν. See above, p. <a href="#Pg458" class="tei tei-ref">458</a>. note c. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“valley of Orestis,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Or Ὀρεστιὰς.”</span>] Scymnus calls the Macedonians γηγενεῖς, +and makes them come from +Macessa and Emathia, v. 657.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2050" name="note_2050" href="#noteref_2050">2050.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Appian +Syr. 63. Ἄργος ἐν Ὀρεστείᾳ +(ὅθεν οἱ Ἀργέαδαι Μακεδόνες). Concerning +the name of the Argeadæ see +Pausan. VII. 8. 5. and the note of +Siebelis. Perhaps the entire legend +of the Argive origin of the Macedonian +kings properly refers to this +Argos Orestikon.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2051" name="note_2051" href="#noteref_2051">2051.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. p. 324. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2052" name="note_2052" href="#noteref_2052">2052.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Bulini, near the modern +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Valona</span></span>, Mannert, vol. VII. p. 388.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2053" name="note_2053" href="#noteref_2053">2053.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Near Epidamnus, according to +Thuc. I. 24. Appian. Bell. Civ. II. +39. and extending as far as the Dalmatians +according to Appian Illyr. +24.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2054" name="note_2054" href="#noteref_2054">2054.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Also near Epidamnus according +to Liv. XXIX. 12. XLIII. 21. to the +south of the Taulantians according to +Plin. H. N. III. 26. Mela. II. 3. The +country of the Parthini was called ἡ +Πάρθος, Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. as ἡ +Λύγκος (Thuc. IV. 83.) ἡ Δευρίοπος +above, <a href="#Appendix_I_Section_11" class="tei tei-ref">§ 11</a>. ἡ Κύρρος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2055" name="note_2055" href="#noteref_2055">2055.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See below, p. <a href="#Pg481" class="tei tei-ref">481</a>, note k. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“with the Dassaretians,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Scymnus Chius.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2056" name="note_2056" href="#noteref_2056">2056.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Read πλησέον δέ που κατὰ (vulg. +καὶ) τὰ ἀργύρια.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2057" name="note_2057" href="#noteref_2057">2057.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Besides this passage Damastium +is only known by its silver coins, +Eckhel D. N. I. II. p. 164. Mionnet +Descript. tom. II. p. 54.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2058" name="note_2058" href="#noteref_2058">2058.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Here those in the neighbourhood +of Apollonia are meant, see below, +p. <a href="#Pg483" class="tei tei-ref">483</a>, note a. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“strange deities,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“As the Encheleans.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2059" name="note_2059" href="#noteref_2059">2059.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Probably +the Dassaretians (Sesarethians) +near Lychnidus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2060" name="note_2060" href="#noteref_2060">2060.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Northern Sicily.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2061" name="note_2061" href="#noteref_2061">2061.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Not mentioned elsewhere.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2062" name="note_2062" href="#noteref_2062">2062.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Thuc. II. 80. +Scymn. 444. Concerning their ἐκβάρβαρωσις +see Plutarch Pyrrh. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2063" name="note_2063" href="#noteref_2063">2063.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scylax, p. 12. Dicæarchus, p. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2064" name="note_2064" href="#noteref_2064">2064.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pag. 10.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2065" name="note_2065" href="#noteref_2065">2065.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Illyr. 7.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2066" name="note_2066" href="#noteref_2066">2066.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg458" class="tei tei-ref">458</a>, note b. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Orestian Macedonians,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2067" name="note_2067" href="#noteref_2067">2067.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. +34. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Liberi Amantini et Orestæ</span></span>, Plin. +H. N. IV. 17. Hence Steph. Byz. +makes Orestis reach to Molossia, in +v. Ὀρέσται. These have been generally +followed by modern geographers. +Lyncus alone is mentioned +by Steph. Byz. in v. πόλιν Ἠπείρου.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2068" name="note_2068" href="#noteref_2068">2068.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to the probable supposition +of Mannert, vol. VII. p. 390.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2069" name="note_2069" href="#noteref_2069">2069.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Strab. VII. See Exc. 3. p. 329.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2070" name="note_2070" href="#noteref_2070">2070.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This usage first occurs in Cæsar +Bell. Civ. III. 34. although there it is +not quite clear; on the other hand, +Dio Cassius XLI. 49. distinctly says, +ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ πρότερον μὲν Ἰλλυριῶν τῶν +Παρθινῶν, νῦν δὲ καὶ τότε γε ἤδη Μακεδονίᾳ +νενομισμένῃ: the boundaries are +given by Pliny N. H. III. 26. (from +Lissus to Oricum) and Ptolemy.—Dexippus +also, quoted by Constantinus +Porphyr. de Them. II. 9. includes +Epidamnus in Macedonia, and the +tabula Peuting, has only Macedonia +between Dalmatia and Epirus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2071" name="note_2071" href="#noteref_2071">2071.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">e.g.</span></span> Thuc. I. 24. Liv. XLV. +26.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2072" name="note_2072" href="#noteref_2072">2072.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It would lead me too far to treat +here of the Thesean, Abantian, Laconian, +and ancient Ionian κουρά.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2073" name="note_2073" href="#noteref_2073">2073.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book IV. ch. 2. § 4. The proper +Thessalian appellation was, according +to the Great Etymologist, ἄλληξ, +whence <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">allicula</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2074" name="note_2074" href="#noteref_2074">2074.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Etrusker</span></span>, +vol. I. p. 265.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2075" name="note_2075" href="#noteref_2075">2075.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Theophrast. Hist. Plant. III. 9.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2076" name="note_2076" href="#noteref_2076">2076.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schneider's Lexicon in πέτασος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2077" name="note_2077" href="#noteref_2077">2077.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Amat. 16. Pyrrh. 11. +Herodian. IV. 8. 5. Dio Chrysostom. +Or. 72. p. 628. ed. Reisk. Pollux X. +162. Valer. Max. V. 1. ext. 4. Antipater +Thessal. apud Brunck. n. 10. +Suidas in Καυσίν. Compare Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 345.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2078" name="note_2078" href="#noteref_2078">2078.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. IV. 4. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2079" name="note_2079" href="#noteref_2079">2079.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Heracl. Pont. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2080" name="note_2080" href="#noteref_2080">2080.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eckhel Doct. Num. I. 2. pp. 83. +155. 158. A clear notion of the causia +may be obtained from the representations +of Macedonian coins in Pellerin +Recueil de M. de Rois Pl. 1. n. 1. of +Ætolian in Combe Numi Mus. Britann. +Pl. 5. 24. 25. and of Illyrian in +Eckhel Numi. Vet. Anecd. (1775.) +Pl. I. tab. 6. 22. 23.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2081" name="note_2081" href="#noteref_2081">2081.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Philip, the son +of Amyntas, first conquered the country as far as the +lake Lychnitis, Diod. XVI. 8. The +Taulantians in the time of Alexander +had their own king, Arrian I. 5. The +Illyrian king Argon ruled (about 240 +B.C.) as far as Epirus, and the Atintanes +were his subjects, Appian Illyr. +7. 8. When the Romans first went +to Illyria they were joined by the +Parthini and Atintanes, Polyb. II. +11. Atintania was first conquered +by Philip the son of Demetrius, +Schweighæuser ad Polyb. II. 5. p. +356. In the peace he only lost Lychnidus +(with Dassaretis, Polyb. V. 108.) +and Parthus (<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">i.e.</span></span> the Parthini), Polyb. +XVIII. 30. 12. Liv. XXXIII. +34. The only countries which even +Perseus possessed beyond the mountains +were Atintania and Tymphæa, +Liv. XLV. 30. See also Palmer Græc. +Ant. I. 14. p. 78.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2082" name="note_2082" href="#noteref_2082">2082.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">From ἄμαθος, sea-sand.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2083" name="note_2083" href="#noteref_2083">2083.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">V. II. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2084" name="note_2084" href="#noteref_2084">2084.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Suppl. 257.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2085" name="note_2085" href="#noteref_2085">2085.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollod. III. 8. 1. Ælian de +Nat. An. X. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ὠρωπός.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2086" name="note_2086" href="#noteref_2086">2086.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">σύνοικοι, Herod. +VII. 73.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2087" name="note_2087" href="#noteref_2087">2087.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. VIII. 138. Conon Narr. +I. Concerning these roses see also +Nicand. Fragm. 2. p. 278. ed. +Schneider. Conon ibid. and Apollodorus +ap. Strab. XIV. p. 680. also +speak of ancient mines near mount +Bermius.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2088" name="note_2088" href="#noteref_2088">2088.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">It might be inferred +from Thuc. I. 61. that Berœa had not even <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">then</span></em> +become a Macedonian possession; +but it seems that ἀπανίστανται merely +signifies <span class="tei tei-q">“they prepare to leave Macedonia.”</span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2089" name="note_2089" href="#noteref_2089">2089.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">In Herod. VII. 73. Conon ubi +sup. Xanthus placed it after, but +probably <em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">soon</span></em> after the Trojan war.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2090" name="note_2090" href="#noteref_2090">2090.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Justin VII. 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2091" name="note_2091" href="#noteref_2091">2091.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Scymnus Chius v. 433. Strab. +pp. 326, 327. There were Βρίγες in +Dyrrhachium, according to Appian +B.C. II. 39. who states that they returned +from Phrygia; comp. Steph. +Byz. in Βρύξ. Herodotus indeed +plainly distinguishes from the Βρίγεσφρύγες +(VII. 73.) the Βρύγοι Θρήικες +(VI. 45. VII. 185.) in Macedonia, +who revolted to Mardonius and came +with Xerxes; and Strabo also appears +completely to separate the +Βρύγοι as an Illyrian people (in p. +327. write Βρύγων) from the Thracian +Βρίγες, who are said to have entirely +left Europe (VII. p. 295): still their +names and settlements seem to establish +a national affinity.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2092" name="note_2092" href="#noteref_2092">2092.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Mygdon, a prince of the +Phrygians, is mentioned in Iliad III. 186. +Comp. Strabo VII. p. 295.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2093" name="note_2093" href="#noteref_2093">2093.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristotle ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ +ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. Qu. Gr. 35. +A similar, though still stranger, legend +concerning the Bottiæans may +be seen in Strabo VI. pp. 279. 282. +Compare Etymol. Magn. in Βόττεια. +The Cretan traditions may perhaps +have found a resting-place in the +temple at Ichnæ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2094" name="note_2094" href="#noteref_2094">2094.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 100. Plin. H. N. IV. +17. The name Europus (Justin. VII. +1. speaks of an ancient king Europus +in this country, and according to +Steph. Byz. Εὐρωπὸς and Ὠρωπὸς were +the sons of Macedon) reminds us of +Demeter Europa, the Hermionean +Europs, and the Cretan Europa. The +Cretan Ἰδομενεὺς implies the existence +of a place named Ἰδομένη.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2095" name="note_2095" href="#noteref_2095">2095.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">I. 57. Compare <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. +444. note 1.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2096" name="note_2096" href="#noteref_2096">2096.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, +p. <a href="#Pg458" class="tei tei-ref">458</a>, note f. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“far from Pieria,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“This is evident.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2097" name="note_2097" href="#noteref_2097">2097.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Πύδνα occurs again in the sacred +Pytna of Crete. The poetical associations +chiefly clung to the district +above Dium, where Pimple and Leibethrum +were situated.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2098" name="note_2098" href="#noteref_2098">2098.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. +<a href="#Pg472" class="tei tei-ref">472</a>, note a. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“narrow strip of land,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“See above.”</span>] Strabo, +who calls the Eordi Illyrians (above, +<a href="#Appendix_I_Section_26" class="tei tei-ref">§ 26</a>.), yet speaks only of the Macedonian +inhabitants of Eordia. Hesychius +and Tzetzes ad Lycophr. +1342. call the Eordi Macedonians. +Stephanus Byz. in Ἄμυρος has a confused +passage on the Amyri, who, +according to Suidas, were Eordi.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2099" name="note_2099" href="#noteref_2099">2099.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Liv. XLV. 30.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2100" name="note_2100" href="#noteref_2100">2100.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Compare now Heyne Opusc. Acad. +IV. p. 165. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Macedonas e multis +barbarorum populis, Thracum inprimis +et Pelasgorum, quibus Græcorum exigua +pars accesserat, coaluisse.</span></span> Schlözer +Weltgeschichte, vol. I. pag. 290. +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">The Macedonians, brothers of the +Thracians, and entirely different from +the Greeks, among whom they were +long called barbarians, wandered about +their mountainous country, divided into +150 hordes, when a Heraclide, &c.</span></span></dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2101" name="note_2101" href="#noteref_2101">2101.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Solinus, IX. 16.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2102" name="note_2102" href="#noteref_2102">2102.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 100.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2103" name="note_2103" href="#noteref_2103">2103.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Solinus, IX. 17.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2104" name="note_2104" href="#noteref_2104">2104.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">XLV. 30. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">ferociores +eos et accolæ +barbari faciunt, nunc bello exercentes, +nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos.</span></span> An +intercourse in peace, among free and +hardy nations, presupposes a certain +degree of resemblance. At the present +time the wild Orestæ are stated +to be very different from the mild +and social Zagoriots (Parauæans), +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Geographische Ephemeriden</span></span>, vol. +XVII. p. 430.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2105" name="note_2105" href="#noteref_2105">2105.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">As the Encheleans appear to +have carried from the Bœotian incursion +(<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Orchomenos</span></span>, p. 231.) the worship +of Cadmus and Harmonia both +to the region of Buthoë (Scylax, p. +9. Steph. Byz. in Βουθόη), and to the +Ceraunian mountains (Dionys. Perieg. +v. 391. Apoll. Rh. IV. 517. for +there were Encheleans in both places). +Compare Apollodorus III. 5. 4. Scymnus +Chius v. 437. Eustathius ad Dionys. +Perieg. v. 389. Interpret. Virg. +Æn. I. 243. ed. Mai.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2106" name="note_2106" href="#noteref_2106">2106.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Amerias ap. Hesych. in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2107" name="note_2107" href="#noteref_2107">2107.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in Δευάδαι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2108" name="note_2108" href="#noteref_2108">2108.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius +et Favorinus in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2109" name="note_2109" href="#noteref_2109">2109.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesychius in v.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2110" name="note_2110" href="#noteref_2110">2110.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Plutarch Alex. 2. Polyæn. Stratag. +IV. 1. Compare Athenæus V. p. +198 E. Etym. Mag. et Suidas in Κλώδονες, +Lycoph. v. 1237. Conon Narr. +45. Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. III. p. +194. sq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2111" name="note_2111" href="#noteref_2111">2111.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Jovis templum, veterrimæ Macedonum +religionis</span></span>, Justin XXIV. 2. +Archelaus established Olympic games +(Arrian I. 11.), who had himself been +a conqueror at the Olympic games at +Elis, Solin. IX. 18. Perhaps also +Musea in Macedonia, according to +Arrian ubi sup.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2112" name="note_2112" href="#noteref_2112">2112.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in Ἐδεσσαῖος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2113" name="note_2113" href="#noteref_2113">2113.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesych. in Ἄρητος.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2114" name="note_2114" href="#noteref_2114">2114.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. +<a href="#Pg455" class="tei tei-ref">455</a>, note z. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“an ancient temple,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Of Apollo.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2115" name="note_2115" href="#noteref_2115">2115.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_XI_Section_2" class="tei tei-ref">Book +II. ch. 11. § 2</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2116" name="note_2116" href="#noteref_2116">2116.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Eckhel D. N. I. 2. p. 74. The +Macedonian Venus, Zeirene (Hesyvch. +in v.) was perhaps the Zerynthian. +Mars, according to Hesychius, was in +Macedonia called Thaumus or Thaulus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2117" name="note_2117" href="#noteref_2117">2117.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 6. Strab. VII. p. 315. +Comp. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 169 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2118" name="note_2118" href="#noteref_2118">2118.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polit. VII. 2. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2119" name="note_2119" href="#noteref_2119">2119.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">According to Hegesander ap. +Athen. I. p. 18 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2120" name="note_2120" href="#noteref_2120">2120.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 4; according to Solinus +X. 2. <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">apud plurimos</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2121" name="note_2121" href="#noteref_2121">2121.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 5. comp. +Solinus X. 3.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2122" name="note_2122" href="#noteref_2122">2122.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Solinus X. 1. concludes <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Thracibus +barbaris inesse contemtum vitæ ex quadam +naturalis sapientiæ disciplina</span></span>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2123" name="note_2123" href="#noteref_2123">2123.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See besides Herod. V. 5. Heraclid. +Pont. Polit. 27. Strab. VII. p. +297. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 112 A.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2124" name="note_2124" href="#noteref_2124">2124.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. V. 6. Heraclid. ubi sup. +Solin. X. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2125" name="note_2125" href="#noteref_2125">2125.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Solin. X. 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2126" name="note_2126" href="#noteref_2126">2126.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Thuc. II. 100. The ἄνω ξύμμαχοι +are the Lyncestæ, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2127" name="note_2127" href="#noteref_2127">2127.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 41. V. 3. 1. +cf. Thuc. I. 61, 62.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2128" name="note_2128" href="#noteref_2128">2128.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Polyb. V. 27. 6. Curtius VI. 8. 25. +(with Freinsheim's note) VI. 9. 34. +Crophius Antiq. Maced. I. 6. II. 4.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2129" name="note_2129" href="#noteref_2129">2129.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hence, for example, it cannot be +inferred from the distinction between +the Illyrian and Macedonian languages +in Polyb. XXVIII. 8. 9. that +the nations were originally of a different +descent. Sturz <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">De Dialecto +Macedonica et Alexandrina</span></span> has not +sufficiently distinguished the third +period from the two first.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2130" name="note_2130" href="#noteref_2130">2130.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">For example, Steph. Byz. in v. +Βορμίσκος—οὓς κύνας τῇ πατρῴᾳ φωνῇ +ἐστερικὰς καλοῦσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες. The +barbarous word σκοῖδος, signifying a +kind of steward, which was used by +Alexander in letters, and adopted by +Menander (Photius, p. 523. 5.) can +hardly be oriental. See also the collection +of Sturz in the words ἄβαγνα, +ἄδδαι, ἀδῆ, ἀκρέα, ἄξος, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2131" name="note_2131" href="#noteref_2131">2131.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The Athamanes were Epirots according +to Strabo, Illyrians according +to Steph. Byz. in v. The words are +not Grecian.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2132" name="note_2132" href="#noteref_2132">2132.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, Σανάδαι, and Athenæus +III. p. 114 B. concerning the +Macedonian and Athamanian word +δράμις or δράμιξ.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2133" name="note_2133" href="#noteref_2133">2133.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">This fact may be +believed on the testimony of Curtius VI. 9. 35.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2134" name="note_2134" href="#noteref_2134">2134.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollonius de Construct. III. 7. +calls it the Macedonian or Thessalian +usage. Sturz, p. 28. 5. infers chiefly +from this that the Macedonian language +was originally nearly the same +as the Dorian. The coins, I may +remark incidentally, prove nothing, +as they were struck for intercourse +with the Greeks. Adelung, on the +other hand, considers the Macedonians +as Thracians (to which nation +he also refers the Illyrians), with a +tinge of Greek civilisation, Mithridat, +vol. II. p. 359.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2135" name="note_2135" href="#noteref_2135">2135.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See above, p. <a href="#Pg003" class="tei tei-ref">3</a>. notes +g and h. +[Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to <span class="tei tei-q">“native dialect,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Compare, for example,”</span> and to <span class="tei tei-q">“Æolic,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">E.g.</span></span> the nominatives.”</span>]</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2136" name="note_2136" href="#noteref_2136">2136.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg467" class="tei tei-ref">467</a>. note c. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“on Pieria,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Near the pass Volustana.”</span>] Hence +the Cambunian mountains are now +called Volutza.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2137" name="note_2137" href="#noteref_2137">2137.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Above, p. <a href="#Pg453" class="tei tei-ref">453</a>. note g. +[Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to <span class="tei tei-q">“Candavian chain,”</span> +starting <span class="tei tei-q">“Ptolemy.”</span>] The first +syllable of this name appears to be +the same as of <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Cambunii montes</span></span>, in +which the second part is probably +the word βοῦνος, which in modern +Greek still means <span class="tei tei-q">“a hill.”</span> In the +names of Macedonian mountains, +<span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Barnus</span></span>, <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bermius</span></span>, +and <span class="tei tei-hi"><span style="font-style: italic">Bertiscus</span></span> (Ptolemy), +there is probably the same +root.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2138" name="note_2138" href="#noteref_2138">2138.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pausan. X. 6. 5. οἱ μὲν δὴ γενεαλογεῖν +τὰ πάντα ἐθέλοντες, &c.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2139" name="note_2139" href="#noteref_2139">2139.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ἕλληνος δ᾽ ἐγένοντο θεμιστοπόλον +Βασιλῆες Δῶρός τε Ξοῦθός τε καὶ Αἴολος +ἱππιοχάρμης. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. +284. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1085. +Other poems of Hesiod are made use +of by Schol. Hom. Od. χ'. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2140" name="note_2140" href="#noteref_2140">2140.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollodorus I. 7, 3. Pausan. V. +1, 2. &c. from the circumstance that +Achæus and Ion are represented as the +<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">only</span></em> sons of Xuthus, I have inferred +above that the Ionians were probably +of an Achæan race.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2141" name="note_2141" href="#noteref_2141">2141.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Schol. Hom. Od. κ. 2. οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν +ὅτι Ἕλλην γόνῳ μὲν ἦν Διὸς, λόγῳ δὲ +Δευκαλίωνος. Compare Pindar Pyth. +IV. 167. who alludes to this fable, +and Eurip Melan. IV. 2.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2142" name="note_2142" href="#noteref_2142">2142.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Il. II. 684. and compare IX. +395, 474. XVI. 595. The verse +ἐγχείῃ δ᾽ ἐκέκαστο Πανέλληνας καὶ +Ἀχαιοὺς, II. 530, has been properly +condemned by the Alexandrine critics.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2143" name="note_2143" href="#noteref_2143">2143.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Or rather <span class="tei tei-q">“<em class="tei tei-emph"><span style="font-style: italic">near</span></em> Phthia.”</span> Homer +distinguishes Hellas and Phthia (Il. +IX. 395, 478, 479. Od. XI. 495.); +the tetrarchy of Phthiotis in later +times included both.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2144" name="note_2144" href="#noteref_2144">2144.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Æginetica, p. 155.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2145" name="note_2145" href="#noteref_2145">2145.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hesiod. Op. et Di. 526. Βράδιον δὲ +Πανελλήνεσσι φαείνει. Compare Strabo +VIII. p. 370. It may be observed, +that in the three most ancient passages +in which the collective name +of the Greeks occurs, viz., the verse +in the Works and Days, the spurious +line in the Iliad, and the passage in +the Ἠοῖαι referred to by Strabo, they +are called, not Ἕλληνες, but Πανέλληνες.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2146" name="note_2146" href="#noteref_2146">2146.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Apollodorus I. 7. 6.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2147" name="note_2147" href="#noteref_2147">2147.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hes. Theog. 129. 371.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2148" name="note_2148" href="#noteref_2148">2148.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. according +to a certain emendation. See +book III. ch. 5. § 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2149" name="note_2149" href="#noteref_2149">2149.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Book III. ch. 12. § 5.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2150" name="note_2150" href="#noteref_2150">2150.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext"><a href="#Book_II_Chapter_I_Section_8" class="tei tei-ref">Book +II. ch. 1. § 8</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2151" name="note_2151" href="#noteref_2151">2151.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See <a href="#Book_I_Chapter_I_Section_9" class="tei tei-ref">book +I. ch. 1. § 9</a>.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2152" name="note_2152" href="#noteref_2152">2152.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See particularly Plato de Leg. I. +p. 636. VI. p. 752. Κνωσίους πρεσβεύειν +τῶν πολλῶν πόλεων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2153" name="note_2153" href="#noteref_2153">2153.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See Strabo X. p. 476. +compare p. 481. after Ephorus.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2154" name="note_2154" href="#noteref_2154">2154.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Archilochus +ap. Heraclid. Pont. πολιτ. Κρητῶν. fragm. 86. Gaisford.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2155" name="note_2155" href="#noteref_2155">2155.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Hom. +Od. XIX. 175. sqq.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2156" name="note_2156" href="#noteref_2156">2156.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">See +book III. ch. 1. § 8.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2157" name="note_2157" href="#noteref_2157">2157.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The eclipse of the sun, however, mentioned by Herodotus, does +not agree, and must be an error. VII. 37.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2158" name="note_2158" href="#noteref_2158">2158.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Συλλεγομένων ἐς +τωύτὸ τῶν περι την +Ἑλλαδα Ἑλληνων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεόντων, +καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ +πίστιν, Herod. VII. 145.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2159" name="note_2159" href="#noteref_2159">2159.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">VII. 157. ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας Λακεδαιμόνιοί +[τε καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι] καὶ οἱ τούτων +σύμμαχοι. The words included +in brackets are wanting in the family +of the Passioneus and Florence MSS., +and appear to be interpolated from +c. 161.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2160" name="note_2160" href="#noteref_2160">2160.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Herod. +VII. 176. where the words οἱ Ἕλληνες include both the troops +and the congress.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2161" name="note_2161" href="#noteref_2161">2161.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">The +former in the first full-moon after the solstice, the latter about the +second, Corsini Fast. Att. I. 2. p. 453.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2162" name="note_2162" href="#noteref_2162">2162.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Diodorus +speaks of a decree of this nature, but the oath on the +Isthmus is a rhetorical invention, XI. 29.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2163" name="note_2163" href="#noteref_2163">2163.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Pericl. 39. +παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ δίκαια καὶ τοὺς γεγενημένους ὅρκους τοῖς Ἕλλησι.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2164" name="note_2164" href="#noteref_2164">2164.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">Aristid. 21. γενομένης ἐκκλησίας +κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἔγραψεν Ἀριστείδης +ψήφισμα, συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθ᾽ +ἔκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος +προβούλους καὶ θεωροὺς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ πενταετηρικὸν +ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων.</dd><dt class="tei tei-notelabel"><a id="note_2165" name="note_2165" href="#noteref_2165">2165.</a></dt><dd class="tei tei-notetext">ἀναφορὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, Plutarch. +Aristid. 24.</dd></dl> + </div> + <hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 5.00em; margin-top: 5.00em"> + <div id="pgfooter" class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 4.00em; margin-top: 4.00em"><pre class="pre tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em">***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF THE DORIC RACE, VOL. 1 OF 2*** +</pre><hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><a name="rightpageheader63" id="rightpageheader63"></a><a name="pgtoc64" id="pgtoc64"></a><a name="pdf65" id="pdf65"></a><h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">Credits</span></h1><table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"><tbody><tr><th class="tei tei-label tei-label-gloss">September 17, 2010 </th></tr><tr><td class="tei tei-item tei-item-gloss"><table summary="This is a list." class="tei tei-list" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em; margin-top: 1.00em"><tbody><tr class="tei tei-labelitem"><th class="tei tei-label"></th><td class="tei tei-item">Project Gutenberg TEI edition 1</td></tr><tr class="tei tei-labelitem"><th class="tei tei-label"></th><td class="tei tei-item"><span class="tei tei-respStmt"> + <span class="tei tei-name"> + Produced by Ted Garvin, David King, and the Online + Distributed Proofreading Team at <http://www.pgdp.net/>. + </span> + </span></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table></div><hr class="doublepage" /><div class="tei tei-div" style="margin-bottom: 3.00em; margin-top: 3.00em"><a name="rightpageheader66" id="rightpageheader66"></a><a name="pgtoc67" id="pgtoc67"></a><a name="pdf68" id="pdf68"></a><h1 class="tei tei-head" style="text-align: left; margin-bottom: 3.46em; margin-top: 3.46em"><span style="font-size: 173%">A Word from Project Gutenberg</span></h1><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This file should be named + 33743-h.html or + 33743-h.zip.</p><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">This and all associated files of various formats will be found + in: + + <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/3/3/7/4/33743/" class="block tei tei-xref" style="margin-bottom: 1.80em; margin-left: 3.60em; margin-top: 1.80em; margin-right: 3.60em"><span style="font-size: 90%">http://www.gutenberg.org</span><span style="font-size: 90%">/dirs/3/3/7/4/33743/</span></a></p><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Updated editions will replace the previous one — the old + editions will be renamed.</p><p class="tei tei-p" style="margin-bottom: 1.00em">Creating the works from public domain print editions means that + no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the + Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United + States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. + Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this + license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works + to protect the Project Gutenberg™ concept and trademark. 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