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diff --git a/34379.txt b/34379.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6b5bc10 --- /dev/null +++ b/34379.txt @@ -0,0 +1,8213 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Theory and Policy of Labour Protection, by +Albert Eberhard Friedrich Schaeffle + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Theory and Policy of Labour Protection + +Author: Albert Eberhard Friedrich Schaeffle + +Editor: A. C. Morant + +Release Date: November 20, 2010 [EBook #34379] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEORY AND POLICY OF *** + + + + +Produced by Brian Foley, Martin Pettit and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + + + + + +OPINIONS OF THE PRESS ON THE SOCIAL SCIENCE SERIES. + + + "'The Principles of State Interference' is another of Messrs. Swan + Sonnenschein's Series of Handbooks on Scientific Social Subjects. + It would be fitting to close our remarks on this little work with a + word of commendation of the publishers of so many useful volumes by + eminent writers on questions of pressing interest to a large number + of the community. We have now received and read a good number of + the handbooks which Messrs. 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Our Destiny.+ LAURENCE GRONLUND. + "A very vigorous little book, dealing with the influence of + Socialism on morals and religion."--_Daily Chronicle._ + ++23. The Working-Class Movement in America.+ Dr. EDWARD and + E. MARX AVELING. + "Will give a good idea of the condition of the working classes in + America, and of the various organisations which they have + formed."--_Scots Leader._ + ++24. Luxury.+ Prof. EMILE DE LAVELEYE. + "An eloquent plea on moral and economical grounds for simplicity of + life."--_Academy._ + ++25. The Land and the Labourers.+ Rev. C. W. STUBBS, M.A. + "This admirable book should be circulated in every village in the + country."--_Manchester Guardian._ + ++26. The Evolution of Property.+ PAUL LAFARGUE. + "Will prove interesting and profitable to all students of economic + history."--_Scotsman._ + ++27. Crime and its Causes.+ W. 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The Emancipation of Women.+ ADELE CREPAZ. + "By far the most comprehensive, luminous, and penetrating work on + this question that I have yet met with."--_Extract from_ Mr. + Gladstone's _Preface._ + ++60. The Eight Hours' Question.+ JOHN M. ROBERTSON. + + +DOUBLE VOLUMES, Each 3s. 6d. + + ++1. Life of Robert Owen.+ LLOYD JONES. + ++2. The Impossibility of Social Democracy: a Second Part of "The + Quintessence of Socialism".+ Dr. A. SCHAeFFLE. + ++3. The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844.+ FREDERICK + ENGELS. + ++4. The Principles of Social Economy.+ YVES GUYOT. + + * * * * * + +THE THEORY AND POLICY OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + +BY DR. A. SCHAeFFLE + +EDITED BY A. C. MORANT + +_Translator of Schaeffle's_ IMPOSSIBILITY OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY, +_Leroy-Beaulieu's_ THE MODERN STATE, _Laveleye's_ LUXURY, _etc._ + +[Illustration] + +London + +SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. +NEW YORK: CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS +1893 + + +BUTLER & TANNER, +THE SELWOOD PRINTING WORKS, +FROME, AND LONDON. + + + + +PREFACE. + + +In this book Dr. Schaeffle seeks to carry out still further the idea +which he developed in his last book (_The Impossibility of Social +Democracy_) of the essential difference between a socialistic policy and +what he calls a Positive Social Policy, proceeding constructively upon +the basis of the existing social order. He emphatically vindicates the +Emperor William's policy, as shown in the convening of the Berlin Labour +Conference, from the charge of being revolutionary, or of playing into +the hands of the Socialists. + +The first part contains an attempt to settle and render more precise the +use of terms in labour-legislation, as well as to classify the different +aims and purposes with which it sets out, and then passes on to what +will probably be to English readers the most interesting part of the +book--a discussion of the Maximum Working Day in general, and the Eight +Hours Day in particular. Here the author commits himself in favour of a +legal ten or eleven hours day for industrial work, with special +provisions for specially dangerous or exhausting trades, and with +freedom of contract below that limit, and brings evidence to show that +such a step has already been justified by experience. But after a +careful discussion of what it involves, and after disentangling with +some care the difficulties with which it is surrounded, he pronounces +emphatically against the universal compulsory Eight Hours Day, which he +regards as not practicable for, at any rate, a very long time to come. + +On the vexed question of the labour of married women, Dr. Schaeffle is +less explicit, and seems somewhat to halt between two opinions. He will +not commit himself to the desirability of an absolute prohibition of it, +but it seems clear that his sympathies lean that way. + +The discussion of the Social Democratic proposals in the German +Reichstag, known as the Auer Motion, is very careful and appreciative, +but Dr. Schaeffle takes care to disentangle the really Socialistic +element in them, and will only support the introduction of Labour Boards +and Labour Chambers as consultative bodies, not as holding any power of +control over the Inspectorate. He is willing to allow to the working +classes full vent for their grievances, but dreads to see them entrusted +with the actual power of remedying them. + +His plea for more international exchange of opinions and international +uniformity of practice is one which must be echoed by all who have the +cause of Labour at heart. To that larger sense of brotherhood which +extends beyond the bounds of country we must look for the accomplishment +of the Social Revolution which is surely on the way. On a task so large, +and involving such far-reaching issues to the progress of the world, the +nations must take hands and step together if the results are to be of +permanent value. The paralyzing dread of war, the competition of foreign +workmen, the familiar Capitalist weapon that "trade will leave the +country" if the workers' claims are conceded--all these dangers in the +way can only be met by the drawing closer of international bonds, by the +intercommunication of those in all countries who are fired by the new +ideals, and are making towards an ordered Social peace out of the chaos +of conflicting and competing energies and interests in which we live. + +It cannot but be well to be reminded, as Dr. Schaeffle reminds us, of the +strong expression of opinion uttered by the Berlin International Labour +Conference as to the beneficial results which might be looked for from a +series of such gatherings, or to ask ourselves, why should not England +be the next to convene a Labour Conference to gather up the experiences +of the last few years, which have been so full of movement and agitation +in the Labour world, as well as to give to other nations the benefit of +the earnest and strenuous investigations, now nearly drawing to a close, +of our own Royal Commission on Labour? + +At the request of Dr. Schaeffle, the von Berlepsch Bill, which has been +brought in by the German Government in order to carry out the +recommendations of the Berlin Conference, has been inserted as an +Appendix at the end of the English edition. + +A. C. MORANT. + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +BOOK I. + + PAGE +INTRODUCTORY 1 + +CHAPTER + + I. DEFINITION OF LABOUR PROTECTION 7 + + II. CLASSIFICATION OF INDUSTRIAL WAGE-LABOUR + FOR PURPOSES OF PROTECTIVE LEGISLATION.--DEFINITION + OF FACTORY LABOUR 23 + + III. SURVEY OF THE EXISTING CONDITIONS OF LABOUR PROTECTION 45 + + IV. MAXIMUM WORKING-DAY 53 + + +BOOK II. + + V. PROTECTION OF INTERVALS OF WORK.--DAILY + INTERVALS.--NIGHT REST AND HOLIDAYS 114 + + VI. ENACTMENTS PROHIBITING CERTAIN KINDS OF WORK 126 + + VII. EXCEPTIONS TO PROTECTIVE LEGISLATION 140 + +VIII. PROTECTION IN OCCUPATION.--PROTECTION OF + TRUCK AND CONTRACT 146 + + IX. RELATION OF THE VARIOUS BRANCHES OF LABOUR + PROTECTION TO EACH OTHER 161 + + X. TRANSACTIONS OF THE BERLIN LABOUR CONFERENCE, + DEALING WITH MATTERS BEYOND THE RANGE OF LABOUR + PROTECTION.--DALE'S DEPOSITIONS ON COURTS OF + ARBITRATION, AND THE SLIDING SCALE OF WAGES + IN MINING 164 + + XI. THE "LABOUR BOARDS" AND "LABOUR CHAMBERS" + OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY 171 + + XII. FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF PROTECTIVE ORGANISATION 187 + +XIII. INTERNATIONAL LABOUR PROTECTION 196 + + XIV. THE AIM AND JUSTIFICATION OF LABOUR PROTECTION 205 + + +APPENDIX-- + + I. INDUSTRIAL CODE AMENDMENT BILL (GERMANY) 211 + + + + +THEORY AND POLICY OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + + + +BOOK I. + + + + +INTRODUCTORY. + + +In past years German Social Policy was directed chiefly to _Labour +Insurance_, in which much entirely new work had to be done, and has +already been done on a large scale; but in the year 1890 it entered upon +the work of _Labour Protection_, which was begun long ago in the +Industrial Code, and this work must still be carried on further and more +generally on the same lines. + +This result is due to the fact that the Emperor William II. has +inscribed upon his banner this hitherto neglected portion of social +legislation (which, however, has long been favoured by the Reichstag and +especially by the Centre), has placed it on the orders of the day among +national and international questions, and has launched it into the +stream of European progress with new force and a higher aim. + +The subject is one of the greatest interest in more than one respect. + +It was to all appearance the cause of the retirement of Prince Bismark +into private life. Some day, perhaps, the historian, in seeking an +explanation of this important event in the world's history, will inquire +of the political economist and social politician, whether Labour +Protection, as conceived by the Emperor--especially as compared to +Labour Insurance--were after all so bold a venture, so new a path, so +daring a leap in the dark as to necessitate the retirement of that great +statesman. I am inclined to answer in the negative, and to assume that +the conversion of Social Policy to Labour Protection was the outward +pretext rather than the real motive of the unexpected abdication of +Prince Bismark of his leading position in the State. The collective +result of my inquiry must speak for itself on this point. + +The turn which Social Policy has thus taken in the direction of Labour +Protection, raises the question among scientific observers whether it is +true that the science of statecraft has thus launched forth upon a path +of dangerous adventure and rash experimentation, and grappled with a +problem, compared with which Prince Bismark's scheme of Labour Insurance +sinks into insignificance. Party-spirit, which loves to belittle real +excellence, at present lends itself to the view which would minimise the +significance of Labour Insurance as compared with Labour Protection. But +this is in my opinion a mistake. Though it is impossible to overestimate +the importance for Germany of this task of advancing over the ground +already occupied by other nations, and of working towards the +introduction of a general scheme of international Labour Protection +calculated to ensure international equilibrium of competition, yet in +this task Labour Protection is, in fact, only the necessary supplement +to Labour Insurance. Both are of the highest importance. But neither the +one nor the other gives any ground for the charge that we are playing +with the fires of social revolution. The end which the Emperor William +sought to attain at the Berlin Conference, in March, 1890, and by the +Industrial Code Amendment Bill of the Minister of Commerce, _von +Berlepsch_, is one that has already been separately attained more or +less completely in England, Austria and Switzerland. It is in the main +merely a question of extending the scope of results already attained in +such countries, while what there is of new in his scheme does not by any +means constitute the beginning of a social revolution from above. The +policy of the Imperial Decree of February 4th, 1890, and of the Bill of +_von Berlepsch_, in no wise pledges its authors to the Radicals. A calm +consideration of facts will prove incontestably the correctness of this +view. + +However, it is not any politico-economic reasons there may have been for +the retirement of Prince Bismark, nor the very common habit of +depreciating the value of Labour Insurance, nor yet the popular theory, +false as I believe it to be, that the Emperor's policy of Labour +Protection is of a revolutionary character, which leads me to take up +once again this well-worn theme. + +If the "Theory and Policy of Labour Protection" were by this time full +and complete, I would willingly lay it aside in order to take into +consideration the significance of Bismark's retirement from the point of +view of social science, or to attempt to reassure public opinion as to +the conservative character of the impending measures of Labour +Protection. But this is not the case. + +It is true we have before us an almost overwhelming mass of material in +the way of protocols, reports of commissions, judicial decisions, +resolutions and counter-resolutions, proposals, petitions and motions, +speeches and writings, pamphlets and books. But we are still far from +having, as the result of a clear and comprehensive survey of the whole +of this material, a complete theory of Labour Protection; for the +political problems of Labour Protection, especially those touching the +so-called Maximum Working Day and the organisation of protection, are +more hotly disputed than ever. In spite of the valuable and careful +articles on Labour Protection, in the _Encyclopaedia_, of von Schoenberg +and of Conrad, with their wealth of literary illustration, in spite of +the latest writings of Hitze,[1] which, for moderation and clearness, +vigour of thought, and wealth of material, cannot be too highly +commended, there still remains much scientific work to be done. I myself +have actually undertaken a thorough examination of all this literary and +legislative material, in view of the national and international efforts +of to-day towards the progressive development of Labour Protection, with +the result that I am firmly convinced that both Theory and Policy of +Labour Protection are still deficient at several points, and in fact +that we are far from having placed on a scientific footing the dogmatic +basis of the whole matter. + +We have not yet a sufficiently exact definition of the meaning of Labour +Protection, nor a clear distinction between Labour Protection and the +other forms of State-aids to Labour, as well as of other aids outside +the action of the State. + +We have not a satisfactory classification of the different forms of +Labour Protection itself with reference to its aim and scope, +organisation and methods. + +We still lack--and it was seriously lacking at the Labour Conference at +Berlin--a fundamental agreement as to the grounds on which Labour +Protection is justified, its relation to freedom of contract, and the +advisability of extending it to adults. + +The discussion is far from being complete, not only with reference to +the real problems of Labour Protection, but also and especially with +reference to the organs, methods and course of its administration. Many +proposals lie before us, some of which are open to objection and some +even highly questionable. + +But we find scarcely any who advocate the simplification and cheapening +of this organisation in connection with the systematised collective +organisation of all matters pertaining to labour, together with the +separation, as far as possible, of such organisation from the regular +administrative organs. + +The proposals of Social Democracy with respect to "Labour-boards" and +"Labour-chambers," are hardly known in wider circles, and have nowhere +received the attention to which in my opinion they are entitled. + +The proposed legislation for the protection of labour offers therefore a +wide field for careful and scientific investigation. I have prepared the +following pages as a contribution to this task. + +FOOTNOTE: + +[1] _Protection for the Labourer!_ Cologne, 1890. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +DEFINITION OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + +The meaning of the term Labour Protection admits of an extension far +beyond the narrow and precise limits which prevailing usage has assigned +to it, and beyond the sphere of analogous questions actually dealt with +by protective legislation. + +In its most general meaning the term comprises all conceivable +protection of every kind of labour: protection of all labour--even for +the self-supporting, independent worker; protection in +service-relations, and beyond this, protection against all dangers and +disadvantages arising from the economic weakness of the position of the +wage-labourer; protection of all, not merely of industrial +wage-labourers; protection not by the State alone, but also by +non-political organs; the ancient common protection exercised through +the ordinary course of justice and towards all citizens, and thus +towards labourers among the rest. All this so far as the actual word is +concerned may be included in the term Labour Protection. + +But to use it in this sense would be to incur the risk of falling into a +hopeless confusion as to the questions which lie within the scope of +actual Labour Protection, and of running an endless tilt against +fanciful exaggerations of Labour Protection. + +The term Labour Protection, according to prevailing usage and according +to the aim of the practical efforts now being made to realise it, has a +much narrower meaning, and this it is which we must strictly define and +adhere to if we wish to avoid error and misconception. Our first task +shall be to determine this stricter definition; and here we find +ourselves confronted by a series of limitations. + +(1) Labour Protection signifies only protection against the special +dangers arising out of service-relations, out of the personal and +economic dependence of the wage-labourer on the employer. + +Labour Protection does not apply therefore to independent workers: to +farmers or masters of handicrafts, to independent workers in the fine +arts and liberal professions. Labour Protection applies merely to +wage-labourers. + +For this reason Labour Protection has no connection with any aids to +labour, beyond the limits of protection against the employer in +service-relations; it has nothing to do with any attempts to ward off +and remedy distress of all kinds, and otherwise to provide for the +general welfare of the working classes; its scope does not extend to +provisions for meeting distress caused by incapacity for work, or want +of work, _i.e._ Labour Insurance, nor to the prevention and settlement +of strikes, nor to improved methods of labour-intelligence, nor to +precautions against disturbances of production or protection against the +consequences of poverty by various methods of public and private +charity, savings-banks, public health-regulations, inspection of food, +and suppression of usury by common law. Although these are mainly or +principally concerned with labourers, and are attempts to protect them +from want, yet they are not to be included in Labour Protection in its +strict sense. For this, as we have seen, includes only those measures +and regulations designed to protect the wage-labourer in his special +relations of dependence on his employer. + +And indeed we must draw the limit still closer, and apply the word only +to the relations between certain defined wage-earners and certain +defined employers. Measures which are designed to protect the entire +labouring class or the whole of industry, do not, strictly speaking, +belong to the category of Labour Protection. Neither can we apply the +term to that protection which workmen and employers alike should find +against the recent abnormal development of prison competition, although +by recommending this measure in their latest Industrial Rescript (the +Auer Motion[2]) the Social Democrats by a skilful move have won the +applause of small employers especially. For the same reason we do not +include protection by criminal law against the coercion of non-strikers +by strikers, exercised through personal violence, intimidation or abuse; +these are measures to preserve freedom of contract, but they have no +connection with the relations of certain defined wage-earners to certain +defined employers. Furthermore, Labour Protection does not include +preservation of the rights of unions, and of freedom to combine for the +purpose of raising wages, except or only in so far as particular +employers, singly or in concert, by means of moral pressure or +otherwise, seek to endanger the rights of particular wage-earners in +this respect. It is almost unnecessary to add that Labour Protection +does not include the "protection of national labour" against foreign +labourers and employers, by means of protective duties, for this is +obviously not protection against dangers arising from the service +relations between certain defined wage-earners and employers. + +But although none of these measures of security that we have enumerated +are to be included in Labour Protection, we must on the other hand guard +against mistaken limitations of the term. It would be a mistaken +limitation to include only security against material economic dangers in +and arising from the relations of dependence, and to exclude moral and +personal safeguards in these relations--protection of learning and +instruction, of education, morality and religion, in a word the complete +protection of family life. + +Labour Protection does not indeed include the whole moral and personal +security of the wage-earner, but it does include it, and includes it +fully and entirely, in so far as the dangers which threaten this +security arise out of the _condition of dependence of the worker_ either +within or beyond the limits of his business. The whole scope of Labour +Protection embraces all claims for security against inhumane treatment +in service-relations, treatment of the labourer "as a common tool," in +the words of Pope Leo XIII. + +(2) Labour Protection does not include the free self-help of the worker, +nor free mutual help, but only a part (cf. 3) of the protection afforded +to wage-earners by the State, if necessary in co-operation with +voluntary effort. + +Labour Protection in its modern form is only the outcome of a very old +and on the whole far more important kind of Labour Protection, in the +widest sense of the term, which far from abolishing the old forms of +self-help and mutual help, actually presupposes them, strengthens, +ensures and supplements them wherever the more recent developments of +national industry render this necessary. Labour Protection, properly so +called, only steps in when self-help and mutual help, supplemented by +ordinary State protection, fail to meet the exigencies of the situation, +whether momentarily and on account of special circumstances, or by the +necessities of the case. + +This second far-reaching limitation of the meaning needs a little +further explanation. + +Labour Protection in its more extended sense always meant and must still +mean, first and foremost, self-help of the workers themselves; in part, +individual self-help to guard against the dangers of service, in part, +united self-help by means of the class organisation of trades-unions. + +Side by side with this self-help there has long existed a comprehensive +system of free mutual help. + +This assumes the form of family protection exercised by relations and +guardians against harsh employers, and by the father, brother, etc., in +their relation of employers in family industries; also the somewhat +similar form of patriarchal protection extended by the employer to his +workpeople. + +Furthermore it includes that protection afforded by the pressure of +religion, the common conscience or public opinion upon the consciences +of employers, acting partly through the organs of the press, clubs, and +other vehicles of expression, as well as through non-political public +institutions, and corporate bodies of various kinds, especially and more +directly through the Church, and also indirectly through the schools. + +Without family and patriarchal protection, without the protection +afforded by civil morality and religious sentiment, Labour Protection, +in its strict sense, working through the State alone, would be able to +effect little. + +Family and patriarchal protection outweigh therefore in importance all +more modern forms of Labour Protection, and will always continue to be +the most efficacious. The protection of the Church has always been +powerful from the earliest times. + +Self-help and mutual help, moral and religious, effect much that +State-protection could not in general effect, and therefore it is not to +be supposed that they could be dispensed with. But they must not be +included in Labour Protection, strictly so called, for this only +includes protection of labour by the State, and indeed only a part even +of this (cf. 3). + +(3) For instance, Labour Protection does not include all judicial and +administrative protection extended by the State to the wage-labourer, +but only such special or extraordinary protection as is directed against +the dangers arising from service relations, and is administered through +special, extraordinary organs, judicial, legislative and representative. +This special protection has become necessary through the development of +the factory system with its merciless exploitation of wage-labour, and +through the weakening of the patriarchal relations in workshops and in +handicrafts. In this respect Labour Protection is the special modern +development of the protection of labour by the State. + +Labourers and employers alike are guaranteed an extensive protection of +life, health, morality, freedom, education, culture, and so on, by the +ordinary protective agencies of justice and of police, exercised +impartially towards all citizens, and claimed by all as their right. +Long before there was any talk of Labour Protection, in the modern sense +of the term, this kind of protection existed for wage-labour as against +employers. But in the strict sense of the term Labour Protection +includes only the special protection which extends beyond this ordinary +sphere, the special exercise of State activity on behalf of labourers. + +Even where this extraordinary or special Labour Protection is exercised +by the regular administrative and judicial authorities, it still takes +the form of special regulations of private law, punitive and +administrative, directed exclusively or mainly to the protection of +labourers in their service-relations. To this extent, at any rate, it +has a special and extraordinary character. Very frequently, as for +instance in the German Industrial Code, such protection is placed in the +hands of the ordinary administrative and judicial authorities, and a +portion of it will continue to be so placed for some time to come. + +But the administration of Labour Protection, properly so called, is +tending steadily to shift its centre of gravity more and more towards +special extraordinary organs. These organs are partly executive +(hitherto State-regulated factory inspection and industrial courts of +arbitration), but they are also partly representative; the latter may be +appointed exclusively for this purpose, or they may also be utilized for +other branches of work in the interests of the labourer and for the +encouragement of national industry, and they bear in their organisation, +or at least to some extent in their action, the character of public +institutions. + +(4) Labour Protection is essentially protection of industrial +wage-labour, and excludes on the one hand the protection of agricultural +workers and those engaged in forestry, as well as of domestic servants, +and on the other hand, the protection of State officials and public +servants. + +It may no doubt be that special protection is also needed for +non-industrial wage-labour and for domestic servants, but the material +legal basis, the organisation and methods of procedure, of these further +branches of Labour Protection, will demand a special constitution of +their own. The regulations of domestic service and the Acts relating to +State-service in Germany constitute indeed a kind of Labour Protection, +certainly very incomplete, and quite distinct from the rest of Labour +Protection, properly so-called. Even if the progress of the Social +Democratic movement in this country were to bring on to the platform of +practical politics the measure already demanded by the Social Democrats +for the protection of agricultural industry[3] on a large scale, even +then protection of those engaged in agriculture and forestry would need +to receive a special constitution, as regards the courts through which +it would be administered, the dangers against which it would be +directed, and its methods and course of administration. Whilst therefore +we readily recognise that both protection of domestic servants and a +far-reaching measure of agricultural Labour Protection, in the strict +sense of the term, may eventually supervene, we yet maintain that this +must be sharply distinguished for purposes of scientific, legislative, +and administrative treatment from what we at present understand by +Labour Protection. + +Moreover, even now agricultural labour is not entirely lacking in +special protection. The regulations for domestic service contain +fragments of protection of contract and truck protection. Russia has +passed a law for the protection of agricultural labour (June 12, 1886) +in Finland and the so-called western provinces, which regulates the +peculiar system of individual and plural[4] agreements between small +holders and their dependents, and is also designed to afford protection +of contract to the employer. + +(5) The industrial wage-labour dealt with by the Industrial Code, and +the industrial wage-labour dealt with by State Protection, are not +entirely identical, though nearly so. + +For on the one hand there are wage-labourers employed in occupations not +included in industrial labour in the sense of the Code, who yet stand in +need of special protection from the State; while on the other hand there +are bodies of industrial labourers dealt with in the Code, who do not +need or who practically cannot have this extraordinary protective +intervention of the State, being already supplied with the various +agencies of free self-help, family insurance, and mutual aid. + +When we are concerned with Labour Protection therefore, both in theory +and practice, it is evident that we have to deal with industrial +wage-labour in a limited sense, not in the general sense in which the +term occurs in the Industrial Code, while at the same time we must not +fail to recognise that even the older Industrial Acts, in so far as they +referred to wage-labour, were already Labour-protective Acts of a kind. + +The limits of wage-labour as affected by the Industrial Code, and of +wage-labour as affected by State protection, have this in common, that +both extend far beyond wage-service in manufacturing business +(industry, in its strict sense). For this reason we must examine into +this point a little more closely in order to determine the exact scope +of Labour Protection. + +In our present Industrial Code the terms "industrial labour" and +"industrial establishments" are almost uniformly used in the sense given +to them by the German Industrial Code of 1869. Industrial labour is +wage-labour in all those occupations within the jurisdiction of the +Code. + +But the Code gives no positive legal definition of the word "industry." +Both in administrative and judicial reference the word is used loosely +as in common parlance, and the Code only particularises certain +industries out of those with which it deals as requiring special +regulations and special organs for the administration of these special +regulations. + +According to administrative and judicial usage in Germany, corresponding +to customary usage, the word "industry" is now applied to all such +branches of legitimate private activity as are directed regularly and +continuously towards the acquirement of gain, with the following +exceptions: agriculture and forestry (market-gardening excepted), +cattle-breeding, vine-growing, and the manufacturing of home-raised +products of the soil (except in cases where the manufacturing is the +main point and the production of the material only a means towards +manufacturing, as in the case of sugar refineries and brandy +distilleries). + +In spite of this last limitation the meaning of the term "industrial +labour," as used in the Code, extends far beyond the limits of +wage-labour in the manufacturing of materials. For the provisions of +the Imperial Industrial Code for the protection of labour expressly +include, either wholly or partially, mining industries, commerce, +distribution, and all carrying industries other than by rail and sea. + +But the need of Labour Protection is also felt in certain occupations +which are indeed counted as industries in common parlance, but which are +expressly excluded from the jurisdiction of the Industrial Code; amongst +these are the fisheries, pharmacy, the professions of surgery and +medicine, paid teaching in the education of children, the bar and the +whole legal profession, agents and conductors of emigration, insurance +offices, railroad traffic and traffic by sea, _i.e._ as affecting the +seamen. + +Clearly no exception ought to be taken to the extension of Labour +Protection to any single one of these branches of industry, in so far as +they are carried on by wage-labourers in need of protection. This ought +especially to apply to private commercial industries with reference to +Sunday rest, and to public means of traffic, in the widest sense of the +term, and to navigation. A fairly comprehensive measure of protection +for this last branch of work has already been provided in Germany by the +Regulations for Seamen of December 27, 1872. + +Furthermore, the need of protection also exists in callings which do not +fall under the head of industries even in the customary use of the term. +Taking our definition of industry as an exercise of private activity for +purposes of gain, we clearly cannot include in it the employments +carried on under the various communal, provincial and imperial +corporate bodies, at least such of them as are not of a purely fiscal +nature, but are directed towards the fulfilment of public or communal +services, not even such as are worked at a profit. There is clearly, +however, a necessity for protection in government work, and this has +already been recognised (cf. the _von Berlepsch_ Bill, art. 6, Sec. 155, 2, +Appendix). + +The legislative machinery of Labour Protection is not confined to the +Industrial Code. There are two ways of enacting such protection: extra +protection going beyond the ordinary Industrial Regulations may be +enacted by way of amendments or codicils to their ordinary protective +clauses, or on the other hand it may be lodged in special laws and +enactments, to be worked by specially constituted organs. The latter +method has to be followed in the case of municipal or State-controlled +means of traffic. In Germany, Labour Protection in mining industries is +supplied by the Industrial Code, with special additions however in the +form of Mining Acts to designate the scope of the protection and the +means through which it works. There are, moreover, also special Acts, +such as those which apply to the manufacture of matches. + +All wage-earners, not only those protected by the Industrial Code, but +also those protected by special acts and special organs, are included in +that industrial wage-labour which comes within the scope of protective +legislation. By industrial wage-earners we mean therefore all such +wage-earners as need protection in the dependent relations of service, +whether such be enumerated in the Industrial Code or by definition +expressly excluded from it. + +This is the conclusion at which the Berlin Conference also finally +arrived. The report of the third commission (pp. 77 and seq.) states: +"Before concluding its task, the third commission has deemed it +advisable to define the strict meaning of certain terms used in the +Resolutions adopted, especially the phrase 'industrial establishments'" +(_etablissements industriels_). Several definitions were proposed. First +the delegate from the Netherlands proposed the following definition: "An +industrial establishment is every space, enclosed or otherwise, in which +by means of a machine or at least ten workmen, an industry is carried +on, having for its object the manufacture, manipulation, decoration, +sale or any kind of use or distribution of goods, with the exception of +food and drink consumed on the premises." + +The proposal of the Italian delegates ran as follows: "Any place shall +be called an industrial establishment in which manual work is carried on +with the help of one or more machines, whatever be the number of workmen +employed. Where no engine of any kind is used, an industrial +establishment shall be taken to mean any place where at least ten +workmen work permanently together." + +A French delegate, M. Delahaye, read out the following suggestion, which +he proposed in his own name: "An industrial establishment denotes any +house, cellar, open, closed, covered or uncovered place in which +materials for production are manufactured into articles of merchandise. +Moreover, a certain number (to be agreed on) of workmen must be engaged +there, who shall work for a certain number (to be agreed on) of days in +the year, or a machine must be used." + +The Spanish delegate stated that he would refrain from voting on the +question, because he was of opinion that instead of using the term +"industrial establishment," it would be better to say "the work of any +industries and handicrafts which demand the application of a strength +greater than is compatible with the age and physical development of +children and young workers." According to his opinion no weight ought to +be attached to the consideration whether the work is carried on within +or outside of an establishment. After a discussion between the delegates +from France, Belgium and Holland, and after receiving from the +Luxembourg delegate a short analysis of foreign enactments on this +point, the Committee unanimously adopted a proposal made by the +delegates from Great Britain, and supported by Belgium, Germany, +Hungary, Luxembourg, and Italy. The proposal was as follows: "By +'industrial establishments' shall be understood those which the Law +regulating work in the various countries shall designate as such whether +by means of definition or enumeration." + +A consideration of the discussions raised in paragraphs 1 to 5 results +in the following definition of Labour Protection: _the extraordinary +protection extended to those branches of industrial wage-labour which +claim, and are recognized as requiring, protection against the dangers +arising out of service relations with certain employers, such +protection being exercised by special applications of common law, +punitive and administrative, either through the regular channels or by +specially appointed administrative, judicial, and representative +organs._ + +The Resolutions of the Berlin Conference, and the protective measures +submitted to the German Reichstag early in the year 1890, have, as we +shall find, strictly confined themselves to this essentially limited +definition of Labour Protection. + +It appears as though hitherto no clear theoretical definition of the +idea of Labour Protection has been forthcoming. But the necessity for +drawing a sharp distinction at least between Labour Protection and all +other kinds of care for labour is often felt. Von Bojanowski speaks very +strongly against vague extensions of the meaning: "The matter would +become endlessly involved," he says, "if, as has already happened in +some cases, we were to extend the idea of protective legislation to +include all such enactments (arising out of other possibilities based +upon other considerations) as grant aid to workers in any kind of work +or in certain branches of work, or such as are based on the rights of +labour as such, and are therefore general in their application, or such +as seek to further all those united efforts which are being made in +response to the aspirations of the working population or from +humanitarian considerations. This would result either in confounding it +with an idea which we ought always carefully to distinguish from it, an +idea unknown in England, that of the so-called 'committee of public +safety,' or it would lead to more or less arbitrary experiments." + +FOOTNOTES: + +[2] A motion brought forward in the German Reichstag in July, 1885, and +again in 1890 in the form of an amendment to the Industrial Code, by all +the Social Democratic members sitting there; called after Auer, whose +name stands alphabetically first on the list of backers.--ED. + +[3] For regulating the use of machinery in agriculture. (See the Auer +Motion.) + +[4] The _artell_ system, under which groups of labourers with a chosen +leader contract themselves to the various employers in turn, for the +performance of special agricultural and other operations. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +CLASSIFICATION OF INDUSTRIAL WAGE-LABOUR FOR PURPOSES OF PROTECTIVE +LEGISLATION.--DEFINITION OF FACTORY-LABOUR. + + +Those forms of industrial wage-labour which are dealt with by protective +legislation do not all receive the same measure of protection, nor are +they all dealt with according to the same method. This is only to be +expected from the constitution of Labour Protection, which is an +extraordinary exercise of State interference in cases where it is +specially necessary. + +All over the world we find that industrial wage-labour requires +protection of various kinds, differing, that is, not only in its nature +but in the course and method of its application. On account of these +very differences, before we can go a step further in the elucidation of +the Theory and Policy of Labour Protection, we must divide industrial +wage-labour into classes, according to the kind of protection which is +needed, and the manner in which such protection is applied by protective +legislation. It will now be our task, therefore, to classify them, and +to be sure that we arrive at a clear idea of the various classes into +which they fall for the purposes of protective legislation, some of +which may not perhaps be readily apparent at first sight. + +The varieties of protection needed by industrial wage-labour arise, +partly out of dangers peculiar to the particular occupation in which the +wage-labourer is employed, and partly out of the personal +characteristics and position of the labourer to be protected; _i.e._ +they are partly exterior and partly personal. + +When the protection is against exterior dangers we have to consider +sometimes the great diversity of conditions in the different occupations +and industries, and sometimes the special manner in which workmen may be +affected within the limits of a single occupation peculiar to some +special branch of industry. When the protection is of the kind which I +have called personal, the need for it arises partly out of the special +dangers to which the protected individual is liable _outside_ the actual +limits of his business, partly out of the special dangers attached to +his position _in_ that business. + +Hence results the following classification of industrial wage-labour, +according to the kind of protection required:-- + +I. Labourers requiring protection against _exterior_ dangers: + + + _a._ According to the kinds of occupation: + + 1. Having reference to the different branches of industry: + + Wage-labour in mining, manufacture, trade, traffic and transport, + and in service of all kinds. + + 2. Having reference to the special dangers of employment within any + particular branch of industry: dangerous--non-dangerous work. + + _b._ According to type of business: + + 1. Having reference to the position or personality of the employer: + + Wage-labour under private employers--wage-labour under government. + + 2. Having reference to the choice of the labourers by the employer, + and the nature of their mutual relations. + + Factory-labour, + + Quasi-factory labour (especially labour in workshops of a similar + nature to factories), other kinds of workshop labour, + + Household industries (home-labour), + + Family labour. + + +II. Labourers requiring protection against _personal_ dangers: + + + _a._ Having reference to the common need of protection as men and + citizens. + + 1. Adult--juvenile workers; + + 2. Male--female workers; + + 3. Married--unmarried female workers; + + 4. Apprentices--qualified wage-workers; + + 5. Wage-workers subject to school duties--exempt from school + duties, + + _b._ Having reference to the need of protection arising out of + differences in the position occupied by the wage workers in the + business: + + Skilled labourers (such as professional wage-workers, business + managers, overseers and foremen; or technical wage-workers, + mechanics, chemists, draughtsmen, modellers); unskilled labourers. + + +I. PROTECTION AGAINST EXTERIOR DANGERS. + +A glance at existing legislation on Labour Protection, or even only at +the various paragraphs of the _von Berlepsch_ Industrial Code Amendment +Bill, clearly shows the definite significance of all these foregoing +classes in the codification of protective right. Each one of these +classes is treated both generally and specifically in the Labour Acts. + +Mining industries, industrial (manufacturing) work, and wage service in +trade, traffic, and transport, do not all receive an equal measure of +Labour Protection. + +Differences in the danger of the occupation play a great part in the +labour-protective legislation of every country. + +Labour Protection has therefore hitherto been, and will probably for +some time continue to be in effect, protection of factory and +quasi-factory labour (I.B. 2, _supra_), but in all probability it will +gradually include protection of household industry also. Even the +English Factory and Workshop Acts do not, however, extend protection to +wage-labour in family industry. + +Business managers have hitherto received no protection, or a much +smaller measure than that extended to common wage-labourers. + +Furthermore, Labour Protection has hitherto been administered through +different channels, according as it is applied to professions of a +public nature, in which discipline is necessary, especially the +military profession, or to professions of a non-public nature. + +Lastly, with regard to individual differences of need for labour +protection, adult labour has hitherto received only a restricted measure +of protection, whereas the labour of women and children has long been +fairly adequately dealt with; the prohibition of employment of married +women in factory-labour still remains an unsolved problem in the domain +of Labour Protection question, but it is a measure that has already +received powerful support. + +It must of course be understood that Labour Protection is still in +process of development. But according to all present appearances, there +is no prospect, at any rate for some time to come, of its general +extension to all classes of industrial wage-labour, for instance that +the prohibition of night work will be extended to all adult male +labourers, or that Sunday work will be absolutely prohibited in carrying +industries and in public houses. We must even do justice to the Auer +Motion in the Reichstag, by acknowledging that it does not go the length +of demanding the universal application of such protection. + +In the existing positive laws, and in the further demands for protection +put forward at the present day, mining industries hold the first place, +then all kinds of work dangerous to life and health, household industry, +the labour of women and young persons, and the labour of married women. +The reader will easily understand the reasons for this; he only requires +to establish clearly in his own mind, for each of these classes of +industrial wage-labour, the grounds on which the claim to such +objective and subjective protection is based, and wherein they differ +from the cases where free self-help and mutual help suffice, or even the +ordinary protection afforded by the State. However, this special inquiry +is not necessary here; the explanation desired will be found in the +study of the several applications and modes of operation of Labour +Protection dealt with in the following pages. + +But on the other hand it is important that we should now endeavour to +form a clear idea of those larger divisions of industrial wage-labour +with which a protective code has to deal, in order that we may be sure +of our ground in proceeding with our investigations. + + +_Factory-Labour._ + +No small difficulty arises from the question: "What is factory-labour?" +And yet it is precisely this kind of wage-labour which has received the +most comprehensive measure of protection, and become the standard by +which protection is meted out to all similar kinds of employment. + +The labour-protective laws of various governments have met the +difficulty in various ways; but nowhere is a positive legal definition +given of the Factory. + +In the case of Germany, especially, it is not easy to form a clear idea +of the meaning attached to factory labour by the hitherto existing +protective laws, and by the _von Berlepsch_ Industrial Bill. + +We may arrive at a clearer conception of what a factory really is in +the protective sense of the word, by examining first the essential +characteristics of such kinds of employment as are placed by the +protective laws on the _same_ (or nearly the same) footing as factory +labour, and then observing the peculiarities of such kinds of +employments as are legally _excluded_ from factory-labour protection. + +The same characteristics in all those points in which it is affected by +protection, will be found in the Factory, but the peculiarities of the +other contrasted class will be absent from the Factory. + +In the Imperial Industrial Code, especially in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill, +the following four categories of employment are placed on the same +footing as the Factory; in the case of the first three the inclusion is +obligatory, in the case of the last it is optional and depends on the +pleasure of the Bundesrath (local authority): + + + 1. Mines, salt-pits (salines), preparatory work above ground, and + underground work, in mines and quarries (other than those referred + to in the Factory Regulations). + + 2. Smelting-houses, carpenter's yards, and other building-yards, + wharves, and such brick-kilns, mines, and quarries as are worked + above ground and are not merely temporary and on a small scale. + + 3. Those work-shops in which power machinery is employed (straw, + wind, water, gas, electricity, etc.) not merely temporarily. + + 4. "Other" workshops to which factory protection (except as + regards working rules) can be extended under the Imperial decree, + at the discretion of the Bundesrath.[5] + + +A common designation is needed which will include all these four +categories. + +We might use the word "workshops" were it not that the employments +enumerated in classes 1 and 2 cannot precisely be included in +"workshops," and were it not that class 4 as it appears in protective +legislation denotes "another kind" of workshop distinct from that of +class 3. + +In default of a more accurate expression we will use therefore the term +"quasi-factory business" as a general designation for those classes of +business which are placed by the protective laws on the same, or +approximately the same, footing as the Factory. + +Factory protection is not extended to those "workshops in which the +workers belong exclusively to the family of the employer," therefore not +to family-industry in workshops, and still less to family-industry not +carried on in workshops, nor to work in the dwelling-houses of the +employer, or (as is usually the case in household industry) of the +worker (orders of all kinds executed at home, household industry). At +least the new Sec. 154 of the Bill does not bring such work into any closer +relationship than before with the Factory. + +By contrast and comparison the following characteristics (_a_ to _i_) +will help us towards a fuller conception of the sense of the Factory +from the point of view of protective legislation, as understood by the +latest German enactments: + + + _a._ The Factory employs exclusively or mainly those who do not + belong to the family of the employer, and in any case _not merely + those who do_. + + _b._ The work of a Factory is entirely carried on outside the + dwelling of the employer and of the wage-worker. + + _c._ The work of a Factory is the preparation and manufacture of + commodities (industrial work, including all kinds of printing), not + production or first handling of raw material, as in mining + industries. + + _d._ The work of a Factory is work in which the wage-workers are + constantly shut up together in buildings or in enclosures, and is + not work in open spaces, or which moves from place to place, as in + the case of work on wharves, in building yards, etc. + + _e._ The work of a Factory is carried on by power machinery, hence + (if this inference _a contrario_ be admissible) not only + hand-manufacture, and thus it appears to include what I have called + quasi-factory business and have mentioned in class 3 (_supra_). + + _f._ The work of a Factory is continuous, and + + _g._ Is carried on on a large scale, and with a large number of + workpeople, hence (_f_ and _g_) it may be compared to the + quasi-factory business of class 2 (_supra_) for the purposes of a + protective Code. + + _h._ The work of a Factory is carried on in workplaces provided by + the employer, not in the rooms of the workers or of a middleman. + + _i._ The work of a Factory results in the immediate sale of the + commodities produced, and does not consign them to the wholesale + dealer to be prepared and dressed, or distributed by wholesale or + retail, _i.e._ the Factory has absolute control of the sale of the + commodities produced, in contradistinction to household industry. + + +Thus the Factory as understood by the German labour-protective laws is +commercially independent (characteristic _i_), industrial (_c_), carried +on on a large scale (_g_), and continuously (_f_), in enclosed (_d_), +specially appointed (_b_) work-rooms provided by the employer (_h_), +with the help of power machinery (_e_), and by wage-workers not +belonging to the family of the employer (_a_). + +Purely hand-manufacturing wholesale business should also be counted as +factory-labour; for the fact that workshop business carried on with the +help of power machinery is declared to be on the same footing as +factory-labour means only this: that it presupposes the same need of +protection felt in factories where the business is carried on with the +help of power machinery, as is the case in most factories; it does not +mean that certain kinds of manufacturing wholesale business carried on +without power machinery (of which there are very few) should not be +counted as factories. We are therefore justified in dropping +characteristic _e_ of the theoretical conception of the Factory, as +understood in Germany. + +Let us now look at the Swiss Factory Regulations. The Confederate +Factory Act of March 23, 1877, has given no legal definition of the word +"Factory," but only of "protected labour." It extends protection to "any +industrial institution in which a number of workmen are employed +simultaneously and regularly in enclosed rooms outside their own +dwellings." According to the interpretation of the Bundesrath (Federal +Council) "workers outside their dwellings" are those "whose work is +carried on in special workrooms, and not in the dwelling rooms of the +family itself, nor exclusively by members of one family." Furthermore, +all parts of the Factory in which preparatory work is carried on are +subject to the Factory Act, as well as all kinds of printing +establishments in which more than five workmen are employed. The Swiss +Factory Act requires that a Factory shall possess all those +characteristics assigned to it by German protective law, with the +exception, however, of power machinery, and hence it doubtless covers +all manufacturing business in which a number of workmen are employed. + +According to Buetcher,[6] in the practical application of +factory-protection in the Confederate States, any industrial +establishment is treated as a factory which employs more than +twenty-five workers or more than five power-engines, in which poisonous +ingredients or dangerous tools are used, in which women and young +persons (under eighteen years) are employed (with the exception of mills +employing more than two workers not belonging to the family), and sewing +business carried on with the help of three or four machines not +exclusively worked by members of the family. + +In Great Britain the Factory and Workshop Acts of March 27, 1878, cover +all factory labour, and the bulk of workshop business, _i.e._ all +workshops which employ such persons as are protected by the +Act--children, young persons, and women. + +This English Act again furnishes no legal definition of the term. +"According to the meaning of the term, implied in this Act," says von +Bojanowski, "we must understand by a factory any place in which steam, +water, or other mechanical power is used to effect an industrial +process, or as an aid thereto; by 'workshop,' on the other hand, we must +understand any place in which a like purpose is effected without the +help of such power; in neither group is any distinction to be drawn +between work in open and in enclosed places." + +Under this Act _factories_ are divided into textile and non-textile +factories. "_Workshops_ are divided into workshops generally, _i.e._ +those in which protected persons of all kinds are employed (children, +young persons, and women), with the further subdivisions of specified +and non-specified establishments; into workshops in which only women, +but no children or young persons are employed; and lastly, domestic +workrooms in which a dwelling-room serves as the place of work, in which +no motive power is required, and in which members of the family +exclusively are employed." + +Domestic work-rooms in which only women are employed do not come under +the Act, nor yet factories, such as those for the breaking of flax, +which employ only female labour. Bakeries are included among regulated +workshops, _i.e._ workshops inspected under the Factory Acts, even when +no women or young persons are employed. The Factory, as understood by +the English law, is distinguished by most of the characteristics of the +German acceptation of the term, without however admitting of the +distinction of class _d_ (business carried on in an enclosed space), +whereby protection is also afforded to what we have termed quasi-factory +labour (see p. 36); but on the other hand a special point is made of the +distinction of class _e_, viz. use of power machinery. Thus the English +idea in defining the factory is to insist, not upon the number of +persons employed, but upon the proviso that they are persons within the +scope of the protective laws. + + +_Workshop Labour._ + +In the _von Berlepsch_ Bill this is dealt with side by side with factory +labour. It is sometimes placed on the same footing under the various +categories of quasi-factory labour (classes 3 and 4), sometimes it lies +outside the limits of factory protection, in cases where the Bundesrath +does not exercise his privilege of granting extension of protection, and +in cases where the workshop in question is worked entirely by members of +one family. + +It would be tautology to include in the definition of the workshop all +the characteristics of the factory named in classes _a_ to _i_. There +may be cases in which the workshop practically includes most of the +characteristics of the factory, but it is only necessary that it should +include the following: business carried on outside the dwelling-rooms +(_b_); preparation and manufacture of commodities (_c_); carried on in +enclosed places (_d_). With the other classes it is not concerned. +According to the English Factory Acts protected workshop labour is not +necessarily carried on in enclosed places. + +In treating of German workshop labour for the purposes of the _von +Berlepsch_ Bill, and for future legislation of the same kind, we have to +classify it as follows: + + + Workshop labour carried on with the help of power-machinery, but + not otherwise answering to the conditions of the factory. + + Workshop labour carried on without power-machinery, by hand or by + hand-worked machines. + + Labour in workshops where all three kinds are required, _i.e._ + power-machinery, hand-work, and hand-worked machines (_e.g._ modern + costume-making in which power sewing-machines are employed.) + + The old handicraft labour carried on in special workrooms, either + within or outside the dwelling of the worker. + + +The characteristic peculiar to the three first divisions of workshops, +and that which distinguishes them from the factory, although they in +some respects resemble it, is that they give employment to but a very +small number of workmen outside the limits of the family which maintains +them. + +The British Factory Acts include under the head of workshops those +businesses in which no motive power is used, but in which protected +persons (women, children, and young persons) are employed. Workshops of +this kind are treated with varying degrees of stringency, according to +whether they employ protected persons of all kinds, or only women (no +children or young persons), and according to whether they are carried on +in domestic workshops (dwelling-rooms) or otherwise. + + +_Household (home) Industry and Family Industry._ + +Household industry, called also "home industry" in the Auer Motion is +the industrial preparation and manufacture of commodities, not the +production of material, nor trading, carrying, or service industry. It +has therefore characteristic _c_ (viz. that it excludes the production +of raw material and the initial processes in connection therewith) in +common with the factory and all workshops, as well as with that part of +family industry which is not included in household industry properly so +called; the very term Household _Industry_, in fact, indicates this. + +The peculiarity of household industry (in the technical sense of the +term) is that it is carried out merely at the orders and not under the +supervision of the contractor. The Imperial Industrial Code, more +especially the _von Berlepsch_ Bill, in extending truck protection to +household industry, understands this term to include all industrial +workers engaged in the preparation of commodities under the direction of +some firm or employer, but not working on the premises of their +employers; and these workers may or may not be required to furnish the +raw materials and accessories for their work. The home-workers carrying +on this kind of preparation of commodities do so as a rule not in +special work-rooms, but in their own dwelling-rooms or houses, or in +little courtyards, sometimes in sheds and outhouses, sometimes even in +the open air. For the rest, they may be either a few workers out of a +family working on their own account, or a whole family working under the +superintendence of one of its members. The most important characteristic +of household industry is that it is work undertaken at the orders of a +third party, therefore that it has no commercial independence, and takes +no part in the sale of its products (characteristic _i_ of factory +labour); and therefore obviously we have no occasion to consider the +other characteristics _d_, _e_, _f_, _g_, _h_, in defining household +industry. + +A distinction must be drawn between household industry carried on with +or without the intervention of middlemen; for it takes a very different +form, according to whether the arrangements between the industrial +home-worker on the one side, and the giver of orders and provider of +materials on the other, are made with or without the intervention of +special agencies for ordering, supervising, collecting, and paying +(commission agents, contractors, sweaters). The possible removal--or at +least control and regulation--of the middleman forms one fundamental +problem--hitherto unsolved--of labour protection in the sphere of +household industry, and the protection of industrial home-workers +against their parents and against each other forms another. + + +_Family Industry._ + +Family industry to a great extent practically coincides with household +industry, but not necessarily or entirely so; for family +industry--meaning of course the work of preparing and manufacturing +commodities--may be the preparation of goods for independent sale, not +for sale by a third party in a shop or warehouse, and as a matter of +fact this is very largely the case. Family industry sometimes even falls +under the head of workshop labour (cf. Sec. 154 of the _von Berlepsch_ +Bill). Its distinguishing characteristic is that it employs only workers +belonging to the same family, hence the exact reverse of the Factory +(see characteristic _a_). It includes all those industrial pursuits "in +which the employer is served only by members of his own family" (Bill, Sec. +154, par. 3). + + +II.--PERSONAL PROTECTION. + +We come now to consider the meaning of the various headings under which +_personal_ protection falls. + +_Juvenile Workers._ Juvenile workers of both sexes have long been +subject to protection, and this kind of protection is gradually +spreading all over Europe, and in more and more extended proportions. We +must first ascertain what is the exact meaning of the term juvenile +workers as used in the labour-protective laws. + +In contrast to juvenile labour stands adult labour, or more accurately +adult male labour, since adult women--not of course as adults but as +women--are placed more or less on the same footing as juvenile workers +in the matter of protective legislation. + +The distinction between adult wage-labour and juvenile wage-labour, and +the subdivision of the latter into infant-labour, child-labour, and the +labour of "young persons," is not of importance in all departments of +labour protection, but it is of the utmost importance in _protection of +employment_, especially in prohibition of employment on the one hand, +and restriction of employment on the other. This prohibition and +restriction of juvenile employment does not apply to all industries, but +only to certain branches of industry and kinds of work, and to specially +dangerous occupations. + +In order to determine exactly what is meant by infant-labour, +child-labour, and the labour of "young persons," we must consider the +inferior limit of age below which there is a partial prohibition of +employment, and the superior limit of age beyond which labour is treated +as adult labour as regards protection, receiving none, or only a very +limited measure of it. The inferior limit does not as yet coincide with +the beginning of school duties, nor does the superior limit coincide +with the attainment of majority as recognised by common law. + +"Juvenile labour"--permitted but restricted--stands midway between +infant-labour, altogether prohibited in some branches of industry, and +adult labour, permitted and unrestricted, or only slightly restricted; +and within the inferior and superior limits of age it is divided into +child-labour and labour of "young persons." + +The industrial laws of northern and southern countries differ in the +inferior limit of age which they assign to prohibited infant-labour, as +distinguished from child-labour permitted but restricted. In Italy this +limit has hitherto been fixed at the completion of the ninth year; in +England and France (in textile, paper, and glass industries), in +Denmark, Spain, Russia, and in most of the industrial States of the +North American Union, at the completion of the tenth year; in Germany +hitherto, and in France (in general factory-labour, in workshops, +smelting-houses, and building-yards), in Austria, Sweden, Holland and +Belgium (Act of 1889), at the completion of the twelfth year; in Germany +it is fixed for the future at the completion of the thirteenth year, as +it soon will be in France also, in all probability--and in Switzerland +at the completion of the fourteenth year. + +The proposal of Switzerland at the Berlin Conference to fix the general +inferior limit of age at 14 years was not carried. It has hitherto been +prevented in Germany by the fact that in Saxony and elsewhere school +duties are not exacted to the full extent as late as the age of 14. + +The Berlin Conference voted for fixing the limit at the completion of +the twelfth year, while agreeing that the limit of 10 years might be +fixed in southern countries in view of the early attainment of maturity +in hot climates. The limit is fixed higher with regard to protection in +certain specified dangerous or injurious occupations: for boys engaged +in coal mines the limit of 14 years was laid down by the resolutions of +the Berlin Conference.[7] + +The superior limit of age of juvenile labour in factories is fixed at 14 +years in southern countries (in those represented at the Berlin +Conference); at 16 years in Germany, Austria, and France (in connection +with the fixing of the maximum duration of labour); and at 18 in Great +Britain, Switzerland, and Denmark, and probably soon in France. With +respect to night work and dangerous work, the superior limit (especially +for women) is placed still higher (21 years), wherever such work is not +entirely prohibited. + +All wage-workers between the inferior and superior limits of age at +which employment is permitted, are called, as already stated, "juvenile +workers." In many countries a further division of juvenile labour is +made, into children and "young persons." In Germany, Austria, Sweden, +and Denmark--and in future probably in all those countries represented +at the Berlin Conference--this division falls at the age of 14, and in +southern countries at the age of 12 years. "Children," in the meaning +attached to the word by labour-protective legislation, are children of +12 to 14 years (in Germany in future 13 to 14, in Great Britain hitherto +10 to 14); "young persons" are juvenile workers from 14 to 16 years, in +England of 14 to 18 years. In Switzerland juvenile workers are "young +persons" of 14 to 18 years, as none under the age of 14 are employed at +all. + +_Male labour and female labour._ Women for the purposes of Labour +Protection include all female workers enjoying special or extended +protection, not only on account of youth, but also from considerations +arising out of their sex and family duties. It is important that we +should be clear on this point, in view of the demand now made for +careful restriction of the employment of married women in +factories,--either for the entire duration of married life or until the +youngest child has reached the age of 14,--for the entire prohibition of +night labour for women, and of the employment of women in certain trades +during the periods of lying-in and of pregnancy. + +Just as female labour for our purpose does not mean the labour of all +female persons, so male labour does not include all labour of male +persons, but only of such male persons as have protection on grounds +other than that of youth. Hitherto, male labour has only had practically +a negative meaning in protective law, it has been used in the sense of +the unprotected labour of adult men. The demand for a maximum working +day for all male labourers--at least in factories--and the concession of +this demand have given a positive signification to the term male labour, +as affected by protective legislation. + +In considering the careful determination of the meaning of factory +labour, workshop labour, household industry and family labour on the one +hand, and child labour and female labour on the other hand, we cannot be +too careful in guarding against undue limitations of the idea of Labour +Protection. There are many who still take it to mean merely +factory-protection, and indeed only factory-protection of "young +persons." + +Labour Protection means something more than protection of industrial +labour, in that it also deals with labour in mining and trading +industry, and it must be extended still further to meet existing needs +for protection. + +Neither is industrial Labour Protection factory protection alone, nor +even factory and quasi-factory protection alone, but beyond that it is +also workshop protection, and, especially in its latest developments, +protection of household industry, and perhaps even more or less of +family industry; industrial home-work especially, from the Erz-Gebirge +in Saxony, to the London sweating dens, admits of and actually suffers, +from an amount of oppression which calls for special Labour Protection. +We call attention to these facts in order to clear away certain still +widespread misconceptions before we enter upon the classification of +labour with respect to protective legislation. Particulars will be given +in Chapters IV. to VIII. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[5] Bill, Art. 6 (new Sec. 154). + +[6] Cf. Conrad's _Encyclopaedia_, vol. i. p. 154. + +[7] _I_, _Ia_ and 6, Resolutions of the Berlin Conference: "It is +desirable that the inferior limit of age, at which children may be +admitted to work underground in mines, be gradually raised to 14 years, +as experience may prove the possibility of such a course; that for +southern countries the limit may be 12 years, and that the employment +underground of persons of the female sex be forbidden." + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +SURVEY OF THE EXISTING CONDITIONS OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + +In the first chapter we learnt to recognise the special character of +Labour Protection in the strict sense of the term. We must further learn +what is its actual aim and scope. + +Labour Protection strictly so called, represents presumably the sum +total of all those special measures of protection, which exist side by +side with free self-help and mutual help, and with the ordinary state +protection extended to all citizens, and to labourers among the rest. +And such it really proves to be on examination of the present conditions +and already observable tendencies of Labour Protection. + +We shall only arrive at a clear and exhaustive theory and policy of +Labour Protection both as a whole and in detail by examining separately +and collectively all the phenomena of Labour Protection. + +This will necessitate in the first place a comprehensive survey of the +existing conditions of Labour Protection, and to this end a regular +arrangement of the different forms which it takes. + +In sketching such a survey we have to make a threefold division of the +subject; first, the _scope_ of Labour Protection, in the strict sense +of the term; secondly, the various _legislative methods_ of Labour +Protection; and thirdly, the _organisation_ of Labour Protection (as +regards courts of administration, and their methods and course of +procedure). In considering the scope of Labour Protection we have to +examine the special measures adopted to meet the several dangers to +which industrial wage-labour is exposed. + +The following survey shows the actual field of labour protective +legislation, as well as the wider extension which it is sought to give +thereto. + + +I. SCOPE OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + + _A._ Protection against material dangers. + + 1. Protection of employment; and this of two kinds, viz.:-- + + (i.) Restriction of employment; + + (ii.) Prohibition of employment. + + _a._ Protection of working-time with regard to the maximum duration + of labour: + + General maximum working-day. + + Factory maximum working-day (unrestricted in the case of + adults--restricted in the case of "juvenile workers" and women). + + _b._ Protection of intervals of rest: + + Protection of daily intervals--of night-work--of holidays--Sundays + and festivals. + + 2. Protection during work: + + Against dangers to life, health, and morals, and against neglect of + teaching and instruction, incurred in course of work. + + 3. Protection in personal intercourse:-- + + In the personal and industrial relations existing between the + dependent worker and the employer and his people + (truck-protection). + + _B._ Protection of the status of the workman (protection in the + making and fulfilment of agreements) which may also be called: + + Protection of agreement, or contract-protection. + + 1. Protection on entering into agreements of service, and + throughout the duration of the contract: + + Protection in terms of agreement and dismissal, + + Protection against loss of character. + + 2. Regulation of admissible conditions of contract, and of legal + extensions of contract. + + 3. Protection in the fulfilment of conditions after the completion + of service agreements. + + +II. VARIOUS LEGISLATIVE METHODS OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + + Compulsory legal protection--protection by the optional adoption of + regulations. + + Regulation under the code--regulation by special enactment. + + +III. ORGANISATION OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + + 1. Courts by which it is administered: + + _A._ Protection by the ordinary administrative bodies-- + + Police, + Magistrates, + Church and School authorities, + Military and Naval authorities. + + _B._ Protection by specially constituted bodies, + + 1. Governmental: + + _a._ Administrative: + + Industrial Inspectorates (including mining experts), + "Labour-Boards," + Special organs: local, district, provincial, and imperial; + + _b._ Judicial: + + Judicial Courts, + Courts of Arbitration. + + 2. Representative: (trade-organisations): + + "Labour-Chambers," + "Labour Councillors," + Councils composed of the oldest representatives of the trade, + Labour-councils: local, district, provincial, and imperial. + + +II. METHODS OF ADMINISTRATION AND ADMINISTRATIVE RECORDS. + + + _a._ Methods: + + Hearing of Special Appeals, + Granting periods of exemption, + Fixing of times, + Regulating of fines, + Application of money collected in fines, etc. + + _b._ Records: + + Factory-regulations, + Certificates of health, + Factory-list of children employed, + Official overtime list, + Labour log-book, + Inspector's report (with compulsory-publication and + international exchange), + International collection of statistics and information + relating to protective legislation and industrial regulations. + + +The foregoing survey may be held to contain all that is included under +Labour Protection, actual or proposed. But of the measures included +within these limits not all are as yet in operation; and the actual +conditions are different in the various countries. + +With regard to the scope of protection, those measures affecting married +women, home-industrial work, work in trade and carrying industries, are +still specially incomplete. + +With regard to the organs of administration of Labour Protection, one +kind, viz. the representative, has at present no existence except in the +many proposals and suggestions made as to them; this however does not +preclude the possibility that in the course of a generation or so a rich +crop of such organs may spring up. It is not improbable that special +representative bodies ("labour-councils")--after the pattern of chambers +of commerce and railway-boards, etc.--and "labour-boards" may develop +and form a complete network over the country. Perhaps the separate +representative and executive organs may be able to amalgamate the +various branches of aids to labour, forming separate sections for +Labour Protection, Labour Insurance, industrial hygiene and statistics, +with equal representation of the administrative, judicial, technical and +statistical elements; and thus the ordinary administration service may +be freed from the burden of the special services which a constructive +social policy demands. + +Again, the organisation of protection is not by any means the same +everywhere. + +According to the foregoing classification (III. 1), the duties of +carrying out Labour Protection are divided between the ordinary and +extraordinary judicial and administrative authorities. The arrangements, +however, are very different in different countries. Such countries as +have not a complete system of authorised administrative boards and petty +courts of justice, will avail themselves more freely of the special +organs, particularly of the industrial inspectors, than will those +countries with administrative systems like those of Germany and Austria; +in comparing the spheres of operation of inspectors in various +countries, one must not overlook the differences in the action of the +ordinary administrative organs. Moreover, all civilized countries +already possess special organs of protection, and it follows in the +natural course of development of all administrative organisation, that +the special administrative and judicial legislation which is springing +up and increasing should possess special judicial and administrative +courts, so soon as need for such may arise from the necessity for a +wider application of special law in the life of the citizen. + +Finally, we must guard against a further misconception. Neither +labour-boards nor labour-chambers must be confounded with those +voluntary representative class organisations, and joint committees in +which both classes meet together for Labour Protection, and for objects +quite outside the sphere of Labour Protection. The labour-boards +indicated would be special organs of a public nature, regulated by the +State; labour-chambers would also be organs recognised and regulated by +the State, working in consultation with the labour-boards, and +exercising control over the labour-boards. The voluntary organs of +association, on the other hand, with their secretaries and joint +committees, are free representative, executive, and arbitrative organs +of both classes. A distinction must be drawn between the public and +voluntary organs. It is of course not impossible in all cases that the +free "labour-chambers," in their ordinary and special meetings might +exercise extraordinary powers, besides acting as regular and general +organs of conciliation and arbitration. The Unions and other trade +organisations of to-day can in their present form hardly be regarded as +the last word in the history of labour organisation. + +In the second chapter we had to guard against the error of looking on +Labour Protection merely as factory protection, and protection of women +and juvenile workers; we must with equal insistence draw attention to +the fact that Labour Protection is not confined in its scope to +protection of employment, or in its organisation to the machinery of +industrial inspection. This will be shown in Chapters IV. to VIII. + +The foregoing survey of the existing conditions and tendencies of +Labour Protection makes it clear that Labour Protection in scope, +legislative methods, and organisation, is only a means of supplementing +and supporting in a special manner the already long established forms of +State protection of labour (in the widest sense), and the still older +forms of non-governmental Labour Protection (in its widest sense) the +necessity for which arises from the special modern developments of +industry. + +Labour Protection equally with compulsory insurance, from which it is +however quite distinct, does not preclude the voluntary efforts which +are made in addition to legal measures, nor the help rendered by +savings-banks, by private liberality and benevolence, by family help, +and by various municipal and state charitable institutions; and it does +not render unnecessary the exercise of the ordinary administration, and +the co-operation of the latter in the work of establishing security of +labour. The general impression derived from a study of this survey will +be confirmed if we further examine into the scope, legislative methods, +and organisation of the separate measures of Labour Protection, in +addition to the classification of industrial wage-labour, as dealt with +by protective legislation, which I attempted in Chapter II., and if we +bear in mind the great differences in the degree of protection extended +to the separate classes of protected workers. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +MAXIMUM WORKING-DAY. + + +In considering the question of protection of employment, we must first +touch upon the restrictions of employment. These restrictions are +directed to granting short periods of intermission of work, _i.e._ to +the regulation of hours of rest, of holidays, night-rest and meal-times; +also to the regulation of the maximum duration of the daily +working-time, inclusive of intervals of rest, _i.e._ to protection of +hours of labour. + +Protection of times of rest, and protection of working-time, are both +based on the same grounds. It is to the interest of the employer to make +uninterrupted use of his business establishment and capital, and +therefore to force the wage-worker to work for as long a time and with +as little intermission as possible. The excessive hours of labour first +became an industrial evil through the increasing use of fixed capital, +especially with the immense growth of machinery; partly this took the +form of all-day and all-night labour, even in cases where this was not +technically necessary, and partly of shortening the holiday rest and +limiting the daily intervals of rest; but more than all it came through +the undue extension of the day's work by the curtailment of leisure +hours. Moral influence and custom no longer sufficed to check the +treatment of the labourer as a mere part of the machinery, or to prevent +the destruction of his family life. A special measure of State +protection for the regulation of hours of labour was therefore +indispensable. + +Protection of the hours of labour is enforced indirectly by regulating +the periods of intermission of labour: meal-times, night work, and +holidays. But it may be also completed and enforced directly by fixing +the limits of the maximum legal duration of working-hours within the +astronomical day. This is what we mean by the maximum working-day. + +The maximum working-day is computed sometimes directly, sometimes +indirectly. Directly, when the same maximum total number of hours is +fixed for each day (with the exception it may be of Saturday); +indirectly, when the maximum total of working-hours is determined, +_i.e._ when a weekly average working-day is appointed. + +The latter regulation is in force in England, where 561/2 hours are fixed +for textile factories (less half an hour for cleaning purposes), and +sixty hours (or in some cases fifty-nine hours) for other factories. In +Germany and elsewhere the direct appointment of the maximum working-day +is more usual: except in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill (Sec. 139_a_, 3) where +provision is made for the indirect regulation of the maximum +working-day, by the following clause: "exceptions to the maximum +working-day for children and young persons may be permitted in spinning +houses and factories in which fires must be kept up without +intermission, or in which for other reasons connected with the nature of +the business day and night work is necessary, and in those factories and +workshops the business of which does not admit of the regular division +of labour into stated periods, or in which, from the nature of the +employment, business is confined to a certain season of the year; but in +such cases the work-time shall not exceed 36 hours in the week for +children, and 60 hours for young persons (in spinning houses 64, in +brick-kilns 69 hours)." + + +1. _Meaning of maximum working-day in the customary use of the term._ + +In the existing labour protective legislation, and in the impending +demands for Labour Protection, the maximum working-day is variously +enforced, regulated and applied. In order to arrive at a clear +understanding of the matter it will be necessary to examine the various +meanings attached by common use to the term working-day. + +Let us take first the different methods of enforcement. + +It is enforced either by contract and custom, or by enactment and +regulation. Hence a distinction must be drawn between the maximum +working-day of contract and the legal (regulated) working-day. +Now-a-days when we speak of the maximum working-day we practically have +in mind the legal working-day. But it must not be forgotten that the +maximum duration of labour has long been regulated by custom and +contract in whole branches of industry, and that the maximum working-day +of contract has paved the way for the progressive shortening of the +legal maximum working-day. + +Even the party who are now demanding a general eight hours maximum +working-day desire to preserve the right of a still further shortening +of hours by contract, generally, or with regard to certain specified +branches of industry; the Auer Motion (Sec. 106) runs thus: "The +possibility of fixing a still shorter labour-day shall be left to the +voluntary agreement of the contracting parties." + +Certainly no objection can be raised to making provision for the +maintenance of freedom of contract with regard to shortening the +duration of daily labour. The right to demand such freedom in +contracting, is, in my opinion, incontrovertible. + +Next we come to the various modes of regulating the maximum working-day. + +It may either be fixed uniformly for all nations as the regular +working-day for all protected labour, or it may be specially regulated +for each industry in which wage-labour is protected; or else a regular +maximum working-day may be appointed for general application, with +special arrangements for certain industries or kinds of occupation. This +would give us either a regular national working-day, or a system of +special maximum working-days, or a regular general working-day with +exceptions for special working days. + +The system of special working-days has long since come into operation, +although to a more or less limited degree, by the action of custom and +contract. The penultimate paragraph of Sec. 120 of the _von Berlepsch_ +Bill, admits the same system--of course only for hygienic purposes--in +the following provision: "The duration of daily work permissible, and +the intervals to be granted, shall be prescribed by order of the +Bundesrath (Federal Council) in those industries in which the health of +the worker would be endangered by a prolonged working-day." + +The mixed system would no doubt still obtain even were the regular +working-day more generally applied, since there will always be certain +industries in which a specially short working-day will be necessary (in +smelting houses and the like). + +The labour parties of the present day demand the regular legal +working-day together with the working-day of voluntary contract. + +By maximum working-day we must, as a rule, understand the national and +international, uniform, legal, maximum working-day. + +Thirdly, we come to the various aspects which the maximum working-day +assumes according to whether it is given a general or only a limited +sphere of application. In considering its application we have to decide +whether or not its protection shall be extended to all branches and all +kinds of business, and degrees of danger in protected industry, and +further, whether, however widely extended, it shall apply within each +industrial division so protected to the whole body of labourers, or only +to the women and juvenile workers. + +The maximum working-day is thus the "general working-day" when applied +to all industries without exception. When this is not the case, it is +the restricted working-day, which may also be called the factory +maximum working-day, as it really obtains only in factory and +quasi-factory labour. The term factory working-day is further limited in +its application in cases where its protection extends, not to all the +labourers in the factory, but to the women and juvenile workers only, or +to only one of these classes. Hence a distinction must be drawn between +the factory working-day for women and children, and the maximum factory +working-day extended also to men. We shall therefore not be wrong in +speaking of this as the working-day of women and juvenile workers, nor +shall we be putting any force on the customary usage, if by factory +working-day we understand the working day prescribed to all labourers in +a factory. + +We shall find a further limitation of the meaning in considering the aim +of the protection afforded, for in certain cases the maximum +working-day, even when extended to all labourers employed in a factory, +is restricted to such occupations in the factory as are dangerous to +health. In such cases, it might be designated perhaps the hygienic +working-day. + +The maximum working-day, in the sense of the furthest reaching and +therefore most hotly contested demands for regulation of time, means the +uniform maximum working-day, fixed by legislation nationally, or even +internationally, and not the maximum working-day of factory labour +merely, or of female and child-labour in factories, nor the hygienic +working day. This working-day is authoritatively fixed--provisionally at +10 hours, then at 9 hours, and finally at 8 hours--as the daily maximum +duration of working-time, in the Auer Motion (Sec. 106 and 106_a_, cf. Sec. +130). Section 106 (paragraphs 1 to 3) runs thus: "In all business +enterprises which come within this Act (Imperial Industrial Code), the +working-time of all wage-labourers above the age of 16 years shall be +fixed at 10 hours at the most on working-days, at 8 hours at the most on +Saturday, and on the eve of great festivals, exclusive of intervals of +rest. From January 1st, 1894, the highest permissible limit of working +time shall be fixed at 9 hours daily, and from January 1st, 1898, at 8 +hours daily." According to the same section, the 8 hours day shall be at +once enforced for labourers underground, and the time of going in to +work and coming out from work shall be included in the working-day. +"Daily work shall begin in summer not earlier than 6 o'clock, in winter +not earlier than 7 o'clock, and at the latest shall end at 7 o'clock in +the evening." + +We have still two important points to consider before we arrive at the +exact meaning of the general maximum working-day. The first point +touches the difference between those employments in which severe and +continuous labour for the whole working-time is required, and those in +which a greater or less proportion of the time is spent by the workman +in waiting for the moment to come when his intervention is required. The +second point touches the inclusion or non-inclusion, in the working day, +of other outside occupation, of home-work, or of non-industrial work of +any kind, besides work undertaken in some one particular industrial +establishment. With regard to the first point, the question may fairly +be raised whether in industries in which a large proportion of time is +spent in waiting unoccupied, the maximum working-day is to be fixed as +low as in those industries in which the work proceeds without +intermission. And it is a question of material importance in the +practical application of the maximum working day whether or not work at +home, or in another business, or in sales-rooms, or employment in +non-industrial occupations, should or should not be allowed in the +normal working-day. + +The labour-protective legislation hitherto in force has been able to +disregard both these points, for with the exception of the English Shop +Regulations Act (1886) it hardly affected other occupations than those +in which work is carried on without intermission. But there are points +that cannot be neglected when the question arises of a general maximum +working-day for all industrial labour, or all industrial wage-service +alike--as in the Labour agitation now rife in the country. + +The Auer Motion, for instance, ought to have dealt with both these +questions in a definite manner; but it did not do this. With regard to +those occupations in which a large proportion of the time is spent in +merely waiting, _e.g._ in small shops, public-houses, and in carrying +industries, there is no proposal to fix a special maximum working-day, +except perhaps in the English Shop Regulations Act (12 instead of 10 +hours for young persons). With regard to outside work, the Auer Motion +does not determine what may be strictly included within the eight hours +day. The question is this: is the maximum working-day to be imposed on +the employer alone, to prevent him from exacting more than eight or ten +hours work, or on the employed also, to prevent him from carrying on any +outside work, even if it is his own wish to work longer; the more we cut +down the general working-day, the more important it will become to have +a limit of time which will affect not only the employer but also the +employed, as otherwise the latter might, by his outside work, be only +intensifying the evils of competition for his fellow-workers. The Auer +Motion (Sec. 106) only demands the eight hours day for separate business +enterprises; therefore, according to the strict wording, there is +nothing to hinder the workman from working unrestrainedly beyond the +eight hours in a second business enterprise of the same kind, or in any +industry of another kind, in which he is skilled, or in non-industrial +labour, and thus being able to compete with other workmen. Does this +agree in principle with the maximum working-day of Social Democracy? Is +this an oversight, or a practically very important "departure from +principle"? We are not in a position to fully clear up or further +elucidate these two points. For the present we may assume that the +action of the Labour parties was well calculated in both these respects, +viz. in neglecting to draw a distinction between continuous and +intermittent labour, and in excluding outside labour from the operation +of the eight hours working-day. + +Lastly, in accurately defining the meaning of the term we must not +overlook the fact that neither in respect to aim nor to operation the +maximum working-day is confined to the question of mere Labour +Protection. It has no exclusively protective significance. + +It is true that the hygienic factory day, the factory day for women and +juvenile workers, and the factory day for men, are wholly or mainly +maximum working-days appointed for purposes of State protection, but the +maximum working-day may also serve to other ends apart from or in +addition to this. In the general eight hours day, for instance, the +economic aspect is of equal importance with the protective aspect of the +question. Under the socialistic system of national industry, where there +would no longer be any question of protection in service-relations, the +maximum working-day, together with the possibly more important minimum +working-day, directed against the idle, would serve to other important +ends; it would, for instance, give more leisure for the so-called +general mental cultivation of the people and would prevent new +inequalities. + +We will consider in the first place the purely protective aspect of the +maximum working-day of the present, then the mixed protective and +economic aspect of the general maximum working-day. + + +2. _The maximum working-days of protective legislation: the hygienic +working-day, the working-day of women and children, the extended factory +working-day._ + +And first the _hygienic working-day_. + +This is imposed on certain occupations and businesses on account of the +dangers to health arising out of the work, and on account of the +strength required in the work. + +It is no longer opposed by any party. It is fully dealt with in the _von +Berlepsch_ Bill in the above-mentioned provision of the penultimate +paragraph of Sec. 120_a_. + +By the insertion of this provision in Section I. of Chapter VII. of the +Imperial Industrial Code, the hygienic maximum working-day may be +extended by order of the Bundesrath (Federal Council) over the whole +sphere of industrial labour, not merely of factory and quasi-factory +labour. The Berlin Conference (resolutions 1, 2) demands the hygienic +maximum working-day for mining industries. + +It is hardly necessary to prove that the hygienic maximum working-day +cannot be obtained merely by the efforts of the workers in +self-protection or by the general good-will of the united employers, +without general enforcement by enactment or regulation. Some employers +are unwilling even to maintain the shortening of the normal working-day +necessary to health, others who would be willing are prevented by +competition so long as the hygienic working-day is not enforced +generally and uniformly by enactment or regulation throughout that +particular branch of industry. The extension of the hygienic maximum +working-day to all occupations dangerous to health throughout the whole +sphere of industrial labour, is justified as a necessary measure of +Labour Protection. + +No nation will suffer in the long run from the full extension of the +hygienic working-day. It is probable that the governments will advance +side by side in this direction. + +_The factory working-day for women and juvenile workers._ + +This has long been enforced. The distress which brought it under the +notice of the English legislature has justified it for all time. It is +now scarcely contested. + +Without special intervention of the State, the considerate employer is +not able to grant the ten hours limit, even to women and juvenile +workers, on account of his unscrupulous competitors. + +Its enforcement with the help of a factory list offers no difficulties. + +The grounds for demanding a maximum working-day for juvenile workers are +so evident that they need not here be indicated. We may, however, remark +in passing that this working-day is economically of no great importance +in view of the small number of juvenile workers. In the year 1888, +Germany employed in factory and quasi-factory labour 22,913 children +(14,730 boys, 8,175 girls) 169,252 young persons (109,788 males, 59,464 +females); children and young persons together making a total of 192,165 +(124,526 males, 67,639 females). The textile industries alone engaged +17.8 per cent. of the male, and 47 per cent. of the female child-labour, +that being the industry which also employs the largest number of female +workers. + +The maximum working-day for female labour is necessary for all women +workers and not merely for married women, and in England it has long +been enforced. In the case of girls, work for eleven or twelve hours is +highly undesirable from the point of view of family life. "Experience +proves," says a Prussian inspector, "that girls so employed never become +good housewives, and that women so employed can never fulfil their +maternal duties, and on this account many well-meaning employers will +not employ married women after the birth of the first child. The evil +result of this appears more plainly the greater the number of women +workers; and its bad influence on married life and on the education of +children in workmen's families is very evident and makes itself felt in +other spheres of life. Isolated schools of housewifery and +working-women's homes are insufficient to meet the evil, especially as +the extension of textile industries and therewith the increase in the +number of women employed has by no means reached its highest point." The +more impossible it is to dispense entirely with female labour, the more +imperative does it appear to secure to all women workers, at least, the +maximum working-day, at best the 10 hours working-day (with 6 hours on +Saturday) long enforced in England. + +The factory day of 6 hours for children and 10 hours for young persons +has already been enforced by the Industrial Regulations in Germany. Its +extension to all female workers is one of the most important steps +proposed by the _von Berlepsch_ Bill. At present the proposal is for an +11 hours day, but the Reichstag Commission ought to succeed in placing +the limit at 10 hours.[8] + +The Resolutions of the Berlin Conference fix the time at 6 to 10 hours +for juvenile workers, and 11 hours for all female workers (III. 6, IV. +2, and V. 2). They further demand that the "protection of a maximum +working-day shall be granted to all young men between the ages of 16 and +18." + +The working-day for women and juvenile workers has hitherto been +essentially a factory and quasi-factory maximum working day (cf. Bill, Sec. +154). England has, however, in the Shop Hours Regulation Act of June 25, +1886, extended protection to sale-rooms, of course only in favour of +juvenile workers, but with strict directions as to outside work. This +working-day in commercial business, amounts on an average to 12 hours in +the day (74 in the week, inclusive of meal-times). If the protected +person has already in the same day performed 10 hours of factory or +workshop labour, only 12 hours less 10 of shopwork are permitted; when +the time occupied in outside work amounts to the full workshop and +factory maximum working-day, additional occupation in the shop is +prohibited. The Act does not apply to those shops in which the only +persons employed are members of the family dwelling in the house or are +family connexions of the employer. Such intervention in respect of +household industry has already been begun but has not yet gone very far. + +The general extension of the maximum working-day for women and juvenile +workers to all industries, including family industries, has been +demanded,[9] but is as yet nowhere enforced. + +The specially short working-day for children necessitates alternating +shifts, as child labour, as a rule, is inseparably connected with other +work. English protective legislation directs in this case that children +(from 10 to 14 years) may be employed in one and the same place only for +half a day, either for the morning or the afternoon, or else on every +alternate day, for the full day; and the order of working-days must be +changed every week; in daily (half-day) employment, the actual working +time (without intervals of rest) amounts to 6 hours daily, and 30 to 36 +hours weekly, in other cases 10 hours daily and 30 hours weekly. + +_The factory working-day (in the strict sense): factory working-day for +adult males._ + +The extension of protection of hours of labour to adults in factory and +quasi-factory labour, by the so-called factory working-day (in the +strict sense) has already begun to make way in some countries. + +In France it was enforced as long ago as by the Act of Sept. 9, 1848 +(Art. I.), in which the limit was still fixed at 12 hours; in +Switzerland the limit was fixed at 11 hours by Art. II. of the +Confederate Factory Act of 1877; and in Austria by the Act of Mar. 8, +1885. Other countries have not hitherto adopted it. Great Britain and +other countries still hesitate to interfere in this way with the freedom +of contract for adults. Switzerland, on the other hand, is ready to +reduce the hours from 11 to 10, but whether Austria is prepared to do so +much is doubtful. + +Germany also in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill has entered a protest against +the extreme length of the factory working-day. Here the course has been +strongly urged, sometimes of adopting an 11 hours, sometimes a 10 hours +day, meaning always the time of actual work, without reckoning intervals +of rest. In the discussion on the Imperial Industrial Regulations of +1869, Brauchitsch demanded a 12 hours factory day from the Conservative +benches, and Schweitzer for all large industries a 10 hours day (_i.e._ +a 12 hours day, with intervals of rest amounting to not less than 2 +hours). + +The necessity for the limitation of the working-day of male adult +labourers to 11 or 10 hours, rests partly upon the same grounds as that +of the working-day for women and young persons. Hours of leisure, +besides the hours of night rest, are a necessity for men also, in order +that they may be able to live really human lives. Above all they ought +to be able to devote a few hours every day to their family, to social +intercourse, self-culture, and their duties as citizens. The economic +expediency of the restriction of working hours has been proved by +experience. The amount of work executed in the factories has been in no +way lessened by the adoption of the 10 hours day for women and children, +and moreover in England, wherever the 10 and 11 hours day for men has +been adopted without legal enactment, it has proved to be a beneficial +measure; this has also been the case in the Alsatian cotton +factories.[10] The factory inspectors in Switzerland unanimously report +the favourable effect of the 11 hours day on the amount of work +executed; and the same thing on the whole may be asserted of Austria. + +In Switzerland the proposal that permission for overtime work should be +obtainable from the magistrates was several times rejected, "because the +employers soon perceived that the increased production scarcely covered +the increased expense of light and heating, and that the work was +carried on with less energy on the days following overtime work than +when the 11 hours day was adhered to." It is evident that there the 11 +hours day is not considered too short. In general the employers in +Switzerland very soon declared themselves satisfied with the 11 hours +day; the workmen consider it a great benefit, and it has not led to the +greater frequenting of public-houses. The adoption of a maximum +working-day in Switzerland has put a stop to the practice on the part of +manufacturers of taking away their competitor's orders and executing +them by means of overtime work, so that amongst industrial managers +also, the tide is beginning to turn against too frequent indulgence in +overtime work. + +In Saxony even, an examination into the advantages of the maximum +working-day shows "that the manufacturers themselves" (see General +Report for 1888 of the district inspector at Zwickau), "are opposed to +the long protraction of hours of labour; but every employer hesitates to +be the first to shorten the hours, fearing lest he should find too few +imitators, and be thereby thrown out of competition." The legal factory +working-day removes this fear. + +Of course we have no experience to show that the further shortening of +the day to less than 10 hours would allow of the execution of as much or +more work than has hitherto been executed in more than 10 or 11 hours. +There is a limit to the possible increase of efficiency in machines and +in hand-labour, and in the two together. Labour Protection has neither +the intention nor the right to prohibit any labour that is not too long +to be physically and morally permissible. + +At present there seems no necessity from the protective point of view +for more than an 11 or 12 hours day as a rule, with special hygienic +working-days of less than 10 hours, together with unrestricted freedom +of contract in regulating the hours of work below this limit. + +Above the limit of 10 or 11 hours the lengthening of labour time seems +to diminish rather than to increase its aggregate productivity, and this +explains why the 11 and 10 hours day, without any intervention from the +State, has been so generally and successfully adopted by custom and +contract. It is the general experience, as the Duesseldorf inspector +notes in his report, that "those works in which the smallest amount of +labour is performed, have as a rule the longest hours of labour; all +attempts to increase the amount of labour at favourable periods of the +market, by offering higher wages, whilst at the same time maintaining +the long hours, have only attained a short-lived success, or have +altogether failed; the same result is produced when in certain +occupations the usually short hours of labour are prolonged in order to +profit by the opportunity of a good market; it is only for the first few +days that the increase in the amount of work executed corresponds to the +increase in the hours of work, and the old level is quickly resumed; on +the other hand, it is frequently affirmed by the managers that the +capacity for work of our labourers is in no wise inferior to that of the +English."[11] + +The legal 11 or 10 hours day would not be justified if custom and +freedom of contract were sufficient to adjust the true proportions of +working time. This however is not the case, and the legal working-day is +therefore necessary in order to supplement the work of free +self-protection. + +With regard to the voluntary adjustment of the duration of the +working-day, we find that the 10 and 11 hours day already prevails in a +large proportion of the German industries: as in Bremen, whence +according to the factory report, only 33.8 per cent. of the adult +labourers work beyond 10 hours, and only 3.8 per cent. beyond 11 hours, +and in Berlin, where in 3,070 firms, 71,465 male labourers work for 10 +hours and less; and the same is reported by other district inspectors. +But side by side with this we find a longer and frequently a decidedly +too long working-day, and nowhere does every firm adhere to the 10 or 11 +hours day. Even in the Lower Rhine Provinces the 12 hours working-day is +in force in the smelting houses (Hitze). In Saxony the same number of +hours obtains, as a rule, in textile industries, although many +manufacturers would prefer the 10 hours day, if all competitors would +adopt it. In Bavaria and Baden the 11 to 12 hours working-day prevails +widely. In certain separate kinds of work, as in mills and brick kilns, +the working hours are even longer. + +The advisability of fixing the legal factory day at 10 or 11 hours is +not to be disputed. It is just where the 10 or 11 hours day has not been +secured by custom that, as a rule, the workmen and such managers as are +willing are least in a position to extort it by way of self-help from +other competing employers. And where custom has already led to the +general adoption of the 10 to 11 hours working-day, it seems quite +permissible to enforce it on such firms as have not adopted it. + +It is no sufficient argument against the introduction of the extended +compulsory factory working-day, to say that the adoption of the +working-day for women and young persons would necessarily entail the +adoption of the working-day for men without recourse to legal +enforcement, since men could not be employed beyond the specified number +of hours, while this was forbidden in the case of women and young +persons employed in the same business. As a matter of fact, the larger +proportion of trades are carried on entirely, or mainly, by male +workers, though there may be a certain amount of purely accessory work +performed by women and young persons. Hence the adoption of the limited +factory working-day (_i.e._ for women and children) by no means +necessarily or uniformly entails its general adoption. Even in England +this has not been the case generally, and although we find that the +maximum working-day for men very largely obtains without legal +enactment, this has not been the result of the adoption of the legal +working-day for women and juvenile workers, but has been won by the +healthy struggle of the trades' unions for the maximum working-day fixed +by contract. + +Now the question arises whether the 11 or the 12 hours day is to be +chosen, and whether the adoption of the factory working-day should be +proceeded with in Germany without its being adopted at the same time by +England and Belgium. + +Several of the German States have recently introduced the 10 hours +working-day in their government works. This would point to a preference +for the 10 hours day. The proposal made by Switzerland at the Conference +for the adoption of this lower limit rests partly on the ground of its +agreement with the duration of the 10 hours day for women and juvenile +workers. + +But here some caution is necessary. Private enterprise is not so free +from the dangers of competition as government enterprise; whilst Germany +might very well do with the 11 hours day since Switzerland and Austria +have been able to introduce it without harmful results. + +The adoption of the compulsory 10 hours day might be ventured on without +hesitation, if once we had accurate international statistics as to +whether the different countries have already adopted the 10 hours day; +and, if so, for which branches of industry. We should then be able to +see the extent of the risk as a whole and in detail. Was not this very +matter, the ascertainment of the customary maximum duration of working +hours in separate branches of industry, pointed to as of immediate +importance in the resolutions agreed to at the Berlin Conference on the +drawing up of international statistics on Labour Protection? The general +adoption of the 10 hours day would certainly be hastened by these means. +Each country would then be sure of its ground in taking separate +proceedings. + +German labour protective policy cannot be reproached with want of +caution, seeing that it has made no demand in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill +for the extended factory day, but only for an 11 hours working-day for +women. + +Lastly, the question arises whether the maximum working-day under +consideration can, or shall, be extended beyond factory and +quasi-factory labour. Such extension has not as yet taken place. + +Should such extension ensue, the limits of duration could hardly be +fixed so low for intermittent work, and for less laborious work (both +are found in trading industry and in traffic and transport business), as +for factory labour and the business of workshops where power machinery +is used. England, which is apparently the only country which regulates +the hours of young persons even in trade, has adopted for them a 12 +hours working-day. + +Further examination plainly shows that a simple uniform regulation would +be impossible in view of the extraordinary variety of non-continuous and +non-industrial occupations and handicrafts. + +But in general it cannot be disputed that the need for regulation may +also exist in trading and in handicrafts, _e.g._ in bakeries (not +machine-worked) no less than in household industry. Here we often find +that the working hours are of longer duration than in factories and +workshops. In Berlin, figures have been obtained showing the percentage +of firms in which the working-day is more than 11 hours; and the +percentage of female and of male workers employed for more than 11 +hours. + + + Number of Of Male Of Female + Firms. Workers. Workers. + + In wholesale business 4.31 3.51 4.46 + In handicraft 18.85 15.52 6.09 + In trade 64.77 54.94 -- + + +The necessity for extending protection beyond the factories cannot be +lightly set aside; in trade, excessive hours of labour are exacted from +workers not belonging to the family, and in continuous and intermittent +employments, and in household industry they are probably exacted from +the relatives. The same thing occurs in handicrafts. It is not +impossible for the matter to be taken in hand; but at present it meets +with many difficulties and much opposition. Only the factory and +quasi-factory maximum working-day for adults belong to the immediate +present. + + +3. _The maximum working-day of protective policy and of wage policy; +general maximum working-day; eight hours movement._ + +The general maximum working-day of 8 hours, as demanded since May 1st, +1890, rests admittedly on grounds, not merely of protective policy, but +also of wage-policy. + +In so far as it is demanded on grounds of protective policy, it would +call for little remark. The only question would be, whether on grounds +of protective policy the maximum working-day is an equal necessity for +all industrial work, and whether this necessity must really be met by +fixing 8 hours, and not 11 or 10 hours, as the limits of daily work, a +question which, in my opinion, can only be answered in the negative. + +The new and special feature which comes to the fore in the demand for +the general eight hours day, is the impress which (its advocates claim) +will be made by it on the wages question, and this in the interests of +the wage-labourer. The universality and the shortness of the maximum +working-day would lead, they say, to an artificial diminution of the +product of labour. + +This second side of the question of the eight hours day, which touches +on wages, does not properly speaking come within the scope of a treatise +on the Theory and Policy of Labour Protection. We must not, however, +omit it here, for the demand for such a working-day is very seriously +confused in the public mind with the purely protective maximum +working-day, whereas the two must be clearly distinguished from each +other. By discussing and examining the general eight hours day, it must +be shown how important an advance it is upon the factory 10 hours day; +and it must be shown that the favour with which the factory 10 hours day +is to be regarded on grounds of protective policy, need not extend +necessarily to the general eight hours day; the one may be supported, +the other rejected; protective policy is pledged to the one, but not to +the other. From this standpoint we enter upon a consideration of the +eight hours day. + +The demand is formulated in the most comprehensive manner in the Auer +Motion. What is it, according to this demand, that strictly speaking +constitutes the general eight hours day, implying two other "eights," +eight hours sleep and eight hours recreation? If we are not mistaken in +the interpretation of the wording of the demand already given, the +"general working-day" means eight hours work for the whole body of +industrial wage-labour, admitting of specially regulated extension to +agricultural industry and forestry. + +The Motion demands the eight hours time uniformly for all civilised +nations; without regard to the degrees of severity of different +occupations, and the degrees of working energy shown by different +nationalities; and without permission of overtime in the case of +extraordinary--either regular (seasonal) or irregular--pressure of work. + +The Motion demands the eight hours maximum duration without regard to +the question whether the performance of labour is continuous or not, +hence without exclusion of the intermittent employments which are +specially difficult of control. + +Moreover, in all probability, the mere preparatory work, which plays so +important a part in industrial service, in trade, and in the business of +traffic and transport, will be dealt with in the same manner as +continuous effective labour. At least we find no indication of the +manner in which preparatory work is to be dealt with as distinguished +from effective labour. + +It does not appear in the text, but it is probably the intention of the +Auer Motion to apply the limitation of eight hours not only to work in +the same business, but to industrial work in different coordinated +businesses, to the principal industry and to the subsidiary industries. + +Yet, as we have already noticed, we find no definite information on this +point, nor on the manner of enforcing the eight hours day; nor as to +whether it is to be an international measure enforced by international +enactment; nor yet as to whether it is to be adopted only by the +countries of old civilization, or also by the young nations of the new +world, and the countries of cheap labour in the South, and in Eastern +Asia. + +On the other hand, the _object_ of the general working-day is fully and +clearly explained. It aims not only at fixing the time of rest for at +least eight hours daily, nor merely fixing the time of recreation +(pleasure, social intercourse, instruction, culture) for other eight +hours; but it also aims at an increase of wage per hour, or at any rate +at providing a larger number of workmen with full daily work by +diminishing the product of labour. + +In judging of the merits of the eight hours day, one must lay aside all +prejudices and misconceptions. Hence we repeat that the hygienic +working-day may be admissible, even though fixed below eight hours. We +repeat, moreover, that the maximum working-day fixed by contract is not +to be opposed, even though it fall to eight hours, or below eight hours, +at first in isolated cases, but by degrees generally. We also say that +it is not impossible that certain nationalities, or all nationalities, +should some day attain to such a degree of energy and zeal for work, as +would justify the eight hours limit almost universally, and render it +economically admissible, as is already the case in certain kinds of +work. We are only concerned here with the general legal eight hours day +(not with the merely hygienic working-day of eight hours) to be legally +enforced on January 1st, 1898, or within some reasonable limit of time. + +A few objections are advanced against the eight hours day, the +importance of which cannot be overlooked. + +The maximum working-day applied only to industrial labour lacks +completeness, it is said; all work, even in agriculture and in public +business, should be limited to eight hours, if the general maximum +working-day is to become a reality. The Social Democrats would, perhaps, +meet this objection by further motions. + +The general eight hours day is not quashed by the assertion that the +united nationalities, or the bodies of labourers of different +nationalities would never agree upon the matter. This is, indeed, +possible, even very probable; but it remains to be proved what may be +effected by international labour-agitation in an age of universal +suffrages and of world congresses, and especially in England, which has +already become so really democratic; an advance made by this country +towards a reasonable experiment would be decisive. The possibility of +attaining a sufficiently uniform, shortened, international working-day +will always be conceivable. Moreover, the imposition of protective +duties on the nations that hold back is held in reserve as a means +towards the equalisation of social policy. + +More important are those objections which are raised on grounds of +protective policy against the eight hours day, not on account of its +shortness, but of its universality. It is affirmed that it is +unnecessary and could not be carried out without intolerable chicanery. + +I am also inclined to think that the necessity for a maximum +working-day, on grounds of protective policy, does not extend much +beyond factory and quasi-factory labour (cf. Chaps. V. to VIII.), many +wage-workers finding sufficient protection in the force of public +opinion, in moral influence and custom. + +The universalisation of the measure, it must be admitted, greatly +increases the difficulties of carrying it out successfully, especially +in non-continuous employments, in subsidiary and combined industries. It +would be difficult to carry it out without an amount of espionage and +control, intolerable, perhaps, to the sense of individual liberty in the +most diligent workers. The supporters of the eight hours day cannot meet +this objection by replying that under a real "government by the people," +the whole measure would be practicable, and the demand for it +intelligible; for this is an attempt to thrust forward a proof having no +application to the policy of the present, which has to deal with +existing conditions of society; and it unwarrantably assumes that the +practicability of a "government by the people" has already been proved. + +The supporter of the general legal eight hours day will be more +successful in meeting the above objection if he maintains that the +importance of so complete a universalization and so great a shortening +of the maximum working-day, from the point of view of the wages +question, more than outweighs any doubt as to the necessity of the +measure on grounds of protective policy, or as to the practicability of +carrying it out. + +The decision for or against the general legal eight hours day lies +therefore in the answer to these two questions: whether the cherished +hope as to its effect on wages rests on a sure foundation, and whether +the State is justified in so wide an exercise of power in the interests +of one class in the present generation. + +With regard to the first question, no very strong probability of success +has been shown, to say nothing of certainty. + +We need only look at the practical aspect of the matter. By the legal +enforcement of a sudden and general shortening of the industrial +national working-time, by 20 to 30 per cent. of the working-time of +hitherto, higher wages are to be obtained for less work, or at least +room is to be given for the actual employment of the whole working force +at the present rate of wage! + +How would an increase of wage, or even the maintenance (and that a +continuous one) of the present rate be conceivable in view of a sudden +general reduction of working-time by 20 to 30 per cent.? Only, indeed, +either by reduction of profits and interest on the part of the +capitalists, corresponding to the increase of wage, or by an increase in +the productivity of national industry, resulting from an improvement in +technique, and progress in skill and assiduity, or from both together. + +Now no one can say exactly what proportion the profits and interest of +industrial capitalists bear to the wages of the workmen; if one were to +deduct what the mass of small and middle-class employers derive from the +work of their assistants (as distinct from what they draw from their +capital) the industrial rent--in spite of numbers of enormous +incomes--would probably not represent the large sum it is supposed to +be. Hence it is very doubtful whether it would be possible to obtain the +necessary sum out of profits. + +Even if this were possible, it is by no means certain that the wage war +between Labour and Capital would succeed in obtaining so great a +reduction of industrial profits and interest, still less within any +short or even definitely calculated limit of time. Some amount of +capital might lie idle, or might pass out of Europe; or again, Capital +might conquer to a great extent by means of combination; or it might +turn away from its breast the pistol of the maximum working-day by +limiting production, _i.e._ by employing fewer labourers than before. It +might induce a rise in the price of commodities, which would diminish +"real" wages instead of raising them or of leaving them undiminished. + +But even if Capital found it necessary in consequence of the legal +enforcement of the eight hours day to employ a larger number of workers, +it might draw supplies to meet this expense partly out of the countries +which had not adopted the eight hours day, partly out of agricultural +industry and forestry, and after half a generation, out of the increase +in the working population. Capital would also make every effort to +accomplish in a shorter time more than hitherto by exacting closer work +and stricter control, and by introducing more and more perfect +machinery. + +With all these possibilities the eight hours day will not necessarily, +suddenly, and in the long run, increase the demand for labour to such a +degree that the employer will need to draw upon his interest, profits, +and ground rents for a large and general rise of wages, or for the +maintenance of the former rate of wage. At least, the contrary is +equally possible, and perhaps even highly probable. + +Such an increased demand for labour would indeed ensue if the growth of +population were to be permanently retarded. But that it should be so +retarded is the very last thing to be expected under the conditions +supposed, viz. a general increase of "real" wages, which would obviously +render it more easy to bring up a family. + +Hence the assumption that the eight hours day would lead to an increase +of wage, or the maintenance of the present rate of wage at the cost of +profits and interest, is not proven; so far from being certain, it is +not even probable. Therefore, it cannot serve to justify so violent an +interference on the part of the State, as the enforcement of the general +legal eight hours' day on January 1st, 1898. Such an interference would +be calculated to bring a terrible disappointment of hopes to the very +labourers whom it is intended to benefit. + +Just as little can it be justified by the assumption that as much would +be produced (hence as high a wage be given) in a shorter working-day, +through the improvement of technique, and increased energy in work, as +in a working-day of 10 or 12 hours. + +The increase in productivity could not be expected with any certainty to +be general, uniform, and sudden. The success of the experiment which has +been made with the 11 hours day, which prevents such excessive work as +is not really productive, cannot be advanced to justify the further +assumption that the productivity of labour increases in inverse ratio to +the duration of time. The increase of productivity through limiting the +duration of work does justify the 10 or 11 hours day of protective +policy precisely because the latter evidently stops short at that point +beyond which labour begins to be less efficient; we have no grounds for +assuming that the same justification exists for the eight hours day +demanded in the supposed interests of a wage policy. The increase of +productivity through the operation of the eight hours day would be more +than ever unlikely if the abolition of "efficiency" wage in favour of +exclusive time wage, which is one measure proposed, were to destroy the +inducement to compensate for loss of time by more assiduous work, and if +a fall in the profits were to curtail industrial activity. + +But even supposing it certain, which it clearly is not, that an increase +of productivity would take place sufficient to compensate for the +shortening of time, it would still be doubtful whether the effect would +be felt in a rise or maintenance of the rate of wage, and not rather in +a rise in profit and interest. For the steadily increasing use of +machinery, which is assigned as one of the reasons why productivity +would remain unimpaired in spite of the shortening of hours, and more +especially if this should coincide with a rapid increase of population, +would actually lessen the demand for labour, and thus would improve the +position of Capital in the Labour market. On this second ground also, we +are precluded from supposing that the eight hours day would result in an +increase of wages. + +But if it be granted that the balance would not be restored, either by +pressure upon profits and interest or by increased productivity, it then +follows that the wages of labour must necessarily _fall_ 20 to 30 per +cent. through such a shortening of the working-day. And this, as we have +seen, is not at all an unlikely issue. + +The absorption of all the unemployed labour force, the industrial +"reserve army," in consequence of the adoption of the eight hours day, +is an assumption quite as unproven as the one with which we have been +dealing. + +This result would not necessarily ensue even in the first generation, +since production might be limited, and even if the hopes of increased +productivity are not quite vain, it is quite possible that more +machinery might be employed without necessarily increasing the number of +workmen. + +It is still more difficult to determine what in all these respects will +be the ultimate effect of the eight hours day. The further increase of +the working population--and, _ceteris paribus_, this would be the most +probable result of the expected increase in the rate of wage per +hour--may produce fresh supplies of superfluous labour; but the +eventual fall of wages consequent on a decrease in the productivity of +national work would necessarily increase the industrial "reserve army," +through the diminished consumption and the consequent restriction of +production to more or less necessary commodities. + +If a diminution of national production were really to result from the +adoption of the eight hours day, it would affect precisely the least +capable bodies of workers, and those engaged in furnishing luxuries, for +the demand for luxuries is the first to fall off; and the less capable +workers finally become the worst paid because they are able to +accomplish less in eight hours. Hence it follows that the uniform, +universal, and national eight hours day would have very different +results on the labouring bodies of each nation, and on the competing +bodies of labourers in separate industrial districts in the same nation. +Hence the very uniformity of the national and international maximum +working-day of wage policy is a matter which calls up very grave +considerations, which, however, we are not in a position to pursue any +further in this book. + +Even the complete prohibition of overtime work for the sake of meeting +the accumulation of business, neither ensures a higher rate of wage per +hour, nor a lasting removal and reduction of the superfluous supplies of +labour. The very opposite result may ensue, at least, in all such +branches of industry as undergo periodical oscillations of activity and +depression, through the fluctuation of the particular demand on which +they depend. If the effect on wages of the legal eight hours day is +extremely doubtful, and the advisability of the measure more than +questionable, we come in conclusion to ask very seriously whether the +State is justified in enforcing more than the mere working-day of +protective policy. + +Without doubt the State ought to direct its social policy towards +securing at least a minimum rate of wage compatible with a really human +existence, as it does by Labour Insurance, for instance. It is a +possible, though an extremely unlikely, case to suppose that it might +take practical steps to realize the "proportional" or "fair" wage of +_Rodbertus_ (although since the writings of _von Thuenen_, theorists have +sought in vain a method of determining this ideal measure), but even so, +the practicability of such a course would have first to be demonstrated, +and in my opinion this would probably be found to be not demonstrable. +But surely it has now been fully shown that it ought not to permit the +sudden and general shortening of the working day by 20 to 30 per cent., +an experiment the effects of which cannot be foreseen. + +The State does not possess this right, either over property or labour. +It might affect injuriously the rate of wages of the whole labouring +class, or, at least, of such bodies of wage labourers as are employed in +the production of such articles as are not actual necessaries of life. +The labourer might even have to bear the whole burden, since the rate of +wages would suffer by this measure if a fall in national production were +brought about without being counterbalanced by a lowering of the rate of +profit and interest. The State has to take into consideration those +considerable bodies of wage-labourers who (while keeping within the +limits of the maximum working-day of protective policy) would rather +work longer than earn less, and it will find it hard to justify to them +the experiment of the eight hours day of a wage policy; for this would +constitute a very serious restriction of individual liberty for many +workers, and those not by any means the least industrious or skilful. +Still we need not undertake here to work out the matter decisively from +this point of view. + +Will, however, the experiment be forced upon us? Who can deny this +positively, in face of the irresistibly advancing democratic tendencies +of constitutional right in all countries? If it be forced upon us, it +may, and most probably will, end in a great disappointment of the hopes +of the Labour world. + +It is perfectly clear that the decision of the matter rests with +England. If this country does not lead the way, if she hesitates to +enforce it in the face of the competition of American, Asiatic, and +soon, perhaps, of African labour, the experiment of a general eight +hours day for the rest of Western Europe is not to be thought of. But in +England it is precisely the aristocratic portion of the labouring +classes--the "old trades' unionists," the skilled labour--that has not +not yet been won over to the side of the legal eight hours day, and it +is doubtful whether it will yield to the leaders of unskilled labour: +Burns, Tillett, and the rest. At the September Congress at Liverpool, in +1890, the Trade Unionist party brought forward in opposition to the +general legal eight hours day, the eight hours optional day fixed by +contract, in the motion of Patterson, if I have rightly understood the +proposal. The motion was defeated by a majority of only eight (181 to +173).[12] If the legal eight hours day is rejected, does that preclude +for all time the possibility of shortening the time of labour to less +than the 10 or 11 hours factory day at present in force? By no means. + +The fundamental error in the general legal working-day as it now stands, +lies not in the assumption that it will gradually lead to a further +shortening of the working-day, but in the assumption that the legal +maximum working-day will bring about suddenly, generally, and uniformly +results which in the natural course of economic and social development +only the maximum working-day of free contract is calculated to bring +about, and this gradually, step by step, tentatively, and by irregular +stages; that is to say, that so material a shortening of the maximum +working-day cannot possibly be attained to generally by any other means +than by the shortening by free contract, here a little and there a +little, of the maximum working-day within each industry and each +country, and this equally outside as well as within the limits of +factory and quasi-factory business. We may at all events be assured that +the substitution of the legal eight hours day for the factory +working-day of 10 or 11 hours is _not the next step to be taken_, but +rather the further development of the maximum working-day of free +contract by means of the continuous wage struggle between the organised +forces of Capital and Labour to suit the unequal and varying conditions +of place, time, and employment, in the various classes of industry. + +There is no objection to be offered to this manner of bringing about the +shortening of the working-day. No one has any right or even any fair +pretext for opposing it. No one need fear anything from the results of a +general working-day introduced by this method, even if it should +ultimately develop into the legalised maximum working-day of less than +10 hours. + +There is the less reason for fear, as the working classes themselves +have the greatest interest in avoiding any step forward which would +afterwards have to be retraced; the majority will prefer, within the +limits of overwork, additional and more laborious working time with more +wages, to additional recreation time and less wages. + +Least of all does _Capital_ need to look forward with jealousy and +suspicion to this visionary eight hours day which may lie in the lap of +the future, but which will have come about, only gradually through a +series of reductions _by contract_ of the working-day, each successive +rise of wage and each successive shortening of the working-day having +been occasioned by a steady improvement in technique, and a healthy +increase of population. The sooner some such movement as this of the +eight hours day, fixed by contract, ultimately perhaps by legislation, +takes a firm hold, the more striking will be the improvement of +technique, the more normal will become the growth of population, and the +more peaceful and law-abiding will be the social life of the immediate +future. Hence, I think we may contemplate the eight hours movement +without agitation, and discuss it impartially, provided of course that +the Labour Democracy is not permitted to tear down all constitutional +limitations upon its sole and undisputed sway. + +The most important contribution that this chapter offers to the Theory +and Policy of Labour Protection is then to show that the eight hours day +of wage policy may be rejected, and may still be rejected, even if the +10 hours day, demanded on purely State protective grounds, is adopted. +The foregoing discussion will show conclusively that there is no +question of the State pledging itself to Socialism by the purely +protective regulation of the working-day. + +Even from the standpoint of Social Democracy, the eight hours day as now +demanded is not properly speaking a Socialistic demand at all. It may be +that some of the leaders of the movement may seek by its means to weaken +and undermine the capitalist system of production, but the demand does +not in principle deny the right of private property in the means of +production. The general eight hours day is an effort to favourably +affect wages on the basis of the existing capitalist order. Not only the +11 hours or 10 hours day, but even the eight hours day would be no index +of the triumph of Socialism. It may rather be supposed that the leaders +of the movement thrust forward the eight hours day in order to be able +to conceal their hand a little longer in the promised fundamental +alteration of the "system of production." Therefore, we again repeat, +even in face of the proclamation of a general eight hours day made at +the "World's Labour Holiday," of May 1st, 1890, "There is no occasion to +give the alarm!" + + +4. _The maximum working-day and the "normal working-day."_ + +What we understand by the maximum working-day--limitation (whether on +grounds of protective policy or of wage policy) of the maximum amount of +labour allowed to be performed within the astronomical day, by confining +it within a certain specified number of hours--might also be called, and +indeed used more frequently to be called, the "normal working-day." It +is better, however, not to employ this alternative designation. When the +word "normal working-day" is used in a special sense, it means something +quite different from the maximum working-day; for it is a unit of social +measurement by means of which it is supposed that we can estimate all +labour performance however varying, both in personal differences and in +differences of kind of work, so that we may arrive at a socially normal +valuation of labour, and a socially normal scale of valuation of +products. It is an artificial common denominator for the regulation of +wages and prices which perhaps may be attained under the capitalist +system, but which ultimately points to a socialistic commonwealth. The +maximum working-day of protective right might exist side by side with +the regulation of a "normal working-day," but it has no essential +connection with it. + +Hence we might pass by this normal working-day which is wholly +unconnected with State protection, but we think it necessary to touch +upon it. There still exists a confusion of ideas as to the maximum and +"normal" working-days. The meaning of the latter is not formulated and +fixed in a generally recognised manner. It is quite conceivable, nay +even probable, if the Socialist fermentation among the labouring masses +should increase rapidly, that the proposal of a maximum working-day, +will take the form of the "normal working-day," and that in the very +worst and wildest development of the idea of normal working-time. This +alone affords sufficient reason for our drawing a sharp distinction +between the maximum working-day of protective legislation and the +"normal working-day," and above all for clearly defining the meaning of +the latter. + +This is no easy task for several reasons. + +The determination of the meaning of "normal working-day" includes two +points: what we mean by fixing a normal, and what we should regard as +"socially normal," _i.e._ just, fair, proportionate, and so on. + +The normal working-day would be a State normalised working-day (as +opposed to a restricted working-day) adopted for the purpose of +preventing abnormal social and industrial conditions, and as far as +possible restoring normal relations. This would be the widest meaning of +normal working-day. + +The maximum working-days of protective policy, and of wage policy, are, +or aim at being, normal working-days in this widest sense. Both are +working-days legally normalised for the purpose of obtaining by a +development of protective policy, or of protective and wage policy +combined, more normal conditions of work. But this does not make it +advisable to adopt the alternative designation of normal working-day +rather than of maximum working-day. There are several kinds of normal +working-days in this wide sense, or at least we can conceive of several; +even minimum working-days might be looked upon as normally regulated +days. The term might designate the _normal_ working-day demanded on +political, social, or educational grounds, perhaps even the maximum +working-day which would secure to the worker every day leisure for the +non-industrial occupations above mentioned; moreover it might designate +a minimum normal working-day--almost indispensable under a communistic +government--which would compulsorily fix a daily minimum of labour, and +thereby ensure production adequate to the normal requirements of the +whole community; another normal working-day, in the widest sense of the +term, would be such a maximum working-day under a communistic +government, as should aim at preventing the diligent from working more +and earning more than others, and thereby destroying equality. None of +these normal working-days (in the widest sense) concern us now; the +existing social order does not require for its just and fair regulation +the introduction of such normal working-days, and the _cura posterior_ +of a socialism or communism which as yet possesses no practical +programme is not a theoretically fruitful or practically important +matter for discussion, at least not within the limits of this book. The +normal working-day with which we need to concern ourselves here--and the +term is still frequently used in this narrower sense, though not +universally--is, as already indicated, that normal day which should +serve as a general standard of a socially equitable--normal or more +normal (compared to the old capitalist regulations)--valuation of the +performances of labour, and of the products of labour, as a means of +reducing the various individual performances of labour to proportional +parts of a "socially normal" aggregate of the labour of the nation, and +as a social measure of the cost of labour products, thereby serving as a +means to a "socially normal" regulation of prices. + +_Rodbertus_ is the writer who has most clearly sketched for us the idea +of such a normal working-day. We shall best understand what is meant by +it, by listening to this great economic thinker. _Rodbertus_ sought for +a more normal regulation of wages, within the sphere of the existing +social order, by the co-operation of capital and wage labour, giving to +the wage labourer as to the employer his proportional share in the +aggregate result of national production. + +As a solution of this problem, he lays down a special normal _time_ +labour-day and normal _work_ (amount of work) labour-day, by considering +which two factors he proposes to arrive at a unit of normal labour which +shall serve as a common basis of measurement. + +In order to bring about the participation of all workers in the nett +result of national production in proportion to their contribution to +it--hence without keeping down the better workers to the level of the +worst, and without endangering productivity--it is necessary, Rodbertus +holds, to reduce to a common denominator the amounts of work performed +by individual workers, which vary very considerably both in quantity and +quality. By this means he thinks we shall be enabled to establish a fair +relation between work and wages. The normal _time_ labour-day is to +furnish us with a simple measurement of the product of labour in +different occupations or branches of industry; and the normal _work_ +labour-day is to give us a common measure of all the varying amounts of +work performed in equal labour time by the individual workers. + +He points out that astronomically equal working time does not mean, in +different industries, an equal out-put of strength during an equal +number of hours, nor an equal contribution to society. Therefore the +different industrial working-times must be reduced to a mean social +working time: the normal _time_ labour-day. If this amounts to 10 hours, +6 hours work underground might equal 12 hours spinning or weaving work. +Or, which would be the same, the normal _time_ labour-day would be 6 +hours in mining, and 12 hours in textile industries; the hour of mining +work would be equal to 1-2/3 hours of normal time, the hour of textile +work would be equal to 5/6 hour of normal time. The normal _time_ +labour-day would serve to determine periodically the proportionate +relations which exist between the degrees of arduousness in labour of +different kinds, with a view to bringing about a just distribution of +the whole products of labour according to the normal proportional value +of its out-put in each kind of employment, in each department of +industry, such proportional value being determined by means of the +normal time measure. Also it would lead to the fair award of individual +wage, for if any one were to work only 3 instead of 6 hours in coal +mining, or only 5 hours in weaving or spinning, he would only be +credited with and paid for half a day of normal working time. + +The normal time day is not however sufficient to establish a just +balance between performance of work and payment; for in an hour of the +same industrial time value, one individual will work less, another more, +one better, another worse. The combined interests of the whole community +and the equitable wage relations of the different workers to each other, +demand therefore the fixing of the normal performance of labour within a +defined working time, in short the fixing of a unit of normal work. +Having normalised industry on a _time_ basis, we must now normalise it +on a _work_ basis. And this is how _Rodbertus_ proposes to do it: +According as the normal _time_ labour-day has been fixed in any trade at +6, 8, 10, or 12 hours (in proportion to the arduousness of the work, +etc.), the normal amount of work of such a day must also be fixed for +that trade, _i.e._ the amount of work must be determined which an +average workman, with average skill and industry, would be able to +accomplish in his trade during such a normal time labour-day. This +amount of work shall represent in any trade the normal amount of work of +a normal _time_ labour-day, and therewith shall constitute in any trade +the normal _work_ labour-day, which would be equal to what any workman +must accomplish within the normal _time_ labour-day of his trade, before +he can be credited with and paid for a full day, that is, a normal +_work_ labour-day. Hence if a workman had accomplished in a full normal +_time_ labour-day, either one and a half times the amount, or only half +the amount of normal work, he would _e.g._ in the six hours mining day, +for six hours work, be credited with a day and a half, or half a day +respectively of normal work time; whilst in spinning and weaving, on the +other hand, he would in the same way, for 12 hours work, be credited +with one and a half or a half-day respectively of normal work time. + +In this way _Rodbertus_ claims to be able to establish a fair measure +and standard of comparison for labour times, not merely between the +various kinds of trades and departments of industry, but also between +the various degrees of individual efficiency. Each wage labourer would +be able to participate proportionately in that portion of the national +product which should be assigned to wage-labour as a whole. If therefore +this portion were to be increased in a manner to which we shall +presently refer, there would also be a rise in the share of the +individual workers, in proportion to the rise in the nett result of +national production. This scheme would form the groundwork of an +individually just social wage system, a system by which the better +workman would also be better paid, which would therefore balance the +rights and interests of the workers among themselves, which moreover +would ensure the productivity of national labour by variously rewarding +the good and bad workers, thus recognising the rights and interests of +the whole community, and lastly, which would continuously raise the +labour-wage in proportion to the increase in national productivity (and +also to the increasing returns of capital, whether fixed or moveable, +applied to production). + +I may here point out, however, that with all this we should not have +arrived at an absolutely just system of remuneration of wage labour, +unless we introduced a more complete social valuation of products in the +form of normal labour pay instead of metal coinage. + +But _Rodbertus_ wishes to see his "normal _work_ labour-day"--equal to +10 normal work hours--established as a universal measure of product +value as well as of the value of labour: "Beyond and above what we have +yet laid down the most important point of all remains to be established; +the normal _work_ labour-day must be taken as the unit of _work time_ or +_normal time_, and according to such work time or normal time (according +to labour so computed) we must not only normalise the _value of the +product_ in each industry, but must also determine the wages in each +kind of work." + +He claims that the one is as practicable as the other. First, with +regard to regulating the value of product according to work time or +normal work. In order to do this the "normal work labour-day"--which in +any trade equals one day (in the various trades it may consist of a +varying number of normal time hours), and which represents a quantity of +product equal to a normal day's work--this normal work day must be +looked upon as the unit of work time or normal work, and in all trades +it must be divided into an equal number (10) of work hours. The product +in all trades will then be measured according to such work time. A +quantity of product which should equal a full normal day's work, whether +it be the product of half a normal time labour-day, or of two normal +time labour-days, would represent or be worth one work day (10 work +hours); a quantity of product which should equal half a normal day's +work, whether it be the product of a normal work time or not, would +represent or be worth half a day's work or five work hours. + +The product of a work hour in any trade would therefore, according to +this measure, equal the product of a work hour in all other trades; or +generally expressed: Products of equal work times are equal in value. +Such is approximately the scheme of _Rodbertus_. + +A really normal labour-day--normal _time_ and normal _work_ +labour-day--would be necessary in any regulated social system that +sought on the one hand, in the matter of distribution of wages, to +balance equally "the rights and interests of the workers amongst +themselves"; and on the other hand, in the matter of productivity, to +balance equally the "rights and interests of the workers with those of +the whole community," by means of State intervention. It would therefore +be necessary not merely in a State regulated capitalist society, with +private property in the means of production, as _Rodbertus_ proposed to +carry it out under a strongly monarchical system, but also and specially +would it be necessary under a democratic Socialism, if, true to its +principles as opposed to Communism, it aimed at rewarding each man +proportionately to his performance, instead of allowing each man to work +no more than he likes, and enjoy as much as he can, which is the +communistic method. + +The only difference would be this: that any socialistic system must +divide the nett result of production--after deducting what is required +for the public purposes of the whole community--in proportion to the +amount of normal time contributed, and must make the distribution in +products valued according to the cost of their production computed in +normal time; whilst _Rodbertus_, who wishes to preserve private +property, finds it necessary to add one more point to those mentioned: +the periodical normalisation of wage conditions in all trades. He is +very clear upon this point. "The State must require the rate of wage for +the normal working-day in any trade to be regulated and agreed upon by +the employers and employed among themselves, and must also ensure the +periodical readjustment of these regulations and the increase in the +rate of wages in proportion to the increase in the productivity of +work." + +But _Rodbertus_ clearly perceived the difference between a normalised +capitalist system and a normalised socialism, neither communistic nor +anarchist. Were the workers alone, he continues, entitled to a share in +the national product value, every worker would have to be credited with +and paid for the whole normal time during which he had worked, and the +whole national product value would be divided amongst the workers +alone. For instance, if a workman had accomplished one and a half normal +day's work in his normal time working-day, he would be credited with 15 +work hours, and paid accordingly; if he had only accomplished half a +normal day's work in the whole of his normal time working-day, he would +be credited with only five work hours. The whole national profit, which +would be worth x normal work, would then go in labour wage, which would +amount to x normal work. But such a state of things, which may exist in +the imaginations of many leaders of labour is, according to Rodbertus, +the purest chimera: "In no condition of society can the worker receive +the whole product of his normal work, he can never be credited in his +wage with the whole amount of normal work accomplished by him; under all +circumstances there must be deducted from it what now appears as ground +rent and interest on capital." Ground rent and interest on capital are, +according to Rodbertus, remuneration for "indirect work" for the +industrial function of directing or superintending production. "If +therefore the worker has accomplished, in his normal time working-day, +10 hours of normal work, in his wages he will perhaps be only credited +with _three_ work hours, in other words the product value of three work +hours will be assigned to him"; for the product value of one work hour +would represent perhaps his contribution to the necessities of the State +(taxes), and three work hours would have to go towards what is now +called ground rent, and another three to interest on capital. + +It is impossible here to enter upon a complete critical discussion of +the practicability of the capitalist normal working-day, as conceived by +Rodbertus; but I may be allowed in passing to indicate one or two points +of criticism. + +I maintain my opinion expressed above, that the cost of production in +terms of normal labour is not the only factor to be considered in the +valuation of products and the regulation of wages; hence, I still claim +that the social measure of value in terms of the cost of production +cannot be applied to labour products or to labour contributions without +reference to the rise and fall of their value in use. Should, however, +the State eventually interfere in the regulation of wages and prices, +then I allow that the normal working-day of Rodbertus would become of +importance to us for that purpose. For the rest, I hold that it has by +no means been proved that such an exercise of interference could succeed +even under a monarchical government based on private property, far less +under a democratic government with a socialistic system of ownership. +Neither do I regard it as proved that this method of State normalisation +would actually achieve the establishment of a more normal state of +affairs than can be arrived at in a social system where freely organised +self-help is the rule, _i.e._ where both classes, Capital and Labour, +can combine freely among themselves within the limits of a positive code +safeguarding the rights of the workers. The direction taken by modern +industrial life towards the harmonious conciliation of both classes, by +means of the wage-list, the wage-tariff, and the sliding scale with a +fixed minimum wage for entire branches of industry, and so forth, +promises an important advance towards the establishment of a more normal +wage-system. + +In considering the question of the working-day as an instrument for +affecting wages, it will be found that on the whole perhaps as much, or +even more, may be achieved (and with fewer countervailing disadvantages) +by the maximum working-day of free contract, varying according to trade, +than by the normal working-day in the narrow meaning which Rodbertus has +given to the term. + +The complete elimination of the capitalist individualistic method of +determining wages and prices, in favour of the measurement by "normal +time" and "normal work" alone, would be open to grave objections both in +theory and practice. Above all there is the practical danger of +overburdening the State with the task of regulating and normalising, a +task which only the most confirmed optimism would dare to regard +lightly. It appears to me exceedingly doubtful at the present whether +any State, even the most absolute monarchy with the best administration, +would be competent to undertake such a task. I can see no likelihood of +satisfaction on this point for some time to come, and must therefore +range myself on the side of those who claim a better chance of success +for the simpler method of improved organisation for the free settlements +of wage-disputes by united representatives of both classes. But these +and similar investigations are beyond the range of the main subject +under discussion in this book. + +My task is to prove that the maximum working-day of protective policy, +or of protective and wage-policy, has nothing to do with the normal +working-day in its strict sense--whether it be the normal working-day of +Rodbertus separately adjusted in separate branches of industry, or the +all-round normal working-day of non-communistic socialism. The normal +working-day in the precise sense of Rodbertus, or even in the sense of +the more rational socialists, affords an artificially fixed unit of +value for the equitable determination of wages and prices; but it is +neither a regulation by protective legislation of the longest +permissible duration of the work within the astronomical day, nor a +method of influencing the capitalistic settlement of wages by the legal +enforcement of a much shorter maximum working-day. A normal working-hour +would serve as well as a normal working-day for a common denominator for +the uniform reduction of the various kinds of work to one normal measure +of time and labour, with a view to the valuation of the products and +contributions of labour. + +It may be said that the normal working-day, in the sense of Rodbertus, +by virtue of its being a matter periodically fixed and prescribed, is a +normal working-day also in that wider sense in which the term may +equally be applied to the maximum working-day of protective policy. But +it cannot claim the title of normal working-day from the fact of this +_fixity_ or this _artificial regulation_, but only from the essential +fact that it serves the purpose of a valuation of labour products and +labour contributions on a scale which is really normal, _i.e. socially +just and equitable_. + +The importance from a theoretic point of view of a distinction between +the maximum working-day and the normal working-day would of itself have +justified our dwelling on the foregoing details. But these details are +also of practical importance in considering the policy of the ten hours +day of Labour Protection, as against the legal eight hours day. One word +more on this point: _the eight hours day threatens to ultimately +develope, should Socialism as an experiment ever be tried, into a normal +working-day of the worst possible kind_. + +Democratic Socialism has, hitherto at least, adopted on its party +programme no formulary of the normal working-day required by it. It will +scarcely find a better formulary than that of _Rodbertus_ (omitting the +periodical re-adjustment of the whole share of Labour as against +Capital, see pp. 123, 124). The normal measure of _Rodbertus_ would be +an incomparably superior method to that of regarding as equal all +astronomic labour time without respect to differences in the arduousness +of the labour in the various trades, no attempt being made to determine +the unit of normal work per normal time-day or normal time-hour. But +would Democratic Socialism have really any other course open to it than +to treat all labour time as equal, and so to bring about the adoption of +a socialistic normal time of the most disastrous type, viz. the +submergence of the _socially normal working-day_ in the _general maximum +working-day_? + +To the enormous difficulties, technical and administrative, inherent in +the normal labour time of Rodbertus, would inevitably be added the +special and aggravated difficulties arising from the overpowering +influence of the masses under a democratic "Social State," on the +regulation of normal time. Social Democracy, as a democracy, would +almost necessarily be forced to concede the most extreme demands for +equality, _i.e._ the claim that the labour hour of every workman should +be treated as equal to that of every other workman, without regard to +degrees of severity, without regard to differences of kind, and without +regard to degrees of individual capacity and the fluctuations of value +in use. In any case the Social State would probably not dare to +emphasize in the face of the masses the extraordinary differences of +normal labour in astronomically equal labour time, _i.e._ it might not +venture to assign different rewards to equal labour times on account of +differences in the labour. And yet if it failed to recognise those +differences Social Democracy would be doomed from the outset. + +It can thus be easily understood why Social Democracy has hitherto +evaded her own peculiar task of precisely determining a practicable, +socialistic, normal working-day. + +There were two ways in which it was possible to do this: either by +merely agitating for an exaggeration of the maximum working-day of +capitalist Labour Protection, or by adhering to the communistic view +which altogether denies the necessity for any reduction to normal time. +And we find in fact among Social Democrats, if we look closely, traces +of both these views. + +According to the strict requirements of the Socialists, not only a +maximum working-day, but also and especially a minimum working-day +ought properly speaking to be demanded in order to meet the dire and +recognised needs of the large masses of the people. Instead of this, +Social Democracy holds out the flattering prospect of a coming time in +which the working-day for all will be reduced to two or three hours, so +that after the need for sleep is satisfied, at least twelve hours daily +may be devoted to social intercourse, art and culture, and to the +hearing or delivering of lectures and speeches. No attention whatever is +paid to the trifling consideration, that either there might be a +continual increase in the population and a growing difficulty in +obtaining raw material for the purposes of production; or on the other +hand that the population might remain stationary or decrease, and +therewith progress in technique and industrial skill might come to an +end. + +While more and more the hopes of the people are being excited by +promises of great results from the progressive shortening of the maximum +working-day--through the increased productivity of labour--still we hear +nothing with reference to the normal working time, or the regulation by +it of values of products and labour. The party has not yet, to my +knowledge, committed itself at all on this point; it is probable +therefore that it has not arrived at possessing a clearly worked out +conception of this, the very foundation question of the socialistic, +non-communistic "Social State"; still less has it any programme approved +by the majority of the party. + +To represent equal measures of working time of different individuals in +different trades by unequal lengths of normal time, or, in other words, +to assign unequal rewards to astronomically equal measures of working +time, is an idea that goes assuredly against the grain with the masses +of the democracy. It is found better to be silent on this point. Hitze, +who has taken part in all transactions of protective legislation in the +German Reichstag, states from his own experience that the parliamentary +wing of the Social Democrats has always had in view the _maximum_ +working-day, and never the _normal_ working-day. He says: "None of those +who have moved labour resolutions in the German Reichstag (not even such +of them as were Social Democrats) have ever contemplated the +introduction of the normal working-day, either as intended by the +socialistic government of the future, or as conceived by Rodbertus--but +they have always had in their minds the maximum working-day only--the +fixing of an upward limit to the working time permissible daily, even +though they may frequently have made use of the rather ambiguous +expression 'a normal working-day.'" + +It will, however, be impossible for the movement to continue to evade +this main point. In spite of all danger of division, in one way or +another the party must come to a decision, must formulate on its +programme some socialistic normal working-day as a common denominator +for the valuation of commodities, and the apportionment of remuneration +to all. The result of this would be to destroy all the present illusions +concerning the possibility of providing employment for the industrial +"reserve army," and securing a general rise of wage per hour by means +of the adoption of an eight hours day. + +There are then only three courses open to them; either to develope the +normal working-day logically into a socialistic form, perhaps by making +use of the proposals of Rodbertus; or secondly, to treat the maximum +working-day as the normal working-day, _i.e._ to regard the hours of +astronomical working time of all workers as equal in value (without +attempting any reduction to a _socially normal_ time), and to make this +the basis of all valuation of goods and apportionment of remuneration; +or, thirdly, the communistic plan of dispensing with all normal +working-time on the principle that each shall work as little as he +chooses, and enjoy as much as he likes. + +The first of these possible courses--the adoption of the views of +Rodbertus--is rendered unlikely by the democratic aversion to reckoning +equal astronomical times of work as unequal amounts of normal work, to +say nothing of the practical difficulties and deficiencies which I have +already pointed out in Rodbertus' formulary. + +The second course is the one that would more probably be followed by the +Social Democrats; viz. the completion of their programme by identifying +the standard of normal working-time with the astronomical individual +working-time, _i.e._ by assigning a uniform value to all hours of +astronomical time. But in this event Social Democracy would alienate the +very pick of its present following; for this identification would +involve that the more industrious would have to work for the less +industrious, and the latter would gain the advantage. It can hardly in +any case come to a practical attempt to enforce this view; but even +theoretically the strongest optimism will not be able, I believe, to +explain away the probability, approaching to a certainty, that such an +attempt, implying the grossest injustice to the more diligent and +skilful workers, would literally kill the labour of the most capable, +and would therefore lead to an incalculable fall in the product of +national work, and consequently also in wages. But it would be extremely +difficult to convince the masses, among whom the Socialist agitation is +mostly carried on, of the truth of this contention. They would +undoubtedly demand in the name of equality that the astronomical hour +should be treated as the normal working-hour, and this has already shown +itself in the demand for a general minimum wage per hour. + +It would be no great step from this to the third and most extreme +alternative. This would be that there is, forsooth, no need for any +normalisation, or for any normal working-day! It should no longer be: +"to each according to his work, through the intervention of the State!" +but rather, "to each one as much work as he can do, and as much +enjoyment as he pleases!" Even that craze for equality, which would make +a normal time-measure of the astronomical hour of the maximum +working-day, would be superseded, and the identification of the maximum +and normal working-days would be set aside by such a view as this. +Practically, we need not fear that matters will go to this extreme. But +it is interesting to note (and since the expiration of the German +Socialist Laws in 1890), it is no longer treading on forbidden ground +to point out that this cheap and easy agitation in the direction of pure +communism which went on for years even under the Socialist Laws and +before the very eyes of the police, has to-day already taken a very wide +hold by means of fugitive literature and pamphlets. + +It is not my intention to assert that the present leaders of Social +Democracy are scheming to treat the astronomical working-hour as the +unit of normal time in the event of the introduction of a socialist +government. They are not guilty of such madness. As I have shown, the +present leaders of the Social Democrats are aiming at the eight hours +day only as a protective measure and a means of affecting wages, and +they aim at realising it purely on the present capitalist basis. They do +not give the slightest indication of desiring that the eight hours day +should give to all workers the same wage for every hour of normal or +astronomical working-time. Social Democracy still confines its activity +entirely within the limits of the capitalist order of society, however +much isolated individuals might wish to step forward at once, and +without disguise. But would the present leaders be able to hold their +own if the masses expressed a desire to have each astronomical +labour-hour in their maximum working-day (at present of eight hours, but +no doubt before long of six hours) recognised as the normal time-hour? + +I trust that in the foregoing pages I have at least succeeded in making +this one point clear; that the Policy of Labour Protection has nothing +to do with any normal working-day. And for this reason: that it rejects +the _"universal" maximum working-day_; and rejects it not merely as a +measure of protective policy, but also as a measure affecting wages. + +FOOTNOTES: + +[8] This has so far not yet been done. + +[9] Auer Motion, Sec. 130. + +[10] Cf. The Commentary on Dollfuss in Brassey's _Work and Wages_. + +[11] Official records for 1885. + +[12] The motion of Patterson runs thus: "That, in the opinion of this +Congress, it is of the utmost importance that an eight hours day should +be secured at once by such trades as may desire it, or for whom it may +be made to apply, without injury to the workmen employed in such trades; +further, it considers that to relegate this important question to the +Imperial Parliament, which is necessarily, from its position, +antagonistic to the rights of labour, will only indefinitely delay this +much-needed reform." + + + + +BOOK II. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +PROTECTION OF INTERVALS OF WORK: DAILY INTERVALS, NIGHT REST, AND +HOLIDAYS. + + +1. _Daily intervals of work._ + +The uninterrupted performance of the whole work of the day is not +possible without intervals for rest, recreation, and meals. Even in the +crush and hurry of modern industry, certain daily intervals have been +secured by force of habit and common humanity. + +Yet the necessity for ensuring such intervals by protective legislation +is not to be disputed, at least in the case of young workers and women +workers in factory and quasi-factory business. From an economic point of +view there is nothing to be urged against it. + +In addition to the protection of women and young workers with regard to +duration of daily work, England has also enjoined intervals of rest for +all protected persons. In textile industries the work must not continue +longer than 41/2 hours at a time without an interval of at least half an +hour for meals; within the working day a total of not less than 2 hours +for meals must be allowed. In other than textile industries, women and +young persons have a total of 11/2 hours, of which one hour at least must +be before 3 o'clock in the afternoon; the longest duration of +uninterrupted work amounts to 5 hours. In workshops where children or +young persons are also employed, the free time for women amounts to 11/2 +hours; in non-domestic workshops where women alone are employed (between +6 a.m. and 9 p.m.), 41/2 hours is the total. The same time is allowed to +young persons. In domestic workshops no free time is legally enforced +for women; for young persons it amounts to the same time as that for +women alone in non-domestic workshops. + +I do not wish to deal with the regulations of all countries; I am only +concerned to point out that, as compared with the labour protective +legislation of England, the foremost industrial nation, German +legislation on the protection of intervals appears to be rather +cautious, as even in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill it merely secures regular +intervals for children within the 6 hours work, and for young persons +(from 14 to 16 years) an interval of half an hour at mid-day, besides +half an hour in the forenoon and afternoon, and for women workers an +interval of an hour at midday (Sec. 135_f_). + +The English law requires simultaneous intervals for meals for all +protected persons working together in the same place of business; and +such intervals may not be spent in the work-rooms where work is +afterwards to be resumed. + +The _von Berlepsch_ Bill (Sec. 136, 2) requires only the young workers to +leave the work-rooms for meals, and even this with reservation: "During +the intervals the young workers shall only be permitted to remain in the +work-rooms on condition that work is entirely suspended throughout the +interval, in that part of the business in which the young workers are +employed, or where it is found impracticable for them to remain in the +open air, or where other rooms cannot be procured without +disproportionate difficulty." + +The lengthening of the mid-day interval for married women or heads of +households, to enable them to fulfil their domestic duties, is +recommended by the German Reichstag and provided for in the _von +Berlepsch_ Bill, in the fourth paragraph of Sec. 137, as follows: "Women +workers above the age of 16 years, having the care of a household, shall +be set free half an hour before the mid-day interval unless this +interval amounts to at least 11/2 hours. Married women and widows with +children shall be accounted as persons having the care of a household, +unless the contrary is certified in writing by the local police +magistrate, such certificate to be granted free of stamp and duty." This +measure indicates a fragmentary attempt from the outside to protect the +woman in her family vocation, and as such belongs to the question of +protection of married women. The opponents of the measure--and they are +many--make the objection that the result will be that women with +families will be unable to obtain employment. Whatever may be said for +or against the measure, there is no doubt that an interval of an hour +and a half at mid-day ought to be granted to every workwoman, to place +and keep her in a position in which she can discharge the duties of +preparing the family meals and looking after her children. Therefore the +injunction of a mid-day interval of 11/2 hours in all factory business in +which women over 16 years of age are employed would perhaps be a juster, +more effectual, and more expedient measure, and would not prejudice the +employment of women. But will it be possible to bring about the +international uniform extension of the present interval of two hours to +two hours and a half (inclusive of the forenoon and afternoon +intervals)? The problem is surrounded by undeniable practical +difficulties. + +The Auer Motion (Sec. 106_a_, 2. cf. Sec. 130) demands the extension of +protection of intervals of work to all industries. Hitherto it has only +been extended to women and young workers, and only to such as are +employed in factory and quasi-factory business. We need not here go into +the question whether it can be proved to be to some extent necessary in +the more irksome and laborious trades and in household industry. + + +2. _Protection of night rest ("Prohibition of night work.")_ + +Night rest has long been subjected by force of custom and necessity to +very comprehensive measures of protection. Nevertheless it has become +more or less of a necessity, even for men, to supplement such protection +by extraordinary intervention of the State in factory and quasi-factory +industrial trades, in some cases also in handicraft business (_e.g._ in +bakeries, in public-house business, and in traffic and transport +business). The self-help of the workmen and the moral influence of the +civil and religious conscience are no longer a sufficient power of +protection. + +The entire general prohibition of all industrial night work would go +beyond the limits of practical necessity, and the State would have no +means of enforcing such a general prohibition. + +Exceptions to the prohibition of night work are unavoidable, even in +factory and quasi-factory business (cf. Chap. VII.). + +The number of women and children employed in night work is not great. It +might, however, become greater through the introduction of electric +lighting in Germany. Protection of night rest for women and children is, +therefore, as practically necessary as ever. + +The actual condition of Labour Protection in regard to night work, and +the efforts and tendencies to be discerned in reference to it at the +present time, are as follows. The resolutions of the Berlin Conference +demand the cessation of night work (and Sunday work) for children under +14, also for young persons, of 14 to 16 years and for women workers +under 21 years of age. + +The _von Berlepsch_ Bill (Sec. 137_i_) altogether excludes night work for +women in factory (Sec. 154) and quasi-factory business. + +Of course exceptions may be permitted by order of the Bundesrath +(Federal Council). The power of the Bundesrath to grant exceptions is +very general and unrestricted (Sec. 139_a_, 2). "The employment of women +over 16 years of age in night work in certain branches of manufacturing +industry in which such employment has hitherto been customary, shall be +permitted subject to certain conditions demanded by health and +morality." + +The Auer Motion demands the exclusion of all women and young persons +from "regular" night work. + + +3. _Protection of holidays._ + +Protection of daily intervals secures the necessary intermission of work +during the day. Protection of night rest guarantees the necessary and +natural chief interval within every astronomical day. Protection of +holidays makes provision for the no less needed ordinary and +extraordinary intermission of work during entire days, Sundays, and +festivals. + +Strictly speaking, protection of holidays has long existed. The Church +exercised a powerful influence in this respect over legislation and +popular custom. Labour protection only seeks to restore this protection +in its entirety (and as far as possible in its former extent--hence not +merely in factory and quasi-factory business) in the State of to-day, +which is practically severed from the controlling influence of the +Church. Holidays are a general necessity; not merely a necessity for +young persons, not merely in factory and quasi-factory industries, but +in all industries. + +But England, the greater number of the North American States, Denmark, +Holland, Belgium, France and hitherto Germany (with its highly +unpractical article Sec. 105, 2, of the Imp. Ind. Code), grant protection +of Sunday rest only to their "protected persons," and only in factory +and quasi-factory business; but we must not here forget that there +exists also protection of opportunities for religious observances +extending over nearly the whole area of national industry, which is +enforced partly by law and partly by tradition. + +Austria prohibits Sunday employment in _all_ industrial work. + +An important extension and equalising of protection of holidays in +Europe is projected in the resolutions of the Berlin Conference. The +resolutions read as follows: "1. It is desirable, with provision for +certain necessary exceptions and delays in any State: (_a_) that one day +of rest weekly be ensured to protected persons; (_b_) that one day of +rest be ensured to all industrial workers; (_c_) that this day of rest +be fixed on the Sunday for all protected persons; (_d_) that this day of +rest be fixed on the Sunday for all industrial workers. 2. Exceptions +are permissible (_a_) in the case of any business which on technical +grounds requires that production shall be carried on without +intermission, or which supplies the public with such indispensable +necessaries of life as require to be produced daily; (_b_) in the case +of any business which from its nature can only be carried on at definite +seasons of the year, or which is dependent on the irregular activity of +elemental forces. It is desirable that even in such cases as are +enumerated in this category, every workman be granted one out of every +two Sundays free. 3. To the end that exceptions everywhere be dealt with +on the same general method, it is desirable that the determination of +such exceptions result from an understanding between the different +States." + +The _von Berlepsch_ Bill ensures a very extensive measure of protection +of holidays by the following means: it extends the application of +provisions Sec. 105_a_ to 105_h_ in paragraph 1 of Chapter VII. of the Imp. +Ind. Code to all workshop labour, it strictly limits Sunday work in +trade and defines the permissible exceptions: moreover, it allows of +unlimited extension of this kind of protection to all industry by means +of an imperial rescript (Sec. 105_g_), and finally it foreshadows further +protective action in the sphere of common law (105_h_). + +The Auer Motion contains a general extension and simplification of +protection of holidays (Sec. 107, 1): "Industrial work shall be forbidden +on Sundays and festivals" (with certain specified and strictly defined +exceptions). + +Protection of holidays serves to four great ends: religious instruction, +physical and mental recreation, family life and social intercourse. +Protection of holidays has to take special measures to meet these four +special ends. + +In the first place holidays must be general, for the whole population, +in order to allow of instruction in common, and general social +intercourse. For this reason even the most "free-thinking" friend of +holiday rest will be willing to grant it in the form of Sunday rest and +festival days, and will allow it to be so called; in France and Belgium +only, as appears from the reports of the Berlin Conference, do +difficulties lie in the way of allowing protection of holidays to take +the form of protection of Sundays and festival days. + +The second end subserved by protection of holidays will be to ensure +that only the absolutely necessary amount of work shall be performed on +Sundays in those industries in which there is only a conditional +possibility of devoting the Sunday to recreation, family life, and +social intercourse, especially in carrying trades, employment in places +of amusement and in public houses, in professional business, personal +service, and the like, also in all labours which are socially +indispensable. We shall return to this question in Chapter VII. +(exceptions to protective legislation). The question now arises whether +the religious protection of holidays does not already indirectly serve +all the purposes of the necessary weekly rest for labour. This question +must be answered in the negative. It is true that this does effect +something which Labour Protection as such cannot effect, in that it +extends beyond the workers and enforces rest on the employers also and +their families. But it does not ensure to the workers themselves the +complete protection necessary, and it does not fulfil all the purposes +of protection of holidays. + +The actual condition of affairs in Germany is as follows, according to +the "systematic survey of existing legal and police regulations of +employment on Sundays and festivals" (Imperial Act of 1885-6). In one +part of Germany the police protection of the Sunday rest is in effect +only protection of religious worship. In another group of districts, the +suspension during the entire Sunday of all noisy work carried on in +public places is enforced, but within industrial establishments noisy +work is not forbidden. A third group of rules lays down the principle +that Sundays and festivals shall be devoted not only to religious +worship and sacred gatherings, but also to rest from labour and +business. + +The rules contained in this group apply especially to factory labour, +but in many cases also to handicraft and various kinds of trading +business, without regard to the question whether the work carried on in +such business is noisy or disturbing to the public, exceptions being +granted in certain defined cases. This third group of rules is in force +in the provinces of Posen, Silesia, Saxony, the Rhine Provinces, +Westphalia, the former Duchy of Nassau, and in the governmental district +of Stettin, but in all these only with respect to factory work; also in +the former Electorate of Hesse, the Bishopric of Fulda, the province of +Hesse-Homburg, and in the town of Cassel; in Saxony, Wurtemburg, +Mecklenburg Schwerin, Mecklenburg Strelitz, Saxe-Altenburg, +Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Anhalt, Schwartzburg-Rudolstadt, the old and the new +Duchy of Reuss and Alsace-Lorraine. + +A supplementary statistical inquiry into the extent of Sunday work in +Prussia (not including districts whose official records could not be +consulted) shows that Sunday work is carried on:-- + + + _In wholesale industries_: in 16 governmental districts, by 49.4% + of the works, and by 29.8% of the workers. + + _In handicraft business_: in 15 governmental districts, by 47.1% of + the works, and by 41.8% of the workers. + + _In trading and carrying industries_: in 29 governmental districts, + by 77.6% of the employers or companies, and by 57.8% of the + workers. + + +Hence there can be no doubt as to the necessity in Germany for +extraordinary State protection of the Sunday holiday, by means of +protective legislation, applying also to handicraft business and to a +part of trading and carrying industry. + +About two-thirds of the employers and three-fourths of the workmen have +declared themselves for the practicability of the prohibition of Sunday +work, nearly all with the proviso that exceptions shall be permitted. + +The duration of holiday rest practically can in most cases be fixed from +Saturday evening till early on Monday morning. + +The _von Berlepsch_ Bill proposes to enforce legally only 24 hours; the +Auer Motion demands 36 hours, and when Sundays and festivals fall on +consecutive days, 60 hours. + +The shortening of work hours on Saturday evening in factory industries +and in industries carried on in workshops of a like nature to factories +is a very necessary addition to Sunday rest; provision must also be made +to prevent the work from beginning too early on Monday morning if Sunday +protection is to attain its object. The shortening of work hours on +Saturday evening is especially necessary to women workers to enable them +to fulfil their household duties, and it is necessary to all workers to +enable them to make their purchases. England and Switzerland grant +protection of the Saturday evening holiday. + +Legislation will not have completed its work of extending protection of +holidays, even when the limits have been widened to admit trading +business. Further special regulations must be made for the business of +transport and traffic. Switzerland has already set to work in this +direction. In Germany, in consequence of the nationalisation of all +important means of traffic, much can be done if the authorities are +willing, merely by way of administration. + +We cannot lay too much stress on this question of the regulation and +preservation of holiday time by means both of legislative and +administrative action. For its actual enforcement it is true the +co-operation of the local police magistrates is necessary, but the +regulation of this protection ought not to be left in their hands. It +must be carried on in a uniform system and with the sanction of the +higher administrative bodies. We shall return to this question also in +Chapter VII. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +ENACTMENTS PROHIBITING CERTAIN KINDS OF WORK. + + +Besides the mere protective limitations of working time and of the +intervals of work, we have also the actual prohibition of certain kinds +of work. Freedom in the pursuit of work being the right of all, and work +being a moral and social necessity to the whole population, prohibition +of work must evidently be restricted to certain extreme cases. + +Such prohibition is however indispensable, for there are certain ways of +employing labour which involve actual injury to the whole working force +of the nation, and actual neglect of the cares necessary to the rearing +and bringing up of its citizens, and there are certain kinds of +necessary social tasks, other than industrial, the performance of which, +in the special circumstances of industrial employment, require to be +watched over and ensured by special means in a manner which would be +wholly unnecessary among other sections of the community. And thus we +find a series of prohibitions of work, partly in force already, and +partly in course of development. + + +1. _Prohibition of child-labour._ + +This is prohibition of the employment of children under 12 years of age +(13 in the south), of children under 10 years of age, in factory work +(see Book I.). Prohibition of child-labour must not be confused with +restriction of child-labour (see Book I.), viz. restriction of the +labour of children of 12 to 14 years of age, in the south of 10 to 12 +years of age. It does not involve prohibition of _all_ employment of +children under 12 years of age, such as help in the household or in the +fields. + +The prohibition of child-labour within certain limits is necessary in +the interests of the whole nation, for the physical and intellectual +preservation of the rising generation, hence it is to the interest also +of the employers of industrial labour themselves. + +Special Labour Protection with regard to child-labour is indeed +necessary. Ordinary administrative and judicial protection evidently are +insufficient to ensure complete security to childhood. Equally +insufficient are any of the existing not governmental agencies, such as +family protection; the child of half-civilised factory hands and +impoverished workers in household industries needs protection against +his own parents, whose moral sense is often completely blunted. + +Prohibition of child-labour in factory and quasi-factory industries +rests on very good grounds. It is not impossible, not even very +improbable, that prohibition of child-labour may sooner or later be +extended to household industry; the abuse of child-labour is even more +possible here than in factory work; the possibility is by no means +excluded by enforcement of school attendance. But all family industry is +not counted as household industry. The extension of Labour Protection +in general, and of prohibition of child-labour in particular, to +household industry, raises difficulties of a very serious kind when it +comes to a question of how it is to be enforced. + +In the main, prohibition of child-labour will have to be made binding by +legislation. In its eventual extension to household industry, the +Government will however have to be allowed facilities for gradually +extending its methods of administration. + +The task of superintending the enforcement of prohibition will in the +main be assigned to the Industrial Inspectorate. The oldest hands in any +business, the "Labour Chambers," and voluntary labour-unions, will +moreover be able to lend effectual assistance to the industrial +inspector or to a general labour-board. The factory list of young +workers may be used as an instrument of administration. + +In Germany childhood is protected until the age of 12 years. The +extension of prohibition of child-labour to the age of 14 years in +factory and quasi-factory business, is, however, in Germany probably +only a question of time. The Auer Motion in regard to this represents +the views of many others besides the Social Democrats. Switzerland, as I +have shown, has already conceded this demand, claimed on grounds of +national health. The impending Imp. Ind. Code Amendment Bill places the +limit at 13. + +An internationally uniform advance towards this end by the equalisation +of laws affecting the age of compulsory school attendance, would +certainly be desirable. + +The widest measure of protection of children is contained in the +Austrian legislation, which decrees in the Act of 1885, that until the +age of 12 years children shall be excluded from all regular industrial +work, and until the age of 14 years, from factory work: "Before the +completion of the 14th year, no children shall be employed for regular +industrial work in industrial undertakings of the nature of factory +business; young wage-workers between the completion of the 14th and the +completion of the 16th year shall only be employed in light work, such +as shall not be injurious to the health of such workers, and shall not +prevent their physical development." + +The resolutions of the Berlin Conference recommended the prohibition of +employment in factories of children below the age of compulsory school +attendance. + +Resolution III. 4 requires: "That children shall previously have +satisfied the requirements of the regulations on elementary education." + +Exclusion of child-labour extends beyond the general inferior limit of +age, in individual cases where the employment of children is made +conditional on evidence of their health, as in England. And here the +medical certificate of health comes in as a special instrument of +administration in Labour Protection. + +In certain kinds of business, prohibition of child-labour extends beyond +the general inferior limit of age. England has led the way in such +prohibition, excluding by law the employment of children below the age +of 11 years in the workrooms of certain branches of industry, _e.g._ +wherever the polishing of metal is carried on; of children below the +age of 14 years, in places where dipping of matches and dry polishing of +metal is carried on; of girls below the age of 16 years, in brick and +tile-kilns, and salt works (salt-pits, etc.); of children below the age +of 14 years, and girls below the age of 18 years, in the melting and +cooling rooms in glass factories; of persons below the age of 18 years +in places where mirrors are coated with quicksilver, or where white-lead +is used. + + +2. _Prohibition of employment in occupations dangerous to health and +morality._ + +Such prohibition seems necessary in all industrial trades. It is however +difficult to enforce it so generally, and hitherto this has not been +accomplished. + +The Imperial Industrial Code in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill (cf. +resolutions of the Berlin Conference, Chap. IV. 4, and V. 4) admits an +absolute prohibition of all female and juvenile labour, under sanction +of the local authorities (Sec. 139_a_ 1.): "The _Bundesrath_ shall be +empowered to entirely prohibit or to allow only under certain +conditions, the employment of women and young workers in certain +branches of factory work, in which special dangers to health and to +morality are involved." The same Bill (Sec. 154, 2, 3, 4) extends such +prohibition over the greater part of the sphere of quasi-factory +business. + +The last aim of protection of health--the exclusion of such injurious +methods of working as may be replaced by non-injurious methods in all +industrial work, and for male workers as well as for women and +children--must be attained by progressive extension of that +administrative protection to which the _von Berlepsch_ Bill opens the +way for quasi-factory labour (Sec. 154). It would be difficult to carry out +in any other way the Auer Motion, for the "prohibition of all injurious +methods of working, wherever non-injurious methods are possible." + +The general principle of prohibition might be laid down by law, and the +enforcement of such prohibition, by order of a Supreme Central Bureau of +Labour Protection, might be left to the control of popular +representative bodies and to public opinion. Special legal prohibition, +with regard to certain defined industries and methods of work injurious +to health, would not be superfluous in addition to general prohibition; +such special prohibition is already in force to a greater or less +degree. + +The success of the prohibition in question depends on the good +organisation of Labour Protection in matters of technique and health; on +the efficiency of local government organs, as well as of the Imperial +Central Bureau, and on the impulse given by the more important +representative organs of the labouring classes. All these organs need +perfecting. Special prohibition needs the assistance of police +trade-regulations in regard to instruments and materials dangerous to +health. + +The work that has already been done in the way of protection of morality +by prohibition is not to be under-valued, although much still remains to +be done. No sufficient steps have as yet been taken to meet that very +hateful and insidious evil so deeply harmful to the preservation of +national morality, viz. the public sale and advertisement of +preventives in sexual intercourse, such as unfortunately so frequently +appear in the advertising columns of newspapers, and in shop windows. +This is not merely a question of protecting the morality of those +engaged in the production and sale of such articles, but also of +protecting the morality of the whole nation, maintaining its virile +strength, and to some degree also preserving it from the dangers to the +growth of population, incidental to an advanced civilisation. The powers +at present vested in the police and magistrates to deal with offences +against morals would probably be sufficient to stamp out this moral +canker that is eating its way even into Labour Protection, without the +scandal of legislation. But it is not by ignoring it that this can be +accomplished. + +The intervention of the State as regards Labour Protection in such +factory and quasi-factory work as is dangerous to health and decency, is +doubtless justified in its extension to household industry and trading +industry of the same kind; for neither is the moral character of the +generality of employers and heads of commercial undertakings +sufficiently perfect, nor are the discretion and self-protection of the +workers sufficiently strong and widespread to render State protection +unnecessary and voluntary protection sufficient. + + +3. _Prohibition of factory work for married women, or at least mothers +of families._ + +This is a specially useful measure of protection. Modern industrial work +has done a great injury to the family vocation of the woman, and thereby +to family life; non-governmental agencies of Labour Protection, in its +widest sense, have not been able to prevent this evil. + +But the exclusion of wives and mothers from all industrial work, or from +earning money in any kind of domestic occupation, would be far too +extreme a measure. Certain industrial work has always fallen to the +share of the female sex, and the absolute prohibition of female +employment in any kind of industrial work would render large numbers of +persons destitute, especially in the towns, and would thereby expose +them to moral dangers and temptation. + +The organs and instruments of administration for the protection of +married women in factory and quasi-factory work, would be the same as +for all other branches of protection of employment of women and young +workers. + +Prohibition of factory work for married women is advocated in the most +decisive manner by _Jules Simon_, _von Ketteler_, and _Hitze_. Even the +chief objection to such protection--the danger of the diminution of +worker's earnings, tempting them to seek immoral means of livelihood--is +combated in the most remarkable and convincing manner by Hitze. This +worthy Catholic writer meets the consideration of the loss of the +factory earnings of women, with the counter-considerations of the +depression of wage caused by the competition of female labour, and of +the waste of money at public houses and on luxuries that takes place in +such families as are left without a housewife or mother. We must be +ready to make great sacrifices in the attainment of so great an object, +for no less important a matter is at stake than the restoration of the +family life of the whole body of factory labourers. + +Only we must be under no delusion as to the difficulties of the +immediate and complete enforcement of the prohibition. The adaptation of +motor-machinery to use in the house, enabling the wage-earner to remain +at home, might perhaps render it practically possible to carry out the +prohibition in question. + +It would also be necessary that the measures taken should be +internationally uniform, so that separate national branches of industry +might not suffer. A practical solution of the problem can only be +arrived at after a careful collection of international statistics as to +the married women and mothers employed in factory and quasi-factory +work. Here especially, if in any department of Labour Protection, does +the State require the support of the influence of the Churches, and of +the organised, simultaneous, international agitation of the Churches in +furtherance of this object. Whoever reads the above-mentioned +writings--_Hitze's_ pamphlet gives extracts from the powerful writings +of Jules Simon and von Ketteler--will derive therefrom some hope of the +final success of Labour Protection in one of its most important future +tasks. In the present situation of affairs I know of nothing which can +shake the validity of _Hitze's_ conclusions. + +In the meantime, restriction of employment of all female factory labour +to 10 hours, as proposed by the commission appointed by the German +Reichstag (see below), must be welcomed as an important step in +advance. _Hitze_ remarks: "The first condition of all social reform is +the establishment of family life on a sound and secure basis. But how is +this possible, so long as thousands of married women are working daily +in factories for 11 and 12 hours, and are absent from their homes for +still longer? Can domestic happiness and contentment flourish under such +circumstances? And is the danger any less because concentrated in +defined districts? For example, in the inspectoral district of Bautzen, +in 1884, nearly 5,000 women were drawn away from their family life by +factory work. No extended mid-day interval is granted to married women, +so far as information on this point is to be obtained. Is it merely +accidental that wherever employment of children is customary, there also +the work of the mothers is more frequent? And must not the man's +earnings be lessened if the wife and child are allowed to compete with +him? And is it merely accidental that Saxony, which is precisely the +place where female and child labour is most largely employed, should +also be the special haunt and stronghold of Social Democracy? Have we +any right to reproach the Social Democrats with causing the destruction +of family life, if we show ourselves indifferent to the actual loosening +of family ties through the regular and excessive work in factories of +housewives and mothers? Ought we to delay any longer in appealing to +legislation, when the dangers are so pressing? What will become of the +youth and future of our people if such conditions become normal? And in +fact, unless legislation interferes, the number of factory women and of +factory children will increase, not decrease. What a prospect!" + +Separation of the sexes in the workrooms wherever possible, special +rooms for meals and dressing, and provision for education in +housewifery, are measures which are all the more urgent, if we grant the +impossibility of altogether excluding women from factory work. This +further protection is above all necessary for girls. + + +4. _Prohibition of the employment of women during the period immediately +succeeding child-birth._ + +Whilst prohibition of factory work for wives and mothers is of the first +importance for the protection of family life, exemption from work during +the period immediately succeeding child-birth of all women engaged in +factory and quasi-factory employments, is a measure that is necessary +for the health of the mother and the nurture of the newly-born. + +The exclusion of pregnant women from certain occupations is another +important question; the Confederate Factory Act leaves this in the power +of the _Bundesrath_. + +Prohibition of the employment of nursing mothers in factories is a +measure that has long received recognition in some countries, and lately +it has become general. + +The resolutions of the Berlin Conference demand that the protection +should cover a period of 4 weeks; Switzerland already grants protection +for 8 weeks, a period which is recommended in Germany by the Auer +Motion; the _von Berlepsch_ Bill proposes 4 weeks (instead of 3 weeks as +hitherto appointed by the Imp. Ind. Code); the Reichstag Commission +proposed 6 weeks, and this will probably be the period adopted. + +If it were necessary to enforce exemption from work after childbirth for +_all_ women engaged in industrial wage-labour, even this would scarcely +be found to be attended with insuperable difficulties. + +The Auer Motion on this point receives no notice in the _von Berlepsch_ +Bill. + +It would be preferable in itself for such exemption to become general +even for factory women, without special protective intervention from the +State. But under the existing moral and social conditions legal +prohibition of employment can hardly be dispensed with. + +The measure may be carried out by the help of the official birth-list, +or of a special factory list of nursing mothers. The industrial +inspector will not be able to do without the help of the workers +themselves. + +The economic difficulties of the question are partly met in Germany by +the existing agency of Insurance against sickness for all factory +workers, which grants assistance during the period of lying-in, as +during sickness. The means of help provided by the family and the club +have to supply the additional assistance necessary for the nursing +period. + +The granting of state assistance to women during the lying-in period, +without which exemption from work would be a questionable benefit, is +vigorously opposed by some on grounds of morality as likely to promote +the increase of illegitimate births, and by others from the point of +view of the population question. + +The question was brought before the German Reichstag, on the +representation of Saxony, in 1886. Petitions from twenty-one district +sick clubs in the chief district of Zwickau demanded the withdrawal of +the legal three weeks assistance of unmarried women after childbirth, on +the ground that this was calculated to promote an increase in the number +of illegitimate births. The petitions were accompanied by statistics of +each club showing that the funds were actually called in to assist more +unmarried than married women. No information however was given as to the +proportion between married and unmarried women members of the club, an +omission which rendered the statistics worthless. Moreover the +conditions existing in Zwickau are hardly typical of German industry as +a whole. + +A general collection and examination of statistics of sick funds must be +made, and possibly the necessary information may be obtained by +comparison of the numbers of births during the periods before and since +the introduction of Insurance against sickness, and especially in such +districts as had no free clubs, before the introduction of Insurance, +for the assistance of women after child-birth. + +Probably it will be found that the increase in the number of +illegitimate births is not due to the assistance granted after +child-birth by the official sick fund, if we take into consideration +that in the district mentioned the assistance granted during the three +weeks only amounted to from 7 to 12 marks, generally to less than 10 +marks. "If," says _Hitze_, "the meagre sum of the assistance granted +could lead to an increase of illegitimate births, this fact would be +more shocking than the number itself." I take it that the root of the +evil lies, not in the lying-in-fund, but in the destruction of family +life and sexual morality by the employment of women in factories. + + +5. _Prohibition of employment of women and children in work +underground._ + +This prohibition is claimed in the interests of family life, of +morality, and of the care of the weaker portion of the working class. + +The enforcement of this prohibition comes within the province of the +police in the mining districts, and of the industrial inspectorate. + +But it is probably best that it should be legally formulated. + +The extension of the prohibition to all women is recommended generally +in the resolutions of the Berlin Conference, and the work has already +been commenced in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill. + +The enforcement of the measure will meet with some difficulties in the +mines of Upper Silesia, but it will also remedy serious evils. + +The force of public opinion is insufficient to prevent the employment of +women in work underground. The very necessary demand for prohibition of +employment of women in work on high buildings, follows on the +prohibition of their employment underground. Such employment is almost +completely excluded by custom. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + +EXCEPTIONS TO PROTECTIVE LEGISLATION. + + +All prohibition of employment and limitations of employment are +apparently opposed to the interests of the employers. As long as they +are kept within just limits, however, this will not be true generally or +in the long run. + +The just claims of Capital may be protected by admitting carefully +regulated exceptions; but wherever and in so far as employment is +opposed to the higher personal interests of the whole population, +Capital must submit to the restrictions. + +As regards the exceptions, these are in part regular or ordinary, in +part irregular or extraordinary. We find examples of both kinds alike in +the legislation for restricting the time of working and in legislation +for protecting intervals of rest. + +_Ordinary_ exceptions to prohibition of employment consist mainly of +permission by legal enactment in certain specified kinds of industrial +work, of a class of labour which is elsewhere prohibited, _e.g._ night +work for women and young workers. The greater number of cases of +prohibition of employment appear in the inverse form of exceptions to +permission of employment. + +_Ordinary_ exceptions to restriction of employment are provided for +partly by legislation, partly by administration, _i.e._ partly by the +Government, partly by the district or local officials. + +Wherever in the interests of industry it is impossible to enforce the +ordinary protection of times of labour and hours of rest, this is made +good to the labourer by the introduction of several (two, three, or +four) shifts taking night and day by turns, so that an uninterrupted +continuance of work may be possible without any prolonged resting time +either in the day or in the night; moreover, the loss of Sunday rest can +be compensated by a holiday during the week. + +_Extraordinary_ exceptions occur chiefly in the following cases: (_a_) +where work is necessary in consequence of an interruption to the regular +course of business by some natural event or misfortune; (_b_) where work +is necessary in order to guard against accidents and dangers; (_c_) +where work is necessary in order to meet exceptional pressure of +business. + + +_Exceptions to protection of holidays._ + +These exceptions are so regulated that in certain industries holiday +work is indeed permitted but compensation is supplied by granting rest +on working days. The exceptions provided for by the Berlin Conference +have already been given. The _von Berlepsch_ Bill admits, if anything, +too many exceptions. The Auer Motion permits holiday work in traffic +business, in hotels and beer houses, in public places of refreshment and +amusement, and in such industries as demand uninterrupted labour; an +unbroken period of rest for 36 hours in the week is granted in +compensation to such workers as are employed on Sunday. + +Switzerland wishes to give compensation in protection of holidays in +railway, steamship and postal service, by granting free time alternately +on week days and Sundays, so that each man shall have 52 free days +yearly, of which 17 shall be Sundays. + + +_Exceptions to prohibition of night work._ + +The Imp. Ind. Code Amendment Bill (Sec. 139_a_, 2, 3) admits ordinary and +extraordinary exceptions. The Auer Motion does not entirely exclude such +exceptions, as it provides exceptions in traffic business and such +industries as "from their nature require night work." We cannot here +enter into details as to the rules on the limitations of exceptions, and +as to the enforcement of those rules. + + +_Exceptions to the maximum working-day._ + +Overtime: _Extraordinary_ exceptions to an enforced maximum working-day +consist in permission of overtime; _ordinary_ exceptions consist in the +employment of children, women and men, in certain kinds of business, for +a longer time than is usual (see Chapter V.). + +The _von Berlepsch_ Bill assumes a very cautious attitude in the matter +of overtime. _Extraordinary_ exceptions in the case of pressure of +business are provided for as follows: "In cases of unusual pressure of +work the lower courts of administration may, on appeal of the employers, +permit, during a period of 14 days, the employment of women above the +age of 16 years until 10 o'clock in the evening on every week-day, +except Saturday, provided that the daily time of work does not exceed 13 +hours. Permission to do this may not be granted to any employer for more +than 40 days in the calendar year. The appeal shall be made in writing, +and shall set forth the grounds on which the permission is demanded, the +number of female workers to be employed, the amount of work to be done, +and the space of time required. The decision on the appeal shall be +given in writing. On refusal of permission the grievance may be brought +before a superior court. In cases in which permission is granted, the +lower court of administration shall draw up a specification in which the +name of the employer and a copy of the statements contained in the +written appeal shall be entered." + +The Auer Motion sets the narrowest limits to admission of overtime, +permitting it only in case of interruption of work through natural +(elemental) accidents, and then only permitting it for 2 hours at the +most for 3 weeks, and only with consent of the "labour-board." + + +Both in regulation and administration all these exceptions to protective +legislation should be dealt with in a very guarded manner. Moreover they +must be enforced on a uniform and widely diffused system, and they ought +to afford a real protection to the fair and just employer against his +more unscrupulous competitors. + +Both these considerations--the strict limitation and uniform +administration required for these exceptions--render it imperative that +the regulation by law should be, so far as practicable, very careful and +minute. Moreover it is requisite that the principle on which the +administration has to act in dealing with exceptions shall be laid down +as definitely as possible, and further that protective enactments shall +be interpreted in a uniform manner by the organs of local government +(_Bundesrath_), and finally that there should be general uniformity of +method, both in the instructions given and in the supervision exercised +by the intermediate courts of Labour Protection to the local +authorities. + +Much may be done in the way of effectual limitation of exceptions by +dealing individually with the separate kinds of employment, in the +matter of Sunday rest and alternating shifts. In the Duesseldorf district +it has been proved by experience that by specialising the exceptions, +Sunday rest may be granted to a large percentage of the workmen even in +the excepted industries themselves (gas works, brick and tile kilns, +etc.). + +The special instruments of administration for the regulation of +exceptions to this kind of protection are the certificate of permission, +the entry in the register of exceptions, and the public factory rules. + +The industrial inspector is entrusted with the supervision of the +exceptions; but the assistance of the employer is very desirable, and is +frequently offered, as it is to his interest that the application shall +be just and uniform. + +The central union of embroiderers in East Switzerland and the +Vorarlberg district, _e.g._ which was formed in 1855, and which now +includes nearly all the houses of business, supervises the strict +adhesion to the 11 hours rule, by sending special inspectors into the +most remote mountain districts, and imposing fines for non-observance to +the amount of from 200 to 300 francs (_Hitze_). + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +PROTECTION IN OCCUPATION, PROTECTION OF TRUCK AND CONTRACT. + + +(A) _Protection in occupation._ + +Protection in occupation is directed towards the personal, bodily and +moral preservation of wage-earners against special risks incurred during +the performance of their work. Protection in occupation is already +afforded to a certain degree by Labour Insurance, in the form of +Insurance against accidents and sickness. + +The bodily and moral preservation of those engaged in business forms no +new department of Labour Protection. It has long been more or less +completely provided for by the Industrial Regulations and by special +labour protective legislation in almost all civilised countries. + +Protection in occupation is afforded by the enactments dealing with +dangerous occupations, with the regulations of business, with the +management of business, with the workrooms and eating and dressing +rooms, and with the provision of lavatories. In the Imp. Ind. Code +Amendment Bill the task of protection in occupation is formulated thus: +"Sec. 120_a_, Employers of industry shall be bound so to arrange and keep +in order their workrooms, business plant, machinery and tools, and so to +regulate their business, that the workers may be protected from danger +to life and health, in so far as the nature of the business may permit. +Special attention shall be paid to the provision of a sufficient supply +of light, a sufficient cubic space of air and ventilation, the removal +of all dust arising from the work and of all smoke and gases developed +thereby; and care must be taken in case of accidents arising from these +causes. Such arrangements shall be made as may be necessary for the +protection of the workmen against dangerous contact with the machines or +parts of the machinery, or against other dangers arising from the nature +of the place of business, or of the business itself, and especially +against all dangers of fire in the factory. Lastly, all such rules shall +be issued for the regulation of business and the conduct of the workers, +as may be necessary to render the business free from danger. + +"Sec. 120_b_. Employers of industry shall be bound to make and to maintain +such arrangements and to issue such rules for the conduct of the workers +as may be necessary to ensure the maintenance of good morals and +decency. And, especially, separation of the sexes in their work shall be +enforced, in so far as the nature of the business may permit. In +establishments where the nature of the business renders it necessary for +the workers to change their clothes and wash after their work, separate +rooms for dressing and washing shall be provided for the two sexes. Such +lavatories shall be provided as shall suffice for the number of +workers, and shall fulfil all requirements of health, and they shall be +so arranged that they may be used without offence to decency and +convenience. + +"Sec. 120_c_. Employers of industry who engage workers under 18 years of +age shall be bound, in the arrangement of their places of business and +in the regulation of their business, to take such special precautions +for the maintenance of health and good morals as may be demanded by the +age of the workers. + +"Sec. 120_d_. The police magistrates are empowered to enforce by order the +carrying out in separate establishments of such measures as may appear +to be necessary for the maintenance of the principles laid down in Sec. 120 +to Sec. 120_c_, and such as may be compatible with the nature of the +establishment. They may order that suitable rooms, heated in the cold +season, shall be provided free of cost, in which the workers may take +their meals outside the workrooms. A reasonable delay must be allowed +for the execution of such orders, unless they be directed to the removal +of a pressing danger threatening life or health. In establishments +already existing before the passing of this Act only such orders shall +be issued as may be necessary for the removals of grave evils dangerous +to the life, health or morals of the workers, and only such as can be +carried out without disproportionate expense: but this shall not apply +to extensions or outbuildings hereafter added to the establishment. +Appeal to a higher court of administration may be made within 3 weeks by +the employer. + +"Sec. 120_e_. By order of the _Bundesrath_ directions may be issued showing +what requirements may be necessary in certain kinds of establishments, +for the maintenance of the principles laid down in Sec.Sec. 120_a_ to 120_e_. +Where no such directions are issued by order of the _Bundesrath_, they +may be issued by order of the Central Provincial Courts, or by police +regulations of the courts empowered with such authority, under Sec. 81 of +the Accident Insurance Act of July 6th, 1884." + +This formulary may be considered specially successful and almost +conclusive. + +The insertion of the foregoing clauses in the general portion of chap. +vii. of the Imp. Ind. Code Amendment Bill ensures such protection in +occupation as is adequate to all necessities of life, to the whole body +of industrial work included within the sphere of the Industrial Code. + +One item of Labour Protection in occupation might be supposed to consist +in guarding against over-exertion, by means of the abolition of +piece-work and "efficiency wage." But this claim, in so far as we find +it prevailing in the Labour world, is made more on grounds of wage +policy than as a necessary measure of protection. The economic +advantages to the workers themselves of these methods of payment are so +great that the abolition of "efficiency wage" is not, I think, required +either on grounds of wage policy or of protective policy. We must, +however, pass over the consideration of this question, whilst admitting +that there is still a great deal to be done in this direction by means +of free self-help and mutual help. + + +(B) _Protection of intercourse in service, Truck Protection in +particular._ + +To protection in occupation must be added--as a last measure of the +protection of labour against material dangers--protection of the +wage-worker in his personal and social intercourse outside the limits of +his business with the employer and his family, and with the managers and +foremen. In default of a better term, we have called this protection of +intercourse in service. + +Outside the actual performance of his work, the wage-worker is +threatened by special dangers which can only be averted by extraordinary +intervention of the State. These dangers affect the person and domestic +life of the wage-worker. + +Apprentices especially, and all wage-earners living in the same house as +the employer, are liable from their position as the weaker party, to +intimidation, ill-treatment, and neglect. Provision is made against such +dangers by the ruling of the Industrial Regulations on the relations of +journeymen and apprentices to business managers and employers. + +Special protection has long been afforded in the social relations +between the servant on the one side, and the employer and his family on +the other. This takes the form of protection against usury, against +exploitation of dependents, especially if they are ignorant and +inexperienced. This protection in social relations may also be +called--involving as it does, in by far the largest proportion of cases, +protection against undue advantage derived from payment in kind--"Truck +Protection." + +The usury in question may take the form of a profit in the way of +service, or exploitation of the workman, by forcing him to perform work +outside the agreement as well as the work of the business, or instead of +it; or again, it may be profit on payment, derived from payment of wages +in coin or kind; or it may be profit on credit, loan, hire and sale, +derived by compelling the workman to enter into disadvantageous +transactions in borrowing, contracting, and hiring, and by requiring him +to purchase the necessaries of life at certain places of sale where +exorbitant prices are demanded for inferior goods. + +To prevent the employer from gaining such unfair advantage over the +"members of his family, his assistants, agents, managers, overseers, and +foremen," the German Industrial Code has long since interfered by +ordering payment in coin of the realm, by prohibiting credit for goods, +and by limiting to cost price the charges for necessaries of life, and +of work supplied (including tools and materials). Any agreements for the +appropriation of a part of the earnings of the wage-worker for any other +purpose than the improvement of the condition of the worker or his +family shall be declared null and void. The Auer Motion demands also +that "compulsory contributions to so-called 'benefit clubs' (savings +banks attached to the business) shall be prohibited." + +This form of protection, which I have called protection of intercourse, +is extended to all kinds of industrial work, as is also the case with +protection in occupation, though not with protection by limitations of +employment. In Germany this extension is effected by incorporating in +the general portion of chap. vii. of the Imp. Ind. Code Amendment Bill +the rules for protection in occupation and protection against usury, +and also by including non-manufacturing (Sec. 134) as well as manufacturing +work in the rules of the Industrial Regulations against personal +ill-treatment and neglect. + +Hitherto no special courts have been appointed for the administration of +protection of intercourse, which has been left generally to the ordinary +administration and especially to the judicial courts. In other cases it +is left to the industrial courts of arbitration of the first and second +instance rather than to the industrial inspectors. But extraordinary +protection is afforded by special rulings of common law on illegal +agreements, on nullity of agreement, on escheat of contributions to +savings banks made in defiance of prohibition, on failures to complete +contracts of apprenticeship and service, etc., etc. + +The Imp. Ind. Code provides protection of intercourse in the business of +household industry also, in the ruling of the second clause of Sec. 119. +The usefulness of this ruling depends indeed on the improvement of the +organisation of Labour Protection which is still imperfect and +insufficient in its application to household industry. The compulsory +and voluntary assistance of the employers and their commercial agents, +with or without control by the industrial inspector, is the aim towards +which attention must be directed for the further development of +protection of intercourse in household industry. The above-mentioned +central union of workers in the embroidery industry in East Switzerland, +which is for the most part household industry, shows what may be done +by voluntary unions in the way of protection within the sphere of +household industry. One inspector says: "The computation of the amount +of embroidery done, _i.e._ the basis for the calculation of wages, is +determined; the relations between the "middleman," the employer and the +workers are regulated; and a place of sale is provided for all work +rejected by the employer on account of alleged imperfections. The +classification of patterns--_i.e._ the fair graduation of wages +according to the ease and rapidity, the greater or less trouble and +expense with which the pattern is executed--has for a long time been one +of the main objects of the union." + + +(C) _Protection of the status of the workman (protection of agreement, +protection of contract)._ + +The term protection of contract must here be understood in a wider sense +than in that of a mere guarantee of freedom of contract, and judicial +protection of labour contracts; hence I have called it protection of the +status of the workman. + +This protection of the status of labour includes a multifarious +collection of existing measures of protection, and impending claims for +protection which we may regard as falling under three heads: protection +of engagement and dismissal, protection against abuse of contract, and +protection in fulfilment of contract. + + +1. _Protection of engagement and dismissal._ + +By protection of engagement we mean protection of the worker against +hindrances placed in the way of admittance into service; it is +protection in the making and carrying out of agreements, partly +protecting the workman against unjust loss of character, and partly +giving him the right to claim a character. Protection against loss of +character might further be divided into protection against defamation by +individuals--foremen or employers--and protection against defamation by +combinations of employers. + +The Labour world claims protection against loss of character in the +demand for the abolition of the labour log, and in Germany where the +general log is not used, in the demand for the abolition of the young +workers' log which, however, is still recommended by many from +considerations that have no connection with depreciation of work. + +Wherever the labour log is still used, protection, against loss of +character has long been afforded by prohibition of entries and marks +which would be prejudicial to success in obtaining fresh employment. + +Protection is demanded, but as yet nowhere granted, against defamation +by combination of employers, of workmen who have made themselves +disliked, against black lists, circulars, etc. The penalties of such +defamation by combination in the Auer Motion are directed against +employers and employers only, although in point of fact there are not +infrequent cases of combinations among workmen for the defamation of +employers. The Motion runs thus: "(Sec. 153) Whoever shall unite with +others against any worker because he has entered into agreements or has +joined unions, and shall endeavour to prevent him from obtaining work, +or shall refuse to employ him, or shall dismiss him from work, shall be +punished by imprisonment for three months." + +Another fragment of protection of engagement has long existed in the +penalties attached to certain infringements of the right of combination, +with reciprocity of course for the employers (cf. Sec. 153 Imp. Ind. Code.) + +The guarantee of testimonials has long been afforded--and has met with +no opposition--as a means of protection against defamation by individual +employers. + +Side by side with protection of engagement we have protection in +quitting service. + +Special protection in quitting service--beyond the ordinary +administrative and judicial protection of labour contract against unjust +dismissal--consists partly of: protection in dismissal from service, +_i.e._ against expulsion by the employer, and partly, of protection in +voluntarily quitting service, _i.e._ quitting service for special +reasons. Both these measures are applied to the whole of industrial wage +labour, and have hitherto generally been enforced by the regular courts +of justice and administration, by application, however, of special +rulings of industrial legislation on written agreements, on the right of +special dismissal from service, and the right of quitting service, and +on the length of notice required, etc. The further development of +protection in quitting service will probably more and more require the +extraordinary jurisdiction of the industrial courts of arbitration. +Protection against compulsory dismissal into which one employer may be +forced by another employer by intimidation, libel, and defamation, is +afforded by special penal Acts, and, like protection against breach of +contract, is more particularly protection of the employer and is only +indirectly protection of the worker. + + +2. _Protection of contract, in the strict sense; protection by +limitation of the right of contract, by completion of contract, and by +enforcing fulfilment of contract._ + +Beyond the ordinary judicial protection afforded by the obligations +attached to service contract, special guarantees of protection are in +part already granted, in part demanded, against abuse of contract, +incomplete fulfilment and non-fulfilment of service contract to the +disadvantage, as a rule, but of course not in all cases, of wage-labour. + +This protection is afforded partly by formal regulations, partly by +judicial rulings on special cases. The latter form of protection in +contract is closely allied to protection in intercourse (see above); the +two overlap each other. + +The protection afforded by contract regulations consists in the +enforcement of certain formal requirements, and the granting of certain +remissions, such as _e.g._ the requirement of written agreements and the +remission of duty on written agreements, etc. First and foremost stands +the obligation to post up the working rules. _A parte potiori_[13] all +protection of contract might be called protection of working rules. + +The working rules serve in reality to give the workman himself the +control over his own rights, but they also are to the interest of the +employer. + +The _von Berlepsch_ Bill further extends this sort of method to factory +and quasi-factory labour (Sec. 134_a_-134_g_), permitting the workmen in +any business to exert a considerable influence upon the drawing up of +the working rules. Sections 134_b_ and 134_c_ read thus: "Sec. 134_b_. +Working rules shall contain directions: (1) as to the time of beginning +and ending the daily work, and as to the intervals provided for adult +workers; (2) as to the time and manner of settling accounts and paying +wages; (3) as to the grounds on which dismissal from service or quitting +service may be allowable without notice, wherever such are not +determined by law; (4) as to the kind of severity of punishments, where +such are permitted; as to the way in which punishments shall be imposed, +and, if they take the form of fines, as to the manner of collecting them +and the purpose to which they shall be devoted. No punishments offensive +to self-respect and decency shall be admitted in the working rules. +Fines shall not exceed twice the amount of the customary day's wage (Sec. +8. Insurance against Sickness Act, June 15th, 1883), and they shall be +devoted to the benefit of the workers in the factory. The right of the +employer to demand compensation for damage is not affected by this rule. +It is left in the hands of the owner of the factory to add to rules I to +4 further rules for the regulation of the business and the conduct of +the workmen in the business. The conduct of young workers outside the +business shall also be regulated. The working rules may direct that +wages earned by minors shall be paid to the parents and guardians, and +only by their written consent to the minors directly; also that a minor +shall not give notice to quit without the expressed consent of his +father or guardian." + +Sec. 134_d_ reads as follows: "Before the issue of the working rules or of +an addition to the rules, opportunity shall be given to the workers in +the factory to express their opinion on the contents. In those factories +in which there is a standing committee of the workmen it will be +sufficient to receive the opinions of the committee on the contents of +the working rules." + +It is further recommended that the factory rules shall include the +publication of legal enactments regarding _protection by limitations of +employment, protection in occupation_ and in _intercourse_, the +necessary conditions and limitations of these, the possibilities of +appeal, and methods of payment of overtime wage, also of instructions +for precaution against accidents, and lastly of the name and address of +the club doctor and dispenser, of the company and their representatives, +the name of the factory inspector and his office address and office +hours. + +But we have seen that contract protection is not only afforded by these +formal regulations but also by judicial rulings on special cases. These +latter have a threefold task: to prevent the drawing up of unfair +contracts, to supply deficiencies in the contract, by adding subsidiary +rulings suited to the nature of the industrial service relations, and +lastly, to secure the fulfilment of service contract; _i.e._ they have +to provide protection by limitation and completion of contract and to +secure fulfilment of contract. + +This kind of protection of contract is of special importance in dealing +with contract fines, proportional output ("efficiency work"), the supply +of tools and materials of work, and lastly with payment of wage. + +Labour Protection seeks to guard against abuse of contract fines, by +fixing the highest permissible amount of fines, and by handing over the +proceeds of the fines to the workmen's provident fund. This is a matter +of the highest moment, and must find a place in the drawing up and in +the enforcement of the working rules (see above). Hitherto it has only +been extended to factory labour. + +A second task of protection of contract lies in the protection of +"efficiency work," _i.e._ protection of the wage-worker against an undue +deduction from his "efficiency wage" on account of the alleged inferior +quality of the output, and against neglect to reckon in the full amount +of the output in the calculation of wage. This measure of protection has +been placed on the orders of the day of the present labour protective +movement, by the adoption _e.g._ of the system of checking the weight of +the output in mining. + +In the third place we come to protection of the workman against loss +sustained in buying his tools and materials of work from the employer. +This measure of protection in purchase of materials is applied to the +whole of industrial labour by means of its insertion in the general +rules for truck protection contained in the Imp. Ind. Code. + +A fourth point, very closely allied to protection of intercourse, but +which has to be dealt with protectively by those judicial rulings on +protection of contract, concerns the permanence of rate of wage, the +day, place, and period of payment, and by whom, and to whom, payments +are to be made. Protection of payment may be more completely secured by +the inclusion in the working rules of directions on these points. It +must be applied to the whole of industrial wage-labour according to +circumstances. The prohibition of payment of wages in public-houses and +on Saturdays, the fixing of the wage by the employer himself, not by a +subordinate official; the obligation to make the agreement as to +"efficiency wage" at the time of undertaking the work, in order that the +bargain may not be broken off should it prove specially favourable for +the workers; also payment of wage at least weekly or fortnightly; and +lastly, the payment of minors' wages into the hands of parents or +guardians, which constitutes a measure of educational protection of the +minors against themselves--such are the principal requirements of +protection of payment of wages, requirements which are already more or +less fulfilled. + +FOOTNOTE: + +[13] That is, _after the largest portion of it_. + + + + +CHAPTER IX. + +THE RELATIONS OF THE VARIOUS BRANCHES OF LABOUR PROTECTION TO EACH +OTHER. + + +If the various chief branches of Labour Protection are compared with +each other after they have all been examined separately, they appear to +be indispensable and inseparable members of one system, for no one +branch can be spared. But they are very different in nature, and by no +means equal in importance. + +Protection of truck and contract have long ago reached their full +development. Both are almost universal in their extension, and are +exercised by the regular administrative courts and petty courts of +justice. They are characterised on the whole by legal precision, which +affords little room for interpretation and extension at the will of the +administration. Protection of contract and protection of intercourse are +required less in the immediate interest of the whole State than in that +of individuals. + +But when we come to protection in occupation, it is altogether another +matter. + +_Protection by limitations of employment_, which forms the central point +of the latest protective movement, is in all its aims more or less in +contrast to protection of contract and intercourse. It is not a matter +of universal application. It requires special administrative organs, +special methods of procedure with many technical differences of detail +adapted to the peculiarities of different trades. Its full development +requires general legal enactments, a central authority, and a uniform +exercise of administration; it has to deal with the entire working +class, nay more, with the whole body of citizens, and with the spiritual +as well as the material life of the workers and of the nation, because +it constantly affects and influences the lives of larger masses of +labourers. + +It must not be supposed that any one branch of protection by limitation +of employment is more important in itself than all the rest. It is not +protection of holidays alone, nor the maximum working-day alone that +will restore the workman to himself, to his place in the human family, +to civic life, to his family, to the performances of his spiritual +duties; but all measures of protection by prohibiting and limiting +employment must work together to effect this. Protection by limitation +of employment, as a whole, seeks to ensure those moral benefits so +finely emphasised in the preamble of the Confederate Factory Act: "The +benefits which may accrue to the country from the factory system depend +almost entirely upon its being ensured that the worker shall not be +deprived of time or inclination to be the educator of his children, and +the head and prop of his family." The maximum working-day effects this +by securing the evening free to all--to fathers, mothers, children, and +young people. Protection of holidays works towards the same end by +securing to everyone the seventh day free for his own life, the life of +his family, and intercourse with his fellow citizens, and for the +performance of his spiritual duties. Prohibition of night work also +contributes its quota towards the same result. Without all this +protection by limitation of employment, the father of the family would +lose his family, the child would lose its training and care, the mother +and wife would lose her children and husband; and all of them would lose +their joint life as citizens, as members of society, and of a religious +community. + +It is from these considerations that we must justify the immense +importance which it is the growing tendency of Labour Protection in the +present day to attach to the whole question of protection by limitation +of employment. + + + + +CHAPTER X. + +TRANSACTIONS OF THE BERLIN LABOUR CONFERENCE, DEALING WITH MATTERS +BEYOND THE RANGE OF LABOUR PROTECTION; DALE'S DEPOSITIONS ON COURTS OF +ARBITRATION, AND THE SLIDING SCALE OF WAGES IN MINING. + + +The demand for a legal minimum wage, for wage tariffs, and the sliding +scale of wages, form no part of Labour Protection. The State cannot, as +we have seen, regulate wages directly, but only indirectly, by favouring +an adjustment of wages that shall be fair to each side. But even in +measures of that kind it does not interfere for the purpose of +protecting the persons of the wage earners in their _relations of +dependence_ on the employer. Politico-social proposals for indirectly +influencing the movement of wages, do not for this very reason, belong +to Labour Protection, in the sense which I have assigned to the term in +this book. Therefore, I shall content myself, on the one hand, with +clearing up a misunderstanding concerning the minimum wage and the wage +tariff; and on the other hand, with supplementing my former contribution +to the subject (_Jahrg., 1889, Die Zeitschrift fuer die gesammte +Staatswissenschaft_) from the reports of the Berlin Conference, having +special reference to the regulation of wage in the English mining +industries. + +These proposals, dealing with minimum wage and the wage tariff, which I +shall now introduce into my treatise on Labour Protection, do not aim at +enforcing a minimum rate of wage from above, regardless of the +individual value of the labour, they merely aim at providing as far as +possible a stable adjustment and classification of efforts and rewards +between the whole body of employers and the whole body of workers in any +branch of industry or industrial district, _i.e._ at substituting +_general_ for _individual_ control, for the protection not of the worker +alone, but also of the employer, _i.e._ against exploiting competitors. +In Germany the printers have led the way; the number of their followers +in other industries is increasing. But this is a matter that must be +settled by the two classes, not by the State. + +Questions of wage policy, however, even when unconnected with protective +policy, are often drawn into discussions on protective policy; and even +the Berlin Conference, which was officially designated[14] "an +international conference on the regulation of labour in industrial +establishments, and in mining industries," frequently overstepped the +limits of questions of purely protective policy. I feel myself fully +justified, therefore, in touching upon a few of the further questions +dealt with by the Conference. + +In an earlier treatise, written before the proclamation of the Imperial +Decree of February 4th, 1890, I pointed out the need for the special +cultivation of Labour Protection in mining industry, particularly in +coal mining, and I expressed an opinion as to the advisability of +establishing government mines as a kind of politico-social model to the +rest; while, on the other hand, I declared against the necessity for the +nationalisation of coal mines. + +Pamphlets of an opposing tendency, which circulated freely in the wake +of the great coal strike of 1889, have, it is true, brought to light +more and more reliable evidence; but hitherto I have found in them +nothing to shake my confidence in the correctness of my fundamental +contention: as far as I am concerned, I await without anxiety the issue +of the latest Coal Trust. + +As I pointed out in the same treatise, the special danger of the strike +agitation, attacking as it does the very centres of activity and +channels of healthy movement in the social body, has unfortunately been +only too fully exemplified. The coal strike, and the railway and dock +strikes, have become samples, and are triumphantly quoted as typical +instances of the success of the method. + +In the same treatise I raised the question whether the branches of +industry under consideration should be constituted a department of the +public service, involving special obligations and special safeguards +against breach of contract, but also ensuring special security of work +and a good standard of pay. This question has also risen to a high level +of importance since that time; it does not, however, belong to the +sphere of Labour Protection, and in this treatise I must therefore leave +it on one side. + +But I consider myself bound to supplement the information given as to +the means of avoiding strikes in the mining industry by bringing forward +the communications made by the best informed English expert, who sat in +the Berlin Conference (session of March 4). The reports read as follows: +"Mr. Dale reminded the Conference that about twenty-five years ago +numerous and protracted strikes took place in the north of England (in +mining). In consequence of this, the employers met together to discuss +means of regulating the wage question. At first they refused to treat +with the workmen _in corpore_, but they finally decided on the advice of +a few of their number more far-seeing than the rest, to recognise the +union of miners belonging to one and the same mining district. This +principle once admitted formed the groundwork of the prevailing system +of the day for the settlement of all disputes. This method has obtained +for twenty years. At first the representatives of the employers and +workmen were only summoned to negotiate on special questions. The +principle of settlement by arbitration was admitted in all questions, +and was applied in the following manner: each party nominates an equal +number of arbitrators, usually two, and these elect an umpire; this last +office is willingly accepted by persons of the highest standing. Since +the questions laid before the board of arbitration mostly concern the +relation of wages to the market price of coal, this relation has to be +first ascertained from examination of the employers' books by a legally +qualified auditor, before a decision can be given. The most important +experimental method, which has so far been adopted for regulating the +relations between the rate of wage and the market price, has been the +sliding scale. The sliding scale aims at the establishment of a +numerical ratio between the rate of wage and the price of coal. At first +this was sometimes determined by the following method: five consecutive +years are taken, in the course of which considerable fluctuations have +taken place in the market prices and the price of coal (the latter +brought about by strikes, agreements, and arbitration). These five years +are divided into twenty quarters; the average price of coal and the +average rate of wage for each quarter is ascertained, and by this means +the numerical ratio of the two amounts to each other is determined. The +average of these numerical ratios is taken to express the normal +relation which must exist between the rate of wage and and the market +price of coal. Upon the scale thus determined the average market price +for all coal produced in the district for the last preceding quarter is +reckoned. The required numerical normal proportion between prices and +wages is now computed on this basis, and the rate of wage for the +current quarter thus determined. This calculation takes place for every +ensuing quarter. These calculations are made by two qualified auditors, +who are appointed by the labourers' union and the employers' union. The +books of all the works are submitted to these experts, who are bound to +the strictest secrecy as to the information thus obtained. They confine +themselves to the task of attesting: (1) that during the latest +preceding quarter, the average price of coal in the district is such and +such; (2) that such and such a rate of wage results therefrom. In this +way the workmen obtain, without the necessity of negotiation, of +strikes, or arbitration, the same wages which they could not otherwise +have obtained except by repeated efforts. The numerical ratio between +wages and market prices is generally fixed for two years. After that +time each party may give a half year's notice; but during six years, the +first sliding scale introduced has only been subjected to very slight +alterations. Notice will shortly be given by the employers in +Northumberland and the miners in Durham. Mr. Dale believes that this +double notice does not aim at the abolition of the system, but only at +revision of the existing scale. In the districts where for the moment +the sliding scale has been abolished, an attempt is being made to take +the nearest conjectural price of the current quarter as the basis, +instead of the price of the previous quarter. In this way the workmen +would receive official information as to the market prices, which would +be a great advantage, for strikes are most frequently caused by the +ignorance of the workmen as to the real position of the coal trade. As +to local questions which do not affect the whole district, they are +settled by so-called 'joint committees,' or mixed commissions formed by +an equal number of workmen and employers; either the President of the +county court, or some other person of high position, is chosen as +chairman. These commissions meet generally once a fortnight; their +decisions operate from the date of the complaint. Mr. Dale asserts that +the heads of the labour unions are, for the most part, intelligent men, +and when this is the case, the relations between workmen and employers +are easily arranged; in Durham, _e.g._, the miners union has four +secretaries, who devote their whole time to the affairs of the +association. In this district more than 500 disputes yearly are settled +by the joint committee." + +At the request of the President, Mr. Dale gave some information as to +the strike of the past year; it did not affect the northern district +where good relations existed, although notice had previously been given +on the sliding scale. He further pointed out that former strikes had +often been caused by the fault of the foremen, who treated the workmen +with undue harshness. "The introduction of joint committees, on which +the workmen are equally represented, has had the effect of establishing +better relations between the foremen and the miners. Mr. Dale considers +this the best system for the avoidance of crises. The decisions +pronounced by the board of arbitration, and by the joint committees, are +generally accepted; thus the principle of decision by arbitration takes +the place of that of decision by strikes." + +FOOTNOTE: + +[14] Concluding speech of the Prussian Minister of Commerce. + + + + +CHAPTER XI. + +THE "LABOUR BOARDS" AND "LABOUR CHAMBERS" OF SOCIAL DEMOCRACY. + + +Of all the problems with which the science of government is confronted +in the present and the near future, there are few in the domain of +Social Policy of greater importance, or more fraught with serious +possibilities in their results, than the establishment on a democratic +basis, both in constitution and in administration, of the organs of +Labour Protection. + +This tendency appears already in the demand for equal representation of +both classes in the organisation of Labour Protection. The establishment +by local governing authorities of industrial courts of arbitration has +been a step in this direction, a step which has not entirely been +retraced by recent legislation in Germany, dealing with such courts. + +The form which Social Democracy has given to this idea by the proposal +of "Labour Boards" and "Labour Chambers," brought forward in the Auer +Motion, is a matter of the highest interest. So far as I know, this form +has received very little, or at any rate insufficient, attention in the +Reichstag or the Press. This is the more surprising for two reasons, +viz., the justice of its attempt at a better protective organisation, +and the serious import of its evident tendency to evolve out of the +Capitalist System a Social Democratic order of society. + +I think, therefore, that just because of this extreme step in +organisation which the Auer Motion takes in proposing Labour Boards and +Labour Chambers, as instruments of Labour Protection, it behoves me not +to pass it by with indifference, but on the contrary to dwell upon it at +some length. + +In the first place let us construct in our own minds a picture of the +new form of organisation proposed in the Auer Motion. + +In the place of Art. IX. in the existing Imp. Ind. Code, a new Chap. IX. +would have to be inserted, dealing with "an Imperial Labour Board, +District Labour Boards, Labour Chambers, and Labour Courts of +Administration" (Sec.Sec. 131-143). + + +1. _The Imperial Labour Board and the Imperial Labour Parliament._ + +_The Imperial Labour Board._ Its organisation would be determined by +special Imperial legislation. Probably equal representation of classes +is intended in this Central Bureau, which would act together with the +hitherto essentially bureaucratic Imperial Insurance Board. Its duties +would consist: first, in supervising so far as possible, the whole +system of Labour Protection as demanded in the Auer Bill (Sec.Sec. 105-125); +further, in affording protection against the competition of penal +labour; finally, "in enforcing such measures and conducting such +enquiries as may be necessary to the well-being of the whole body of +wage-earners, including apprentices, in any kind of industry." Its +duties would therefore extend far beyond the limits of Labour Protection +in the strict sense, and it would be a general Central Bureau of aids to +Labour, in which the Imperial Insurance Board would soon become +incorporated. + +_The Labour Parliament_ (Diet of Labour Chambers). I take leave thus to +designate the representative central organ proposed (although of course +it is not brought forward in these terms in the heading of the new Chap. +IX. of the Auer Bill) since it is clear that the Imperial Labour Board +is practically only intended to be the executive organ of this +democratic industrial Council of the nation. Sections 140-142 of the +Auer Motion require that: Sec. 140 "It shall be the duty of the Imperial +Labour Board to summon once a year representatives from the collective +Labour Chambers to a general deliberation on industrial interests. To +this General Council each Labour Chamber shall send one delegate to +represent the employers, and one the body of wage-earners. The choice of +the representatives shall be made by each class separately. The chair +shall be taken at the Council by a member of the Imperial Labour Board, +but he and his colleagues shall have no right to vote. The Council shall +determine its own standing orders and the orders of the day; the +sittings to be public. Sec. 141. The members of the Labour Chambers shall +receive daily pay and defrayment of travelling expenses. Sec. 142. The +Imperial Government shall pay the costs of the arrangements enumerated +in Sec.Sec. 131-140; they shall be entered yearly in the imperial accounts." + +Thus we should have a national Labour Parliament--formed from the +district Labour Chambers--with equal representation of both classes, +receiving grants from the Imperial exchequer, undertaking the general +supervision of industrial interests and acting as a check on the +Imperial Labour Board. By the simple process of throwing overboard the +nominees of the employers, this Labour Parliament might at any time +become a pure parliament of labourers, or "People's Parliament," and the +Imperial Labour Board might resolve itself into the central ministry of +a purely "People's State." + +Such a state of things would obviously be the realisation of the extreme +Social Democratic order of State. + +It must be admitted that no secret is made of this fact, nor yet of the +_basis_ on which the whole edifice is raised. + + +(2) _Labour Boards and Labour Courts of Arbitration, Labour Chambers._ + +The basis of the edifice is formed by Labour Boards and Courts of +Arbitration, on the one hand (_i.e._ for executive purposes), and Labour +Chambers on the other (_i.e._, for purposes of regulation). We shall, as +far as possible, give the explanation of the matter in the words of the +motion. + +_Labour Boards._ On this head the Auer Motion reads as follows: "Sec. +132_a_. Below the Imperial Labour Board come the Labour Boards which +shall be appointed throughout the German Empire, in districts of not +less than 200,000, nor more than 400,000 inhabitants, at the latest by +Oct. 1, 1891. Sec. 133. The Labour Board shall consist of a Labour +Councillor and at least two paid officers; it must pass its rulings and +decisions in full sitting. The Imperial Labour Board shall select the +labour councillor from two candidates nominated by the Labour Chamber. +The permanent paid officers, whose duty it is to assist the labour +councillor in his task of supervision, shall be elected by the Labour +Chamber, half from the employers, and half from the employed. In +districts in which there are a considerable number of works employing +chiefly female labour, some of the officials appointed shall be women. +The same rules with regard to invalid and superannuation pensions shall +apply to the officers of the Labour Boards, as apply to all other +imperial officials. Sec. 133_a_. The officers of the Imperial Labour Board, +and the labour councillors or their paid assistants, shall have the +right at any time to inspect all places of business (whether of State, +municipal, or private enterprise) and to make such regulations as may +appear necessary for the life and health of the workers employed. In the +exercise of such supervision they shall be empowered with all the +official authority of the local police magistrates. In so far as the +rules laid down are within the official authority of the supervising +officers, the employers and their staff shall be bound to render +unhesitating obedience. The employer or his representatives shall have a +right of appeal to the District Labour Board, to be lodged within a +week, against the orders and rulings of individual officials, and a +right of appeal against the District Labour Board's decision, also +within a week, to the Imperial Labour Board. The Labour Board shall be +bound to inspect all the works within a district at least once a year. +The employers shall permit the official inspection to take place at any +time when the work is being carried on, especially also at night. The +inspecting officers shall be bound, except in cases of infringement of +the law, to observe secrecy as to all information on the concerns of a +business obtained by them in pursuit of their official duties. Sec. 133_b_. +The local police magistrates shall uphold the Labour Board in the +exercise of its authority, and shall enforce obedience to its +directions. Sec. 133_c_. The Labour Board shall organize all free labour +intelligence within its district, and serve in fact as a central bureau +for this purpose. It shall also be empowered to appoint branch bureaux +with this object, in such places as may seem suitable, and if there is +no industrial union to undertake the duties the local police magistrates +shall undertake them. Sec. 133_d_. Every Labour Board shall publish a +yearly report of its proceedings, copies of which shall be distributed +gratuitously to the members of the Labour Chambers by the Imperial +Labour Board and the Central District Courts. The report shall be +submitted to the approval of the Labour Chamber before publication. The +Imperial Labour Board shall draw up yearly, from the annual reports of +the Labour Boards, a general report to be submitted to the _Bundesrath_ +and the Reichstag. The reports of the District Labour Boards and the +Imperial Labour Board shall be accessible to the public at cost price." + +The Labour Board of a district of from 200,000 to 400,000 inhabitants +would be in the first place a modern kind of industrial inspectorate +with offices filled from both classes--employers and employed--with a +democratic system of election, and to which women would also be +eligible. Even the presidency of this inspectorate would not be freely +appointed by the government, which would have only the power of electing +one out of two nominees of the Labour Chambers. The primary task of the +board would take the form of Labour Protection, of centralization of +labour intelligence, and of drawing up reports on matters concerning +labour. The Labour Board is intended as the executive organ of the +Labour Chambers, the parliamentary administration would therefore be +general; even in reporting on industry the Labour Board would be subject +to the approval of the Labour Chamber. It is evident that this +Democratic organisation of courts, which would be powerless to act so +long as both classes obstructed each other, might easily at one stroke, +by turning out the nominees of the employers, be changed and developed +into purely democratic district courts for the general protection of +labour and the control of production. + +_Courts of Arbitration._ The Court of Arbitration as proposed by the +Auer Motion, is, so to speak, the judicial twin brother of the Labour +Board. According to Sec. 137-137_e_, the Court of Arbitration would be a +court of the first instance, for the settlement of disputes between +employers and workmen. It would be formed by each Labour Chamber out of +its numbers, and would consist of equal numbers of employers and of +workmen. The chair would be taken by the labour councillor or one of his +paid assistants. Equal representation of both classes would be required +when pronouncing decisions. None but relations, employes, and partners +in the business, would be permitted to be present during the +deliberations in support of the disagreeing parties. There would be +right of appeal to the Labour Chamber. The members of this Court of +Arbitration would (like those of the Labour Chamber) (Sec. 130_a_) receive +daily pay and defrayment of travelling expenses. Such would evidently be +the working out of this system of combined class representation, of +which, indeed, we already have an instance in the industrial courts of +arbitration. + +_Labour Chambers._ These would form the foundation stone of the edifice, +and they deserve the special attention of all who wish to know how +Social Democracy means to attain her ends. I give verbatim the clauses +dealing with this: "Sec. 134. For the representation of the interests of +employers and their workmen, as well as for the support of the Labour +Boards in the exercise of their authority, there shall be appointed from +Oct. 1, 1891, in every Labour Board district, a Labour Chamber, to +consist of not less than 24, and not more than 36 members, according to +the number of different firms established in the district. The number of +members for the separate districts shall be determined by the Imperial +Labour Board. The members of the Labour Chambers shall be elected, the +one half by employers of full age from amongst their numbers, the other +half by workers of full age from amongst their numbers. The election +shall be made on the principle of direct, individual, ballot voting by +both sexes, a simple majority only to decide. Each class shall elect its +own representatives. The mandate of the members of the Labour Chamber +shall last for two years, opening and closing in each case with the +calendar year. Simultaneously with the election of the members of the +Labour Chamber proxies to the number of one-half shall be appointed. The +proxies shall be those candidates who receive the greatest number of +votes next after the elected members. In the case of equal votes lots +shall be drawn. The selection of the polling day, which must be either a +Sunday or festival, shall rest with the Imperial Labour Board, which +shall also lay down the rules of procedure for the election. Employers +and workmen shall be equally represented on the election committees. The +time appointed for taking the votes shall be fixed in such a manner that +both day and night shifts may be able to go to the poll. Sec. 135. Besides +fulfilling the functions assigned to them in Sec.Sec. 106_a_, 110 and 121, the +Labour Chambers shall support the Labour Boards by advice and active +help in all questions touching the industrial life of their district. It +shall be their special duty to make enquiry into the carrying out of +commercial and shipping contracts; into customs, taxes, duties, and into +the rate of wage, price of provisions, rent, competitive relations, +educational and industrial establishments, collections of models and +patterns, condition of dwellings, and into the health and mortality of +the working population. They shall bring before the courts all +complaints as to the conditions of industrial life, and they shall give +opinion on all measures and legal proposals affecting industrial life in +their district. Finally, they shall be courts of appeal against the +decisions of the Courts of Arbitration. Sec. 136. The president of the +Labour Chamber shall be the labour councillor, or failing him, one of +his paid officials. The president shall have no vote, except in cases in +which the Labour Chamber is giving decision as a court of appeal against +the decision of the Court of Arbitration. Equality of voting shall be +counted as a negative. The president shall be bound to summon the Labour +Chamber at least once a month, and also when required on the motion of +at least one-third of the members of the Chamber. The Labour Chambers +shall lay down their own working rules; their sittings shall be public." +According to Sec. 139 of the motion, the members of the Labour Chambers +shall also be entitled to claim daily pay and defrayment of travelling +expenses. + +Such are the Labour Chambers according to the proposals of the Social +Democrats in 1885 and 1890. + +It is not without some astonishment that I note the tactical ingenuity +displayed by the party even here. Everything that has anywhere appeared +in literature, in popular representation, in judicial and administrative +organisation, in the way of proposals for the centralisation and +extension of labour intelligence, or of proposals for the representation +of labour in Labour Protection, and in all agencies for the care of +labour,--every scheme that has ever been put forward under different +forms, either purely theoretic or practical, as, _e.g._, "Popular +Industrial Councils," and "Industrial Courts of Arbitration"--is here +used to make a part of a broad bridge, leading across to a "People's +State." Nothing is lacking but the lowest planks, which could not, +however, be dispensed with, a Local Labour Board and a Local Labour +Chamber, as the sub-structure of the District Labour Boards and District +Labour Chambers. + +The leaders of Social Democracy in the German Reichstag maintain that +they are willing to join hands with the representatives of the existing +order in their schemes of organisation. We have, therefore, no right to +treat their scheme as consciously revolutionary. But this hardly affects +the question. The question is whether--setting aside altogether the +originators of the plan--such an organisation as that described above +might not in fact readily lend itself as a battering-ram to overthrow +the existing order and realise the aim of Socialism, whether, in fact, +it would not of necessity be so used. This question may well be answered +in the affirmative without casting the slightest reproach at the present +leaders of the party. + +The regulating representative organs would have full and comprehensive +authority in all questions of industry, social policy, and health, and +in inspection of dwellings; and the executive organs, even up to the +Imperial Labour Board, might be empowered by the mere alteration of a +few sections of the Bill to exercise the same authority, subject to the +consent of the majority in the National and District Chambers, and +eventually in the Local Chambers. + +If these representative and administrative bodies ever came into +existence, they would slowly but surely oust, not only the whole +existing organisation of Chambers of Commerce and Industrial Councils, +but also the Reichstag itself, and the Imperial Government, as well as +the local corporate bodies; they would tear down every part of the +existing social edifice. By the combined action of the Social Democrats +in the Reichstag with the increasingly democratic tendencies of the +local bodies, all this might come to pass in a very short space of time. + +I do not forget that the organisation is to be based in the first +instance on equal representation of classes. On the first two, and +eventually on the third, step of the judicial and representative +edifice, as many representatives are given to capital as to labour. In +so far the organisation is a hybrid of Capitalism and Social Democracy. +For the moment, and in the present stage, it is, for this very reason, +of special value to the Social Democrats, as it supplies a method of +completely crippling the forces opposed to them in the existing order. +For it will be sufficient in the day of fulfilment, _i.e._ when all is +ripe for the intended change, to give one shake, so to speak, in order +to burst open the half capitalistic chrysalis, and let the butterfly of +a Social Democratic "People's State" fly out. + +The half capitalistic organisation would, I repeat, be of the greatest +value at present, in the early preparatory work of the Social Democrats. +First, because the working class would become practically and thoroughly +accustomed to co-operation instead of to subordination as hitherto; +this is the transition step which cannot be avoided, to the supremacy of +the working class over the employers' class. Then, too, the proposed +organisation would offer an excellent opportunity for passing through +the transition step by step, by the continued weakening of the +capitalist order of society in all its joints. The struggle with capital +would have the sanction and the organised force of legislation. It would +receive legal organisation, and would even be legally enjoined. This +legalised battle would proceed over the whole circuit of industrial +activity, including trade and transport, and including also the state +regulated portion of it. + +In addition to this the organisation would be peculiarly fitted to +cripple even the least objectionable bulwarks of capital, even the +altogether unbiassed and nonpartisan operation of the local and +district, and probably even ultimately of the imperial courts. + +The apparently equal coupling of the influence of both classes would +lead to the result that the class which had the more energetic +representatives and the slighter interest in the maintenance of the +"working rules" would be able at any moment and at any point in the +national industrial life, to bring everything to a deadlock. The labour +councillor would be dependent on the Labour Chambers, and they in turn +would be entirely dependent on the leaders of labour. By the provision +that the president shall have no vote, and a tie in voting shall +therefore count as a defeat, the workmen's electorate hold in their +hands the power to obstruct at will any resolution, and especially to +obstruct the issue of the working rules in any business, since the +rules must be submitted to the approval of the Labour Chambers. + +The function of "supporting the Labour Boards by advice and active help +in all questions touching the industrial life of their district," might +very easily, by virtue of the above provision, be so abused by the +Labour Chambers as to deprive individual industrial inspectors of all +possibility of just and independent action, and hence by degrees to +entirely cripple and destroy the value of the inspectorate as a whole; +there can, I think be no doubt that before very long these powers would +intentionally be used for this purpose. + +The action of a positive Social policy would be hopelessly crippled by +an equally balanced class representation, while at the same time the +existing order of industrial life would be disturbed and shaken down to +the very last and smallest branches of industry. + +Nor would this be all, for such an organisation would secure fixed +salaries for the staff of agitators in the Labour party, since the +representatives would receive daily pay and defrayment of travelling +expenses from the Imperial exchequer. Debates and discussions might be +carried on without intermission, the pay continuing all the time, for +each Labour Chamber would be convened, not only once a month, but also +at any time at the request of one-third of the members of the Labour +Chamber, therefore of two-thirds of the labour representatives in the +chamber. By virtue of the provision which gives them unlimited right of +intervention, pretexts for convening frequent meetings would never be +wanting. + +Hence it is evident that no more effectual machinery could be devised +for the legal preparation for leading up the existing social order +directly to the threshold of the "People's State." The attempt to +convert the hybrid Capitalist-Socialist state to a pure Socialist state +would be a perfectly simple matter, both in the Empire, the provinces, +and the local districts, as soon as we had allowed Social Democracy one +or two decades in which to turn the two-fold class representation to +their own ends. By a single successful revolutionary "_coup_" in the +chief city of the Empire, or in the chief cities of several countries +simultaneously, representation of capital in the Labour Courts might be +thrown overboard, and the "People's State" would be ready; the +parliament of a purely popular government would hold the field, and the +present representation of the nation which includes all classes and +watches over the spiritual and material interests of the whole nation, +might without difficulty be swept away from Empire, province, district +and municipality. + +The construction of a complete system of "collective" production would +be easy, for it would find the framework ready to its hand, complete +from base to summit, fully mapped out on the plan. + +Perhaps the leaders themselves are not fully conscious of the lengths to +which their proposed organisation may carry them. One can quite +understand how from their standpoint they fail to see the end. They have +pursued the path that seemed the most likely to lead to their goal of a +radical change of the existing social order. The whole responsibility +will rest with the parties in power, if they do more than hold out their +little finger, which they have already done, to help Social Democracy +along this path of organisation. + + + + +CHAPTER XII. + +FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF PROTECTIVE ORGANISATION. + + +In spite of all that can be urged against them, however, we may gather +much, not merely negative, but also positive, knowledge from the +proposals of Social Democracy. An organisation which shall be equipped +with full authority, which shall be independent, complete in all its +parts, which shall prevail uniformly and equally over the whole nation; +an organisation which shall avoid the disintegration of collective aids +to labour, which shall encourage industrial representation and prevent +the division of authority amongst many different courts: such is the +root idea of the proposal, and this idea is just, however unacceptable +may appear to us the form in which it is clothed in the Auer Motion. +Nothing is omitted in the Auer Motion except the assignment of their +various duties to the various branches of the territorial representative +bodies, and the working out of an elementary local organisation. I shall +therefore try to work out the idea into a legitimate and possible form +of development. In order to do this I must distinguish between the +organisation required for executive and for representative bodies. + +As regards the executive organs, neither in Germany nor elsewhere is +the industrial inspectorate at present furnished with a sufficient +number of paid head-inspectors and sub-inspectors. Scarcely any of the +sub-inspectors are drawn from the labouring class except in the case of +England. Industrial inspection in Germany has not yet attained uniform +extension over the whole Empire. The inspectors of the different +provinces, and the chief provincial inspectors of the whole Empire +require to be brought into regular communication with each other and +with a Central Bureau adapted for all forms of aid to labour, including +Labour Protection--an organ which of course must not interfere with the +imperial, constitutional, and administrative independence of the States +of the _Bund_. If the individual inspectors were everywhere carefully +chosen, the assembling of all inspectors for deliberation with the +Provincial and Imperial Central Bureaux of Labour Protection would in +nowise retard, but on the contrary would serve to promote the complete +and equitable administration of Labour Protection and all forms of aid +to labour. This is the really fruitful germ contained in the idea of an +"Imperial Labour Board." + +A Provincial Labour Board might effect much in the same direction. We +are not without the beginnings of a uniform constitution of this kind: +England has an Inspector-General, Austria a Central Inspector; in +Switzerland the inspectors hold regular conferences; in France a +comprehensive scheme of inspectoral combination is projected. + +The choice of persons as head and sub-inspectors, which is a matter of +such great importance, might be subject to nomination by the united +provincial inspectorate, coupled with instructions to direct particular +attention to the selection of persons of practical experience, without +social bias, well versed in knowledge of technical and hygienic matters, +and suited to the special needs of the several posts. + +But the mere development of the inspectorate would not be the only step +in the progress of the organisation of Labour Protection. We must go +much further than this. The combined interests of economy, simplicity, +efficiency, and permanence of service, point to the necessity of +relieving as far as possible the regular governmental courts of the +Empire, of the province, and of the municipality, of the extra burden of +judicial and police administration involved in special branches of +Labour Protection, and in all other special forms of aid to labour. The +same considerations involve the necessity of gradually developing a +better organisation of associated labour boards, an imperial board, and +provincial, district, and municipal boards. We should thus get rid of +the present confusion of divided authority without entirely depriving +Labour Protection, both individual and general, of the assistance of the +ordinary administrative courts. This is the task that I have repeatedly +insisted upon as imperatively requiring to be taken in hand in connexion +with Labour Insurance. The Auer Motion attempts to meet this necessity. + +Much also that is very just and very practical is contained in the idea +of extending the sphere of operations of the Imperial Labour Board and +of the District Boards so as to embrace not only Labour Protection but +every form of aid to labour. Complaint is made that the organisation of +Labour Insurance, in spite of all caution, has frequently proved a +unpractical and costly piece of patchwork administration. Would it not +then be more to the point, and would it not more easily fulfil the +object of Labour Insurance and Labour Protection, and later on also of +dwelling reform, inspection of work, etc., to create municipal district +and provincial boards, with a great Imperial Central Bureau at the head? +In order that each special branch of protection might receive proper +attention, care would have to be taken in appointing to the offices of +the collective organ, to insure the inclusion of the technical, +juristic, police, hygienic, and statistic elements, and it would be +necessary to group these elements into sections without destroying the +unity of the service. There would be no lack of material, and it would +not be difficult to secure a good, efficient, and economical working +staff. + +No less reasonable is the idea of a "guild" of the eldest in the trade, +or of a factory committee for the several large works with +representation of both classes to appoint the district, provincial, and +imperial labour councils. So far from being extreme in this respect, the +Auer Motion is rather to be reproached with incompleteness, and a lack +of provision for local Labour Councils and Labour Chambers, a point +which we have already mentioned. But the representative bodies would +have a significance extending far beyond the limits of Labour +Protection--following the example of Switzerland the _von Berlepsch_ +Bill admits factory labour-committees for dealing with matters +concerning the factory working rules--they would be agencies for the +care of labour, for the insurance of social peace, the protection of +morality, the settlement of disputes and the maintenance of order in the +factory, for the instruction and discipline of apprentices, for the +control of the administration of protective legislation, for dealing +with the wage question, in a word for softening the severe autocracy of +the employers and their managers by the co-operation and advice of the +workers. And in this case I have nothing further to add to what I have +already said on the matter in a former article. + +But the supporter of even the most comprehensive scheme of labour +representation does not stand committed to any such system of +parliamentary management of industry by democratic majority as is +proposed in the Auer Motion. The appointment and the working of the +Labour Councils and Labour Chambers seems to me to introduce quite +another element into the scheme. + +The regular, not merely the accidental and occasional, meeting of the +inspectors with the body of employers and workers is a recognised +practical necessity; a less bureaucratic system of industrial management +is demanded on all sides. Regularly appointed ordinary and special +meetings with the Labour Chambers would no doubt accomplish much. The +inspector ought to be accessible to the expression of all wishes, +advice, and complaints; but, on the other hand, he should not yield +blind obedience to the rulings and representations of such organs. The +industrial inspector must be, and must remain, an officer of the State, +capable of acting independently of either class, appointed by +government; only under these circumstances can he perform the duties of +his office with firmness and impartial justice; in his appointment, in +his salary, and in the exercise of his official duties he should be +furnished with every guarantee to insure the independence of his +judgment. It is nowise incompatible with this that he should be open to +receive representations, whether in the way of advice, information, or +complaint. The more he lays himself open to such in the natural course +of work, the more important will his duties and position become, both on +his circuits and in his office. The right of appeal to higher courts can +always be secured to the Labour Chambers in cases of complaint. But how +should representative bodies of this kind be formed? + +In answering this question care must be taken above all not to confound +such public Labour Chambers as are suggested in the Auer proposals with +voluntary joint committees of both classes. Each of these representative +organs requires its own special constitution. + +The voluntary unions appoint committees for the security of class +interests, and especially for the purpose of making agreements as to +conditions of work. The election of these representative bodies ought to +be made by both classes with unrestricted equal eligibility of all, +including the female, members of any union, and without predominance of +one class over the other, or of any section of one class. + +I have already in a former article (see also above, Chap. V.) laid +great stress upon the development of this voluntary or conciliatory +representation of both classes as a means of union which can never be +replaced by the other or legal form of representation. + +The need for a representative system in the organs of the different +forms of state-aid to labour is quite another matter. + +Their tasks require special, public, legalised representation, with +essentially only the right of deliberation; but they may also decide by +a majority of votes questions which lie within the sphere of their +competence. + +As regards this public representation, it seems to me that joint +appointment by direct choice of all the individuals in both classes, and +out of either class, tends to the preservation of class enmity rather +than to the mutual conciliation of the two classes and to the promotion +of their wholesome joint influence on the boards. This kind of +appointment might be dispensed with by limiting direct election as far +as possible to the appointment of the elementary organs of +representation; but for the rest by drawing the already existing +authorities of a corporate kind into the formation of the system of +general representation. Herein I refer to such already existing organs +as those of labour insurance, Chambers of Commerce and Industrial +guilds, railway boards, local and parliamentary representatives; and +other elementary forms of corporate action might also be pressed into +the service. A thoroughly serviceable, fully accredited _personnel_ +would thus be secured for all Labour Boards. + +This system might even be applied to the election or appointment by lot +of the Industrial Court of Arbitration. If the Labour Chambers were +corporate bodies really representative of the trade, then the Industrial +Courts of Arbitration, both provincial and local, might be constituted +as thoroughly trustworthy public organs--without great expense, free +from judicial interference, competent as courts of the first and second +instance, and not in any way dependent on the communal +authorities--either freely elected by the managers of the workmen's +clubs and the employers' boards or companies, or chosen by lot from the +_personnel_ of the already existing corporate institutions above +referred to. The system of direct election by the votes of all the +individual workers and employers would thus be avoided, and, more +important still, this method would meet the difficulty which proved the +crux of the whole question when the organisation of Industrial Courts of +Arbitration was discussed in the last Reichstag: the distinction between +young persons and adults would not enter into consideration, either in +the case of Labour Chambers or of the Courts of Arbitration proceeding +therefrom. + + +There would be no need, under this system, that electors of either class +should be required to limit their choice of representatives to members +of their own class. Each body of electors would be free to fix their +choice on the men who possessed their confidence, wherever such might be +found. This would further help to stamp out the antagonisms which are +excited by the separate corporate representation of both classes. Men +would be appointed who would need no special protection against +dismissal. But the representatives of the workers when chosen out of the +midst of the working electorate might still receive daily pay and +defrayment of travelling expenses. If this were entered to the account +of the unions which direct the election through members of the managing +committee, and if charged _pro rata_ of the electors appointed, a +sufficient safeguard would be provided against the temptation to +protract the sessions or to bribe professional electors. + +The foregoing sketch of the executive and representative development of +the organisation of Labour Protection in the direction of united, +simple, uniform, specialized organisation of the whole aggregate of aids +to labour, ought at least to deserve some attention. + +Provided that the upward progress of our civilisation continues +generally, this quite modern, hitherto unheard of, development of boards +and representative bodies, even if only brought about piecemeal, will +eventually be brought to completion, and will effect appreciable results +in the State and in society. Some of the best forms of special boards, +_i.e._ special representative bodies are already making their +appearance, _e.g._ the "Labour Secretariats" in Switzerland, the +American "Boards of Labour," and the Russian "Factory Courts" under the +governments of St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Vladimir (Act of June 23, +1868). + + + + +CHAPTER XIII. + +INTERNATIONAL LABOUR PROTECTION. + + +Years and years elapsed before the first supporters of international +protection received any recognition. Then immediately before the +assembling of the Berlin Conference, the idea began to take an enormous +hold on the public mind. Switzerland demanded a conference on the +subject. Prince Bismark refused it. The Emperor William II. made an +attempt towards it by summoning an international convention to discuss +questions of Labour Protection. + +The inner springs of the movement for international Labour Protection +are not, and have not been, the same everywhere. + +With some it is motived by the desire to secure for wage labour in all +"Christian" States conditions compatible with human dignity and +self-respect. This was the basis of the Pope's negotiations with the +labour parties and with certain of the more high-minded sovereigns and +princes. Others demand it in the combined interests of international +equilibrium of competition and of Labour Protection, believing that +these two may be brought into harmony by the international process, +since if industry were equally weighted everywhere, and the costs of +production, therefore, approximately the same everywhere, protected +nations would not suffer in the world's markets. The first, the more +"idealist" motive prevails most strongly among Catholics, and contains +no doubt a deeper motive--namely, the preservation of the social +influence of the Church. At the International Catholic Economic Congress +at Suttich, in September, 1890, this view prevailed, with the support of +the English and Germans, against the opposition of the Belgians and +French. + +The light in which international Labour Protection is viewed depends +upon whether the one or the other motive prevails, or whether both are +working together. + +Two results are possible. Either limits will be set to the right of +restricting protection of employment and protection in occupation by +means of universal international legislation, or the interchange of +moral influence between the various governments will be brought about by +means of periodical Labour Protection Conferences and through the Press, +which on the one hand would promote this interchange of influence, and +on the other hand would, uniformly for all nations, demand and encourage +the popular support of all protective efforts outside the limits of the +State. + +Before the Berlin Conference it was by no means clear what was expected +of international Labour Protection. Since the Conference it has been +perfectly clear, and this alone is an important result. + +The international settlement which Prince Bismark had opposed ten years +before did not meet with even timid support at the Berlin Conference. +England and France were the strongest opponents of the idea of the +control of international protective legislation. This can be proved from +the reports of the Berlin Conference. + +The representative of Switzerland, H. Blumer, in the session of March +26, 1890, made a proposal, which was drawn up as follows:-- + +"Measures should be taken in view of carrying out the provisions adopted +by the Conference. + +"It may be foreseen on this point that the States which have arrived at +an agreement on certain measures, will conclude an obligatory +arrangement; that the carrying out of such arrangement will take place +by national legislation, and that if this legislation is not sufficient +it will have to receive the necessary additions. + +"It is also safe to predict the creation of a special organ for +centralizing the information furnished, for the regular publication of +statistical returns, and the execution of preparatory measures for the +conferences anticipated in paragraph 2 of the programme. + +"Periodical conferences of delegates of the different governments may be +anticipated. The principal task of these conferences will be to develop +the arrangements agreed on and to solve the questions giving rise to +difficulty or opposition." + +Immediately upon the opening of the discussion on this motion, the +delegates from Great Britain moved the rejection of the proposal of +Switzerland, "since, in their opinion, an International Convention on +this matter could not supply the place of special legislation in any one +country. The United Kingdom had only consented to take part in the +Conference on the understanding that no such idea should be entertained. +Even if English statesmen had the wish to contract international +obligations with respect to the regulation of factory labour, they would +have no power to do so. It is not within their competence to make the +industrial laws of their country in any way dependent on a foreign +power." The Austrian delegate suggested that it be made quite clear +"that the superintendence of the carrying out of the measures taken to +realise the proposals of the Conference is exclusively reserved to the +Governments of the States, and that no interference of a foreign power +is permitted." The Belgian delegate "considers it advisable, in order +that the deliberations of the Conference may keep their true character, +not to employ the word 'proposals,' but to substitute for it 'wishes,' +or 'labours.'" M. Jules Simon, the French delegate, states that he and +his colleagues have received instructions which "forbid them to endorse +any resolution which either directly or indirectly would appear to give +immediate executive force to the other resolutions formulated by the +Conference." And M. Tolain adds that "it is true that the French +Government had always considered the meeting of the Conference +exclusively as a means of enquiring into the condition of labour in the +States concerned, and into the state of opinion in respect to it, but +that they by no means intended to make it, at any rate for the present, +the point of departure for international engagements." + +The idea of an international code of Labour Protection could not have +been more flatly rejected. Hence the opposition to the idea manifested +by Prince Bismark was fully borne out by the Conference. This opposition +has everything in its favour, for it is clear that a uniform +international code of Labour Protection would supply boundless +opportunities for friction and for stirring up international commercial +quarrels. If it were desired to establish Labour Protection guaranteed +by international agreement, it would be found that there would be as +many disturbances of international peace as there are different kinds of +industry, nay, I will even say, as there are workmen. The countries +whose administration was best and most complete would be the very ones +that would be most handicapped: seeing that they could expect only a +very minimum of real reciprocity from those other contracting powers +whose administration was faulty, and where a strong national sentiment +was lacking in the workers, owing to their miserable and penurious +condition in the absence of effective protection for labour. Accurately +to supervise the observance of such an international agreement we should +require an amount of organisation which it is quite beyond our power to +supply. But even on paper, international labour legislation has no +significance beyond that of creating international discontent and +agitation, and of supplying political animosity with inexhaustible +materials for arousing international jealousy. The Berlin Conference has +negatively produced a favourable effect by the protest of England and +France, if one reflects how fiercely the scepticism of Bismark's policy +was attacked before the meeting of the Conference. Repeated readings of +the reports of the Conference have confirmed me in the impression that +Prince Bismark was fully upheld by the Conference in his opposition to +the establishment of Labour Protection by international agreement. But I +have felt it necessary to clearly establish the grounds on which the +opposition to this form of protection is based. + +The moral influence of the international Conference, however, has been +on the other hand something more than "vain beating the air." This is +already shown in the increased impetus given to the improvement of +national labour-protective legislation. + +The conclusions arrived at by the Conference as to the international +furtherance of Labour Protection are, it is true, of the nature of +recommendations merely, and are in nowise binding on the governmental +codes of each country. But even as recommendations they are practically +of the greatest value. None of the nations represented will venture, I +think, to disregard the force of their moral influence. All the means +recommended by the Conference have promise of more or less success. Some +of the proposals, for instance, are: the repetition of international +Labour Protection Conferences, the appointment of a general, adequate, +and fully qualified industrial inspectorate, the international +interchange of inspectors reports, the uniform preparation of statistics +on all matters of protection, the international interchange of such +statistics, and of all protective enactments issued either legislatively +or administratively.[15] + +But what of the proposal for the appointment of an international +commission for the collection and compilation of statistics and +legislative materials, for the publication of these materials, and for +summoning Labour Protection Conferences, and the like? And what would +this proposal involve? + +None of the objections which can be urged against the enforcement of an +international code of Labour Protection would apply to this. The +commission would be well fitted to help forward the international +development, on _uniform lines_, of labour protective legislation, +without in any way fettering national independence. Its moral influence +would be of great international value. + +What it would involve is also easy to determine. Such a commission would +be an international administrative organ for the spread and development +of Labour Protection on uniform lines in all countries; a provision by +International Law for the enforcement of the international moral +obligations arising out of protective right. + +That is really what the Labour Protection Conferences would be if they +met periodically as suggested At the Berlin Conference this at least was +felt when it was said that the Conference was indeed less than a +treaty-making Congress, but more than a scientific Congress. +"International Conferences may be divided into two categories. In the +first the Plenipotentiaries of different States have to conclude +Treaties, either political or economic, the execution of which is +guaranteed by the principles of international law; to the second +category belong those Conferences whose members have no actual powers, +and give their attention to the scientific study of the questions +submitted to them, rather than to their practical and immediate +solution. Our Conference, from the nature of its programme, and the +attitude of some of the States good enough to take part in it, has a +character of its own, for it cannot pass Resolutions binding on the +Governments, nor may it restrict itself to studying the scientific sides +of the problems submitted to its examination. It could not aspire to the +first of these parts; it could not rest content with the second. The +considerations which have been admitted in the Commissions relative to +all the questions contained in the programme have been inspired by the +desire of showing the working population that their lot occupies a high +place in the attention of the different Governments; but these +considerations have had necessarily to bend to others which we cannot +put aside. In the first place, there was the wish to unite all the +States represented at the Conference in the same sentiment of devotion +to the most numerous and the most interesting portion of society. It +would have been grievous not to arrive at the promulgation of general +principles, by means of which the solution of the most important half of +the social problem should be attempted. It was evidently not possible to +arrive at once at an agreement on all its details. But it was necessary +to show the world that all the States taking part in the Conference +were met in the same motives of humanity." + +The proposal of a commission for summoning repeated conferences, +international, uniform gatherings of representatives of all +non-governmental agencies of Labour Protection, for the purpose of +dealing uniformly with the requirements of a progressive policy in +national labour-protective legislation, was a summing up of the demands +urged by the Conference for a strong, international, administrative +organisation for the furtherance of Labour Protection by the +international exchange of moral persuasion, but without the enforcement +of a code of international application. + +From a scientific point of view it is of the highest interest to observe +how international right, and even to some extent an international +administrative right, is here breaking out in an entirely new direction. +Treaties between two or more, or all, civilized States have hitherto +mainly been treaties for combined action in certain eventualities +(treaties of alliance), or territorial treaties for defining spheres of +influence. Or else they have been treaties for the reciprocal treatment +of persons or of goods passing between or remaining in the territories +of the respective contracting States: migration treaties, commercial +treaties, treaties concerning pauper aliens, tariff treaties and other +treaties. Or they have been treaties for the prevention of the spread of +infectious diseases. The exercise of international activity in the +creation, development, and regulation of an international uniform Social +Policy would be quite a new departure. Probably the idea of Switzerland +has not been thrown out altogether in vain. + +FOOTNOTE: + +[15] Proposals VI., I_a-d_, and II. I_c_ is as follows: "All the +respective States, following certain rules, for which an understanding +will have to be arrived at, will proceed periodically to publish +statistical reports with respect to the questions included in the +proposals of the Conference." + + + + +CHAPTER XIV. + +THE AIM AND JUSTIFICATION OF LABOUR PROTECTION. + + +The aim and justification of Labour Protection have I think become +sufficiently clear in the course of our inquiry. It is now only +necessary to recapitulate. + +Labour Protection, especially protection by limitation of employment, +and protection in occupation, is first and foremost the social care of +the present and of all future generations, security against neglect of +their spiritual, physical, and family life through the unscrupulous +exploitation of wage-labour. Hence Labour Protection is indirectly +protection also of the capitalist classes of the future, and therefore +far from being unjust, it even acts in the highest interests of that +part of the nation which by virtue of the fact of property or ownership +is not in need of any special Labour Protection. + +In fulfilling its purpose, Labour Protection even goes beyond the work +of upholding and strengthening national labour, when it takes the form +of internationally uniform Labour Protection such as was lately +projected at the Berlin Conference, and such as is becoming more and +more the goal of our efforts. + +This international Labour Protection is a universal demand of humanity, +morality and religion, especially from the standpoint of the Church, +like that of international protection of all nations against slavery, +but it is also no doubt demanded in the interests of international +equilibrium of competition. + +The aim of Labour Protection for the worker individually lies far beyond +mere industrial protection. Protection of labour extends to the person +of individual labourers and their freedom as regards religious +education, instruction, learning, and teaching, social intercourse, +morality and health, and especially does it afford to every man security +of family life. + +In this social and individual aim lies its justification, subject to +certain conditions. These conditions we have already examined. + +The first condition is, that special protection shall only be used to +guard against distinct dangers arising out of employment in service. +Next, Labour Protection is only justified in dealing with such dangers +as cannot or can no longer be adequately guarded against by any or all +of the old forms of protection, viz., self-help, family protection, +private agencies and non-governmental corporate agencies, or the +protection of the regular administrative and judicial authorities, and +even with such dangers only so far as is absolutely necessary. And +lastly, the extraordinary State protection contained in the several +labour-protective enactments must be adapted to the suppression of such +dangers altogether. + +Bearing in mind these conditions, it will be found on examination of the +several measures of Labour Protection, as they appear in the resolutions +of the Berlin Conference and in the _von Berlepsch_ Bill, that not one +of them oversteps these limits. The labour protective code as already +existing, and as projected by government, nowhere stretches its +authority beyond the specified point, either in its scope, extension or +organisation; at present it rather errs on the side of caution, and in +many respects it does not go nearly so far as it might. This also I +claim to have shown in the foregoing pages. This fact alone fully +justifies the policy of Labour Protection as at present projected by the +German government. + +It is in nowise intended (as shown in Chaps. IV. to X.) by this +protective policy to supplant and replace free self-protection and +mutual protection, or the ordinary State protection of common law. + +No addition to Labour Protection will be permitted except where special +need exists. + +In no case shall a larger measure of protection be afforded than +necessary. There is no question of treating all and everywhere alike the +various classes of industrial wage-labour needing protection. But rather +that complete elasticity of treatment is accorded, which is required in +view of the variety of needs for protection and of the different degrees +of difficulty of applying it; it is this variety which necessitates +extraordinary State intervention, extraordinary alike in scope, basis +and organisation. + +Labour Protection has not, it is true, by any means reached its full +development either in aim and scope or in organisation. None of those +further demands, however, from various quarters, which I have treated in +this book as within the range of discussion overstep in any essential +degree the limits imposed on Labour Protection, regarded as special and +supplementary intervention of the State. + +Even the Auer Motion when carefully examined--if we set aside the +general eight hours day and certain special features of organisation, in +particular its claim to include in its scope the whole of industry--is +not really as extravagant as it appears at first sight; for although +indeed it demands complete Labour Protection for all kinds of industrial +work, it requires only the application of the same special measures as +are also demanded in other quarters, and as I have shown to be +justified, except in a few special cases where it calls for more drastic +measures. + +We have seen also that the policy of Labour Protection does not involve +a kind of State intervention hitherto unknown. The State has long +afforded regular administrative and judicial protection to the work of +industrial wage-service, and has even interfered in a special manner in +the case of children, young men, young women and adult women; and for +still longer in the case of adult men, by affording protection in the +way of limitation of employment, truck protection and protection in +occupation, and by affording protection of contract through the +Industrial Regulations, applied to non-factory as well as to factory +labour. The application of protection by limitation of employment is +thus far from being the first exercise of State interference with the +hitherto unrestricted freedom of contract. Nothing will be found in the +developments of protection here dealt with, that has not long ago been +demanded and granted elsewhere, chiefly in England, Austria and +Switzerland. + +The economic burden imposed upon the nation by Labour Protection, when +compared with that of Labour Insurance, which we have already, will be +found to be comparatively small. Those measures which call for the +greater sacrifices--protection of married women, and regulation of the +factory ten hours working-day--are recommended on all sides by way of +international uniform regulations. + +Freedom of contract will not be impaired, since such adults as are +included under Labour Protection stand in special need of protection, +and are as incapable of self-defence as minors in common law; we have +discussed and proved this contention point by point. This will certainly +soon be recognised generally, even by England and Belgium, whose +representatives at the Berlin Conference laid such stress on freedom of +contract for adults. + +An international and internationally administered code for the whole of +Labour Protection is strictly to be avoided. + +The wider measures of Labour Protection demanded by the Berlin +Conference, and the _von Berlepsch_ Bill,[16] I conclude therefore to be +nothing more than a fully justifiable and harmless corollary and +supplement to the Social Policy of the Emperor William II. and of Prince +Bismark. + +By following in the paths already trodden without ill results by +separate countries, long ago by some, only lately by others, in paths +therefore which have to a certain degree been explored, this policy will +need to be subjected to fewer alterations than that great and noble +policy of Labour Insurance which has struck out in entirely new paths, +and too often worked in consequence by somewhat unpractical methods. + +FOOTNOTE: + +[16] See Appendix. + + + + +APPENDIX. + + +INDUSTRIAL CODE AMENDMENT BILL (GERMANY). + +[_June 1st, 1891_]. + + + We, William, by the grace of God Emperor of Germany, etc., decree + in the name of the Empire, by and with the consent of the Federal + Council and Reichstag, as follows:-- + + +_Article I._ + +After Sec. 41 of the Industrial Code shall be inserted: + + +Sec. 41_a_. + +Where, in accordance with the provisions of Sec.Sec. 105_b_ to 105_h_, +employment of assistants, apprentices and workmen is prohibited in any +trading industry on Sundays and holidays, no industrial business shall +be carried on on those days in public sale-rooms. + +This provision shall not preclude further restrictions by common law of +industrial business on Sundays and holidays. + + +_Article II._ + +After Sec. 55 of the Industrial Code shall be inserted. + + +Sec. 55_a_. + +On Sundays and holidays (Sec. 105_a_, 2) all itinerant industrial business, +so far as it is included in Sec. 55 (1) 1-3, shall be prohibited, as well +as the industrial business of the persons specified in Sec. 42_b_. + +Exceptions may be allowed by the lower administrative authorities. The +Federal Council is empowered to issue directions as to the terms and +conditions on which exceptions may be allowed. + + +_Article III._ + +Chapter VII. of the Industrial Code shall be amended as follows:-- + + +CHAPTER VII. + + + Industrial workers (journeymen, assistants, apprentices, managers, + foremen, mechanics, factory workers). + + +I. GENERAL RELATIONS. + + +Sec. 105. + +The settlement of relations between independent industrial employers and +workers shall be left to voluntary agreement, subject to the +restrictions laid down by imperial legislation. + + +Sec. 105_a_. + +Employers cannot oblige their work people to work on Sundays or +holidays. + +This, however, does not apply to certain kinds of work mentioned further +on. Holidays are determined by the State Governments in accordance with +local customs and religious belief. + + +Sec. 105_b_. + +There shall be no work on Sundays and holidays in mines, salines, +smelting works, quarries, foundries, factories, workshops, carpenters' +yards, masons' and shipbuilders' yards, brick-fields, and buildings of +any kind. + +For every Sunday and holiday the workpeople of such establishments must +be allowed a rest of at least 24 hours, for two consecutive holdings of +36 hours; and for Christmas, Easter and Whitsuntide of 48 hours. The +period of rest must be counted from midnight, and in the case of two +consecutive holidays must last till 6 p.m. of the second day. In +establishments where regular day and night gangs are employed, the +period of rest may commence at any time between 6 p.m. of the preceding +week-day and 6 a.m. of the Sunday or holiday, provided that the work is +completely suspended for 24 hours from such commencement. + +The assistants, apprentices and workpeople in small trades and +handicrafts must not be employed on Christmas Day, Easter Sunday and +Whit Sunday; on other Sundays and holidays they must not be employed for +more than five hours. + +By statutory regulation of the parish or municipal authorities, such +Sunday work can be further restricted or entirely prohibited for +particular branches of trade. For the last four weeks before Christmas, +and for particular Sundays and holidays, which, owing to local +conditions call for greater activity in trades, the police authorities +may order an extension of the hours of work up to ten. The hours of work +must be so fixed as to admit of attendance at Divine worship. The hours +may be variously fixed for the different branches of trading industry. + + +Sec. 105_c_. + +The provisions of 105_b_ do not apply: + + + 1. To work which must be carried on without delay in cases of + necessity and in the public interest; + + 2. To the work of keeping the legally prescribed register of Sunday + labour; + + 3. To the work of watching, cleaning and repairing the workshops, + required for the regular continuance of the main business or of + some other business, nor to any work on which depends the + resumption of the full daily working of the business, wherever such + work cannot be carried on during working days; + + 4. To such work as may be necessary in order to protect from damage + raw materials or the produce of work, wherever such cannot be + carried on during working days; + + 5. To the supervision of such work as is carried on on Sundays and + holidays, in accordance with the provisions of clauses 1 to 4. + + +Employers must keep an accurate register of the workmen so employed on +each Sunday and holiday, stating their number, and the hours and nature +of the work. The register must be produced for examination at any time +at the request of the local police authorities or of the official +specified in Sec. 139_b_. + +If the Sunday employment exceeds three hours, or prevents the workpeople +from attending Divine worship, a rest of 36 hours must be given to such +workpeople every third Sunday, or they must be free every second Sunday +from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. + +Exceptions to the above may be allowed by the lower administrative +authorities, provided that the workpeople are not prevented from +attending Divine worship on Sundays, and that a rest of 24 hours is +granted to then on a week-day in lieu of Sunday. + + +Sec. 105_d_. + +The Federal Council may make further exceptions to the provisions of Sec. +105_b_, 1 in certain defined industries, especially in the case of +operations which do not admit of delay or interruption, or which are +limited by natural causes to certain times and seasons, or the nature of +which necessitates increased activity at certain times of the year. The +regulation of the work permitted in such business on Sundays and +holidays, and the regulation of the conditions on which such work shall +be permitted, shall be uniform for all business of the same kind, and +shall be in accordance with the provision of Sec. 105_c_, 3. + +The regulations laid down by the Federal Council shall be published in +the _Imperial Law Gazette_, and shall be laid before the Reichstag at +the next session. + + +Sec. 105_e_. + +Exceptions to the restrictions of work on Sundays and holidays may also +be made by the higher administrative authorities in trades which supply +the daily necessaries of life to the public, and in those that require +increased activity on those days; also in establishments the working of +which depends upon the wind or upon the irregular action of water power. +The regulation of these exceptions shall be subject to the provision of +Sec. 105_c_, 3. + +The procedure on application for permission of exceptions in the case of +establishments employing machinery worked wholly or mainly by wind or by +the irregular action of water power, shall be subject to the enactments +of Sec.Sec. 20 and 21. + + +Sec. 105_f_. + +In order to prevent a disproportionate loss or to meet an unforeseen +necessity, the lower administrative authorities may also allow +exceptions for a specified time to the provision of Sec. 105_b_, 1. + +The orders of the lower administrative authorities shall be issued in +writing, and must be produced by the employer for examination in the +office of the business at the request of the official appointed for the +revision. A copy of the orders shall be hung up inside the place of +business in some spot easily accessible to the workers. + +The lower administrative authorities shall draw up a register of the +exceptions granted by them, in which shall be entered the name of the +firm, the kind of work permitted, the number of workers employed in the +business, and the number required for such Sunday or holiday labour, +also the duration of such employment and the grounds on which it is +permitted. + + +Sec. 105_g_. + +The prohibition of Sunday work may be extended by Imperial Ordinance, +with consent of the Federal Council, to other trades besides those +mentioned in the Act. These ordinances shall be laid before the +Reichstag at the next session. The provisions of Sec.Sec. 105_c_ to 105_f_ +shall apply to the exceptions to be permitted to such prohibition. + + +Sec. 105_h_. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 135_a_ to 105_g_ do not preclude further +restrictions by common law of work on Sundays and holidays. + +The Central Provincial Court shall be empowered to permit departures +from the provisions of Sec. 105_b_, 1, for special holidays which do not +fall upon a Sunday. The provision does not apply to Christmas, Easter, +Ascension Day or Whitsuntide. + + +Sec. 105_i_. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 105_a_, 1, 105_b_ to 105_g_ do not apply to public +houses and beerhouses, concerts, spectacles, theatrical +representations, or any kind of entertainment, nor to carrying +industries. + +Industrial employers may only exact from their workpeople on Sundays and +holidays such work as admits of no delay or interruption. + + +Sec. 106. + +Industrial employers who have been deprived of civil rights shall not, +so long as they remain deprived of these rights, undertake the +instruction of workers below 18 years of age. + +The police authorities may enforce the dismissal of workers employed in +contravention of the foregoing prohibitions. + + +Sec. 107. + +Unless special exceptions are made by Imperial Ordinance, persons under +age shall only be employed as workers on condition that they are +furnished with a work register. At the time of engaging such workers, +the employer shall call for the work register. He shall be bound to keep +the same, produce it upon official demand, and return it at the legal +expiration of service relations. It shall be returned to the father or +guardian if demanded by them, or if the worker has not yet completed his +sixteenth year, in other cases it shall be returned to the worker +himself. + +With consent of the local authorities of the district specified in Sec. +108, the work register may also be handed over to the mother or other +relation, or directly to the worker himself. + +The forgoing provisions do not apply to children who are under +compulsion to attend the national schools. + + +Sec. 108. + +The work register shall be supplied to the worker by the police +authorities of that district in which he has last made a protracted +stay; but if this was not within the limits of the German Empire, then +it shall be free of costs and stamp duty in any German district chosen +by him. It shall be supplied at the request or with the consent of the +father or guardian; and if the opinion of the father cannot be obtained, +or if the father refuses consent on insufficient grounds, and to the +disadvantage of the worker, the local authorities shall themselves grant +consent. + +Before the register is supplied it must be certified that the worker is +no longer under compulsion to attend school, and an affadavit must be +made that no work register has previously been supplied to him. + + +Sec. 109. + +If the work register is completely filled up, or can no longer be used, +or if it has been lost or destroyed, another work register shall be +supplied in its place by the local authorities of the district in which +the holder of the register has last made a protracted stay. The register +which has been filled up, or which can no longer be used, shall be +closed by an official mark. If the new register is issued in the place +of one which can no longer be used, or which has been lost or destroyed, +the same shall be notified therein. In such case a fee of fifty pfennig +may be charged. + + +Sec. 110. + +The work register (Sec. 108) must contain the name of the worker, the +place, year and day of his birth, the name and last residence of his +father or guardian, and the signature of the worker. The register shall +be supplied under seal and signature of the magistrate. The latter shall +draw up a schedule of the work registers supplied by him. + +The kind of work registers to be used shall be determined by the +Imperial Chancellor. + + +Sec. 111. + +On admission of the worker into service relation, the employer shall +enter, in the place provided for that purpose in the register, the date +of admission, and the nature of the employment, and at the end of the +term of service, the date of leaving, and if any change has been made in +the employment, the nature of the last employment. + +The entries shall be made in ink, and shall be signed by the employer or +by the business manager authorised thereto by him. + +The entries shall contain no mark intended to attribute a favourable or +unfavourable character to the holder of the register. + +The entry of a judgment upon the conduct or manner of work of the +worker, and other entries or marks in or on the register for which no +provision is made in this Act, shall not be permitted. + + +Sec. 112. + +If the work register has been rendered unfit for use by the employer, or +has been lost or destroyed by him, or if signs, entries, and marks have +been made in or on the register, or if the employer refuses without +legal grounds to deliver up the register, the issue of a new register +may be demanded at the cost of the employer. + +Any employer who in defiance of his legal obligation has not delivered +up the register in due time, or who has neglected to make the requisite +entries, or who has made illegal signs, entries or marks, may be forced +to compensate the worker. The claim for compensation expires if no +complaint nor remonstrance is made within four weeks. + + +Sec. 113. + +On quitting service workers may demand a testimonial setting forth the +nature and duration of their employment. + +This testimonial may, at request of the workers, bear evidence as to +their conduct and manner of working. + +Employers are forbidden to add irrelevant remarks concerning the workmen +other than those required for the purpose of the testimonial. + +If the worker is under age, the testimonial may be demanded by the +parent or guardian. They may demand that the testimonial shall be handed +to them and not to the worker. With consent of the local authorities of +the district, specified in Sec. 108, the testimonial may be handed directly +to the worker himself, even against the will of the father or guardian. + + +Sec. 114. + +At the request of the worker the local police magistrate shall confirm +the entries in the register and in the testimonial handed to the worker, +free of costs and stamp duty. + + +Sec. 115. + +Industrial employers shall be bound to reckon and pay the wages of the +worker in coin of the realm. + +They shall not credit the workers with goods. But they may be permitted +to supply the workers under their care with provisions at cost price, +with dwellings and land at the customary local rate of rent and hire, +with firing, lighting, board, medicines and medical assistance, also +with tools and materials for work, at the average cost price, and to +charge such to their account in payment of wage. + +Materials and tools may be supplied for contract work at a higher price, +provided the agreement be made beforehand, and the price do not exceed +the customary local prices. + + +Sec. 115_a_. + +Wage payment and payments on account shall not be made in public-houses +or beer-houses or sale-rooms, without the consent of the lower +administrative authorities; they shall not be made to a third party on +pretext of legal claims thereto, or on production of documents showing +legal claims, such being legally void under Sec. 2 of the Appropriation of +Work Wage or Service Wage Act of June 21st, 1869 (_Federal Law Gazette_, +p. 242). + + +Sec. 116. + +Workers whose claims have been dealt with in a manner contrary to Sec. 115 +may at any time demand payment in accordance with Sec. 115, and no +objection shall be urged against such claim on the ground that they have +already received something in lieu of payment. The first payment, if it +still remains in the hands of the recipient, or if he is still deriving +advantage therefrom, shall be handed over to the workers' provident +fund, or, in default of such, to such other fund existing in the +locality for the benefit of the workers, as shall be determined by the +local authorities, or, in default of such, to the local poor fund. + + +Sec. 117. + +Agreements made in contravention of Sec. 115 shall be void. + +The same shall apply also to agreements between industrial employers and +their workpeople as to the supply of goods to the latter from certain +shops, and to agreements as to the appropriation of the earnings of the +latter to any other purpose than to contributing to schemes for the +improvement of the condition of the workers or their families. + + +Sec. 118. + +Claims for goods supplied on credit in contravention of Sec. 115, can +neither be sued for by the creditor, nor charged to account, nor +otherwise made good, whether the transaction was made directly between +the parties, or indirectly. Such claims shall be appropriated to the +funds specified in Sec. 116. + + +Sec. 119. + +The expression "industrial employers," as used in Sec.Sec. 115 to 118, +includes members of their families, their assistants, agents, managers, +overseers and foremen, and other directors of industry in whose business +any one of the persons here mentioned directly or indirectly takes part. + + +Sec. 119_a_. + +Retentions of wage reserved by the employer of industry as security for +compensation for loss arising from illegal dissolution of service +relations, or as a stipulated fine imposed in such a case, shall not +exceed a quarter of the usual wage in single wage payments, and the nett +amount shall not exceed the amount of the average weekly wage. + +By statutory provision of a parish or any larger corporate union it may +be determined for all industrial trades, or for certain kinds of the +same: + + + 1. That wage payments and payments on account shall be made at + certain fixed intervals, which shall not be longer than one month, + and not shorter than one week; + + 2. That the wage earned by workers under age shall be paid to the + parents or guardians, and only with their written consent or + voucher for the receipt of the last wage payment directly to the + young workers themselves; + + 3. That industrial employers shall give information within certain + fixed periods, to the parents or guardians as to the amount of wage + paid to workers under age. + + +Sec. 119_b_. + +The workers specified in Sec.Sec. 115 to 119_a_ include also such persons as +are employed by certain specified industrial employers, outside the work +places of the latter, in the preparation of industrial products, even if +the raw materials and accessories are furnished by the workers +themselves. + + +Sec. 120. + +Employers of industry shall be bound in the case of workers under +eighteen years of age who attend a place of instruction recognised by +the local authorities or by the State, to grant them for such purpose +the requisite time, to be fixed by the appointed authority. Instruction +shall only take place on Sundays, provided that the hours of instruction +are so fixed that the scholars may not be prevented from attending +Divine Service or any special services appointed by the spiritual +authorities of their respective denominations. Exceptions to this +provision may be granted by the Central Court until October 1, 1894, in +the case of existing educational schools, attendance at which is not +compulsory. + +Educational schools, as understood by this provision, include +establishments in which instruction is given in female handiwork and +domestic work. + +By statutory provision of a parish or any larger corporate union (Sec. 142) +obligation may be imposed on male workers under eighteen years of age to +attend an educational school, where such obligation is not imposed by +common law. In the same way necessary provisions may be made for the +enforcement of such obligation. In particular, statutory provisions may +be made to ensure the regular attendance at school of such children as +are under the age of compulsion, and to determine the obligations of the +parents, guardians and employers in this respect, and directions shall +be issued for the insurance of order in the school and of the proper +behaviour of the scholars. Such persons as attend a guild school or +other educational or technical school, shall be released from obligation +imposed by statutory provisions to attend an educational school, where +such guild or other educational or technical schools are recognised by +the higher administrative authorities as fitting substitutes for the +instruction of the general educational schools. + + +Sec. 120_a_. + +Employers of industry shall be bound so to arrange and maintain their +workrooms, business plant, machines and tools, and so to regulate their +business, that the workers may be protected against dangers to life and +health, so far as the nature of the business may allow. + +In particular, attention shall be paid to the supply of sufficient +light, a sufficient cubic space of air and ventilation, to the removal +of all dust and dirt arising from the work, and of all smoke and gases +developed thereby, as well as to any risks inherent in it. + +Also such arrangements shall be made as are necessary to protect the +workers against dangerous contact with the machines or parts of the +machinery, or against other dangers proceeding from the nature of the +place of business or of the business itself, especially against danger +arising from fire in the factory. + +Lastly, such orders shall be issued for the regulation of business and +the conduct of the workers, as may be necessary to ensure freedom from +danger in work. + + +Sec. 120_b_. + +Employers of industry shall be bound to make such arrangements and to +issue such orders for the conduct of the workers as may be necessary to +ensure the maintenance of decency and good morals. + +In particular, separation of the sexes in their work shall be enforced +so far as the nature of the business may permit, where the maintenance +of good morals and decency cannot be otherwise ensured in the +arrangement of the business. + +In establishments where the nature of the business renders it necessary +for the workers to change their clothes and wash themselves after their +work, sufficient separate rooms for dressing and washing shall be +provided for each sex. + +Sufficient lavatories shall be provided for the number of the workers, +and they shall be so arranged as to meet all requirements of health, and +to allow of their being used without offence to decency and morality. + + +Sec. 120_c_. + +Employers of industry employing workers under eighteen years of age +shall be bound in the arrangement of their places of business, and in +the regulation of their business, to take such precautions for the +security of health and morals as may be required by the age of the +workers. + + +Sec. 120_d_. + +The appointed police authorities shall be empowered to issue orders for +separate establishments for the carrying out of such measures as may +seem necessary for the maintenance of the principles laid down in Sec.Sec. +120_a_ to 120_c_, and such as may seem practicable according to the +nature of the establishment. They may order that suitable rooms, heated +during the cold season, be placed free of charge at the disposal of the +workers, in which the meal times may be spent outside the workrooms. + +A sufficient delay must be granted for the carrying out of the measures +ordered, unless they be directed to the removal of some pressing danger, +threatening life or health. + +In the case of establishments already existing at the time of the +proclamation of this Act (not including extensions and outbuildings +since added), only such requirements shall be demanded as may seem +necessary for the removal of grave evils endangering the life, health or +morals of the workers, and only such as may seem practicable without +disproportionate expense. + +The employer shall have right of appeal within two weeks to the higher +administrative authorities against the order of the police magistrate; +and within four weeks to the Central Court against the decision of the +higher administrative authorities. The decision of the Central Court +shall be final. If the order is contrary to the directions issued by the +authorised trade guild for precautions against accidents, the president +of the trade guild shall be empowered to use the afore-named remedies +within the period granted to the employer. + + +Sec. 120_e_. + +By decision of the Federal Council, directions may be issued, showing +what requirements shall be sufficient in certain kinds of establishments +for the maintenance of the principles laid down in Sec.Sec. 120_a_ to 120_c_. + +Where such directions are not issued by decision of the Federal Council, +they may be issued by order of the Central Provincial Court or by police +regulations of such courts as are empowered to issue the same. Before +the issue of such orders and police regulations, opportunity shall be +given to the presidents of trade guilds or of sections of trade guilds, +to express their opinion thereon. The provisions of Sec. 79, I. of the +Insurance against Accidents Act of July 6, 1884, do not apply to this. + +In the case of those industries in which the health of the workers would +be endangered by the excessive duration of daily work, orders may be +issued by decision of the Federal Council as to the duration, beginning +and ending of the time permitted for daily work, and as to the intervals +to be granted; and the necessary orders may be issued for the +enforcement of these directions. + +Directions issued by decision of the Federal Council shall be published +in the _Imperial Law Gazette_, and shall be laid before the Reichstag +for discussion at the next session. + + +II. RELATIONS OF JOURNEYMEN AND ASSISTANTS. + + +Sec. 121. + +Journeymen and assistants shall be bound to obey the orders of the +employer with respect to the work entrusted to them, and to comply with +domestic arrangements; they shall not be obliged to perform domestic +work. + + +Sec. 122. + +Working relations between journeymen or assistants and their employers +may be dissolved by notice given fourteen days previously by either +party, unless agreement to the contrary has been made. If other periods +of notice have been agreed on, they must be equal for both parties. +Agreements made in contravention of this provision shall be void. + + +Sec. 123. + +Journeymen and assistants may be dismissed before the expiration of the +contract time, and without notice: + + + 1. If, in concluding the contract of work they have deceived the + employer by producing a false or falsified work register or + testimonial, or if they have deceived him as to the existence of + some other working relation in which they already stand; + + 2. If they are guilty of theft, appropriation, embezzlement, deceit + or immoral living; + + 3. If they have quitted work without permission, or have otherwise + persistently refused to fulfil the obligations imposed upon them by + the contract; + + 4. If, in spite of warnings, they carelessly carry about fire and + light; + + 5. If they are guilty of violence or abuse towards the employer or + his representatives or towards the relatives of the employer or of + his representatives; + + 6. If they are guilty of wilful and illegal damage to the injury of + the employer or of a fellow-worker; + + 7. If they lead or seek to lead relatives of the employer or of his + representatives or of their fellow-workers into illegal or immoral + courses, or if they unite with relatives of the employer or of his + representatives in committing illegal or immoral acts; + + 8. If they are incapable of continuing work or are afflicted with + serious illness. + + +In the cases mentioned under Nos. 1 to 7, dismissal shall no longer be +permissible if the grounds thereof have been known to the employer for +longer than one week. + +In the case mentioned under No. 8, it shall be determined in accordance +with the contract and with general legal enactments, how far claims for +compensation may be preferred by the party dismissed. + + +Sec. 124. + +Journeymen and assistants may quit work without notice before the +expiration of the contract time: + + + 1. If they become incapable of continuing work; + + 2. If the employer or his representatives are guilty of violence + or abuse towards the workers or their relatives; + + 3. If the employer or his representatives or their relatives lead + or seek to lead the workers or their relatives into illegal or + immoral courses, or if they unite with relatives of the workers in + committing illegal or immoral acts; + + 4. If the employer does not pay the wage due to the workers in the + manner prescribed, if, under the piece-work system, he does not + provide them with sufficient employment, or if he is guilty of + illegally over-reaching them; + + 5. If, by continuing the work, the life or health of the workers + would be exposed to a demonstrable risk which was not apparent at + the time of entering into the contract. + + +In the cases mentioned under No. 2, quitting service without notice is +no longer permissible if the grounds thereof have been known to the +workers for longer than one week. + + +Sec. 124_a_. + +Besides the cases specified in Sec.Sec. 123 and 124, each party may, in cases +where urgent reasons exist, demand to be released from working relations +before the expiration of the contract time and without observing the due +period of notice, if the contract is for longer than four weeks, or if a +longer period of notice than fourteen days has been agreed upon. + + +Sec. 124_b_. + +If a journeyman or assistant has quitted work illegally, the employer +may claim compensation for the day of the breach of contract and for +each following day of the contract time or legal working time, during +one week at most, to the amount of the local customary daily wage (Sec. 8 +of the Insurance against Sickness Act of June 15, 1883; _Imperial Law +Gazette_, p. 73). This claim need not rest upon proof of loss. When thus +made good, claim for fulfilment of contract and further compensation for +loss is precluded. The journeyman or assistant shall enjoy the same +right against the employer, if he has been dismissed before the legal +ending of the working relations. + + +Sec. 125. + +Any employer inducing a journeyman or assistant to quit work before the +legal ending of working relations, shall himself be liable to the former +employer for loss arising, or for the legal compensation claim under Sec. +124_b_. In the same manner an employer shall be answerable if he takes +into his employ a journeyman or assistant who to his knowledge is still +contracted to any employer. + +Any employer shall also be liable under the foregoing sub-section if he +employs a journeyman or assistant, who to his knowledge is still +contracted to another employer, throughout the duration of such term; +the claim expires after fourteen days from the date of the illegal +dissolution of working relations. + +The persons specified in Sec. 119_b_ shall be accounted as journeymen and +assistants as understood by the foregoing provisions. + + +III. APPRENTICE RELATIONS. + + +Sec. 126. + +The master shall be bound to instruct the apprentice in all branches of +the work of the trade forming part of his business, in due succession +and to the extent necessary for the complete mastery of the trade or +handicraft. He must conduct the instruction of the apprentice himself or +through a fit representative expressly appointed thereto. He shall not +deprive the apprentice of the necessary time and opportunity on Sundays +and holidays for his education and for attendance at Divine Service, by +employing him in other kinds of service. He shall train his apprentice +in habits of diligence and in good morals, and shall keep him from evil +courses. + + +Sec. 127. + +The apprentice shall be placed under the parental discipline of the +master. He shall be bound to render obedience to the one who conducts +his instruction in the place of the master. + + +Sec. 128. + +Apprentice relations may be dissolved by the withdrawal of one party +during the first four weeks after the beginning of the apprenticeship, +unless a longer time has been agreed upon. + +Any agreement to fix this time of probation at longer than three months +shall be void. + +After the expiration of the time of probation the apprentice may be +dismissed before the ending of the apprenticeship agreed upon, if any +one of the cases provided for in Sec. 123 applies to him. + +On the part of the apprentice, relations may be dissolved at the +expiration of the time of probation: + + + 1. If any one of the cases provided for in Sec. 124 under nos. 1, 3 to + 5 occurs; + + 2. If the master neglects his legal obligations towards the + apprentice in a manner endangering the health, morals or education + of the apprentice, or if he abuses his right of parental + discipline, or becomes incapable of fulfilling the obligations + imposed upon him by the contract. + + +The contract of apprenticeship shall be dissolved by the death of the +apprentice. The contract of apprenticeship shall be dissolved by the +death of the master if the claim is made within four weeks. + +Written contracts of apprenticeship shall be free of stamp duty. + + +Sec. 129. + +At the termination of apprentice relations, the master shall deliver to +the apprentice a testimonial stating the trade in which the apprentice +has been instructed, the duration of the apprenticeship, the knowledge +and skill acquired during that time, and also the conduct of the +apprentice. This testimonial shall be certified by the borough +magistrate free of costs and stamp duty. + +In cases where there are guilds or other industrial representative +bodies, letters or certificates from these may supply the place of such +testimonials. + + +Sec. 130. + +If the apprentice quits his instruction under circumstances not provided +for in this Act, without consent of his master, the latter can only make +good his claim for the return of the apprentice, if the contract of +apprenticeship has been drawn up in writing. In such case the police +magistrate may, on application of the master, oblige the apprentice to +remain under instruction so long as apprentice relations are declared by +judicial ruling to be still undissolved. + +Application is only admissible if made within one week after the +departure of the apprentice. In case of refusal, the police magistrate +may cause the apprentice to be taken back by force, or he may compel him +to return under pain of a fine, to the amount of fifty marks, or +detention for five days. + + +Sec. 131. + +If the parent or guardian acting for the apprentice, or if the +apprentice himself, being of age, shall deliver a written declaration +to the master, that the apprentice wishes to enter into some other +industry or some other calling, apprentice relations shall cease after +the expiration of four weeks, if the apprentice is not allowed to leave +earlier. The grounds of the dissolution must be notified in the work +register by the master. + +The apprentice shall not be employed in the same trade by another +employer, without consent of the former master, within nine months after +such dissolution of apprentice relations. + + +Sec. 132. + +If apprentice relations are severed by either party, before the +appointed time, the other party can claim compensation only if the +contract has been made in writing. In the cases referred to in Sec. 128, 1, +4, the claim will only hold if the kind and degree of compensation has +been specified beforehand, in the contract. + +The claim is void unless made within four weeks of the dissolution of +apprentice relations. + + +Sec. 133. + +If apprentice relations are dissolved by the master, because the +apprentice has quitted his work without permission, the compensation +claimed by the master shall, unless some other agreement have been made +in the contract, be fixed at a sum amounting for every day succeeding +the day of breach of contract, up to a limit of six months, to the half +of the customary local wage paid to journeymen and assistants in the +trade of the master. + +The father of the apprentice shall be liable for the payment of +compensation, also any employer who has induced the apprentice to quit +his apprenticeship, or who has received him into his employ, although +knowing him to be still under obligation to continue in apprentice +relations to another employer. If the one who is entitled to +compensation has not received information till after the dissolution of +apprentice relations, as to the employer who has induced the apprentice +to quit his work, or who has taken him into his employ, claim for +compensation against the latter shall expire if not preferred within +four weeks after such information has been received. + + +IIIA. RELATIONS OF BUSINESS MANAGERS, FOREMEN, SKILLED TECHNICAL +WORKERS. + + +Sec. 133_a_. + +The service relations of such persons, as are employed by directors of +industry for certain defined purposes, and are charged, not merely +temporarily, with the conduct and supervision of the business, or of a +department of the business (business managers, foremen, etc.), or are +entrusted with the higher kinds of technical service work (experts in +machinery, mechanical engineers, chemists, draughtsmen, and the like), +may, if not otherwise agreed, be broken off by either party at the +expiration of any quarter of the calendar year, after notice has been +given six weeks previously. + + +Sec. 133_b_. + +Either party may, before the expiration of the contract time, demand +dissolution of service relations without observing the due period of +notice, provided sufficiently important reasons exist to justify the +dissolution under the circumstances. + + +Sec. 133_c_. + +Dissolution of service relations may be demanded, in particular, of the +persons specified in Sec. 133_a_. + + + 1. If at the time of concluding the contract, they have deceived + the employer by presenting false or falsified testimonials, or if + they have deceived him as to the existence of another service + relation, to which they were simultaneously bound; + + 2. If they are unfaithful in service or if they abuse confidence; + + 3. If they quit service without permission, or persistently refuse + to fulfil the obligations imposed upon them by the service + contract; + + 4. If they are hindered in the performance of service by protracted + illness, or by long detention or absence; + + 5. If they are guilty of violence or insult towards the employer or + his representatives; + + 6. If they pursue an immoral course of life. + + +In the case of No. 4, the worker's claim for the fulfilment of contract, +by the employer, shall remain in force for six weeks, if the performance +of service has been hindered by some unavoidable misfortune; but in such +cases the claim shall be limited to the amount that is legally due to +the claimant as insurance against sickness or accident. + + +Sec. 133_d_. + +The persons specified in Sec. 133_a_ may demand dissolution of service +relations, in particular: + + + 1. If the employer or his representatives are guilty of violence or + insult towards them; + + 2. If the employer does not provide the work agreed upon in the + contract; + + 3. If, by the continuance of service relations, their life or + health would be exposed to demonstrable danger, which was not + apparent at the time of entering into service-relations. + + +Sec. 133_e_. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 124_b_ and 125 shall apply to the persons specified +in Sec. 133_a_, but not the provisions of Sec. 119_a_. + + +IV. RELATIONS OF FACTORY WORKERS. + + +Sec. 134. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 121 to 125 shall apply to factory workers; if the +factory workers are apprentices, the provisions of Sec.Sec. 126 to 133 shall +apply to them. + +Owners of factories in which, as a rule, at least twenty workers are +employed, shall be prohibited, in the case of illegal dissolution of +working relations by the worker, from exacting forfeiture or withholding +wage beyond the amount of the average weekly wage. The provisions of Sec. +124_b_ shall not apply to employers and workers in such factories. + + +Sec. 134_a_. + +In every factory in which, as a rule, at least twenty workers are +employed, _working rules_ shall be issued within four weeks after this +Act comes into force, or after the opening of the business. Special +working rules may be issued for separate departments of the business, or +separate groups of workers. The rules must be posted up (Sec. 134_e_ [2]). + +In the working rules must be set forth the time at which they are to +come into operation and the date of issue. They must bear the signature +of the person by whom they are issued. + +Alterations in the contents can only be made by the issue of +supplements, or by the issue of new working rules in the place of the +existing rules. + +Working rules, and supplement to the same, shall come into operation at +the earliest, two weeks after issue. + + +Sec. 134_b_. + +Working rules shall contain directions: + + + 1. As to the beginning and end of the time of daily work, also as + to the intervals provided for adult workers; + + 2. As to the time and manner of computing and paying wage; + + 3. Where legal provisions are insufficient, as to the period of + notice due, also as to the grounds on which dismissal from work and + quitting work is permissible without notice; + + 4. Where fines are enforced, as to the kind and amount thereof, the + method of determining them, and, if they consist in money, as to + the manner of collecting them, and the purpose to which they shall + be appropriated. + + 5. Where forfeiture of wage is exacted in accordance with the + provisions of Sec. 134 (2), by the working rules or by the working + contract, as to the appropriation of the proceeds. + + +Punishments destructive of self-respect, or dangerous to morals, shall +not be admitted in the working rules. Money fines shall not exceed the +half of the average daily wage, except in cases of violence towards +fellow-workers, grave offences against morality, and contempt of +directions issued for the maintenance of order in the business, for +security against dangers incidental to it, or for carrying out the +provisions of the Industrial Code, where money fines to the full amount +of the average daily wage may be imposed. All fines shall be devoted to +the benefit of the workers in the factory. The right of the employer to +claim compensation for damage is not affected by this provision. + +It shall be left to the owner of the factory to insert in the working +rules, together with the provisions of sub-section (1) from 1 to 5, +further provisions for the regulation of the business and the conduct of +the workers employed in it. With the consent of the standing committee +of workers, directions may be inserted in the working rules, as to the +conduct of the workers in the use of arrangements, provided for their +benefit in the factory, also directions as to the conduct of workers +under age, outside the factory. + + +Sec. 134_c_. + +The contents of the working rules shall be, unless contrary to law, +legally binding on employers and workers. + +No grounds shall be agreed upon in the contract of work, for dismissal +from work, other than those laid down in the working rules or in Sec.Sec. 123 +or 124. + +No fines shall be imposed on the workers other than those laid down in +the working rules. Fines must be fixed without delay, and information +thereof must be given to the worker. + +The money fines imposed shall be entered in a register which shall set +forth the name of the offender, the day of imposition, the grounds, and +the amount of the fine, and this register shall be produced for +inspection at any time, at the request of the officer specified in Sec. +139_b_. + + +Sec. 134_d_. + +Before the issue of working rules, or of supplements to the same, +opportunity shall be given to the workers of full age, employed in the +factory or in the departments of the business, to which the rules in +question apply, to express their opinion on the contents of the same. + +In factories in which there is a standing committee of workers the +requirements of this provision shall be satisfied by granting a hearing +to the committee, on the contents of the working rules. + + +Sec. 134_e_. + +The working rules and any supplement to the same shall, on communication +of opinions expressed by the workers, provided such expression be given +in writing or in the form of protocols, be laid before the lower court +of administration in duplicate, within three days after the issue, +accompanied by a declaration showing that, and in what manner the +requirements of the enactment of Sec. 134_d_ have been satisfied. + +The working rules shall be posted up in a specially appointed place, +accessible to all the workers to whom they apply. The placard must +always be kept in a legible condition. A copy of the working rules shall +be handed to every worker upon his entrance into employment. + + +Sec. 134_f_. + +Working rules or supplements to the same, which are not issued in +accordance with these enactments, or the contents of which are contrary +to legal provisions, shall be replaced by legal working rules, or shall +be altered in accordance with legal enactment, by order of the lower +court of administration. + +Appeal against this order may be lodged within two weeks, with the +higher court of administration. + + +Sec. 134_g_. + +Working rules issued before this Act comes into force, shall be subject +to the provisions of Sec.Sec. 134_a_ to 134_c_, 134_e_ (2), 134_f_, and shall +be laid before the lower court of administration in duplicate, within +four weeks. + +Sections 134_d_ and 134_e_ (1) shall not apply to later alterations of +such working rules, or to working rules issued for the first time, since +January 1st, 1891. + + +Sec. 134_h_. + +The expression "standing committees of workers," as understood by Sec.Sec. +134_b_ (3), and 134_d_, includes only: + + + 1. The managing committee of the sick-clubs of the business + (factory), or of other clubs existing in the factory, for the + benefit of the workers, the majority of the members of which are + elected by the workers out of their midst--where such exist as + standing committees of workers; + + 2. The eldest journeymen of such journeymen's unions as include the + business of any employers not subject to the provisions of the + Mining Acts--where such exist as standing committees of workers; + + 3. Standing committees of workers, formed before Jan. 1st, 1891, + the majority of the members of which are elected by the workers out + of their midst; + + 4. Representative bodies, the majority of the members of which are + elected out of their midst by direct ballot voting of the workers + of full age in the factory, or in the departments of the business + concerned. The choice of representatives may be made according to + classes of workers or special departments of the business. + + +Sec. 135. + +Children under 13 years of age cannot be employed in factories. Children +above 13 years of age can only be employed in factories if they are no +longer required to attend the elementary schools. + +The employment of children under 14 years of age must not exceed 6 hours +a day. + +Young persons between 14 and 16 years of age must not be employed in +factories for more than 10 hours a day. + + +Sec. 136. + +Young workers (Sec. 135) shall not begin work before 5.30 in the morning, +or end it later than 8.30 in the evening. + +On every working day regular intervals must be granted, between the +hours of work. For children who are only employed for six hours daily, +the interval must amount to half an hour at least. An interval of at +least half an hour at mid-day, and half an hour in the forenoon and +afternoon must be given to other young workers. + +During the intervals, employment of young workers in the business of the +factory shall be entirely prohibited, and their retention in the work +rooms shall only be permitted, if the part of the business in which the +young workers are employed is completely suspended in the work rooms +during the time of the interval, or if their stay in the open air is not +practicable, and if other special rooms cannot be procured without +disproportionate difficulties. + +Young workers shall not be employed on Sundays and festivals, nor during +the hours appointed for regular spiritual duties, instruction in the +catechism, preparation for confession and communion, by the authorized +priest or pastor of the community. + + +Sec. 137. + +Girls and women cannot be employed in factories during the night, +between the hours of 8.30 p.m. and 5.30 a.m., and must be free on +Saturdays and on the eves of festivals by 5.30 p.m. The employment of +women workers over 16 years of age must not exceed 11 hours a day, and +on Saturdays and the eve of festivals must not exceed 10 hours. + +An interval between the hours of work of at least one hour at mid-day +must be allowed to women workers. + +Women workers over 16 years of age, who manage a household, shall at +their request be set free half an hour before the mid-day interval, +except in cases where this amounts to at least one and a half hours. + +Women after childbirth can in no case be admitted to work until fully +four weeks after delivery, and in the following two weeks only if they +are declared to be fit for work by a duly authorized physician. + + +Sec. 138. + +The owners of factories, in which it is intended to employ women or +young persons, must make a written announcement of the fact to the local +police authorities before such employment commences. + +The notice shall set forth the name of the factory, the days of the week +on which employment is to take place, the beginning and end of the time +of work, and the intervals granted, also the kind of employment. + +No alteration can be made except such delays as are temporarily +necessitated by the replacement of absent workers in separate shifts of +work, before notice thereof has been given to the magistrate. In every +factory the employer shall, in the workrooms in which young workers are +employed, provide a register of young workers to be posted up in some +conspicuous place; the same shall contain information as to days of +work, beginning and end of time of work, and intervals allowed. + +He shall likewise provide in such workrooms a notice board, on which +shall be posted up, in plain writing, an extract, to be determined by +the Central Court, from the provisions for the employment of women and +young workers. + + +Sec. 138_a_. + +In case of unusual pressure of work, the lower court of administration +shall be empowered, on application of the employer, to permit for a +fortnight at a time, the employment of women workers over 16 years of +age up to 10 o'clock in the evening (except on Saturdays), provided that +their daily working time does not exceed 13 hours. + +Such extension cannot be allowed to the employer during more than 40 +days in any one year. + +Further extension beyond the two weeks, or for more than forty days in +the year, can only be granted by the higher court of administration, +and by it, only on condition that in the business or in the department +of business in question, the total average number of hours per day, +calculated over the whole year does not exceed the legal limit. + +Application shall be made in writing, and must set forth the grounds on +which such extension is requested, the number of women workers affected, +the amount of employment, and the length of time required. + +The decision of the lower court of administration on the application +shall be given in writing within three days. Appeal against refusal of +permission may be lodged with the superior court. + +In cases where the extension is granted the lower court of +administration shall draw up a schedule, in which shall be entered the +name of the employer, and a copy of the statements contained in the +written application. + +The lower court of administration may permit the employment of such +women workers being over 16 years of age, as have not the care of a +household, and do not attend an educational school, in the kinds of work +specified in Sec. 105 (1), 2 and 3, on Saturdays and the eve of festivals, +after 5.30 p.m., but not after 8.30 p.m. + +The permit shall be in writing, and shall be kept by the employer. + + +Sec. 139. + +If natural causes or accidents shall have interrupted the business of a +factory, exceptions to the restrictions laid down in Sec.Sec. 135 (2), (3), +136, 137 (1) to (3), may be granted by the higher court of +administration, for a period of four weeks, and for a longer time by the +Imperial Chancellor. In urgent cases of such a kind, and also where +necessary, in order to guard against accidents, exceptions may be +granted by the lower court of administration, but only for a period of +fourteen days. + +If the nature of the business, or special considerations attaching to +workers in particular factories, seem to render it desirable that the +working time of women and young workers should be regulated otherwise +than as laid down by Sec.Sec. 136 and 137 (1), (3), special regulations may be +permitted on application, by the higher court of administration, in the +matter of intervals, in other matters by the Imperial Chancellor. But in +such cases young workers shall not be employed for longer than six +hours, unless intervals are granted between the hours of work, of an +aggregate duration of at least one hour. + +Orders issued in accordance with the foregoing provisions shall be in +writing. + + +Sec. 139_a_. + +The Bundesrath (Federal Council) shall be empowered: + + + 1. To entirely prohibit or to attach certain conditions to the + employment of women and of young workers in certain branches of + manufacture which involve special dangers to health or morality; + + 2. To grant exceptions to the provisions of Sec.Sec. 135 (2) and (3), + 136, 137 (1) to (3), in the case of factories requiring + uninterrupted use of fire, or in which for other reasons, the + nature of the business necessitates regular day and night work, + also in the case of factories, a part of the business of which does + not admit of regular shifts of equal duration, or is from its + nature restricted to certain seasons; + + 3. To prevent the shortening or the omission of the intervals + prescribed for young workers, in certain branches of manufacture, + where the nature of the business, or consideration for the workers + may seem to render it desirable; + + 4. To grant exceptions to the provisions of Sec. 134 (1) and (2), in + certain branches of manufacture in which pressure of business + occurs regularly at certain times of the year, on condition that + the daily working time does not exceed 13 hours, and on Saturday 10 + hours. + + +In the cases under No. 2, the duration of weekly working time shall not +exceed 36 hours for children, 60 hours for young persons, 65 hours for +women workers, and 70 hours for young persons and women in brick and +tile kilns. + +Night work shall not exceed in duration 10 hours in 24, and in every +shift one or more intervals, of an aggregate duration of at least one +hour, shall be granted. + +In the cases under No. 4, permission for overtime work for more than 40 +days in the year may only be granted, on condition that the working time +is so regulated that the average daily duration of working days does not +exceed the regular legal working time. + +The provisions laid down by decision of the Bundesrath (Federal Council) +shall be limited as to time, and shall also be issued for certain +specified districts. They shall be published in the _Imperial Law +Gazette_, and shall be laid before the Reichstag at its next session. + + +V. SUPERVISION. + + +Sec. 139_b_. + +The supervision and enforcement of the provisions of Sec.Sec. 105_b_ (1), +105_c_ to 105_h_, 120_a_ to 120_e_, 134 to 139_a_, shall be entrusted +exclusively to the ordinary police magistrates, or, together with them, +to officials specially appointed thereto by the provincial governments. +In the exercise of such supervision the local police magistrates shall +be empowered with all official authority, especially with the right of +inspection of establishments at any time. They shall be bound to observe +secrecy (except in exposing illegalities) as to their official knowledge +of the business affairs of the establishments submitted to their +inspection. + +The settlement of relations of competence between these officials and +the ordinary police magistrates, shall be subject to the constitutional +regulation of the separate States of the Bund. + +The officials mentioned shall publish annual reports of their official +acts. These annual reports or extracts from the same, shall be laid +before the Bundesrath and the Reichstag. + +Employers must at any time during the hours of business, especially at +night, permit official inspection to be carried out in accordance with +the provisions of Sec.Sec. 105_a_ to 105_h_, 120_a_ to 120_e_, 134 to 139_a_. + +Employers shall further be bound to impart to the officials appointed or +to the police magistrate, such statistical information as to the +relations of their workers, as may be prescribed by the Bundesrath or +the Central Provincial Court, with due observance of the terms and forms +prescribed. + + +_Article IV._ + +Chapter IX. of the Industrial Code shall contain the following clauses: + + +CHAPTER IX. + +STATUTORY PROVISIONS. + + +Sec. 142. + +Statutory provisions of a borough or wider communal union shall be +binding in regard to all those industrial matters with which the law +empowers them to deal. After they have been considered by the directors +of industry and the workers concerned, the statutory provisions must +receive the assent of the higher court of administration, and shall +then be published in some form prescribed by the parish or wider +communal union, or in the usual form. + +The Central Court shall be empowered to annul statutory provisions which +are contrary to law or to the statutory provisions of a wider communal +union. + + +_Article V._ + +Sub-section 2 of Sec. 93_a_ (2_b_) shall contain the following clause: + + + _b._ The supervision by the union of the observation of the + provisions laid down in Sec.Sec. 41_a_, 105_a_ to 105_g_, 120 to 120_e_, + 126, 127. + + +_Article VI._ + +The penal provisions of Chapter X. of the Industrial Code shall be +altered as follows: + + +1. Section 146, (1) 1, 2, and 3, shall contain the following clauses: + + + 1. Directors of industry, acting in contravention of Sec. 115; + + 2. Directors of industry, acting in contravention of Sec.Sec. 135, 136, + 137, or of orders issued on the grounds of Sec.Sec. 139 to 139_a_; + + 3. Directors of industry, acting in contravention of Sec.Sec. 111 (3) and + 113 (3); + + +2. The following sub-section shall be added to Sec. 146: + + + Section 75 of the Constitution of Justice Act shall apply here. + + +3. After Sec. 146 shall be inserted: + + +Sec. 146_a_. + +Any person who gives employment to workers on Sundays and festivals, in +contravention of Sec.Sec. 105_b_ to 105_g_, or of the orders issued on the +grounds thereof, or any person who acts in contravention of Sec.Sec. 41_a_ +and 55_a_, or of the statutory provisions laid down on the grounds of Sec. +105 (2) shall be punished with a money fine to the amount of 600 marks, +or in default of the same, with imprisonment. + + +4. Section 147 (1) 4 shall contain the following clause: + + + 4. Any person who acts in contravention of the final orders issued + on the grounds of Sec. 120_d_, or of enactments issued on the grounds + of Sec. 120_e_; + + +5. After Sec. 147 (1) 4, shall be inserted: + + + 5. Any person who conducts a factory, in which there are no working + rules, or who neglects to obey the final order of the court as to + the substitution or alteration of the working rules. + + +6. Section 147 shall contain at the close the following new sub-section. + + + In the case of No. 4, the police magistrate may, pending the + settlement of affairs by order or enactment, order suspension of + the business, in case the continuance of the same would be likely + to entail serious disadvantages or dangers. + + +7. Section 148 shall contain the following extensions: + + + 11. Any person who, contrary to the provision of Sec. 134_c_ (2), + imposes such fines on the workers as are not prescribed in the + working rules, or such as exceed the legally permissible amount, or + any person who appropriates the proceeds of fines or the sums + specified in Sec. 134_b_ 5, in a manner not prescribed in the working + rules; + + 12. Any person who neglects to fulfil the obligations imposed upon + him by Sec.Sec. 134_e_ (1), and 134_g_; + + 13. Any person who acts in contravention of Sec. 115_a_, or of the + statutory provisions laid down on the grounds of Sec. 119_a_. + + +8. Section 149 (1) 7 shall contain the following clause: + + + 7. Any person who neglects to fulfil the obligations imposed upon + him by Sec.Sec. 105_c_ (2), 134_e_ (2), 138, 138_a_ (5), 139_b_; + + +9. Section 150(2) shall contain the following clause: + + + 2. Any person who, except in the case prescribed in Sec. 146 (3), acts + in contravention of the provisions of this Act with respect to the + work register; + + +10. Section 150 shall contain the following extensions: + + + 4. Any person who acts in contravention of the provisions of Sec. 120 + (1), or of the statutory provisions laid down in accordance with Sec. + 120 (3); + + 5. Any person who neglects to fulfil the obligations imposed upon + him by Sec. 134_c_ (3). + + +Common law enactments against neglect of school duties, on which a +higher fine is imposed, shall not be affected by the provision of No. 4. + + +11. Section 151 (1) shall contain the following clause: + + + If in the exercise of a trade, police orders are infringed by + persons appointed by the director of the industrial enterprise, to + conduct the business or a department of the same, or to superintend + the same, the fine shall be imposed upon the latter. The director + of the industrial enterprise shall likewise be liable to a fine if + the infringement has taken place with his knowledge, or if he has + neglected to take the necessary care in providing for suitable + inspection of the business, or in choosing and supervising the + manager or overseers. + + +_Article VII._ + +The following provisions shall be substituted for Sec. 154 of the +Industrial Code: + + +Sec. 154. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 105 to 133_c_ shall not apply to assistants and +apprentices in the business of apothecaries; the provisions of Sec.Sec. 105, +106 to 119_b_, 120_a_ to 133_e_, shall not apply to assistants and +apprentices in trading business. + +--The provisions of Sec.Sec. 105 to 133_e_ shall apply to employers and +workers in smelting-houses, timber-yards, and other building yards, in +dockyards, and in such brick and tile kilns, and such mines and quarries +worked above ground, as are not merely temporary, or on a small scale. +The final decision as to whether the establishment is to be accounted as +temporary, or on a small scale, shall rest with the higher court of +administration. + +--The provisions of Sec.Sec. 135 to 139_b_ shall apply to employers and +workers in workshops, in which power machinery (worked by steam, wind, +water, gas, air, electricity, etc.), is employed, not merely +temporarily, with the provision that in certain kinds of businesses the +Bundesrath may remit exceptions to the provisions laid down in Sec.Sec. 135 +(2), (3), 136, 137 (1) to (3), and 138. + +--The provisions of Sec.Sec. 135 to 139_b_ may be extended by Imperial decree, +with consent of the Bundesrath, to other workshops and building work. +Workshops in which the employers are exclusively members of the family +of the employer, do not come under these provisions. + +Imperial decrees and provisions for exceptions issued by the Bundesrath, +may be issued for certain specified districts. They shall be published +in the _Imperial Law Gazette_, and laid before the Reichstag at the next +ensuing session. + + +Sec. 154_a_. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 115 to 119_a_, 135 to 139_b_, 152 and 153 shall +apply to owners and workers in mines, salt pits, the preparatory work of +mining, and underground mines and quarries. + +--Women workers shall not be employed underground in establishments of +the aforementioned kind. Infringements of this enactment shall be dealt +with under the penal provisions of Sec. 146. + + +_Article VIII._ + +Section 155 of the Industrial Code shall contain the following clauses. + +--Where reference is made in this Act to common law, constitutional or +legislative enactments are to be understood. + +The Central Court of the State of the Bund shall make known what courts +in each State of the Bund are to be understood by the expressions: +higher court of administration, lower court of administration, borough +court, local court, lower court, police court, local police court, and +what unions are to be understood by the expression, wider communal +unions. + +--For such businesses as are subject to Imperial and State +administration, the powers and obligations conferred upon the police +courts, and higher and lower courts of administration, by Sec.Sec. 105_b_ (2), +105_c_ (2), 105_e_, 105_f_, 115_a_, 120_d_, 134_e_, 134_f_, 134_g_, 138 +(1), 138_a_, 139, 139_b_, may be transferred to special courts appointed +for the administration of such businesses. + + +_Article IX._ + +The date on which the provisions of Sec.Sec. 41_a_, 55_a_, 105_a_ to 105_f_, +105_h_, 105_i_ and 154 (3) shall come into force, shall be determined by +Imperial decree with consent of the Bundesrath. Until such time the +legal provisions hitherto obtaining shall remain in force. + +The provisions of Sec.Sec. 120 and 150, 4 shall come into force on Oct. 1, +1891. + +--The rest of this Act shall come into force on April 1, 1892. + +--The legal provisions hitherto obtaining shall remain in force until +April 1, 1894, in the case of such children from 12 to 14 years of age, +and young persons between 14 and 16 years of age, as were employed, +previous to the proclamation of this Act, in factories or in the +Industrial establishments specified in Sec.Sec. 154 (2) to (4), and 154_a_. + +--In the case of businesses in which, previous to the proclamation of +this Act, women workers over 16 years of age, were employed in night +work, the Central Provincial Court may empower the further employment in +night work of such women workers, in the same numbers as hitherto, until +April 1, 1894, at the latest, if in consequence of suspension of night +work, the continuation of the business to its former extent would +involve an alteration which could not be made sooner without +disproportionate expense. Night work shall not exceed in duration 10 +hours in the 24, and in every shift intervals must be granted of an +aggregate duration of at least one hour. Day and night shifts must +alternate weekly. + + +Delivered under our Imperial hand and seal. + +Given at Kiel, on board my yacht _Meteor_, June 1, 1891. + +WILLIAM. +VON CAPRIVI. + + +Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Theory and Policy of Labour +Protection, by Albert Eberhard Friedrich Schaeffle + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEORY AND POLICY OF *** + +***** This file should be named 34379.txt or 34379.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/4/3/7/34379/ + +Produced by Brian Foley, Martin Pettit and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This +file was produced from images generously made available +by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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