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diff --git a/35449-0.txt b/35449-0.txt index 0ce2dfd..f5a5564 100644 --- a/35449-0.txt +++ b/35449-0.txt @@ -1,30 +1,4 @@ - The Negro And The Elective Franchise. A Series Of Papers And A Sermon - - The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. A Series Of Papers And A -Sermon (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimké, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, -Kelly Miller, and Rev. Frank J. Grimké - -Release Date: March 01, 2011 [EBook #35449] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 35449 *** Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. @@ -3914,376 +3888,4 @@ collection of all 22 Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy. Original spelling varieties have been maintained; tables and footnotes were renumbered. - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35449 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. 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Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. A Series Of Papers And A -Sermon (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimk, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, -Kelly Miller, and Rev. Frank J. Grimk - -Release Date: March 01, 2011 [EBook #35449] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -at http://www.pgdp.net. - - - Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - - - The American Negro Academy. - - - - THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE - - - - *A SERIES OF PAPERS AND A SERMON BY* - - - - *Archibald H. Grimk, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, Kelly - Miller and Rev. Frank J. Grimk.* - - - - *PRICE: THIRTY-FIVE CENTS.* - - - - WASHINGTON, D. C. - - - - PUBLISHED BY THE ACADEMY. - - - - 1905. - - - - - -CONTENTS - - - - The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern - Representation--_ARCHIBALD H. GRIMK_ - - The Penning of the Negro--_CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK_ - - The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been - Specifically Revised--_JOHN HOPE_ - - The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West--_JOHN L. LOVE_ - - Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the - Elective Franchise--_KELLY MILLER_ - - The Negro and His Citizenship--_FRANCIS J. GRIMK_ - - - - -The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern -Representation--_ARCHIBALD H. GRIMK_ - - -In 1787 when the founders of the American Republic were framing the -Constitution they encountered many difficulties in the work of -construction, but none greater than the bringing together on terms of -equality under one general government of the slave-holding and the -non-slave-holding states. The South was willing to enter the Union -provided always that its peculiar labor and institutions received -adequate protection in that instrument. And this the North had finally -to consent to incorporate into the organic law of the new nation. One of -these concessions was known as the Slave Representation Clause of the -Constitution, which gave to the Slave section the right to count five -slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of representatives. This -concession did not probably seem at the time like an exorbitant or -ruinous price for the North to pay for the Union, but subsequent events -proved it to be both exorbitant and ruinous in the political burden -which it imposed upon that section, and in the political perils which -grew naturally out of the situation, and which were produced by it. - -Everybody now-a-days seems to forget, or makes believe to have -forgotten, this lamentable chapter in our history, and its application -to present day evils--everybody but a few far-seeing Negroes, and a few -far-seeing white men at the North. It is well not to forget this chapter -ourselves, or to let the country make believe to have forgotten it, as -it contains a lesson which it is dangerous to forget. - -History repeats itself and will continue to do so just as long as men -are men, and the passion for power and the struggle for domination lasts -among them. Such a struggle set in between the two sections almost -immediately after the adoption of the Constitution. With industrial and -political ideas, interests, and institutions directly opposed to each -other, rivalry and strife between them became from the beginning -unavoidable. Any one not totally blinded by the then emergent needs of -the moment could not fail to foresee something of the consequences which -were sure to follow such a union of irreconcilable forces and passions -under one general government. Each set of antagonistic ideas and -interests was compelled by the great law of self preservation to try to -get possession of the government in its battle with the other set. And -in this conflict of moral and economic forces and ideas the three-fifths -slave representation clause of the Constitution gave to the South a -distinct advantage, an advantage which told immediately and powerfully -in its favor. For the right to count five slaves as three freemen in the -apportionment of representatives among the several states placed the -political power of the Southern states in the hands not of all the -whites but of a small and highly trained and organized minority only, -namely; the master class. This circumstance solidified the South, and -gave to its action a unity and energy of purpose which the industrial -democracy of the North always lacked. As a consequence, Southern men -obtained speedy possession of the National Government, and shaped -National Legislation and policy to advance best the peculiar ideas and -interests of their section. The big end of the National Government lay -plainly enough well to the south of Mason and Dixon's line during the -first twenty-five years of the existence of the Union. The course of -events during this period revealed this bitter fact to New England. For -she was outwitted, out-voted and over-matched again and again in -national legislation and administrative measures by the slave oligarchy, -which ruled the South and dominated in national affairs. - -For instance, New England opposed the embargo and the retaliatory -measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration, which destroyed her splendid -carrying trade, and bore distress to hundreds of thousands of her -people. She opposed the War of 1812 because it seemed to her inimical to -her interests, but regardless of protests and cries the embargo was laid -on her ports and shipping, the War against Great Britain was declared. -She was forced to dance, volens-nolens, to the rag-time music of her -Southern rival. She danced in both instances while discontent grew apace -in her hot, surcharged heart. She did not disguise the ugly fact that -she was sick of her bargain under the Constitution--was discontented -almost to disaffection with Southern domination in the Union. Out of -this widespread discontent and incipient disaffection sprang the -Hartford Convention to voice this growing Anti-Southern sentiment, and -to cast about for a remedy for what was rightly deemed bad political -conditions. The great question with which this celebrated convention -grappled was, in fact, the undue and disproportionate power wielded by -the slave oligarchy in national affairs, and how best to impose a check -upon its further growth. It could think apparently of but one remedial -measure to relieve the situation, and that was the imposition of a check -on any further increase in the then existing number of states. But while -the resolution which embodied this rather doubtful remedy referred to -states in general, it was intended when read between the lines, to refer -to slave states in particular. - -That was the first blow aimed by the industrial democracy of the North -at this aristocratic feature of the National Constitution, namely: the -right to count five slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of -representatives among the states. It was felt at the time and much more -strongly and generally afterward, that this three-fifths slave -representation clause which enabled a small minority of the people of -the South to wield the political power of that section, and in any -controverted question between the sections to neutralize the free-will -of every three freemen by the dummy-will of every five slaves, was an -unjust and dangerous advantage possessed by the slave oligarchy over its -sectional rival, the free democracy of the North. - -The consciousness of this political wrong and danger was at the bottom -of the bitter opposition on the part of the North to the admission of -Missouri as a slave state, to the annexation of Texas, and to the -Mexican War. It was at the bottom of the fierce cry which rose all over -that section at the close of that war, "No more slave territory, no more -slave states." It was the soul of the great movement which beat back the -slave tide from Kansas and saved that state to freedom. It was, in fact, -this struggle of the free states to reduce to a minimum the peril to its -industrial democracy which grew out of the slave representation clause -of the Constitution, and the resistance of the slave states to such a -movement, which produced the war between the sections. This war ended in -the destruction of slavery and as the North supposed and intended, in -the total destruction of this right of the South to count five slaves as -three freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the several -states in the newly restored Union. - -But wrong does not die under a single stroke. It has a strange power of -metamorphosis, i. e. ability to change its form without losing its -identity. The slave power, which everybody at the North imagined to be -dead, re-appeared almost at once as the Southern serf power, in -consequence of legislation enacted in the then lately rebellious states -by the old slave masters. They had lost their slaves, to be sure, and -the political power incident under the Constitution to such ownership, -but they had not lost the political cunning and determination to create -a similar power out of the social forces and material which lay in -disorder about them. - -The reconstruction of the South by the old slave oligarchy resulted in -the threatened rise in national affairs of an African serf power more -formidable to the North than was the old slave power than five is -greater than three in federal numbers. This threatened rise in national -politics of an African serf power aroused the North to the danger which -girt afresh the supremacy of its industrial democracy in the Union. It -thereupon set about the work of removing this peril forever. In doing -this work it unfortunately limited itself exclusively to the use of -political agencies. But there is no doubt that what it did in -reconstructing the old slave states was meant to be thorough. It meant -to extirpate root and branch, from the Constitution the right of the -South to count five slaves as three freemen, or five serfs as five -freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the states. This -was the plain purpose of the whole body of congressional legislation -looking to southern reconstruction. It is the plain purpose likewise of -the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution. - -All of these great acts were intended to destroy utterly the basis on -which rested the old slave power, and on which would rest the new serf -power, namely: inequality and race subjection. The 13th amendment -abolished slavery, the 14th raised the former slaves to citizenship, and -the 15th conferred on them the right to vote. The whole scheme for -removing forever this evil seemed on paper complete enough, and in -practice it would undoubtedly have proven effective had not an -unexpected difficulty arisen when it was put into operation. This -unexpected difficulty was the attitude of the Supreme Court in -interpreting the laws made in pursuance thereof. The effect of the -decisions of this tribunal has almost invariably been against the -Negro's claim to equality, and in favor of the Southern contention of -the existence of two races in the south, one permanently dominant and -the other permanently servile, and that the maintenance of this state of -race superiority on the one side, and of race inferiority on the other -furnished the only working plan of their living in peace together or of -their making any further progress in civilization. Owing to this -deplorable attitude the Supreme Court has been a hindrance rather than a -help in the settlement of this question. No relief need be looked for -from it, therefore, under the circumstances. Relief, if it comes at all, -must come from another quarter of the political system under which we -live. And for such relief fortunately, the 14th amendment has adequately -provided. All that is necessary to render the provision of this -amendment, which is applicable to the present situation, effective are -courage and common sense. But alas, courage and common sense in respect -to this subject seem to be sadly lacking to-day both at the North and -among the Negroes as well. - -The provision of the 14th amendment just referred to reads as follows: -"Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according -to their respective numbers counting the whole number of persons in each -state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any -election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of -the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and -judicial officers of a state, or the members of the Legislature thereof, -is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one -years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged -except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of -representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the -number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male -citizens twenty-one years of age in such state." - -Every Southern state has virtually by one device or another, since the -adoption of the 14th and 15th amendments, denied to its colored citizens -the right to vote. This was first done by the shot-gun method, which -gave place in time to fraudulent manipulations of electoral returns, and -this in turn to "grandfather" and "understanding clauses" administered -by prejudiced registration boards in those states which have revised -their constitutions. Says Professor Dunning in an article on "The -Undoing of Reconstruction" in the Atlantic Monthly for October, 1901: -"With the enactment of these constitutional amendments by the various -states, the political equality of the Negro is becoming extinct in law -as it has long been in fact, and the undoing of reconstruction is -nearing completion." Now this statement is exactly true. The South has -everywhere nullified in practice the 14th and 15th amendments to the -Constitution. It denies to black men the right to vote, but it counts at -the same time those same black men in the apportionment of its -representatives. The present serf power therefore, enjoys to-day a right -far greater than that enjoyed by the old slave power, for it counts five -of its disfranchised black citizens not as three but as five free men. -It has achieved the extraordinary feat of eating its political cake and -keeping it at the same time. - -In South Carolina, for example, where the blacks outnumber the whites by -224,326, and in Mississippi where the colored population is in excess of -the white by 263,640, "the influence of the Negroes in political -affairs," as put by Prof. Dunning, "is nil." And this is substantially -true of almost everyone of the old slave states whether they have or -have not revised their constitutions. Says Prof. DuBois: "To-day the -black man of the South has almost nothing to say as to how much he shall -be taxed, or how those taxes shall be expended, as to who shall make the -laws and how they shall be made. It is pitiable that frantic efforts -must be made at critical times to get law-makers in some states even to -listen to the respectful presentation of the black side of a current -controversy." - -Entrenched in the South to-day is an aristocracy based on race. The -whole tendency of things down there is to de-citizenize the blacks, to -reduce them to a state of permanent political and industrial -subordination to the whites. This is aristocratizing the republic with a -vengeance. For with the right to vote, the right to a voice in making -the laws, denied to any class of people in an industrial republic like -ours, such class must go from bad to worse in the struggle for bread, -for existence, in competition with more favored classes. It does more: -it reduces the efficiency of such a class as a producer of wealth not -alone in respect to itself, but in respect to the section in which it -lives as well. For whatever degrades and wrongs such a class degrades -and wrongs the community and the country of which it forms a part. And -there is no help for it, for such is the natural law of retribution -which no "understanding" and "grandfather clauses" and registration -boards, however adroitly devised, can in the long run possibly evade or -nullify. This then is the deplorable economic situation with regard to -whites and blacks alike in the Southern states, as a direct consequence -of the undoing of the 14th and the 15th amendments to the Constitution -by those States. The degradation of their black labor will ultimate in -the degradation of their white labor also. In fact, the disfranchisement -of the blacks operates practically everywhere down there as a -disfranchisement of the great body of the whites likewise. For disuse of -a power, whether physical or political, begets in time disinclination -and then incapacity for exercising the same. The right to vote, under -present political conditions which prevail throughout that section, is, -as a matter of fact, exercised but by a small minority of the whites -only. The total vote, for example, cast for representatives in Southern -congressional districts is surprisingly slight in comparison with that -cast in Northern congressional districts. The same is true of the vote -for presidential electors, and for the executive, legislative and -judicial officers of the various southern states for that matter. A -handful of ruling whites, and that not of the best class as in -antebellum times, casts to-day the entire vote of that section as -represented by all of its black and a large majority of its white -citizens, at national and state elections. - -For instance, the average vote cast for Congressmen by Northern -congressional districts during the election of 1898 was over 35,000, -while that cast by Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and South -Carolina, which are operated in effect on the Mississippi plan, was less -than 5,000. The total vote cast for 37 congressmen by those five -Southern states was only 184,602, while the total vote polled by the -state of New York for 34 congressmen was 1,250,000, i. e. 184,602 -electors in those five Mississippi-ized states had actually a larger -congressional representation by three than had the 1,250,000 voters of -the Empire state. Again, take the case of Kansas, which though casting -100,000 more votes at its congressional election in 1898, than were cast -by these same five Southern states combined, yet Kansas had but seven -representatives in Congress to guard and promote her peculiar interests -against the 37 who sat in the House to guard and promote the peculiar -interests of the ruling oligarchy of those five de-republicanized -Southern states. - -But let us look more closely into this matter. Alabama with a population -of 1,828,697, and nine representatives in Congress polled at the -Congressional election, in 1902 a total vote of 90,105 for the nine -districts, while the new state of Washington with a population of -518,103 and three representatives polled at the same election a total -vote of 93,681, i. e., there were 3,000 more votes polled to elect three -congressmen in Washington than Alabama polled to elect nine. Again, -Mississippi with a population of 1,531,270 and eight representatives in -Congress polled at the same election a total vote of 18,058 for the -eight congressional districts, while little Idaho with a population of -161,772 and one representative polled at the same time a vote of 57,712, -which exceeded more than three times the vote polled by Mississippi for -eight representatives. Or let us take Louisiana with a population of -1,381,625 and seven representatives in Congress, and her total vote of -26,265 during the same election for seven districts and contrast these -figures with those of Rhode Island with a population of 428,556 and two -representatives. The Rhode Island figures are 56,064, or nearly double -the vote of Louisiana for seven congressional districts. Or again, let -us glance in passing at South Carolina with a population of 1,340,316 -and seven representatives in Congress, and New Hampshire with a -population of 411,588 and two representatives. The first polled in 1902 -at the election of her seven congressmen 32,085 votes, and the second at -the election of her two representatives polled at the same time 74,833. -In other words, there were nearly 43,000 less votes polled in South -Carolina to elect seven Congressmen than were polled in New Hampshire to -elect two. To sum up: Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South -Carolina with an aggregate population of 6,106,908 and 31 -representatives in Congress cast in 1902 a total vote of 166,576 in 31 -congressional districts, while Idaho, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and -Washington with an aggregate population of 1,500,000, and eight -representatives polled at the same general elections a total vote of -282,294 in their eight congressional districts. The average vote for -each of the 31 Southern congressional districts was 5,530; while that -for each of the eight Northern districts was 35,287. Why Massachusetts -alone with a population of 2,805,346 and 14 representatives rolled up a -vote to elect these 14 congressmen more than double that which the four -Southern states with a population of over 6,000,000 polled to elect -their 31 representatives! - -Again: At the presidential election last November the combined vote of -Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina, for 39 electors was -less than 200,000 or to be exact was just 186,253, while the vote of -Massachusetts for 16 electors was 442,732. In other words, the vote of -Massachusetts for her 16 representatives in the electoral college, -exceeded that of the four Southern states for their 39 in the same body -by more than 250,000 polls. Once more: Is it not immensely ominous and -significant the marked shrinkage in 1904 of the popular vote for -electors in Alabama, North Carolina, and Virginia, states which had but -recently revised their constitutions, as compared with the popular vote -of the same states for electors in 1900? There was for example a -shrinkage of the popular vote in Alabama of nearly 50,000 polls; in -North Carolina the shrinkage amounted to nearly 85,000, and in Virginia -it ran up to more than 135,000. These figures are eloquent of great -wrongs done the Negro. They are not less eloquent of great dangers which -now threaten to subvert free institutions in the Republic. - -Since the elections of 1898 things in the South went rapidly in respect -to this subject from bad to worse. Alabama, North Carolina and Virginia -followed the example of Mississippi and revised their constitutions. -This reactionary movement of the Southern oligarchy has reached as far -north as Maryland, and the work of aristocratizing her constitution and -of Jim-Crowing her laws is now nearing completion. Where is this -movement to stop? Will it halt south of Mason and Dixon's line unless -drastic measures are speedily adopted by the National Government to -arrest it? No, this aristocratic revolution will certainly, unless -checked, invade the North, attacking and overthrowing first the -political rights of black men in that section, and later those of other -classes of citizens industrially and politically feebler than the rest -until one after another of the states now free shall have succumbed to -the rule of class and plutocratic power. Then indeed will the undoing of -the 14th and the 15th amendments, and of democratic institutions in -America, be complete. Not until then will the movement, which is fast -aristocratizing the Republic, stop its steady advance. I am no alarmist, -but am telling the sober truth. Those who have eyes to see, let them -look around at the ominous signs of this advancing evil. Those who have -ears to hear, may hear everywhere about them the foreboding sounds of -this rising flood of wrong and inequality, this growing disregard for -law, this denial to the people of a voice in government, whether state, -colonial or national, which characterize the present period of our -national history. - -It will not be impertinent for me to add by way of concluding this -article, a few words regarding some of the political consequences, which -would be sure to follow a reduction of Southern representation in -Congress and the electoral college. It would, in the first place, reduce -the political strength of the South as a factor in national legislation, -diminish its relative importance as an element in national politics. -That section is insolent, exacting and aggressive to-day on the Negro -question because it has so much numerical strength in Congress and the -electoral college by reason of its suppressed Negro vote. Reduce that -strength by a judicious blood-letting to the number of twenty-five or -thirty-five representatives and there will follow in due time a -corresponding reduction of its arrogance and aggressiveness on the race -question. For as it declines in relative strength in Congress and the -electoral college it will decline in relative importance in management -and leadership of the democratic party also. It will gradually lose its -controlling influence over that party, cease ultimately to dominate it -on the Negro question. The relative decline of the South in Congress and -the electoral college-means, of course, the relative increase of the -North in the same branch--means that in time the North will pay less -heed to the claims of the South, to its threats, and more to the claims, -to the case of the Negro. It means more. The relative decline of the -South as a factor in national politics means the relative increase of -the northern wing of the Democratic party in the control of that party, -in the shaping for that party of a more liberal policy on the Negro -question. For as the northern wing of this party gains in relative -strength, in numerical importance over that of the South, it will be -tempted more and more to solicit the support of the Negro vote of the -North. In close elections and in pivotal states the Democrats of the -North will thereupon make liberal declarations and positive bids in -order to win this vote from the Republican party. - -This consideration brings me to a second consequence, which would follow -a reduction of southern representation. And that is this: It will put an -end to the present period of good will and peace between the sections, -so disastrous to the rights of the Negro. Such a measure will usher in a -period of bitter difference and strife between the two sections again. -These differences will not arise merely between the Republicans of the -North and the white South, but between democrats of the North and -democrats of the South on the Negro question as well. For the northern -wing of the Democratic party cannot bid for the colored vote of its -section without offending the South and therefore sowing seeds of -alienation and strife between them on the question of the rights and -wrongs of the Negro, as a citizen. There will follow such differences -and strife between the sections, a reaction at the North in favor of the -Negro. Public sentiment for juster treatment of the race will gain -thereafter steadily in strength. It will influence the Republican party -to give to the question a more radical treatment than it now gives it, -to take steps to enforce by appropriate legislation the 15th amendment -of the Constitution. Such growing public sentiment in favor of according -the Negro fairer treatment may do more, it may be able to reach even -that pro-Southern tribunal, the Supreme Court, and put like the bees of -the Bible honey for the race in its hitherto cold and unresponsive body. -Even it may be influenced in time to twist the law in favor of human -liberty, not against it, as now. And lastly, it will give the silent -South a chance to be heard on the Negro question. It will give it a -chance to appeal from those states drunk on the race question, to their -sober second thought, a chance to show them the folly and madness of -their disfranchisement and consequent degradation of their Negro labor -as an economic factor in their development and civilization. And so -liberal sentiment towards the Negro may be awakened in the South and be -made thus to spread slowly downward as a leavening influence. - -And in the third place, reducing Southern representation in Congress and -the electoral college will not hurt the Negro. It will not take away -from him any right which he now enjoys down there. The doing so cannot -in any way change his actual status either in law or in fact. He is now -disfranchised; Congress will still have power to enforce the 15th -amendment by appropriate legislation and it will do so whenever it can -screw its courage to the sticking point. The reduction of Southern -representation will certainly break up the present apathetic state of -the country in respect to the Negro. With this breaking up there will -follow a reaction in favor of freedom, and there will arise in due time -a public sentiment which will bring legislation to enforce the right of -the Colored people of the South to the ballot well within the range of -the possible, yea of the probable, if the South persists after -reduction,--but it will not long persist,--in its present purpose to -nullify the 15th amendment, and to reduce its Colored people to a -condition of a permanently subordinate and servile class, without rights -as men or as citizens which southern white people are bound to respect. -Let southern representation in Congress be therefore reduced. The sooner -the better it will be for the Negro and the Nation. - -The law department of the United States Government has at last moved -effectively against the meat trust. And I see that the Interstate -Commerce Commission is looking into the charge that certain railroads -are practicing by a system of rebates discrimination against shippers of -live stock, and in favor of packing house products and dressed meats. -But alas, how different has been the attitude of the national government -toward investigating that greatest of all discriminations in the -Republic, namely: the wholesale disfranchisement of Negroes in the South -because they are Negroes. A few years ago one of the bravest and most -far-seeing of the representatives of Massachusetts in either branch of -Congress offered a resolution to investigate the subject merely. The -administration, which was then, and they say is now opposed to meddling -in this particular manner with the Southern question, was found equal to -the occasion. When it failed to silence the voice of Congressman Moody -regarding the matter, it lifted him with masterly state craft from the -floor of the House, and landed him safely in the Cabinet where he is -still, and where his silence might the better be secured. Thus passed -the Moody resolution to dusty death, and the place which knew it once in -Congress hath known it no more, and will know it no more forever. - -But there is another Congressman who for years has watched keenly the -growth of this threatening evil, the growth of this wrong so subversive -of the rights of the blacks at the South, and so harmful to the -interests of our industrial democracy at the North. Five years ago he -thought it was high time for the general government to address itself to -that subject, and accordingly proposed from his place in Congress -suitable measures for that purpose. Unfortunately for Congressman -Crumpacker's proposition the presidential election of 1900 was at the -time approaching and which, in the opinion of the McKinley -administration, called loudly then for silence and oblivion on this -vexed question. In obedience to this loud call of the Moloch of party -success at the polls, Mr. Crumpacker's bill suffered death by -asphyxiation in committee. - -The matter was, however, revived by Mr. Crumpacker in a subsequent -Congress in the form of a resolution which provided for the appointment -by the Speaker of a select committee of thirteen "whose duty it shall -be, and who shall have full and ample power to investigate and inquire -into the validity of the election laws of the several states and the -manner of their enforcement, and whether the right to vote at any -election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of -the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and -judicial officers of any of the states or the members of the legislature -thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of any of the states, -being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in -any way abridged, except for crime." This resolution so reasonable, -moderate, and just, fell a victim, so it was reported at the time, to a -shrewd bargain struck between the Southern oligarchy on the one hand and -the Republican managers of Cuban reciprocity on the other. The -Crumpacker resolution was put to sleep amidst the dust heaps of old -congressional documents, where it has slept without waking until the -present session of Congress, when its profound slumber has been -disturbed by renewed attempts made in both branches of the National -legislature to revive the subject, and to do what the Republican -national platform of 1904 pledged that party to do in the event of its -triumph at the polls, according to the plain meaning and purpose of the -following plank in that platform. - -"We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether, by -special discrimination, the elective franchise in any state has been -unconstitutionally limited: and if such is the case we demand that -representation in Congress and in the electoral college shall be -proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United -States." - -And while the Republican party hesitates to redeem its solemn pledge -made to the people before the elections last November, the tide of -intolerable wrong, of imminent peril:--of intolerable wrong to the -blacks and of imminent peril to the Republic, is advancing nearer and -rising higher and higher toward the point where to ignore it much longer -will mean widespread and far-reaching disaster to our industrial -democracy, to Republican institutions in America. On its crest I see -approaching forces strong enough to subvert the Constitution, not only -in the South but in the North--forces strong enough to uprear on its -ruins the vast fabric of plutocratic empire and despotism. - -The warning is sounding in our ears, it is sounding in the ears of the -people all over the land. Do we heed it, will they? - - - - -The Penning of the Negro--_CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK_ - - -*[The Negro in the States of the Revised Constitutions]* - -The following States have revised their constitutions for the purpose of -excluding colored voters, and in the following order:-- - -(1) MISSISSIPPI. - -Section 241, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, defining who are -electors: - - "Every male inhabitant of the state, except idiots, insane - persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the United - States, twenty-one years of age and upwards, who has resided in - the state two years, and one year in the election district * * * - in which he offers to vote and who is duly registered as - provided in this article, and who has never been convicted of - bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under - false pretence, perjury, embezzlement, or bigamy, and who has - paid on or before the 1st day of February of the year in which - he offers to vote, all taxes which may have been legally - required of him and who shall produce to the officer holding the - election satisfactory evidence that he has paid his taxes." - -Section 242 of Article 12, further provides that persons offering to -register shall take the following oath: - - "I do solemnly swear that I am twenty one years old and that I - will have resided in the state two years and (this) election - district for one year preceding the ensuing election, and am now - in good faith a resident of the same, and that I am not - disqualified from voting by reason of having been convicted of - any of the crimes mentioned in the constitution of this state as - a disqualification to be an elector, that I will truly answer - _all questions propounded to me concerning my antecedents so far - as they relate to my right to vote_ and also as to _my residence - before my citizenship in this district,_ that I will support the - constitution of the United States and of the state of - Mississippi and will bear true faith and allegiance to the - same--so help me God. - - Any willful and corrupt false statement in said affidavit or in - answer to any material question propounded as herein authorized - shall be perjury." - -Section 244, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, requires that: - - "On and after the first day of January, 1892, every elector in - addition to the foregoing qualifications, shall be able to read - any section of the constitution of this state; or shall be able - to understand the same when read to him, or give a reasonable - interpretation thereof." - -(2) SOUTH CAROLINA. - - Subdivision (c). "Up to January 1, 1898, all male persons of - voting age applying for registration, who can read any section - of this constitution submitted to them, _or understand and - explain it_ when read to them by the registration officer, shall - be entitled to registration and become electors." - - Subdivision (d). "Any person who shall apply for registration - after January 1, 1898, if otherwise qualified, shall be - registered: _Provided_ that he can both read and write any - section of the constitution submitted to him by the registration - officer or can show that he owns and has paid taxes collectible - during the previous year on property in this state assessed at - three hundred dollars ($300) or more." - -(3) LOUISIANA. - - Section 3. "He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and - shall demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for - registration, by making, under oath administered by the - registration officer or his deputy, written application - therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which - application shall contain the essential facts necessary to show - that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be entirely - written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of the - registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or - suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the - form of application hereinafter set forth: _Provided, however,_ - That if the applicant be unable to write his application in the - English language, he shall have the right, if he so demands, to - write the same in his mother tongue from the dictation of an - interpreter; and if the applicant is unable to write his - application by reason of physical disability, the same shall be - written at his dictation by the registration officer or his - deputy, upon his oath of such disability. The application for - registration, above provided for, shall be a copy of the - following form, with the proper names, dates, and numbers - substituted for the blanks appearing therein, to wit: - - "I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is ----. I - was born in the State (or country) of ----, parish (or county) - of ----, on the ---- day of ----, in the year ----. I am now - ---- years ---- months and ---- days of age. I have resided in - this State since ----, and am not disfranchised by any provision - of the constitution of this State." - - Section 4. "If he be not able to read and write, provided by - section 3 of this article, then he shall be entitled to register - and vote if he shall, at the time he offers to register, be the - bona fide owner of property assessed to him in this State at a - valuation of not less than $300 on the assessment roll of the - current year, if the roll of the current year shall not then - have been completed and filed and on which, if such property be - personal only, all taxes due shall have been paid." - - Section 5. "No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at any - date prior thereto, entitled to vote under the constitution or - statute of any State of the United States, wherein he then - resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less than - 21 years of age at the date of the adoption of this - constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was - naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1898, shall be - denied the right to register and vote in this State by reason of - his failure to possess the educational or property - qualifications prescribed by this constitution: _Provided_, He - shall have resided in this State for five years next preceding - the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall - have registered in accordance with the terms of this article - prior to September 1, 1898; and no person shall be entitled to - register under this section after said date." - -(4) NORTH CAROLINA. - - Section 4. "Every person presenting himself for registration - shall be able to read and write any section of the constitution - in the English language; and, before he shall be entitled to - vote, he shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the - year in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous - year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the constitution. - But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867, or at any time - prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws of any state in - the United States wherein he then resided, and no lineal - descendant of any such person, shall be denied the right to - register and vote at any election in this State by reason of his - failure to possess the educational qualification herein - prescribed, provided he shall have registered in accordance with - the terms of this section prior to December, 1908. - - "The general assembly shall provide for the registration of all - persons entitled to vote without the educational qualifications - herein prescribed, and shall, on or before November 1, 1908, - provide for the making of a permanent record of such - registration, and all persons so registered shall forever - thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by the people - in this State, unless disqualified under section 2 of this - article: _Provided_, Such person shall have paid his poll tax as - above required." - -(5) ALABAMA (in effect Nov. 28th, 1901.) entitled to register:-- - -These sections of the Alabama constitution were before the Supreme Court -in the case of _Giles v. Harris_, (189 U. S. 475,) and the general plan -of voting and registration was summarized by Mr. Justice Holmes, -delivering the opinion of the court as follows: - - "By section 178 of article 8, to entitle a person to vote he - must have resided in the State at least two years, in the county - one year and in the precinct or ward three months, immediately - preceding the election; have paid his poll tax, and have been - duly registered as an elector. By section 182, idiots, insane - persons and those convicted of certain crimes are disqualified. - Subject to the foregoing, by section 180, before 1903 the - following male citizens of the State, who are citizens of the - United States, were entitled to register, viz: First. All who - had served honorably in the enumerated wars of the United - States, including those on either side of the 'war between the - States.' Second. All lawful descendants of persons who served - honorably in the enumerated wars or in the war of the - Revolution. Third. 'All persons who are of good character and - who understand the duties and obligations of citizenship under a - republican form of government.' By section 181 after January 1, - 1903, only the following persons are entitled to register: - First. Those who can read and write any article of the - Constitution of the United States in the English language, and - who either are physically unable to work or have been regularly - engaged in some lawful business for the greater part of the last - twelve months, and those who are unable to read and write solely - because physically disabled. Second. Owners or husbands of - owners of forty acres of land in the State, upon which they - reside, and owners or husbands of owners of real or personal - estate in the State assessed for taxation at three hundred - dollars or more [...] [By section] 183, only persons qualified - as electors can take part in any method of party action. By - section 184, persons not registered are disqualified from - voting. By section 185, an elector whose vote is challenged - shall be required to swear that the matter of the challenge is - untrue before his vote shall be received. By Section 186, the - legislature is to provide for registration after January 1, - 1903, the qualifications and oaths of the registrars are - prescribed, the duties of the registrars before that date are - laid down, and an appeal is given to the county court and - Supreme Court if registration is denied. There are further - executive details in section 187, together with the - above-mentioned continuance of the effect of registration before - January 1, 1903. By section 188, after the last-mentioned date - applicants for registration may be examined under oath as to - where they have lived for the last five years, the names by - which they have been known, and the names of their employers." - -(6) VIRGINIA. (in effect July 10th, 1902.) - - Article II, Section 18. "Every male citizen of the United - States, twenty-one years of age, who has been a resident of the - State two years, of the county, city or town one year, and of - the precinct in which he offers to vote, thirty days, next - preceding the election in which he offers to vote, has been - registered, and has paid his state poll taxes, as hereinafter - required, shall be entitled to vote for members of the General - Assembly and all officers elected by the people; but removal - from one precinct to another, in the same county, city or town - shall not deprive any person of his right to vote in the - precinct from which he has moved, until the expiration of thirty - days after such removal." - - Section 19. "There shall be general registrations in the - counties, cities and towns of the State during the years - nineteen hundred and two and nineteen hundred and three at such - times and in such manner as may be prescribed by an ordinance of - this Convention. At such registrations every male citizen of the - United States having the qualifications of age and residence - required in Section Eighteen shall be entitled to register, if - he be: - - "First. A person who, prior to the adoption of this - Constitution, served in time of war in the army or navy of the - United States, of the Confederate States, or of any State of the - United States or of the Confederate States; or - - "Second. A son of any such person; or - - "Third. A person, who owns property, upon which, for the year - next preceding that in which he offers to register, state taxes - aggregating at least one dollar, have been paid; or - - "Fourth. A person able to read any section of this Constitution, - submitted to him by the officers of registration and to give a - reasonable explanation of the same; or, if unable to read such - section, able to understand and give a reasonable explanation - thereof when read to him by the officers. - - "A roll containing the names of all persons thus registered, - sworn to and certified by the officers of registration, shall be - filed, for record and preservation, in the clerk's office of the - circuit court of the county, or the clerk's office of the - corporation court of the city, as the case may be. Persons thus - enrolled shall not be required to register again, unless they - shall have ceased to be residents of the State, or become - disqualified by section Twenty-three. Any person denied - registration under this section shall have the right of appeal - to the circuit court of his county, or the corporation court of - his city, or to the judge thereof in vacation." - - Section 20. "After the first day of January, nineteen hundred - and four, every male citizen of the United States, having the - qualifications of age and residence required in section - Eighteen, shall be entitled to register, provided: - - "First. That he has personally paid to the proper officer all - state poll taxes assessed or assessable against him, under this - or the former Constitution, for the three years next preceding - that in which he offers to register; - - "Second. That, unless physically unable, he make application to - register in his own hand-writing, without aid, suggestion or - memorandum, in the presence of the registration officers, - stating therein his name, age, date and place of birth, - residence and occupation at the time and for the two years next - preceding, and whether he has previously voted, and, if so, the - state, county and precinct in which he voted last; and, - - "Third. That he answer on oath any and all questions affecting - his qualifications as an elector, submitted to him by the - officers of registration, which questions, and his answers - thereto, shall be reduced to writing, certified by the said - officers, and preserved as a part of their official records." - - Section 21. "Any person registered under either of the last two - sections, shall have the right to vote for members of the - General Assembly and all officers elective by the people, - subject to the following conditions: - - "That he, unless exempted by section Twenty-two, shall, as a - prerequisite to the right to vote after the first day of - January, nineteen hundred and four, personally pay, at least six - months prior to the election, all state poll taxes assessed or - assessable against him under this Constitution, during the three - years next preceding that in which he offers vote; provided - that, if he register after the first day of January, nineteen - hundred and four, he shall, unless physically unable, prepare - and deposit his ballot without aid, on such printed form as the - law may prescribe; but any voter registered prior to that date - may be aided in the preparation of his ballot by such officer of - election as he himself may designate." - - Section 22. "No person who, during the late war between the - States, served in the army or navy of the United States, or the - Confederate States, or any State of the United States, or of the - Confederate States, shall at any time be required to pay a poll - tax as a prerequisite to the right to register or vote." - - Section 23. "The following persons shall be excluded from - registering and voting: Idiots, insane persons, and paupers; - persons who, prior to the adoption of this Constitution, were - disqualified from voting, by conviction of crime, either within - or without this State, and whose disabilities shall not have - been removed, persons convicted after the adoption of this - Constitution, either within or without this State, of treason, - or of any felony, bribery, petit larceny, etc." - -The intention of these acts needs no showing. They have three points in -common: (a) Some device enabling all the white voters to evade the force -of the disfranchising clauses; (b) The limiting clauses themselves which -deprive a majority of the colored voters of their franchise; (c) The -reservation of sufficient discretionary power in boards of registrars to -enable them to give full effect to the acknowledged purpose of the -framers of the constitutions. I know of no lesson they can teach us, -except how to do the things we ought not to do. In some cases, by -knowing the way down, one may, by reversing the steps taken, regain the -lost height. But it is not so here; our fall, like our rise, has been -too sudden. We have been thrown from a window, and before we could -understand our position, legislated out of a back gate. Only by superior -chicane can we repair the second injury, only by superior force repair -the first--unless there be justice in the heart of the nation. It -behooves us then to study carefully the state of public opinion in the -country, which underlies these laws, and gives them whatever stability -they possess. - -There is, of course, a series of events leading up to this radical -change in the institutions of the Republic, a history beginning before -the formation of the Union itself. The first part was African slavery. -Religious, moral and economic forces had acted upon serfdom, the more -common sort of slavery in Europe, and aided by the resulting increase of -vigor among the serfs themselves, had disintegrated it. But these forces -either did not act upon the trade in Negro slaves, when profits to be -obtained from that traffic filled the minds of merchants, or were -helpless to stop it. The New World was not, like the Old, overcrowded, -but in need of laborers--and the slaves were blacks. Tropical South -America, the West Indies, and the hot belt of the United States absorbed -hundreds of thousands of Negro slaves. All the forces above enumerated -set to work again after a time and slavery once more began to -disintegrate. In this country it had become firmly rooted in the -Southern states, where the same American people who had fought in '76 -for the freedom of two million white men, women and children fought as -stubbornly to keep in slavery four million black men, women and -children. But victory was again to crown the cause of freedom, and by -the will of the victors, forced forward by the unbroken spirit of -resistance of the conquered, these four millions of slaves were declared -possessed of freedom, civil rights and political privileges. - -Said Lord Shaftesbury to Charles the Second, when called on for his -resignation as Lord Chancellor, "It is only to lay aside the gown and -take up the sword." The South, defeated in arms, reversed the process, -and laying down the musket, put on the gown of the law-maker, and began -to accomplish by legislation, the reenslavement of the millions set -free. Hampered in this, for a time by the armies and the northern civil -officers, who obtained power largely by the suffrage of the colored -people, and by the colored voters themselves, the Southern men waited -for the withdrawal of the Union armies--an event hastened by outcry at -home--and then taking out the side-arms, which the generous terms of -surrender had permitted them to retain, they rapidly dispersed the -opposing force, and took the reins of government again into their own -hands. With musket in one hand to retain political power, and pen in the -other to undo the Reconstruction legislation, they soon deprived the -black millions of all their transitory political and civil rights. It is -hard to see that anything remained to be done. Emancipation laws and -proclamations to the contrary, the Negro seemed safely penned. But moral -and economic forces were still at work, and the end was not yet reached. - -The South could no longer close its eyes to the want of prosperity. In -1890, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi and -Louisiana, in spite of their 262,175 square miles and abundant -resources, had but 8,346,667 people and 288,405,107 dollars worth of -manufactured products. An equal territory in the States of the North, -namely; Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, -Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio and -Illinois with 260,823 square miles had 25,074,143 people and -6,484,643,842 dollars worth of manufactured products--which is to say, -the Southern states had but one-third of the population, and -one-twenty-second of the manufactures of the same area North. The South -wanting prosperity began to seek ways of obtaining it. This led to the -consideration of obstacles: and first among these was the large and -economically inefficient colored population. It must be made, for want -of other labor, productive, a contributory agent to the new industrial -prosperity of the South--and not the less, cut off from any sort of -control, even of the industries, which by its labor must mainly be built -up. The problem was a difficult one, yet such as the South felt itself -able to solve. And many in the North stood ready to help. - -In 1890, however, came troubles so serious as to require a diversion of -attention from economical to political problems. The Republican party -pledge to secure for all citizens 'a free ballot and a fair count' was -yet unredeemed; and in that year a debate broke out in Congress over the -fulfilling of its promise, with an Elections bill as the means. -Simultaneously, the Populist movement was growing to threatening -proportions. Before this, the cry had been that the Negro by sheer -numbers could dominate, if not prevented from doing so. But now there -presented itself a new and more threatening danger. "In any state where -the whites divide," said Mr. Tillman in the Senate in 1900, "and they -have divided in every Southern State except mine and Mississippi--into -Populists and Democrats--the Negro has been the balance of power." The -Populist movement died, but this phantasm once evoked, of a black man -poised at the centre of the party see-saw, continued to hover at the -beck of its creators until again wanted. The occasion, this time a -lasting one, has been found in the balance of the Republican and the -Democratic parties in the "border" states. So in Maryland, for a while, -a "doubtful" state, where the colored population is but one-fifth of the -whole, a disfranchising law is justified, apparently, by the danger to -good government of allowing the Republican party to obtain control. -Again, in the county and town election contests, even in the Southern -states where the Democratic party is in entire possession of the State -government, this compact(?) and mobile(?) army of black voters occupies -a position of such strategical importance that unless they be dislodged -by the most radical method their mastery must be forever -acknowledged(?). Now, to conclude, since a dozen colored voters might -hold the balance of power in town or county, the bitter irony of the -situation is overwhelming.[1] The South is simply driven by its own -irrefutable(?) logic to total disfranchisement of the Negro, there being -no safe stopping point short of the practical exclusion of the colored -inhabitants of a dozen or more states from any part in the making or -administering of the laws, national, state or municipal under which they -live(!). All this the South, impelled by her honest desire(!) for good -government, and resolutely turning her back upon past methods of fraud -and violence,(!) means to accomplish legally--provided Congress and the -Supreme Court throw over her naked but unalterable will the broad mantle -of legality. - - [1] In West Virginia there are, on the Census basis (958,800 = whole - population, less 43,499-colored population = 915,301-white - population, divided by 3.6 = ratio of white population, generally - to white males of voting age.) 254,250 white voters; and (43,499 = - colored population, divided by 4.3-ratio of colored population to - colored male adults = 10,116 colored voters, of whom 32.3 per cent. - are illiterate, = 3267 illiterate colored men,) but 3,267 - illiterate colored voters, or about one eightieth of the electorate - (257,517 divided by 3,267): yet, even though the national ticket - threatened to be hurt by it, it was impossible to stifle the cry - for disfranchisement of ignorant black voters as the paramount - issue of the West Virginia democratic campaign of 1904. - -We are reminded of the story of the princess, who wandering in rags, -came to a palace and begged accommodation there befitting one of royal -blood. The old queen, not sure that she was a princess, determined to -test her veracity in this way: She lay a pea upon the floor and piled -upon it a dozen feather-beds. If she felt the pea, it was plain that she -was a true princess. Morning came none too soon for the unhappy lady, -who confessed to the queen having spent a miserable night, something -hard in her bed having bruised her till she was black and blue. No -longer could the queen doubt that she was a real princess, for who else -could have been so delicate. And she was forthwith married to the heir -apparent to the throne. So the South acts on the belief that if she be -absolutely intolerant of the slightest degree of political power in the -hands of colored men, that the North must see in the very violence of -her antipathy, the hopelessness of any other solution. - -This happily settled, the South after fifteen years of uncertainty, -hopes to be able to turn her attention to material problems. But though -the Caesars may rob February of days to enrich July and August, the -seasons remain unchanged. The economic and moral laws of the universe -remain in operation and give assurance that no solution can be more than -temporary in which the Negro is dealt with falsely and unjustly. - -Meantime what had been the course of the Republican party, which, by its -own declaration "had reconstructed the Union with freedom instead of -slavery as its corner-stone?" Listen to the reading of the suffrage -planks in the platforms of ten presidential campaigns:-- - -[1868.] - -The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the -South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of -gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question of -suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those -States. - -The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be cordially -sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are -law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate -legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be entrusted only to -the party that secured those amendments. - -[1872.] - -Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, -political and public rights should be established and effectually -maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and -Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit -any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, -color or previous condition of servitude. - -[1876.] - -The Republican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth -anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the -great truth spoken at its cradle--"that all men are created equal; that -they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among -which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that for the -attainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men, -deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Until -these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, -the work of the Republican party is unfinished. - -The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union and the -complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all -their rights is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly -pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles -embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is vested by those -amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be -the solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of -the Government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their -constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent on the -part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete -liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and -public rights. To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief -Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter -until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall. - -[1880.] - -The dangers of a "Solid South" can only be averted by a faithful -performance of every promise which the Nation has made to the citizen. -The execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate -them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be -secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South. -Whatever promises the Nation makes the Nation must perform. A Nation -cannot with safety relegate this duty to the States. The "Solid South" -must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all honest -opinions must there find free expression. To this end the honest voter -must be protected against terrorism, violence or fraud. - -[1884.] - -The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free -ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and -violence practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the -will of a voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free -institutions; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the -guilty recipient of fruits of such fraud and violence. - -We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former -party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them our most -earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will -secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and -complete recognition, possession and exercise of all civil and political -rights. - -[1888.] - -We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitution and to -the indissoluble union of the States; to the autonomy reserved to the -States under the Constitution; to the personal rights and liberties of -citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially -to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or -poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in -public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free -and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all -the people to be the foundation of our republican government, and demand -effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, -which are the fountains of all public authority. - -[1892.] - -We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to -cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and that -such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws shall -be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich or -poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign right -guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot, the -just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their just -and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our -Republican institutions, and the party will never relent its efforts -until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be -fully guaranteed and protected in every State. - -[1896.] - -We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to -cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot to be -counted and returned as cast. - -[1900.] - -It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution -to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the -elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory -or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are -revolutionary, and should be condemned. - -[1904.] - -We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special -discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been -unconstitutionally limited, and, if such is the case, we demand that -representation in Congress and in the electoral colleges shall be -proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United -States. - -From '68 till '96 there was posted on the bill-boards of the party, the -same declaration in favor of a free and unrestricted ballot, supported -by the unyielding determination of the party to protect this right. But -in that year there came a change. Perhaps it was that the mass of -unredeemed pledges fell of their own weight, and the time seemed -opportune to substitute a less weighty declaration; perhaps the party -only sought a more efficient means of accomplishing its unalterable -purpose. Whatever the cause, there began from this time, a diminuendo -which has grown fainter until in 1904 the 15th Amendment was heard no -more. To time, some say, must be left this task, too great for a -political party to perform. But there is grave danger in leaving to time -the execution of justice. The evil grows, the power of correcting it -diminishes. Early in its course injustice may be stopped, later perhaps -not at all. The future course of the party with regard 'to the supreme -and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, white or -black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that -ballot duly counted,' is gravely complicated by the rapid and momentous -changes taking place in American society. - -The gulf between the sections, which the Constitution merely bridged -proved so deep, because it grew out of differences in the social, if not -the moral natures of the inhabitants of the two parts of the country. -These types have been compared to those opposed in the English Civil -War, and hence called Puritan and Cavalier. But whatever the name, the -differential fact was this: in the North men and women did their own -work, while in the South others did their work for them. Until this -great economic and social difference, which made diverging ideals, -diverging habits, diverging tastes, ceased to be, real sympathy was -impossible. That gulf, which widened into bitter civil war, is now -closing; the two types are drawing nearer; the divorce between sections -is shifting around to a divorce between classes. Therefore it is that in -a part of the writing and ruling class, we feel that there is a -gravitating of morals southward.[2] The North, which spent millions in -lives and money to destroy Negro slavery in the South, seems engaged in -making white slaves at home. If the political and social position of the -white laborer in the North is declining, our chance of obtaining justice -through active Northern sympathy is greatly lessened. In this issue -which remains that of the comparative "hideousness" of the slave-holder -and the slave, every foot added to the social separation of the Northern -employer and employee is a stroke in the knell of political equality for -the Negro. - - [2] "The Republican party in its work of imposing the sovereignty of - the United States upon eight millions of Asiatics, has changed its - views in regard to the political relation of races and has at last - virtually accepted the ideas of the South upon that subject. The - white men of the South need now have no further fear that the - Republican party, or Republican administrations, will ever again - give themselves over to the vain imagination of the political - equality of man." - - --[Burgess--Reconstruction and the Constitution, page 298.] - -It is a mistake, therefore, to assume that there is active in the -country a spirit of freedom strong enough to set us free; a power -employed in doing justice, strong enough to do justice to us. The -country is returning to the conditions existing before '61, even passing -these and returning to the conditions existing before 1776,--in -politics, because it is doing the same in _morals_. Moral betterment -requires that we put a deeper, broader and stronger foundation under the -old foundation of our lives; and this can only be done by removing each -day a bit of sand and filling in the space with stone. Days of -tremendous business activity, or national triumph are not likely to be -so spent. - -We _must_ not make the mistake of assuming that there is power in the -nation to do us justice. "Not in a republic," some one may ask? No! Von -Holst says: "That virtue is the specific vital principle of republics is -a delusion. The historical course of development, natural circumstances, -material interests and political and social customs are the elements by -which, in all states without exception, the form of the state is in the -first place conditioned." Not after the pledges of the Constitution, -again it may be asked? No, the Constitution is an ideal, not a real body -of law. Von Holst wrote: "Polk had once stated that the nature of -American institutions offered the world ample security that the United -States would never pursue a policy of aggressive conquest. -Notwithstanding the commentary that he had himself given on this -proposition, it contained a kernel of significant truth. The nature of -their institutions forbade the United States to hold in violent -subjection, under the iron hand of conquest, a realm of the extent of -Mexico for any length of time. This would soon have become so perfectly -clear to the people that they would either have driven the originator -and guiding spirit of the war in shame and disgrace from his office and -dignity, and have reduced all these conditions of peace to the utmost -moderation, or they would have proceeded to a formal and complete -incorporation of Mexico with the Union." And before 1900, as a result of -the war with Spain, the impossible, the absolutely forbidden by the -nature of their institutions had been accomplished. How obscure the -vision of the historian! The Constitution is not written in the hearts -of the American people, but in the sky, where it is hidden every cloudy -day. And yet again, it will be asked: Not in the New World, not in -America? Justice demands a careful consideration of every case; it -cannot be machine-made; it cannot be wholesaled. The exact measure of -justice is hard to find, harder to administer; it cannot be had without -patient search, calm temper, righteousness, courage. I know not whether -America has time to seek the intricate path of justice, or patience and -courage to follow it when found. The cry 'forward' grows even louder, -more insistent, more passionate. Can the country safely put down the -brakes; dare it turn from its rapid way to material prosperity? But a -little greater momentum is needed and reactionaries will rise only to be -irresistibly swept aside. Doubts, weariness, exhaustion even will not -stop the rapidly revolving wheels. Only in the _wake_ of such frenzied -progress there will follow rest, the rest of death. Study the wreckage -in the South in the trail of slavery, black, and what is far worse, -white illiteracy, brutality, wretched sloth. Observe the turning of -defeat in the struggle into despair, then stagnation upon which forms a -film, a scum, a crust which becomes strong enough to defy efforts to -break it. So is brought about the stratification of society called -caste. Above, the upper world, ever turning to law and punishment to -crush those who threaten this floor, upon which they stand from beneath, -ever appealing to the prejudices of their class to persecute into -submission those whose sense of justice or generosity threatens the -crust from above. Beneath, the under world, sweating, spawning, -gathering from its own misery and the dregs of vice and luxury from -above poison, and shaping from its own eager thousands of ambitious -men,--yes, and after the boldest men of the class above, fangs, that it -may become all that revolution is wont to be. - -In such a society is born the conqueror, man of destiny, as he seems. In -mountain, in desert or in slum, he may have his birth. Oftenest he is a -military, yet sometimes a spiritual conqueror. In the west of Europe, -two thousand years ago was born Julius Caesar; in the East, Jesus -Christ. From mountain, wilderness and slum, each drew his followers. -Caesar gathered the driftwood of the decaying Republic into an army, and -upon this bridge crossed the Rubicon and established empire. Christ, -too, gathered up the driftwood of decaying Rome and fashioned out of it -that noble band which is the inspiration of every true Church in the -Christian world. The classes you would disfranchise will become the -makers of a political slum. They are materials for working out the glory -or the ruin of the nation. Exclude them from the benefits, the -privileges of other classes and you invite criminality: from outcast to -outlaw is but one step. Include them, and who can measure the addition -to the sum of human happiness? In the answer to the question: what -forces are at work checking the too great increase of a people? what is -the principle of selection? what sort are disappearing, what sort -preserved?--may be read the country's destiny. - -Outside of the slave states, equal participation in the government by -all citizens has been the foundation stone of the Republic. For a brief -moment slavery was dead, and all men were freemen. But slavery is alive -again, and if its growth is not resisted, will again be restored in all -but name. The words of Calhoun deserve to be called a prophecy. -"_Without political and social equality_," he said, "_to change the -condition of the African race would be but to change the form of -slavery."_ The South accepts the alternative and resolves that, whatever -the cost, political and social equality shall never be. The North must -yield; _she_ will not. While some are trusting to the finality of the -13th Amendment, others to industrial opportunity, others still to -political without social equality, the South with bull-dog tenacity -sticks to her resolution that there shall be none of these. But a year -ago Carl Schurz declared: "There will be a movement either in the -direction of reducing the Negro to a permanent condition of serfdom ... -or a movement in the direction of recognizing him as a citizen in the -true sense of the term. One or the other will prevail." - -Are there reasons wanting why the nation should keep true to its -foundation principles? Granting that the pathway to freedom is now -harder to follow, should the forward movement be abandoned? How else -than by manfully pressing on to a broad humanity, can the Republic, -reconstructed with freedom as its corner-stone, remain? As the old cords -fail to hold together the more distant and divided political and ethnic -units of population, there must be woven new bonds of sympathy,--at -least, of toleration, else some must be hung with chains. There are -many, many reasons, rulers of the commonwealth, why the electorate -should not be reduced:-- - -Above all, it is selfish. "The continual and diligent elevation of that -lower mass which human society everywhere is constantly precipitating," -to borrow the words of Cable, is incompatible with the _spirit_ of -restriction. - -It is inequitable. For, again quoting from this author: "There is no -safe protection but self-protection: poverty needs at least as much -civil equipment, for self-protection as property needs: the right and -liberty to acquire intelligence, virtue and wealth are just as precious -as the right and liberty to maintain them, and need quite as much -self-protection." - -It is subversive of the republican basis of the state,--tending as it -does to deposit more and more political power in the hands of fewer and -fewer men. From "all up" to "some down" in the matter of political -rights is a precipitous leap: but this step once taken, a gentle slope -succeeds. From many to fewer members of the privileged class, the mind -advances easily, with no intrusive principle to block the way. If a poll -tax of one dollar can be made a condition of voting regardless of -ability to pay it, then why not ten or twenty? If a poll tax, why not a -property tax, or wealth? If ability to interpret the Constitution, why -not a college education? - -As restriction is practiced in the South, it breeds contempt for the -law: - -And increasing unrest, for like a snowball it swells and gathers fresh -resistance as it goes: - -And dishonesty, for the disfranchising laws are not being lived up to. -This is inherent, for the acquisition of the required knowledge or -wealth would defeat the very object of the law. It puts a premium upon -ignorance, for thereby the desired end of disfranchisement is -furthered:--And upon thriftlessness, for the same reason;--And upon -criminality and false charges of crime, since even this price must be -paid by those determined to work their will. - -What evils of universal suffrage are equal to these? Can an appeal be -made in the name of minority rights by those who would themselves efface -minorities?[3] When slaves were escaping, they demanded that the -constitutional guarantees be fulfilled to the letter, clamored like -Shylock for the pound of flesh which the law allowed. Now, too, they -demand of the amendments as before of the clauses of the instrument -reserving power to the states, that they be construed by the -letter:--but with what a change of object,--no longer that the rights of -minorities may be respected but that they may be utterly suppressed. - - [3] In two states, viz; Mississippi and South Carolina, the colored - people are in the majority. In the other four disfranchising - states, as well as all other Southern states, they are in the - minority. In the group of states disfranchising the colored voters, - viz; N. C., S. C., Va., Ala., Miss., and La., the - - white population is - 5,396,649 = 55 per cent. - - colored " " - 4,453,253 = 45 per cent. - - total " " - 9,849,902 = 100 per cent. - - --BY THE 12TH CENSUS (1900.) - -And if it be asserted that the superior must be allowed to rule, is -superiority to be proved by a fiat of brute force? Is mere armed -lawlessness the index of superior worth? When the nations agreed to fix -limits to the cruelties of war, did they thereby place a penalty upon -brains? - -Finally, is it claimed that a free ballot signifies unlimited -corruption? Read the answer in England's purification of her politics: I -quote from Sir Thomas Erskine May:-- - -"Political morality may be elevated by extending liberties: but bribery -has everywhere been the vice of growing wealth." "The first election of -George the Third's reign was signalized by unusual excesses:" A seat in -Parliament was for sale, like an estate and they bought it without -hesitation or misgiving. "Nor were they regarded with much favor by the -leaders of parties; for men who had bought their seats,--and paid dearly -for them,--owed no allegiance to political patrons. "They sought -admission to Parliament, not so much with a view to a political career, -as to serve mere personal ends, to forward commercial speculations, to -extend their connections and to gratify their social aspirations. But -their independence and ambition well fitted them for the service of the -court.... They soon ranged themselves among the king's friends: and thus -the court policy,--which was otherwise subversive of freedom became -associated with parliamentary corruption. "When the return of members -was left to a small but independent body of electors, their individual -votes were secured by bribery: and where it rested with proprietors or -corporations, the seat was purchased outright." Gatton e. g. was sold -for 75,000. Of the 658 members of the House of Commons 487 were -returned by nomination ... not more than one third of the House were the -free choice of the limited bodies of electors then intrusted with the -franchise.... Representatives holding their seats by a general system of -corruption could scarcely fail to be themselves corrupt. What they had -bought, they were but too ready to sell. And how glittering the prizes -offered as the price of their services! Peerages, baronetcies, patronage -and court favor for the rich--places, pensions and bribes for the needy. -All that the government had to bestow they could command.... Another -instrument of corruption was found in the raising of money for the -public service. In March 1763, Lord Bute contracted a loan of three -millions and a half; and having distributed shares among his -friends,--the scrip immediately rose to a premium of 11 per cent.... -Here the country sustained a loss of 385,000.... Stock jobbing became -the fashion; and many members of Parliament were notoriously concerned -in it. Again in 1781 ... a loan of 12,000,000 was contracted to defray -the cost of the disastrous American war.... Its terms were so favorable -that suddenly the scrip rose nearly 11 per cent. It was computed by Mr. -Fox that a profit of 900,000 would be derived from the loan; and by -others that half of the loan was subscribed for by members of the House -of Commons. Lord Rockingham said. "The loan was made merely for the -purpose of corrupting the Parliament to support a wicked, impolitic and -ruinous _war_. - -Now as to the electorate. "In Scotland in 1831, the total number of -county voters did not exceed 2500; and the constituencies of the 66 -boroughs amounted to 1440.... The county of Argyll, with a population of -100,000 had but 115 electors: Caithness with 36,000, contained 47 free -holders. Edinburgh and Glasgow, the two first cities of Scotland, had -each a constituency of 33 persons.... A great kingdom, with more than -two millions of people,--intelligent, instructed, industrious and -peaceable,--was virtually disfranchised.... According to a statement -made by the Duke of Richmond in 1780, not more than 6,000 men returned a -clear majority of the British House of Commons.... It was alleged in the -petition of the Society of the Friends of the People (presented in -1793.) that 84 individuals absolutely returned 157 members to Parliament -... and that a majority of the House were returned by 154 patrons.... - -"The glaring defects and vices of the representative system which have -now been exposed,--the restricted and unequal franchise, the bribery of -a limited electoral body, and the corruption of the representatives -themselves,--formed the strongest arguments for Parliamentary reform.... -The theory of an equal representation, had in the course of ages, been -entirely subverted.... The Reform bill of 1832 supplied the cure. "It -was," says May, "a measure, at once bold, comprehensive, moderate and -constitutional. Popular: but not democratic:--it extended liberty, -without hazarding revolution. In 1850 the representation of the country -was reconstructed on a wider basis. Large classes had been admitted to -the franchise: and the House of Commons represented more freely the -interests and political sentiments of the people. The reformed -Parliament, accordingly, has been more liberal and progressive in its -policy than the Parliaments of old, more vigorous and active; more -susceptible to the influence of public opinion: and more secure in the -confidence of the people." - -Here let us leave the history of English political corruption and the -remedy which was found in a fairer representation of the people. In -truth, we might well have left it sooner--if not altogether; for it is -likely to be said that all of this is nothing to the purpose. The South -has before her the practical problem of dealing with some millions of -Negroes, to the solution of which, the experience of the English people -furnishes no aid. Once more, then, we must consider the actual situation -in this country to-day. - -The Negro problem has been stated: What does justice to the Negro -demand? Approaching our subject from this point of view, we may try to -conclude:-- - -1st. What justice _does_ demand; and - -2nd. What the Negro must do to get it. - -What, to begin with, is the answer of the South to the former? It is -familiar to us all and would seem to be the nearly unanimous voice of -the Southern people. The Negro, they say, is ignorant, lazy and vicious. -Slavery, so far as its effect on the slave is concerned, was a -beneficent institution, raising him from his previous savagery to a -plane of humble usefulness. There, however, his incurable inferiority -destines him forever to remain. This, the South insists she has settled -in wisdom and kindliness. The North, so runs her speech, -misunderstanding the South and the Negro, unjustly forced on the Civil -war, to compel her to change her domestic institutions. But that -attempt, foredoomed to failure, has resulted in nothing more than the -abolition of slavery, and a cruel loss of life and property, partly -compensated for by the consequent revelation of her boundless resources -of courage, loyalty and united resolve. Slavery, while a Southern -institution, was not a bond of perfect union; but upon the platform of -black inferiority and white domination, every Southern man has his foot -squarely planted. Her answer, therefore, to all criticism is to point -with pride to the solid South. - -How often are we called upon to see with pain and wonder that opinions, -theories, even the mind itself is shaped by actions. Nature, aiming at -preservation of life, is quick to heal all possible wounds, to reconcile -warring impulses, to gloss and beautify deformities, and even to conceal -dangers and snares. She gives men language to justify their misdeeds, -teaches them how to embalm their errors in the secretion of their -intellects, and even preserves the lying epitaphs which they inscribe -over the remains of their vanity and pride. To change an opinion, it is -necessary commonly to change a course of action, and until the life of -the South changes, there seems no reasonable expectation that her -opinions will change. Disfranchisement is but a symptom of the diseased -Southern body politic, and who can tell whether the surgeon's knife will -not reach the sources of life itself in seeking for a cure. - -Sufficient then to herself,--wholly insufficient, false, and cruel to -us, is this answer. If there were but these two parties to the cause, -there would be no need to consider it. There remains, however, the still -hesitating, ever-divided public opinion of the North--now the judge in -the Freedmen's case. It is fitting that in her court, our replication -should be boldly made. There we proclaim that the South is not doing -justice to colored men. - -The Negroes, say Southern men, are ignorant, lazy, vicious,--a perpetual -menace to the rule and order of white men. Is this believable? Did God -so make the world that after three thousand years of progressive white -civilization;--in a country where there are sixty millions of white men, -entrenched in their possession of armies and navies, wealth, power and -endless resources of trained intellect;--that nine millions of colored -people, rich in nothing but their sufferings, threaten to put the bottom -on top? And if chance rules the world, and ignorance, laziness and vice -are as likely to prevail as knowledge, industry and virtue, we may as -well believe that ignorance and laziness and vice underlie white -civilization and supremacy. No, we may confidently answer: this is not -believable. Either these nine millions of colored people are not -ignorant, lazy and vicious, or there are no grounds for the fear that -they can for an hour put into danger the continuance of white -domination, even in the blackest portion of the black South. - -There is indeed proof obtainable that they are neither ignorant, lazy -and vicious, nor a menace to rule and order. If they were near neighbors -of the brutes would the elaborate defensive preparations be necessary -which the South continues feverishly to make? Do the savages of Africa -enact disfranchising clauses to keep apes and monkeys out of their -political affairs? If ignorance so submerges the black man, why does not -the Massachusetts principle of protecting the ballot prevail in the -South? Why is it necessary to require the voter to read, yes, and -_interpret satisfactorily, any_ clause in the state constitution?[4] If -sloth curses the Negro with unfruitfulness, why require property to the -assessed value of $300? If the assessed value be two thirds of the real -value, this means that nearly $500; if one third, then nearly $1000 is -fixed as the minimum possession of the black voter. Does this precaution -point to shiftlessness? If viciousness be indelibly stamped upon his -nature, why not rely upon his disfranchisement for crime to eliminate -the colored voters? Are the white juries not to be trusted to condemn -the accused? Are the leased convicts not worth their cost of keeping? It -has been more than once said that 90,000 of the 90,000 colored people in -the District of Columbia are criminals. If the same proportion maintains -elsewhere, what more is needed to accomplish the desired end? - - [4] The requirement that the voter be able to read (or write) _and_ - interpret satisfactorily, in the Virginia registration requirement - before Jan. 1, 1904, is an advance upon the earlier clauses, which - left the alternative. I am not sure but that it reappears in the - Maryland law not yet in operation. It is an interesting fact that - it was _Senator Daniels of Virginia_ who once called the attention - of the Senate to the injustice done the South by Senator Spooner's - assertion that voters were, without alternative, required to - interpret passages from the Constitutions. - -Yet disfranchisement for ignorance, for thriftlessness, and vice all -together are acknowledged to be insufficient, and resort must be had -again to manipulation, juggling, and confessed dishonesty. Rev. Edgar -Gardiner Murphy, Executive Secretary of the Southern Education Board, a -distinguished witness, testifying against interest, says: "The -instrument of discrimination has been found in the discretionary powers -lodged in the board of registrars, by which worthy Negro men, fairly -meeting every test of suffrage have been excluded from registration."(?) -Where the fact is so freely admitted, proof seems wasted, yet abundant -corroboration may easily be had[5]. - - [5] The following clipping from the Baltimore American, I cannot - refrain from reading:-- - - "In the recent election the democratic judges of election in many - of the counties proved that they were unable even to count ballots - properly marked, and when it came to putting a reasonable - interpretation on the intention of a voter they were either wholly - ignorant or wholly dishonest. It is perfectly safe to say that not - one-third of the democratic judges who served at the Maryland - election of last week could themselves give an intelligent - interpretation of any section in the Constitution. Many of them do - not even know what the Constitution is, and the man who suggested - that they would take it to be a new kind of drink did not overshoot - the mark. Fine professors of constitutional history these men would - make!" - -The fact as well as the extent of disfranchisement is revealed by the -statistical summaries:-- - - - *STATISTICAL SUMMARIES* - - - - _TABLE_ 1 - ---------------------------------------- - ADULT MALE OR COLORED VOTING - POPULATION, 1900, ESTIMATED AT 1 IN - 4.3. - ---------------------------------------- - Virginia 660,722 46,122. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Nor. Car. 624,469 127,114. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - South Car. 782,321 152,860. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Alabama 827,307 181,471. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Mississippi 907,630 197,936. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Louisiana 650,804 147,348. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Total 4,453,251. - ---------------------------------------- - - - _TABLE_ 2 - ------------------------------------------------------ - CENSUS OF NEGROES BEFORE PASSAGE OF REVISED - CONSTITUTIONS. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Virginia 1900 115,865 (T.Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Nor. Car. " 133,081 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - South Car. 1892 13,384 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 1900 55,512 Pres. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Mississippi 1888 30,096 - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1888 30,701 - ------------------------------------------------------ - - - _TABLE_ 3 - ------------------------------------------------------ - CENSUS OF NEGROES AFTER PASSAGE OF REVISED - CONSTITUTIONS. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Virginia 1904 47,880 (W. Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Nor. Car. " 82,442 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - So. Car. 1900 3,579 Pres. (T.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - So. Car. 1904 2,554 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 1904 22,472 (W. Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Miss. 1900 5,753 Pres. (T. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Miss. 1904 3,189 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1900 14,234 Pres. (T. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1904 5,205 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - - - _TABLE_ 4 - ---------------------------------------------------- - REGISTRATION OF COLORED VOTERS. (Newspaper - estimate.) - ---------------------------------------------------- - State Literate _Registered_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - Virginia equal 69,358 - ---------------------------------------------------- - North Carolina 59,625 _"Less than - 6,000"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - South Carolina 69,242 - ---------------------------------------------------- - Alabama 73,474 _"Hardly - 2,500"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - Mississippi 92,605 - ---------------------------------------------------- - Louisiana 57,086 _"1,147"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - - - _TABLE_ 5 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE SIX STATES; VOTE AFTER DISFRANCHISEMENT - SCORED. (World Almanac of 1904.) - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - YEAR VA. NORTH SOUTH ALA. MISS. LA. - CAR. CAR. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1872 93,468 94,783 72,290 90,272 82,175 59,975 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1876 76,093 108,419 92,081 68,230 52,605 75,315 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1880 83,639 115,874 58,071 56,178 34,854 38,016 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1884 139,356 125,068 21,733 59,144 43,509 46,347 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1888 150,438 134,784 13,736 57,197 30,096 30,701 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1892 113,217 100,846 13,384 9,197 1,406 26,563 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1900 115,865 133,081 3,579 55,512 5,753 14,234 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1904 47,880 82,442 2,554 22,472 3,189 5,205 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - 1872, 1876, Va., N.C., S.C., Ala. (Tribune Almanac of 1896.) - 1872, Louisiana (World Almanac.) - 1892, Louisiana (Republican and Populists.) - 1892, N.C.; 1900, 1904 (Due to Populists.) - -Every fresh barrier erected in the South simply publishes to the world -the weakness and inefficiency of those already raised. Each time -dishonest methods are newly justified, and violent declarations, -applauded, fresh evidence is given that these Southern men cannot on its -merits win their case. The policy of white domination is stripped to -unblushing nakedness, and confident of the fear of those who remained -for two hundred years enslaved, the South narrows the issue to one of -physical courage, inviting the Negro to wrest from her the power, which -stands between him and justice, freedom, happiness. _It is not then in -the ignorance, laziness, and vice of the Negro, that the white South -trusts, for the continuance of her policy, but in his defencelessness._ - -_To these Southern men, we can make but one reply. Unmistakably our -courage is the issue._ But before considering how best to treat their -sinister challenge, let us answer to the Republican party the question: -What does justice to the Negro demand? Our reply is simple,--the -fulfillment of the promise, which was treasured up in the hearts of four -million men as they passed through the doors of slavery into the light -of freedom;--the promise, which they have left to their children as -their one priceless inheritance: "The guarantee by Congress of equal -suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every -consideration of public safety, of gratitude and of justice, and must be -maintained"--this was the promise of the Republican party in 1868. The -freedman appeals to the creator of his political rights, as Tennyson to -the Creator of his being:-- - - Thou wilt not leave us in the dust; - Thou madest man, he _knows_ not why; - He thinks he was not made to die; - And Thou hast made him,--Thou art just. - -Is it then fair to leave to us the vindication of the Reconstruction -policy against men of the South, the North and even influential members -of the party's own councils? Must we meet the charge that the Republican -party was moved by revenge and folly, and prove that there was no other -way to secure the foundation of freedom, which hundreds of thousands had -died to win? Were those terrible years of death a mere night over the -gaming table, with two haggard players, 'breaking even' at dawn? Is it -left to us to rescue from their own sons the fame of the heroes of the -war against slavery and restore the honorable inscriptions recorded on -their tombs? When men talk of 'the greatest error of Reconstruction,' -has the murder of Lincoln no claim to the place? Does not John Wilkes -Booth better merit derisive canonizing than "Saint" John Brown? If it -was irony for the "Reconstruction" legislatures to impose heavy taxes -upon a people who had just emerged from a ruinous war and by bonded -indebtedness extend the obligation to future generations, was it not -also irony to punish and re-enslave by vagrancy laws the men who without -an acre or a dollar were now _called_ free? - -And if it _was_ hate, and revenge, and folly, which brought about the -'War Amendments,' can they be honorably withdrawn now? Is there no -doctrine in law, which forbids one's renouncing an act after he has -profited by it? But could the elections have been won and the policies -maintained without the aid of the colored voter? Is there need of a -statute of limitations to stop a political party from withdrawing the -promises upon which it has encouraged millions of trusting people to -build for forty years? Can it be honestly claimed that three-fourths of -the States of the Union gave the ballot to the slave just out of the -slave pen, with the implied condition that if he failed to prove himself -able from the outset to resist temptation to childish indulgence and -childish dishonesty, seduced as he was by the Northern men whom -gratitude bade him trust and follow, he should lose it forever? Is this -the Eden where we met our "fall?" A sober Anglo-Saxon definition of -justice is given by Sidgwick: "Justice is realized (1) in the observance -of law, and contracts, and definite understandings, and in the -enforcement of such penalties for the violation of these as have been -legally determined and announced; and (2) in the fulfilment of natural -and normal expectations." That the nation's laws will be upheld is the -first requirement of justice.[6] - - [6] Here is an instance of a President's devotion to existing laws: - *With the Confederate government fully installed two weeks - before*,--Lincoln said in his inaugural address, that "he had no - purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of - slavery." Is a manual needed in the United States to tell for what - purposes and under what circumstances the law will be enforced? - -But yet again are we brought back to the ignorance, shiftlessness and -criminality of the Negro. Their fathers, so say these wiser Northern -sons, could not know of these evils, which to them have been revealed. -No, they could not: had their lives been spared till now there had been -no such evils to reveal. Under freedom's blaze ignorance was sucked up -as the stagnant waters from a pool. With nearly the entire number of -slaves illiterate, with no schools yet built, and only those large -hearted teachers to face the enormous educational work whose -ministrations to the needy were their only pay, more was done in the -years just after the liberation of the slaves, to remove, their -ignorance, than twenty-five thousand teachers in hundreds of schools -have done in the last decade since.[7] Progress in earning and saving -corresponded. And there was little increase of crime. A few years more -of the sunlight and who doubts that these charges could never have been -brought against us! And by whom are we charged with being criminal? -Surely not by the South? - - [7] Per cent. of illiteracy. - - Colored population in 1860 4,441,830. - - Of this about 9 per cent. (488,070) was free--perhaps of this was - literate, i.e., about 5 per cent. of the whole. - - Equal 95 per cent. or higher. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1870 equal whole population, - 4,880,009, less 28.7 per cent. equals under 10 leaving 3,464,806. - Above 10, unable to write, 2,789,689. - - Equal 80 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1880 4,601,207. Above 10, - unable to write, 3,220,878. - - Equal 70 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1890 5,328,972. Above 10, - unable to write, 3,042,668. - - Equal 57.1 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1900 6,415,581. Above 10, - unable to write, 2,853,194. - - Equal 44.5 per cent. - -Is it credible that our millions lived under the benign influence of -slavery, almost without crime and continued even after the Emancipation -Act to live peacefully and honestly:--and then, upon the passage of the -14th Amendment dropped suddenly from this moral zenith? Such sudden -transformations are not natural: either slavery made the criminality of -the African: or held it in a grip barely strong enough to prevent its -issue in acts of violence: or, else this record of crime is false. One -of these three explanations, we cannot choose but accept. The South at -least, cannot admit the first, for slavery, they declared, even before -God at His Altar, to be a benign institution; neither can they admit the -second, for it, too, is inconsistent with the gentleness and benignity -of slavery. But will they admit the third? "Nine tenths of the illicit -gains," says James Bryce, speaking of Reconstruction, "went to the -whites." Into like parts, Woodrow Wilson divides the responsibility and -the discredit. "Negroes," he writes, constituted the majority of their -electorates, but political power gave them no advantage of their own. -Adventurers swarmed out of the North, to cozen, beguile and use them.... -They gained the confidence of the Negroes, obtained for themselves the -more lucrative offices, and lived upon the public treasury, public -contracts and their easy control of affairs. For the Negroes there was -nothing but occasional allotments of abandoned or forfeited land, the -pay of petty offices, a per-diem allowance as members of the -conventions, and the state legislatures, which their new masters made -business for, or the wages of servants in the various offices of -administration. Their ignorance and credulity made them easy dupes. A -petty favor, a slender stipend, a trifling perquisite, a bit of poor -land, a piece of money satisfied, or silenced them." This is the record -of crime until the quickly passing day of freedom was ended. And if -crime has increased since, so presently will ignorance increase and -idleness unless their growth is checked by the restoration of freedom -and justice and hope. Punishment will fail to stop the growth of -idleness, vice and crime, as it has always failed, and if brutal -punishments are next resorted to when milder ones have failed, one -sickens at the prospect. Can Southern, abetted by Northern men strew the -earth with the seeds of accursed slavery, bastardy and treason, secret -conspiracy, callous, sneering fraud and the brutality of the mob, and -think to stop by lynching the harvest of black duplicity, bred of fear, -and black criminality, bred of misery and hate,--when they have gathered -enough of the fruits to make an exhibit of Negro vice? The departure of -lynching waits for two events: the breeding of the animal out the most -wretched Negroes until they find greater satisfaction in something -higher than sensuality and revenge; and the breeding of savage cruelty -out of the white man until he can find pleasure in something more humane -than torture by fire. As our counsellors bid us turn our attention to -the dark side of our life, we bid them turn theirs from it. Your boasted -civilization on its under side is but a progress from rape to adultery, -from brute to devil. The savage honors the brute and tortures the devil; -the civilized man tortures or crushes the brute and honors the devil. -There is a pitcher plant of California, which is so described: Above a -funnel shaped stem, it flaunts a crimson banner. The hood of the flower -is transparent, so that the wary are caught even in their efforts to -flee. From the mouth downwards the walls exude intoxicating sweets but -multitudinous hairs, all pointing downward, lower the victim farther -with every struggle. At its bottom a charnel heap, poisoning the air. -Such plants flourish amidst civilization, and millions are their -victims, who debauch their appetites until their intellects shrink to -the size of their already shrunken consciences, and they are helpless to -do anything but die. Liberty _is_ perilous, a very 'valley of the shadow -of death,' but the history of every nation which has lived and died -teaches us that the danger of a false step is even greater near the end -of the journey than at the beginning. Egypt, Assyria, Judea, Greece, -Rome--the history of every nation is a light-house marking a _reef_ in -the harbor of humanity. - -When Cain had killed Abel, he hid the body, and when God called, -replied, "Am I my brother's keeper?" A chill foreboding comes over us -with these Northern doubts of the wisdom of Reconstruction, and we -cannot refrain from wondering if the North still retains the sense of -duty of 61; if the North can do, can even will to do justice. And here -let us turn from our first question: What does justice to the Negro -demand? To the second: What can the Negro do to get justice? My end has -been reached if there is felt more than before the need of answering the -latter question. - -Underlying the civil laws of the nation are certain high ideals. The -fidelity of the nation to these is measured by the quality and the force -of public opinion. Just as long therefore as the republic endures, the -executive, legislative and judicial powers will obey the people's will. -To this oracle the rulers have again appealed, and its answer has been -an expression of renewed and increased confidence in the Republican -party. The hour of the new administration has almost come, and the -message may be now on its way to the country that the party pledges are -to be redeemed. It may be that there are brighter days before us; but -if, as in the past, we stand on no securer footing than two men -wrestling on a steep and icy hill-side, where both roll over and over, -and there is no chance between throwing and being thrown,--then it -matters not whether we appeal to President, or Congress, or Supreme -Court; to the 14th or 15th amendment, for the righting of our wrongs. - -Congress is empowered to enforce the 14th and 15th amendments by -appropriate legislation. Such legislation has been enacted and by one -President, at least, enforced. But, now, it is held that it must be -shown that the amendments are being violated, and this cannot be done -until the Supreme Court fully interprets them. What a mockery it has all -become! Insolently, sneeringly, the violators of the plain intent of the -law rise from their seats in Congress and demand how far they are going -to be obliged to walk around these Amendments instead of kicking them -aside. By law, or by force, colored men are being deprived of the right -to hold office; by law or by force excluded from the jury; by law or by -force sent into slavery for crimes of which they were convicted by these -juries from which they are excluded; by law or by force, they are being -disfranchised. The alternative is clear. Southern men do not evade it. -The revised Constitutions stand boldly for disqualification by law. -Southern Congressmen in debate as boldly proclaim the force. More -cautiously Mr. Murphy testifies to the same effect, denying that "the -abuse of discretionary power by the registrars of elections,--an abuse -which the State permits, but which the State does not necessitate or -prescribe, brings the State within reach of the penalties of the -Constitution." - -If not by law then the Constitution is nullified by force, and it -becomes the duty of Congress to maintain it. But is Congress so near the -performance of this obligation that we can profitably advise as to the -method? Shall we say that candidates for Congress, by force or fraud -elected, shall be refused their seats or that an election bill shall be -passed, guaranteeing just laws; or that the penalty clause of the 14th -Amendment shall be first enforced? At least, we had better wait until -the House has reversed the policy outlined by its Committee on -Elections, whose concluding words in the Dantzler-Lever case follow:-- - - "However desirable it may be for a legislative body to retain - control of the decision as to the election and qualification of - its members, it is quite certain that a legislative body is not - the ideal body to pass judicially upon the constitutionality of - the enactments of other bodies. We have in this country a proper - forum for the decision of constitutional and other judicial - questions. If any citizen of South Carolina who was entitled to - vote under the constitution of that State in 1868 is now - deprived by the provisions of the present constitution, he has - the right to tender himself for registration and for voting, and - in case his right is denied, to bring suit in a proper court for - the purpose of enforcing his right or recovering damages for its - denial. - - "That suit can be carried by him, if necessary, to the Supreme - Court of the United States. If the United States Supreme Court - shall declare in such case that the "fundamental conditions" in - the reconstruction acts were valid and constitutional and that - the State constitutions are in violation of those acts, and - hence invalid and unconstitutional every state will be compelled - to immediately bow in submission to the decision. The decision - of the Supreme Court would be binding and would be a positive - declaration of the law of the land which could not be denied or - challenged. - - "On the contrary, the decision of the House of Representatives - upon this grave judicial question would not be considered as - binding or effective in any case except the one acted upon or as - a precedent for future action in the House itself. - - "A majority of the Committee on Elections No. v doubt the - propriety in any event of denying these Southern States - representation in the House of Representatives pending a final - settlement of the whole question in proper proceedings by the - Supreme Court of the United States. Some of the members of the - committee believe the "fundamental conditions" set forth in the - reconstruction acts to be valid and the constitutions and - election laws of these States to be in conflict with such - conditions, and hence to be invalid. - - "Some of the members of the committee believe the "fundamental - conditions" set forth in the reconstruction acts to be invalid - and the constitutions and election laws of the States claimed to - be in conflict with such conditions to be valid. Some members of - the committee have formed no opinion and express no belief upon - the subject. - - "Your Committee on Elections No. i therefore respectively - recommend the adoption of the following resolution: - - "'_Resolved_. That Alexander D. Dantzler was not elected a - member of the Fifty-eighth Congress from the Seventh - Congressional district of South Carolina, and is not entitled to - a seat therein.'" - -If not by force then the Constitution is nullified by law, and the -Supreme Court must be looked to to maintain its vigor. Turning to the -Supreme Court, what do we find to be its answer? In the following words, -the Court concludes in the case of Giles vs Teasley, (the 4th Alabama -case) decided Feb. 23d, 1904:--(from this decision Justice Harlan -dissented.) - - "It is apparent that the thing complained of, so far as it - involves rights secured under the Federal Constitution, is the - action of the State of Alabama in the adoption and enforcing of - a constitution with the purpose of excluding from the exercise - of the right of suffrage the Negro voters of the State, in - violation of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the - United States. The great difficulty of reaching the political - action of a State through remedies afforded in the courts, State - or Federal, was suggested by this court in _Giles v. Harris, - supra_. - - "In reaching the conclusion that the present writs of error must - be dismissed the court is not unmindful of the gravity of the - statements of the complainant charging violation of a - constitutional amendment which is a part of the supreme law of - the land; but the right of this court to review the decisions of - the highest court of a State has long been well settled, and is - circumscribed by the rules established by law. We are of opinion - that plaintiffs in error have not brought the cases within the - statute giving to this court the right of review." - -Far be it from me to imply that the Supreme Court will never decide the -State constitutional clauses to be in violation of the national -constitution; but as Von Holst has said: "The wit of man is not equal to -the task in the shaping of political life of inventing forms which may -not be employed as weapons against their own legitimate substance or -contents." The law, it might be added, without strong-siding conscience, -is a mere magician's handkerchief, and surely we can no longer think of -ante-election promises embodied in the Republican party platform as -binding obligations. - -To those who ask: how long shall men wait for justice? I can only -answer: Wait we must, but we need not idly wait. Our future is largely -our own to make. Our radius of activity is slowly enlarging. Our daily -question: what shall we do? settles into a demand for a defined policy. -A bitter and perplexed,--What shall I do?--we are coming to find "worse -than worst necessity." Mere agitation, we know will not suffice. The -country is not floating upon a rising tide of indignation at the -unjustness of our treatment, as it was fifty years ago. And even if the -doing of justice hung upon the casting of a die, I do not know why the -throw should be the higher for violent shaking of the box. Some sort of -planning of our future and united effort of at least a few to realize -their plans is indispensable. - -Resolved, therefore, that we strive for all happiness whatsoever, which -may be fairly won. A good name and a level glance from those around us -are essentials of happiness. If that is social equality, then, resolved -that we strive for social equality. "This," says Cable, "is a fool's -dream." If so let us not shrink along with Christ, to be called fools. -Once past slavery there is no insuperable barrier between us and -freedom. Where is this line between civil and private rights? Is not the -path from one to the other continuous? Workshops and offices, public -conveyances, the theatre, hotels and restaurants, apartment-houses, the -boarding table, barber-shops and bath rooms, the public school and -college, the scientific society, the church, the alumni dinner, the -church sociable--in city, town and village:--what are these but the way -to the home?[8] There is an upward slope from slavery, where a man is a -thing, to freedom, where a man is a man. Millions, the better part of -mankind, live and die on the hill-side; but all push on, as long as hope -and manhood survive. That those above should acknowledge the brotherhood -of those below and descend to help them is not to be generally expected; -for that requires such love of their fellows as few possess. It _is -foolish_ then to _demand_ the concession of social equality; but it is -quite as _cowardly_ to give up obtaining it, as long as an upward way -exists. That the path is open is proved by the cry of those who hate us: -Turn the hill-side into a precipice,--slavery is the only alternative to -equality; build an unscalable wall of caste founded upon the color of -the skin, the lowest white man by law and force raised higher than the -highest black. Yes, the first of all our resolutions must be this one, -to strive for social equality. - - [8] That public conveyances come within the social sphere is asserted - by Burgess: Reconstruction and the Constitution pp. 150---- - - "During the winter and spring of 1867-8 the work of these - conventions went on under the greatest extravagance and - incompetence of every kind. (The constitutions which came from them - provided for complete equality in civil rights, and *in some cases, - in advantages of a social character, such as equal privileges in - public conveyances etc."*) - -Not only, however, our indomitable instinct, but an urgent reason makes -this our foremost consideration. National responsibilities, great civic -or industrial responsibilities we are as yet cut off from. Through -_private relations then we must educate ourselves to the realization, -that only through the just performance of duties can true rights be -won_. As we perform our trust over a few things will we perform our -trust over many. Already we are reminded that our claims as individuals -are mixed with those of the mass of our people. In vain we urge our -greater culture or refinement, we are judged by the average of our race. -In our own interest then, if not from a higher motive, we must turn to -the lifting of our fellows. Our solidarity is already great: let us hold -to it and increase it. Far from being a curse it is a people's greatest -blessing. Yet we are losing it; our fellow sympathy and active -helpfulness are not as great as were our fathers'. This is of crucial -importance, since our best chance of winning friends among the women and -poor of the other race is by justice to the women and poor of our own. -And it is the women and the poor of the other race that we need most to -win: for it were hard to say which is the greater obstacle to our -progress, those left behind among the race ahead, or those left behind -among our own. We must face sex inequality and class inequality among -ourselves, _lest we bitterly denounce others' injustice when the same -spirit of uncharitableness is deep buried in our own natures_. - -Why is there such intense emphasis placed upon this issue of social -equality? Largely because it arouses the jealousy of the white woman and -the white poor. She, with her heart full of fear and distrust, is the -first to shut the door upon the stranger. The next step after being a -slave is wanting one; and she, who has been for untold ages in forced -servitude to man clings jealously to that social order which provides a -place for another more to be pitied than she. She, it is who holds the -keys of the home, and with them, of church, school, restaurant, theatre -and car. - -And with women are joined the poor. _They_ bar our way to industrial -employment; they stand guard over the polls. Why? Because they have -learned uncharitableness in the school of bitter experience; because -they, who have themselves never known aught but inequality, cannot even -_think_ of an even balance between men. _Of little avail, then, the -wisdom and bounty of the few enlightened, when the serried ranks of the -masses bar our upward way_.... As each occasion of hardship or slight -works upon them,--high prices made by monopoly, failure of strikes, the -miseries of war, unequal laws, the scorn of the rich and -well-born,--they turn and empty the full reservoir of their discontent, -through the ever open vent of race hatred upon any that are weaker than -they. And ever and again the crafty among the ruling class, discovering -this means of averting danger to themselves make haste to profit by it. -The greater our show of progress,--the more active the resentment of -these classes of those above us becomes. Upon the removal of this -antagonism much of the welfare of the Republic as well as our own -depends, and I know of no other way to accomplish it than through -fairness to the women and poor of our own race. Then those just ahead -will see that they have no cause to fear that among us are to be found a -new set of masters to make fresh multitudes of slaves. We cannot, then, -afford to go on, confident that justice and wisdom will prevail; for the -best among ourselves know how difficult it is to be just and wise. Let -us who know the way to justice and can follow it, but strive to do so, -and others, and yet others will be drawn into the current until its -pressure becomes too great to resist. - -Resolved, secondly, that we will continue to form party ties from -fundamental principle and not momentary prospect of advantage. Last of -all classes, can we afford to consider trimming our political sails to -catch a chance breeze. Before it can even be granted that we hold the -actual balance of power, this opportunism must have become our settled -policy,--else we are _not_ the most precarious body of voters. But -suppose we were able to bargain for our vote, how wise would it be to do -so? Can our voters afford to indulge in a prospect of profit to be -obtained from their franchise? No, beyond question, our position is yet -too insecure to warrant our driving a bargain with the Republican party, -backed by the threatened withdrawal of our ballots. For not only would -an artificial value, given to our vote because it was pivotal,--which, -to repeat, it could only be if it were the most precarious,--double its -venality, but the likelihood of our being put off with mere promises -would be increased. Would not the prize be made just tempting enough to -keep us vainly hoping? Would the rich with all their abundance do more -than "rub our chains with crumbs?" We have all to fight to keep up our -faith in the Republican party and its fidelity to the pledges of forty -years, but all our political funds are invested with it, and unless in -pursuit of some better principle than gratitude the time has not yet -come to withdraw them. - -Resolved, thirdly, that we will contend for the political and social -rights we crave, by modern rules of war, using every protective means we -can, but scorning every dishonorable stratagem. Under the present stress -a line of division is appearing between those among us who believe in -open, and those who believe in secret methods of protection. In spite -however of the merciless fire we are subjected to by the press, which -makes any one a mark, who so much as strikes a match, we will resolutely -oppose secret bodies, secret measures, secret policies. Nothing so -quickly brings out all the cruelty of hatred as fear of secret danger. -Let not the awful power and unrebuked successes of Ku Klux Klan or white -caps mislead us. We must be free from the charge of having suggested -_even_ such means to those whom oppression has made desperate, but for -whom imitation would spell merciless revenge without even the check of -Northern censure. And another evil scarce less results: a premium is -hereby put upon treachery. Temptation is already too great to those -among us who might be induced to betray. - -On the other hand, no reasonable precaution should be left untaken. Our -position is hardly yet so perilous that we need seek the mountains, -deserts or swamps for safety. Other protective measures however should -be sought. First among these, is organization, which, however is only -worthful when there is real community of interest and feeling. These it -will be hard to secure without neighborhood and common business -dealings. By such means too, we shall better come under the protection -of the common law, with its broad mantle spread over all contractual -relations. It is hard to get justice wholesale, harder still when one -cannot offer the market price. The earlier resolutions leading up to the -15th Amendment forbade restriction of the franchise on account of creed, -ignorance or poverty. These additions were laid aside before the passage -of the bill. The Civil Rights bill in its earlier stages required -equality in the public schools and the jury service. These failed first. -The best help--this cannot be said too often--is self-help. -Self-dependence will not only strengthen our own defenses, but it has a -value yet higher--it strengthens the Republic. Appealing as we now do to -central authority, embodied in the Republican party, we help -unconsciously to build up centralized power. This disadvantage of our -faithful adherence to that party must be confessed. By striving to -obtain land and independent businesses, and towards municipal political -privileges, we will increase our responsibilities, our interest in good -government and our stake in the democracy of America,--and by so doing -become sturdier defenders of the Republic. To the man _who works_, the -man who _wants and consumes_, in short to every man belong the common -benefits and privileges due to his common humanity; but if we mean to -secure these heights which in the United States only have yet been won, -we must win firm ground to stand on. The law is not grounded in such -principles, he who would fight for the rights of men, must be _more_ -than a mere man to get standing in her courts. - -By such protective measures we may so shield ourselves from attack, that -if any should wish to destroy us they must first destroy what they have -themselves built. This means much: but who so thoughtless as to suppose -that ownership of land and home, or business interests or even municipal -or other corporate franchises,--with the knowledge needed to maintain -them--are of themselves enough! Who so weak as to trust in mere -segregation, that if we only stay on our side of a high board fence we -will be let alone! What of Africa? What of China? What so absurd as -unguarded wealth? The day of high board fences is passing. While -segregation will supply certain opportunities, which we may profit by, -if we use them as stepping-stones to higher things, it can only do so, -if there is courage to defend what has been won. Without courage no man -can hope to keep anything another covets. _Somewhere in the foreground -of all our policies,--if we are true men and women,--must be the -determination to part with them only at a reasonable price._ Let common -sense, and scorn of dishonesty, or pretence, guide us in moulding them, -but then let us adhere to them. Let all be done in God's name, as does -the man who builds an altar, gathers wood, then cleanses himself from -all impurity before he approaches it to do sacrifice. When these steps -have been taken, we may appeal to the God of justice, and with the -confidence of him who dares ask, and receive an answering sign from -Heaven, strike for the right. - - - - -The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been -Specifically Revised--_JOHN HOPE_ - - -So much has been said about almost every phase of the so-called "Race -Problem," so many good things and so many bad things, that we are apt to -believe all has been said that can be said and to wish that if there is -anything that has not yet been said, it may remain unsaid. Certainly -little that is new can be said on the franchise until we have some new -developments. You will get nothing new from me. I am to speak on a -current topic that is as well known to you as to me. Yet it is sometimes -helpful to hear your own thoughts expressed by some one else. With this -possibility of doing a service, I apologize for having consented to -write on the subject of "Negro Suffrage in the States whose -Constitutions have not been Specifically Revised." But even here I feel -unable to speak about all these States and prefer to confine myself to -my own state, for of this I may speak with the assurance that comes from -contact. - -The State of Georgia probably shows as little revulsion and reversion of -sentiment and law as any distinctly Southern state, except perhaps -Texas, since the Reconstruction period. Republican rule was short lived -and, while it remained, was less aggressive and revolutionary than in -other states. The population has been fairly evenly divided between the -two races with a majority always on the white side. The agrarian class -has been less powerful than in some Southern states and the ignorance of -both races has been rather mitigated and softened by centres of -information, towns and cities, less remotely distant from one another -than is the case in several other Southern states, railroads and -factories exerting a great influence in this respect. So Georgia may be -taken as a type of those states in which the best things have happened -or rather the worst things have not happened for Colored people. - -Of course, in Reconstruction times Georgia Democrats did act harshly, -but my remarks rather have to do with the period after that. For -instance, more than thirty Colored Republicans were expelled from the -Georgia legislature and the state had to have a sort of second -reconstruction before it was finally recognized by the United States -Government. - -Georgia had only one Republican governor, and sent to the National House -of Representatives at least one Colored Representative. But for many -years, even this has been a thing of the past. White men have held all -offices, occasionally having the monotony of complexion broken by a -Colored representative from Camden, McIntosh or Liberty county in the -state legislature. - -The passing of the Republican party in the state as an aggressive -elective organization has been due to several causes, but so hidden and -studied have two of them been, so free from shotguns, leaving out, of -course, the Ku Klux and Patrollers of the '60's and '70's, that you -cannot lay your hands on these causes so easily as in some other states -where the change has been revolutionary and sudden rather than gradual. -You will notice that I say Republican party, for when the Colored vote -was most effective it was organized by the Republican party. One of the -causes of this passing of the Republican vote was intimidation at the -polls on election day, threats and intimidation before the day in -communities of Colored people, and official rascality in the counting of -ballots actually cast. Probably, as a result of these a third cause -came--the indifference of the state and municipal Republican -organizations to making a canvass for the state and city officers. - -Then the Colored vote began to divide on Democratic candidates and was -exceedingly effective, holding the balance of power, as it did, in -choosing white Democratic governors, congressmen, state legislators, -city and county officers. This went well for awhile, but white -office-seekers soon began to fear this Colored balance of power. They -wanted their certainty of a majority of the white vote to guarantee -their office; so the Georgia legislature passed a law making it legal to -have primaries to nominate candidates for office and also throwing such -safeguards about the management of primaries as aimed to secure lawful -practices on these occasions. Here was a perfectly harmless movement, -apparently harmless. The next step was made by the Democratic party -assembled in State Convention when it decided that candidates for state -and county officers on the Democratic ticket should be nominated by a -primary, but leaving the conduct of the primary to the community in -which it might be held, provided this should not run counter to the -primary law as passed by the State. Here too, was a perfectly fair and -harmless provision, apparently fair and apparently harmless. But the way -was then open for the primary to take on a local coloring. In -communities where the colored vote was an embarrassment, the Democratic -party there decided to have a _white_ primary. In one of these -communities a colored man that I know went to vote at the primary. He -was a "good Negro" a very good Negro, his goodness dating back to the -time when the "Yankees" were about to confiscate his master's cotton and -he claimed the cotton as his. Even this transaction did not enlarge his -cranium, and after saving his master thousands of dollars and gradually -amassing a fortune for himself, he still knew how to approach his former -master from the kitchen door. Well, this good Negro went to cast his -ballot. The courteous man at the polls said: "George, this is a -Democratic primary." "Yes," said George, "but I am a Democrat." "Well," -said the courteous gentleman, "but George, this is a _white_ primary." -This colored man found himself without a Republican for whom he might -vote, and was informed that the Democratic party was a close corporation -so far as the Colored man was concerned. This is quite interesting when -I tell you that white Republicans, avowedly Republicans, have not only -been permitted but even requested to participate in the primaries of the -Democratic and Populist parties. - -The reason for the elasticity of the primary is quite evident, that is, -why Colored people are allowed to take part in the primary in one -community and not in another, or why they are allowed at one time to -vote and at another time in that same community are not allowed to vote. -The purpose is to have the Colored voters as a harmless balance of power -between the Democrats and any other party that may show strength, that -is, to have the Colored man to settle disputes among white people -without becoming obstreperous because of this valuable assistance. There -were some communities where the Populists used the Colored voter to -defeat Democrats and others where the Democrats used this vote to defeat -Populists. Of the State as a whole, it may be said that Populism was -defeated by the Colored voters espousing the Democratic side. And be it -said to the common sense and good reason of many Democrats that this -fact is acknowledged and to an extent appreciated by the party now in -power--to the extent at least of staving off any further -disfranchisement measures thus far. - -But the most flagrant high-handedness and palpable confession of purpose -on the part of white people with reference to our citizenship rights is -to be found in a state legislative enactment that looks to the municipal -management of two Georgia towns where the Colored voters are so -overwhelmingly in the majority that ordinary subterfuges would not -fulfill the requirement. Darien and St. Mary's are two coast towns with -a large Colored population. The mayor and aldermen are not elected by -the voters in these towns; but, instead, these towns enjoy the unique -distinction of being managed by officials appointed by the governor of -the State. What is more simple; what more high-handed; what more -un-Democratic and subversive of national principles of government than -this? - -Now let us ask the question: Can the Colored man cast his ballot in -Georgia? - -In the first place, any party of any race may hold a primary. - -Second, any man of any party or race may vote in the _general_ election -for any candidate he may wish. - -Let us ask next, whether these ballots will be counted? That depends -entirely upon whether the need is to count them or destroy them; or -furthermore, to count them as ballots for some one for whom they were -not cast. The election boards and the management at the polls are not -bipartisan and the party in power may do what it chooses. - -We raise the question now whether it is for our best interest -economically to exercise the franchise? Do men vote to help their -economic interests? Are not taxation and other fiscal policies settled -by the ballot? May not property be enhanced or lessened in value by -voters? Colored people have some real estate and securities, but their -practical capital is their labor; yet they have not the least power, the -real power, of influencing legislation in reference to a single labor -measure that may arise, although in Georgia nearly half the population -is colored and in the laboring class the colored people are in the -majority. Now suppose, as white union labor in the South grows stronger, -it should influence such legislation as would eliminate colored labor -where it came into competition with white labor, the colored laborer -would be politically powerless to resist this legislation. Now is this a -mere idle dream when we reflect that within the past few months a Texas -legislator introduced a bill to confine Colored labor to the farm -whenever it was found in city and town communities to be competing with -white labor. - -Then there is another side that really has its argument, effective, -though perhaps not very logical. The fact that we are, as a people, -laborers and not capitalists, makes us, as any other people similarly -placed would be, under obligation to the capitalist who, in our case, -are white. The point is made that to enter politics against the wishes -of this people would raise such antagonism as to lower our earning -power. Hence we are told to keep out of politics until we get a better -money basis. Here we stand between two difficulties, staying out of -politics might jeopard our earning and entering politics might jeopard -our earnings. Many honest and thoughtful white and colored men stand on -both sides of this question. - -Now, is it educationally best for us to vote? This question requires -some amplifying. Do we mean what educational value comes from this -training in citizenship? If so, then certainly the value is great. There -was a time when we knew conditions in our state and town, but so little -influence does a Colored man have in politics now that I do not even -know the name of the alderman in my ward, although I am a registered -voter, have paid my poll tax and voted for President Roosevelt. I know -of nothing more benumbing to us as citizens than this deprivation. Men -who are philosophic may consider matters that are not of material -concern, but the average person does not load his mind and spend his -time with things that, for one reason or another, have no concern for -him. Any discussion as to the fitness and honesty of municipal and state -candidates hardly touches me, as I know I cannot lift a finger to -promote the interests of any one of them. I have no voice. - -There is another position from which this question may be viewed and -that is whether the advantages from schools would be lessened or -increased from participation in politics. It is quite evident that -without the ballot any people are suppliant and must beg rather than -make a manly demand. But, assuming that the lack of the ballot has -become a condition with us, would a demand or threat about our ballot -result in a counter threat that if we forced the issue, we should not -only be denied our ballot, but that for our arrogance the appropriation -for Colored public schools would be cut down and we should receive only -what we paid in as our share of the school tax? This too, is no dream; -but has actually been considered by colored men as a possible reason for -not causing such antagonism as would arise from Colored men endeavoring -to enter aggressively into politics again. - -What now about fears for disfranchisement such as has been compassed by -the revised constitutions in many Southern states? Some one may say that -there is no difference between constitutional disfranchisement and that -_quasi_ disfranchisement effective for all practical purposes such as we -have spoken of as now obtaining in Georgia. There is a tremendous -difference. If a wave of civic righteousness should sweep over those -states still without constitutional disfranchisement, the primaries -would be a very slight embarrassment to those willing to do right by all -races alike; while in the states possessing constitutional -disfranchisement, the reactionaries would have such means of stopping -fair play and honest elections free for all, that they could easily -check the purpose of the fair-minded citizens for a long while. - -Now, do we really have to fear disfranchisement? I say disfranchisement -must at all times be feared and be guarded against as far as it lies -within our power in an honorable and manly way to hold it off. Just at -the time North Carolina and Maryland seemed most secure to us we found -ourselves deprived of our rights; and it may be safely stated that -whenever on a specific occasion the Colored vote exerts the balance of -power over any considerable area, there disfranchisement may be feared. -We need to fear disfranchisement because it is founded upon the spirit -of injustice and that same spirit fosters it. So palpable is this, that -the South bewails the fact. Governor Warfield in speaking about the -repeal of the Fifteenth amendment says: "The privilege to vote could -then be bestowed without respect to the expedient of unwise -constitutional amendments that strain the conscience of our best people -and arouse criticism." Yet the repeal of the Fifteenth amendment would -not relieve those apostles of disfranchisement of the odium of violating -the spirit of truly American democracy and of setting at naught that -mighty decision on human rights that was rendered by the bloody -arbitrament of war--Disfranchisement of whatever sort, if designed to -embarrass a citizen because of his race, must always "strain the -conscience of our best people." - -Does Georgia show any signs of the disfranchising spirit? We fear it -does. The State Legislature now expects some measure of this sort at -each session, and in recent years has not been disappointed, although -good sense has thus far triumphed. Then again men in high places, -congressmen and at least one of our U. S. Senators from Georgia have -begun to say some things that may easily be construed as an advocacy of -disfranchisement. It occurs to me that the marked difference between the -condition in my boyhood and to-day is this: then the opposition was to -Republicans, to-day it is to Negroes. It is not a party line, but a race -line. - -Now the white primary has not done all that was claimed for it. In the -first place it has not purified elections. Far from doing away with the -purchase and sale of votes, it has, by lowering the supply, relatively -increased the demand and brought up the price to a really fancy figure. -In the second place it has failed to do that for which it was ostensibly -introduced especially to do, namely; to put into office those men most -eminently fitted by ability and character to administer the office to -which they might be chosen. On the contrary, primary elections have been -questioned on the ground of fraud; and the mayor of one very prominent -Georgia city has been arrested for drunkenness. Then why is the primary -kept? Well, the "fixers" for instance, can more easily fix things. With -the Colored man's vote eliminated, the work becomes simplified and even -though the amount of money spent illegally may now be more than the -total amount in the days when colored as well as white were in the -market yet those interested in "fixing" elections can now work with more -assurance; and promises may more easily be carried out in the matter of -delivering the goods. - -For instance, I know of a city election where the voters in one ward -were so evenly divided and the candidates had calculated their strength -so accurately, that one candidate felt safe in buying three white votes -at the rate of one hundred ten dollars. Large corporations may now -operate easily in state and city; and some of the most flagrant cases of -political jobbery that have been charged against Reconstruction rule are -easily equalled by the bare-faced graft and bribery by which large -business interests win their way through the assistance of white voters. - -What are the possibilities of white aspirants bolting the primary? It is -my impression that they are fewer than they were twenty years ago. Judge -Gartrell once ran independently against Alexander Stephens for Governor -and Judge Emory Speer in his younger days ran on an independent ticket; -but such a step on the part of a candidate means outlawry for life. -Speer was read into the Republican party, Thomas Watson into the -Populist; and since the exile of such giants, the small fry find it easy -to be good and not to lift their heads in rebellion, no matter what -rascality has compassed their defeat at the Primary. No. It is my -impression that the primary is more firmly established to-day than when -it was first started. White unity has become white slavery; and while -the yoke galls, the white aspirant prefers the yoke to extermination. - -But, suppose there should be a general Democratic "rough house" and the -colored vote should be called in to quell the disturbance, the Colored -voter would have no guarantee that such would mean his return to -political standing. On the contrary, it might, as in several states, -cause the passage of constitutional disfranchisement that would make his -last state worse than the former. Our status is truly unenviable, and -the ground on which we stand is exceedingly uncertain. - -I desire now to treat more fully what has already been touched upon: Why -do the Republicans not nominate candidates for state, county and city -offices and make a general canvass? There are two classes of Colored -men, those who think the party should and those who think it should not. -Unfortunately each of these classes makes severe charges against the -other with reference to this matter. I much prefer to accept the -explanations of both as honest. The following are at least some of the -reasons for not making a canvass: first, it is difficult to get -desirable men to accept the nomination; second, it would be still more -difficult to secure sufficient funds to pay the ordinary and perfectly -legitimate expenses of a campaign; third, the injustice of the party in -power would make a fair election an impossibility. Hence a candidate -would be doomed to defeat from the moment of his nomination and the fact -that he and the party would know this, would make the campaign lifeless, -futile and perfunctory. Fourth, the prominence of Colored people in -politics and the extra trouble to which they would put the ascendant -party might result in still further curtailment of the few rights still -left to us. - -To all of this the side that clamors or appears to clamor for a ticket -says: You assume too much, you see ghosts. Yet supposing the worst, it -is far better to keep Colored voters organized for several reasons: -first, because the organization gives a valuable training in citizenship -that cannot be gained by standing aloof and waiting for better things; -second, because if an opening should come suddenly, the Colored people -would be better able to decide quickly and intelligently where to throw -their strength solidly on one side or another for their own best -interests and the interests of the government; thirdly, because a show -of opposition to existing political injustice and repression would -relieve us of the charge of indifference to our condition and would -strengthen the courage of those who might champion our cause--our -efficient, powerful champions, who have grown doubtful about our real -manhood. I believe in the honesty of both these classes of colored men; -and it is exceedingly difficult for a man, living in the midst of these -conditions and knowing the temperament, attitude and unlimited power of -the white people, to say which one of these two courses is the more -rational and helpful to pursue. - -What have the Colored people lost through disfranchisement? They have -lost the privilege of influencing legislation, since the legislator -feels under no obligation to them. The "Jim Crow" car law, the separate -tax bill and almost any other bill may be passed so far as pressure from -Colored people is concerned. A very clear case is the public library in -Atlanta which is supported by the taxes of all citizens, yet not a -single Colored person may enter that library to read or borrow a book. -Some months ago Mr. Carnegie offered the city ten thousand dollars for a -library for the Colored people on the condition that the city furnish a -lot and agree to appropriate one thousand dollars _per annum_ for the -maintenance of the library. The whole matter has been tabled and the -Colored people have no redress, since their mayor and aldermen were -elected without the Colored vote. Do you suppose the city of Atlanta -would have refused so paltry a favor, if its city council were dependent -upon our vote? - -Not only have we lost influence among the law makers but among those who -interpret the law and administer justice. Neither judge nor jury has to -consult the Colored man's wish. This independence of us makes the court -a place of injustice as frequently as of justice, and policemen may be -cruel with impunity. - -Then too, the chain-gang with its revolting influences on men and women, -boys and girls; the lack of Negro reformatories in some places where -they do exist for white boys find much of their meaning in the fact that -the Colored voter cannot make sentiment and bring things to pass through -the ballot. We have had the "Jim Crow" law forced upon us, our public -schools have become poorer in equipment and teaching force, and the -salary of teachers has been lowered. - -In a word, the loss of the franchise has changed our status to such a -degree that we no longer demand, but beg and supplicate even for those -fundamental needs, without which education and general improvement would -be very doubtful. - -Now are there some things to be effected that are regarded as of more -vital interest to Colored people at present than the ballot? In the face -of what has already been said, this seems almost an unnecessary -question, since the ballot is no abstract thing, no merely academic -theory, but a vital agent in the promotion of improvement and happiness. -Yet as obvious as all this seems, when people have already lost the -ballot they may ask this question: Are there some things to be effected -that are of more vital interest to Colored people at present than the -ballot? - -I heard a sweet-spirited Colored man say at the conclusion of his -remarks one day--he was a college president and is now in Heaven away -from this turmoil--well I heard him say: "I have come to the conclusion -that all we can do in this country is to take what the white man gives -us." An eminent Colored preacher said recently in my hearing: "You can't -drive these white folks, you must knuckle to them and you can get -anything you want." Within the last two months an interesting white -southern clergyman in his exhortation to Colored people to be good -Negroes, told them not to get mad about "Jim Crow" cars and to be slow -to urge their rights. Said he: "You Colored people are undertaking a -heavy task when you attempt to reform the Anglo-Saxon." Now our present -needs are numerous and vital, many growing out of the curtailment of -privileges, a condition made possible through our lack of the ballot. -Many Colored men believe that we can get these needs supplied most -quickly and surely by begging and not resorting to a futile ballot; -many, moreover, think that the voting would retard the granting of these -much needed privileges. On the other hand, others say our condition -grows steadily worse and our only redress, our only hope, is in the -ballot. - -Now what do I believe about all this? I believe that we ought to vote, -and I vote on every public question when the privilege is accorded me. I -believe that our leaders ought to give us the opportunity to vote and -let us stand forth as men, whether successful or not, willing to do all -within our power to be full-fledged citizens. Certainly our attitude -ought never to allow the white people to say: the Negro cares nothing -for the franchise and does not exercise it when he does have the -opportunity. What are we waiting for? Not more education, I hope. And -here I must remind you that one thing is much over-talked: the -forwardness of the Colored child and the backwardness of the white child -in the matter of getting an education. Colored children are not being -fitted as are white for their responsibilities. A real intellectual -awakening is going on among the whites of the South--more and better -school houses, better teachers and longer school terms; and the white -children are learning with avidity. The Colored children are getting -poor school houses, poorer teachers, more poorly paid teachers and -shorter school terms; and we cannot change this disparity by begging the -state and city. Unless we force better things for ourselves by the -ballot or go into our own pockets, the next generation of colored voters -will be relatively less prepared for the educational qualification in -comparison with the white voter than the Colored voters of to-day. Oh! -you say: "Pessimist, looking on the dark side." Away with that -contemptible sentimentality and aversion to ugly facts that make some of -my people call a man a pessimist every time he lifts a warning voice. I -know the white country school house and the Colored country school -house. There is a tremendous difference. - -Now I believe in education, but I also believe in manhood; and any -education bought at the price of manhood is worthless and a mill-stone -about the neck. I believe in the ballot as a developer of manhood and as -it procures the right of men. I believe in the ballot in spite of -threats of disfranchisement, if we use this ballot. I see no difference -in purpose between the states that have outrightly disfranchised us and -those states that do it stealthily or by indirection. - -I believe that the purpose of all is the same: a hatred for Colored -people and a determination to have white supremacy at any cost of life -and honor. I do not think Northern sentiment is a deterring force, -though I think Northern sentiment _could_ become a deterring force to -disfranchisement. In the face of all this, why _delay_ voting in the -hope of better things; better _welcome_ disfranchisement as _men_ than -_suffer_ from it as _cowards_. - - - - -The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West--_JOHN L. LOVE_ - - -The potential voting strength of the Negro population in the United -States is, according to the last census, three times as great as was -that of the white population in 1775 when the Declaration of -Independence published to the world the modern, though sound, practical -and eminently safe political creed that governments derive their just -powers from the consent of the governed. The number of Negro males of -voting age is approximately three millions, a number equal to the entire -white population at the beginning of the war for Independence. The total -Negro population in the United States in 1900 was three times larger -than was the total white population which battled against King George -and the British Parliament for the purpose of securing a voice in the -choice of those who levy taxes and enact the laws whose weight and -obligation fall equally upon the whole body of citizens. - -In the North Atlantic, the North Central, and the Western census -divisions of the United States, the potential voting strength of the -Negroes is more than a quarter million. It is larger than was the -combined prohibition and socialist vote in 1900 and exceeds by nearly a -hundred thousand the total combined vote cast for the present governors -of the four states of Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana and -Alabama. In many sections of the North and West the Negro population is -sparse and scattering, varying all the way from one in Scott County in -Indiana to 63,000 in Philadelphia. Yet in many localities where there is -almost an even balance of the two chief parties, the Negro vote is -competent to decide the results of election. In the states of Delaware -Indiana, Ohio, Connecticut, New Jersey, and several districts in New -York, Massachusetts, and Illinois, a united, coherent Negro vote may -frequently determine both local and national elections. This is shown by -the returns in 1902 for Congressional election in four districts in -Indiana, two in New Jersey, four in Ohio, and two in Massachusetts and -Connecticut, where the Negro vote was of sufficient size to have thrown -the election to either party. In state and local elections where party -fealty is not always so strong as in national elections, owing to -dissatisfaction with both men and measures, the potentiality of the -Negro vote can be made very real and effective as well as respectable. -The municipal wards and legislative districts in the large commercial -and manufacturing centers of the North and West furnish undoubted -opportunities for the Negro vote to make itself felt and to win regard -and respect as far away as the United States Senate. - -The foregoing facts and considerations suggest interesting possibilities -and, in view of the conditions affecting the political, civil, and -economic well being of the people of color in the United States, they -create a demand and an obligation with reference to the use of which the -Negro voter should make of his right of the franchise. - -The chief tenet of modern political philosophy is that the participation -of the people in the government is the only way by which their liberties -can be guaranteed and their economic and industrial happiness -safeguarded. Out of this conviction which has taken hold of men almost -everywhere has resulted in the universal movement towards democracy. The -democratic triumph which has marked the past hundred years and has been -accompanied by marvelous achievements of human endeavor--achievements -which could not have been accomplished except under conditions of -freedom--has not been won without stupendous struggle and temporary -defeats and disappointments. At every forward step, the movement has -encountered unrelenting and seemingly irresistible opposition of -privilege. Even here in the United States where, barring absurd -contradictions, the spirit of democracy began so conspicuously to assert -itself under the fostering genius of Jefferson, skillful and powerful -resistance has been constant and implacable. Aristocratic privilege, -intrenched in power, has grudgingly given way to the demands of manhood -rights, and manhood suffrage, and even to-day, in the attempt to -rehabilitate itself, it is bold enough to make the ridiculous assertion -that the right of suffrage, even in a republican form of government, is -not a natural and inherent right of citizenship, but merely a privilege -to be granted or withheld at pleasure by a select few for whose assumed -authority no power on earth or in heaven is responsible. - -Whatever opinions may be entertained contrary to the doctrine and -increasing practice of government by the consent of the governed, the -fact is undeniable that as man has gained and exercised the right of -participation in government, special privilege for the few has had to -give way to the condition of equal opportunity for all. Abuses have been -swept away and the door of opportunity has been opened for all. Thus has -the ballot proven to be man's sure and effective weapon of defense -against tyranny and proscriptive government. - -All classes of our varied population, with possibly one exception, have -recognized this truth and have acted in accordance with it. German, -Irish, Jew; artisan, farmer and merchant--all have found the ballot a -remedy for social, economic, and political ills that have had their -origin in unjust laws or the partial administration of law. All have -used it with wonderful effect towards the betterment of their condition. -Grievances of one group have been allied with those of another group; -industrial discontent growing out of capitalistic wrongs, political -distempers due to governmental abuses or the enforcement of -discriminatory laws; the deep seated consciousness of ethnic injustice -in the industrial or political scheme--all have combined and arrayed -themselves for redress which every branch of the political machinery has -in the end endeavored to grant. The demands of the Slavonic yeomanry of -the Northwest that a check be placed upon railroad combinations are not -less effective in securing compliance than those of the merchants and -shippers of our commercial centers that just and equal rates of -transportation shall be enforced. The underground toilers of the mining -regions of Pennsylvania and Illinois know that their grievances will -receive the same respectful attention and consideration as the mandates -of the coal barons, and they systematically scrutinize the attitude and -the actions of public servants and hold them to a strict performance of -promise and duty in so far as their rights and interests are concerned. -Thus it is that in the United States as in all representative -governments the ballot is the surest means of securing a "square deal;" -and it is incumbent upon the three hundred thousand Negro voters of the -north and west to recognize its value and to make the same use of it as -is made by all other aggrieved elements of the body politic. - -A catalogue of the wrongs and injuries suffered by the Negro citizens of -the United States, first on account of discriminatory and proscriptive -legislation; secondly, on account of the failure to enforce the laws -designed to uphold and protect their citizenship; and thirdly, on -account of the most palpable and outrageous violation of the sacred -rights of life, liberty and property, make the "long train of abuses and -usurpations" committed, according to the Declaration of Independence, by -the King of Great Britain against his colonies in America appear as the -gentle chastisements of a benificent ruler. Of all the complex elements -of American citizenship, the Negro is the solitary victim of legal, -social, industrial, and political discrimination. He alone is singled -out by the law for disparagement which fact encourages and enforces the -multitude of civil and industrial discriminations and injuries that tend -to deprive him of the respectability due not only to a citizen but to -man. To the tax levy, to the obligation to bear arms for the common -defense as well as to all other mandates of the government, he is -equally amenable with other citizens; but he is excepted from a full -share of the benefits of citizenship. In all stations of society and in -all departments of government, his protests fall upon deaf or -indifferent ears, and the very sufferings and wrongs which he suffers -are frequently made the text for sermonizings on his short-comings. If -the homilies published from the pulpits, in the press, and even -sometimes from the higher branches of the government are to be believed, -the Negro is the most unsaintly citizen of the republic, in spite of the -fact that he seldom commits "the robust crimes of the whites" or has the -chance to defraud the government, to wreck financial institutions, or -rob widows and orphans. - -The burden of these outrages lies heavily upon the hearts and minds of -the black men of America, yet the remedy, if they could but realize it, -lies largely within their power. Throughout the republic, every man -identified with the Negro race, though he may not be personally or -locally subjected directly to the humiliations and wrongs which oppress -and degrade the great mass of his kind, feels their bitter sting and -resents them. In public assemblies, upon the public highways and common -carriers, in the drawing room and around the secrecy of the fireside, -the fact of injustice is the one inevitable and irrepressible theme of -conversation and reflection; and the perennial and ever present question -in the minds of all, whether of low or high degree, is _By what means -can the situation be altered?_ Men of different opinions are endeavoring -more or less honestly to answer the question, but one of the surest and -quickest means is at the command of the three hundred thousand Negro -voters of the north and west, who have it in their power by an -intelligent, united, and courageous exercise of their high privilege and -right to demand the same respect and consideration for their interest -and well being as any other class of men who register their wills at the -ballot-box. - -Thaddeus Stevens once said that control of republics depends upon -numbers and not upon the quality of the citizens. In the last analysis -this is true, but in all governments by parties the smaller number is -often more important than the larger. The strength of the Negro vote in -the North and West in times of party crises consists not so much in the -number of that vote as in the use which is made of it. In thirty -northern and western cities, it can very effectively contribute to the -improvement of existing conditions. It is wonderfully powerful, if -intelligently directed, in the cities of Boston, Baltimore, Chicago, -Cincinnati, Cleveland, Columbus, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and New York. - -The effectiveness of this vote depends more upon the use which is made -of it in local and state elections than in national elections. The bonds -which unite the interests of the local, state and national officials and -politicians are very real and subtle--the weakest point being always the -local politician. His election and success often turns upon less than a -score of votes and consequently he is not inclined to disdain a single -voter. His interests are inseparably connected with the interests and -ambitions of the men who occupy luxurious berths in Congress and in the -national or state government. In all matters concerning the interests of -the Negro, the local politician's position can be known and his actions -are open to close view. When his acts do not accord or square with the -interest of the colored voter, he can be left to find other friends and -supporters. - -In the second place, the effectiveness and potentiality of the Negro -vote in the North and West depends upon an absolute and courageous -disregard of traditions. There are times when party fealty may be both -proper and commendable. There is to be sure a great deal of hypocrisy -and humbuggery in our political parties, yet back of these they do stand -for certain great and vital principles. When the latter are put to the -test our fealty may properly be demanded, but under normal conditions, -when stress and strife of class and selfish interests, invidious -discriminations and outrageous injustice prevail, the only safe and -prudent course for the individual or class of individuals to pursue is -absolute independence of parties and uncompromising devotion to the -paramount interest. When we cannot act advantageously, we may act -punitively, so that the public servant may know that if he ignores or -hypocritically juggles with our interests, he will be held to a strict -accountability. If on the eve of an election the party or the individual -candidate attempts to cajole by a statement of principles or policy -which is ignored after a successful contest, reprisal should be swift -and terrible as soon as the opportunity permits. - -In the third place, the Negro vote of the North and West needs, if it -does not at present lack, intelligent, honest, straightforward, and -unselfish leadership. Until it has this, its potentiality will be _nil_. - -To impute dishonesty or insincerity to those who from time to time act -in the role of leaders of the Negro voters would be unpardonably -reprehensible. Men generally act according to their light and it is not -an uncommon observation that the average public man gets his light -through the medium of a self-interested reflector. Amid the competitions -and conflicts, the struggle for place and temporary power and emoluments -which characterize all phases of modern life and especially political -life in the United States, the calm, clear-eyed, far-seeing man is rare. -Yet men of unusual foresight, of clear perception of the fundamental and -vital issues with the tact and ability to gain an advantage and an -uncompromising determination to hold what has been gained--such is the -type of men needed to make the Negro vote potent. The leadership which -boasts of its capacity to keep silent under terrible wrongs is not -calculated to carry the race far on the road towards real and permanent -betterment. - -Redress of political wrongs is not the fruit of grim and sanctimonious -silence. Whenever it has come, it has been forced by long, continuous -and implacable outcry, and Negro leadership must follow the example of -men in other lands and in other times who fearlessly cried out against -the wrongs which their people suffered. In "The Making of England," John -Richard Green states that the Roman conquerors were able to completely -subjugate and enslave the Britons because they were able to make terms -with their leaders. The finest skill of the dominant element in -governments founded upon tyranny has always been employed in making -terms with the leaders of the oppressed. - -Silence has its part in our fight and many times the cause has been lost -because of failure to observe it, but it is not silence in respect to -wrongs. Neither upon battlefields nor in the mad clash of passions and -ambitions that mark the control of states is victory won or success -achieved by a boisterous parade of the plan of attack. In the subtle -operation of American political methods, silence is the sphinx that -baffles the most astute and insinuating politician. The silent vote is a -greater dread to the party leaders than was the sword to Damocles. - -The Negro ballot has almost lost its potency on account of the -unconcerned cocksureness of one political party that the other side will -not get the benefit of it. The party managers have no concern about the -certainty of the Negro vote and therefore spend all of their effort in -trying to satisfy the demands of the other elements and are never able -to know whether or not they have succeeded until the vote is counted. -They fear the silent vote. It is thoughtful, analytic, decisive. It -scans, records, and registers every dodge, retreat, and juggle which the -honorable candidate or the party has been guilty of in matters which -concern it. - -In the exercise of the suffrage, the Negro voter has never been -indifferent to the best and noblest interests of the republic. For more -than forty years he has voted with the majority of his fellow countrymen -on all the great questions which have divided the people. This he has -done out of regard more for what men have considered the welfare of the -country than for what he has deemed advantageous to himself. There is -now a need of a change. He must now consider his well-being and safety -identical with the well-being and safety of the republic and must -require all men who seek his vote to consider it likewise. - -To-day we are on the eve of a great national festival. The peaceful -succession of government is a boon not enjoyed by all the peoples of the -world. It is an event which deservedly appeals to the enthusiasm and -civic pride of the nation. From all corners of the state have come -delegations of citizens representing all classes, who come not only to -honor and grace by their presence the event but, I believe, to pay -honest and manly tribute to a man who is beloved and trusted by the -whole American people. His battles against civic wrongs and in behalf of -weaker classes and his policy of "all men up and no men down," not only -make him the paragon of public officials, but a lovable and trusted man. -Among the throngs that shall honor him and in turn be honored in the -escort which will make the Avenue the most splendid pageant which can -adorn any modern government, none will march more proudly than the brave -and valiant regiment of black men who, with him whom they honor, risked -all and won glory on the field of San Juan. Yet by the laws of the land -and by the policy of the government, their rights and their manhood are -not on a parity with those of other citizens who with less desert shall -follow in his train. It is the possibility of such a state of affairs, -that the Negro vote of the North and West, yea the great body of all -good citizens must exercise itself to prevent. - - - - -Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the -Elective Franchise--_KELLY MILLER_ - - -Population lies at the basis of all human problems. The first command -given by the Creator to the human race was to multiply and replenish the -earth. The growth and expansion of the Negro population in the United -States must be the controlling factor in the many complex problems to -which his presence gives rise. In order to gain adequate as well as -accurate knowledge on this subject, it is necessary to take a -comprehensive view of its progress since its transplantation in America. -It is well known that the first ship load of African slaves was landed -at Jamestown, Va. in 1619. This original handful augmented by fresh -importation and by its own rapid multiplication had swollen to three -quarters of a million when the first Census was taken in 1790. The -following table will reveal the essential facts as to the expansion of -this population. - - - _TABLE_ 6 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - NEGRO POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - YEAR. NUMBER OF DECENNIAL PER CENT OF PER CENT OF - NEGROES. INCREASE. INCR. TOTAL - POPUL. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1790 757,208 - - 19.27 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1800 1,002,037 244,829 32.33 18.18 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1810 1,377,808 375,771 37.50 19.03 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1820 1,771,656 393,848 28.50 18.39 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1830 2,328,642 556,986 31.44 18.10 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1840 2,873,648 545,006 23.44 16.84 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1850 3,683,808 765,169 26.63 15.69 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1860 4,441,830 803,022 14.13 14.13 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1870 4,880,009 438,179 9.87 11.68 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1880 6,580,793 1,700,784 34.85 13.12 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1890 7,470,040 889,247 13.51 11.93 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1900 8,840,789 1,370,749 18.35 11.57 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - - -There are certain noticeable irregularities in this table, due in part -to known disturbing causes, and in part to imperfections in census -methods. It is thus seen that the Negro constitutes a rapidly increasing -element, though a slowly diminishing minority of the total population. -This relative diminution is due wholly to the influx of white -immigrants, more than 14,000,000 of whom have come to our shores since -1860. If the two races should continue to grow at the same relative rate -of increase as during the last decade, according to the law of -diminishing ratios, it would require more than one hundred years to -reduce the Negro to one-tenth of the total population. So far as any -practical calculation is concerned, we may regard this as an irreducible -minimum. So long as the Negro constitutes one-tenth of the entire body -of the American people we may expect to have the race problem, both in -its general and in its political features. - -From the foundation of our government the Negro has constituted a -serious political problem, mainly because of his unequal geographical -distribution. If agricultural and economic conditions had been uniform, -and the slaves had been evenly scattered over the whole area, the -political phase of the race problem would have been far different from -what it is and has been throughout our national life. The fact that the -bulk of this race has been congested in one section has constituted the -cause of political friction from the foundation of the Constitution till -the present hour. This population persists in remaining in that section -where it was most thickly planted by the institution of slavery. The -center of gravity is still moving slowly towards the gulf of Mexico. -Ninety-two per cent of the race is still found in the sixteen states -where slavery prevailed at the outbreak of the civil war. The coastal -states, from Maryland to Texas, contain three-fourths of the total -number. - -While there has been a steady stream of Negro immigration towards the -North and West, yet it has not been sufficient to materially affect the -mass tendency. It would seem, on first view, that the Negro who -complains so bitterly against political restrictions in the South would -rush to the freer conditions of the North as a gas from a denser to a -rarer medium. But political and civil freedom offered by the North are -more than off-set by industrial restrictions and by the inertia of a -population devoid of the pioneer spirit. The warm blooded, warm hearted -child of the tropics is chilled alike by the rigid climate and frigid -social atmosphere that prevail in the higher latitudes. In all New -England there are fewer Negroes than are to be found in a single county -in Tennessee. - - - _TABLE_ 7 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - SECTION. POPULATION. INCREASE, 1890 RATE OF INCR. - TO 1900 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - United States 8,840,789 1,370,749 18.35 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Georgia 1,034,813 175,998 20.50 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Mississippi 907,630 165,071 22.20 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 827,307 148,818 21.90 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - So. Carolina 782,321 93,387 13.60 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - 31 Northern 759,788 181,876 31.50 - States - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - - -We learn from this table that there are four states in the union, each -of which contains a larger number of Negroes than all the 31 free states -combined. While such free states show a much more rapid decennial -increase than any of the far south states, still the total increment -scarcely exceeds that of the single state of Georgia. These figures -reveal no mad hegira to a fairer and better land. The increase in the -Northern states is due almost wholly to immigration from the South. It -is entirely probable that the Negro population, left to itself, would -not be a self sustaining quantity in the higher latitudes. During the -last decade there was an absolute decline of the Negro population in -Vermont, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, New Mexico, Nevada, -Oregon and California. - -The political significance of this Northern movement is out of all -proportion to its absolute weight. It is only in the North that the -Negro vote has dynamic power. In several of the border states, this vote -is at present unhampered, but there is no guarantee of future security. -In Mississippi there are 197,936 Negro males of voting age, but this -potential vote does not affect the choice of a single official of that -state. The black vote of that commonwealth is as completely nullified as -the last two amendments had never been appended to our national -constitution. On the other hand the 5,193 adult Negro males in Mich. are -accounted of considerable consequence in the political equation of that -state. In the Northern and Western states where men feel free to align -themselves according to conviction, the two parties are so nearly even -that the Negro vote constitutes the balance of power. Owing to unusual -political conditions, which cannot be counted on to continue, the last -three presidential elections were practically one-sided. The Republican -party triumphed by a margin that far exceeded the entire Negro -Contingent. It is only in several of the border states that this vote -could in any way have affected the fate of presidential electors. The -Negro vote, however, has been quite effective in state elections, and in -the choice of congressmen. As the parties gravitate to normal -conditions, the Negro vote will again become the balance of power in the -controlling states of the North. At the beginning of every campaign each -party feels that it has a chance of success. At such times the black -vote looms up large and significant. In national affairs the colored -vote usually adheres to the party of Lincoln and Sumner. As the margin -between the two parties is a shifting and uncertain quantity, the rapid -increase of the Negro vote in the Northern States becomes a matter of -great political importance. - - - _TABLE_ 8 - ---------------------------------------------- - NEGRO MALES OF VOTING AGE IN THE NORTHERN - STATES. - ---------------------------------------------- - STATE. 1890. 1900. - ---------------------------------------------- - Pennsylvania 34,873 51,668 - ---------------------------------------------- - New York 24,231 31,425 - ---------------------------------------------- - Illinois 18,200 29,762 - ---------------------------------------------- - Ohio 25,922 31,235 - ---------------------------------------------- - Indiana 13,079 18,186 - ---------------------------------------------- - New Jersey 14,564 21,474 - ---------------------------------------------- - Massachusetts 7,967 10,456 - ---------------------------------------------- - Rhode Island 2,261 2,765 - ---------------------------------------------- - Connecticut 3,497 4,576 - ---------------------------------------------- - Kansas 12,543 14,695 - ---------------------------------------------- - Michigan - 5,193 - ---------------------------------------------- - - -These figures tell their own story when we consider the normal relation -between the two parties in these several states. It is also interesting -to note that the Negroes in the North are found very largely in the -cities. This makes this vote of considerable importance in municipal -elections. There is, however, a tendency on the part of this vote to -distribute itself between the two parties in purely municipal and local -matters, which to a great degree neutralizes its special significance. - - - _TABLE_ 9 - -------------------------------- - NEGRO VOTERS IN NORTHERN - CITIES, 1900. - -------------------------------- - CITY NEGROES OF - VOTING AGE - -------------------------------- - Philadelphia 20,095 - -------------------------------- - New York 18,651 - -------------------------------- - Chicago 12,424 - -------------------------------- - Pittsburg 6,541 - -------------------------------- - Indianapolis 5,200 - -------------------------------- - Boston 4,441 - -------------------------------- - Cincinnati 4,997 - -------------------------------- - Detroit 1,732 - -------------------------------- - - -The most effective use that the Negro in the North can make of his -political privilege is to uphold civic righteousness in municipal -affairs, and to support those men and measures pledged to support the -integrity of the constitution and its vital amendments. - - - - -The Negro and His Citizenship--_FRANCIS J. GRIMK_ - - - ACTS 22:25-29.--_And when they had tied him up with the thongs, - Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you - to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned? And when the - centurion heard it, he went to the chief captain and told him, - saying, What art thou about to do? for this man is a Roman. And - the chief captain came and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a - Roman? And he said, Yea. And the chief captain answered, With a - great sum obtained I this citizenship. But Paul said, But I am a - Roman born. They then that were about to examine him straightway - departed from him: and the chief captain also was afraid when he - knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound him._ - - -In this passage attention is directed to four things: To the fact that -Paul was a Roman citizen; to the fact that he was about to be treated in -a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; to the fact that he stood -up for his rights as a Roman citizen; and to the fact that those who -were about to infringe upon his rights were restrained, were overawed. - -I. Attention is directed to the fact that Paul was a Roman citizen. -Citizenship was a possession that was very highly esteemed, and that was -obtained in several ways,--by birth, by purchase, as a reward for -distinguished military services, and as a favor. Paul's came to him by -inheritance; his father before him had been a Roman citizen: how it came -to the father we do not know. At one time the price paid for it was very -great. The chief captain, in the narrative of which our text is a part, -tells us that he obtained his with a great sum; and therefore he seemed -surprised to think that a man in Paul's circumstances should have it. At -first he seemed a little incredulous, but it was only for a moment. The -penalty for falsely claiming to be a Roman citizen was death; this fact -together with the whole bearing of the apostle finally left no doubt in -his mind: he accepted his statement. - -It was not only a great honor to be a Roman citizen, but it carried with -it many rights and privileges that were not enjoyed by others. These -rights were either private or public,--_Jus Quiritium_, and _Jus -Civitatis_. Among Private Rights, was the Right of Liberty. This secured -him against imprisonment without trial; exemption from all degrading -punishments, such as scourging and crucifixion; the right of appeal to -the emperor after sentence by an inferior magistrate or tribunal, in any -part of the empire; and also the right to be sent to Rome for trial -before the emperor, if charged with a capital offence. - -Among Public Rights belonging to Roman citizens the following may be -mentioned: (1) The right of being enrolled in the censor's book, called, -_Jus Census_. (2) The right of serving in the army, called, _Jus -Militiae_. At first only citizens of the empire were permitted to engage -in military operations, to bear arms and fight in its behalf. (3) The -right to vote in the different assemblies of the people, called, _Jus -Suffragii_. This has always been and is to-day one of the most important -functions of citizenship, and one that should be highly prized and -sacredly guarded. (4) The right of bearing public offices in the state. - -There were many other rights enjoyed by Roman citizens, but I will not -take the time to enumerate them: these are sufficient to show us the -value, the importance of Roman citizenship; and this citizenship the -apostle Paul was invested with, with all the rights and privileges which -were involved in it. On one occasion he said, "I am a citizen of no mean -city," referring to Tarsus, which was one of the free cities of Asia -Minor; but more than that, as he tells us here, he was a citizen of the -empire. - -II. Attention is called to the fact that Paul was about to be treated in -a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; that was contrary to Roman -law. He had gone up to Jerusalem to attend the feast of Pentecost. After -meeting the brethren and rehearsing to them the wonderful things which -God had wrought through his ministry among the Gentiles, they -congratulated him upon his success, but said to him: "Thou seest, -brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of them that have -believed; and they are all zealous for the law: and they have been -informed concerning thee, that thou teachest all the Jews who are among -the Gentiles to forsake Moses, telling them not to circumcise their -children neither to walk after the customs. What is it therefore? they -will certainly hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to -thee: We have four men that have a vow on them; these take, and purify -thyself with them, and be at charges for them, that they may shave their -heads: and all shall know that there is no truth in the things whereof -they have been informed concerning thee but that thou thyself walkest -orderly, keeping the law." It was in compliance with this request, that -Paul went into the temple to do as he was asked to do: and while there -was seen by certain Jews of Asia, i. e., the province of Asia, who at -once stirred up the multitude and laid hands on him, crying out, "Men of -Israel, help: This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against -the people, and the law, and this place; and moreover he brought Greeks -also into the temple and hath defiled this holy place." It was like -touching a match to a powder magazine. The people were aroused. -Instantly there was a response to the call; and dragging the apostle out -of the temple they were in the act of beating him to death, when the -chief captain, learning of the tumult, rushed down with a squad of -soldiers and rescuing him, brought him into the castle. The next day -with a view of ascertaining what the trouble was, the real ground of -complaint against the apostle, the chief captain proposed to examine him -by scourging, and issued orders to that effect. In obedience to this -order the apostle was stripped and actually tied up. The process of -examination proposed was very severe. The culprit was stripped and tied -in a bending posture to a pillar, or stretched on a frame, and the -punishment was inflicted with a scourge made of leathern thongs weighted -with sharp pieces of bone or lead, the object being to extort from the -sufferer a confession of his guilt or the information desired. - -If the chief captain had understood the Hebrew language, and could have -followed the address of the apostle which was delivered on the steps of -the palace, he would have understood what the trouble was, without -attempting to resort to this brutal method of finding out; but evidently -he did not. Everything indicated, however, that it was something very -serious, judging from their treatment of him, and from the intense -excitement which his words produced upon them, and hence, he was all the -more anxious to find out. If the apostle was guilty of any offence -against the law, it was the duty of the chief captain to take cognizance -of it, and to punish him accordingly, but if he was innocent, if he had -in no way transgressed the law, it was his duty to release him. The law -also provided how the guilt or innocence of an accused person was to be -ascertained; and it was the duty of the chief captain to have followed -the course prescribed by the law; but it is clear from the narrative -that he had determined upon another course: the prisoner is ordered to -be scourged, instead of calling upon those who had assaulted him to make -their charges, and to substantiate them, and then giving the apostle an -opportunity of defending himself. - -III. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that the apostle -stood up manfully for his rights. After they had tied him up, as if -waiting to see just how far they would go, and just as the process of -scourging was about to begin, he challenged their right to proceed: he -said to the centurion, who was standing by, and who was there as the -representative of the chief captain, to see that the scourging was -properly done, and to make note of what he confessed,--he said to this -man: "Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and -uncondemned?" The law expressly forbade the scourging of Roman citizens; -it was an indignity to which no Roman citizen was to be subjected. This -was what was known as the Porcian law, and took its name from Porcius, -the Tribune through whose influence its adoption was secured. And this -is the law to which the apostle here appeals, whose protection he -invokes. Paul, as a Roman citizen, not only knew what his rights were, -but he stood up for his rights. He insists here upon being treated, as -he was entitled to be treated, as a citizen of the empire. They are -about to scourge him, contrary to law, and he says to them, Stop; you -have no right to treat me in this way, intimating and they evidently -understood it, that if they did not desist, they would hear from him; he -would bring the matter to the attention of the emperor. - -This is not the only place where Paul falls back upon his rights as a -Roman citizen. He did the same thing a little later on. He was removed -from Jerusalem to Caesarea, as you will remember, where he remained a -prisoner for two years. During that time he was frequently placed on -trial before various officials,--before Felix, before Festus, before -Agrippa. It was during one of these hearings, that Festus the governor, -in order to curry favor with the Jews, intimated that he might be sent -back to Jerusalem to be tried: and doubtless this was his intention, -having entered into a secret arrangement with the enemies of the -apostle, who had resolved to kill him at the first opportunity. This -they felt that they would have a better chance of doing if they could -only induce the governor to return him to Jerusalem. The apostle, of -course, knew all this; he knew how intensely they hated him, and what -their plans and purposes were, and he was determined not to be entrapped -in this way. The record is: "Paul said in his defence, 'Neither against -the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I -sinned at all.' But Festus, desiring to gain favor with the Jews, -answered Paul and said, 'Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be -judged of these things before me?' But Paul said, 'I am standing before -Caesar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I -done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest. If then I am a wrong -doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die; -but if none of these things is true whereof these accuse me, no man can -give me up to them. I appeal unto Caesar.' Then Festus, when he had -conferred with the council, answered, 'Thou hast appealed unto Caesar, -unto Caesar thou shalt go.'" - -One of the great privileges of a Roman citizen was the right of appeal; -the right of being heard directly by the emperor, of taking his case out -of the hands of all inferior judicatories, up to the highest: and this -is the right which the apostle here avails himself of. It was the only -thing that saved him from being turned over by a corrupt official into -the hands of his enemies; and it forcibly illustrates the importance of -citizenship. Had he not been a Roman citizen clothed with the sacred -right of appeal he would have been basely sacrificed to the malice of -his enemies; or, though he had been a Roman citizen, if he had cowardly -surrendered his right, if he had failed to exercise it, he would have -equally perished; but the apostle stood upon his right, and so succeeded -in thwarting the purposes of his enemies. - -IV. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that those who were -about to scourge this man, were restrained by the knowledge of the fact -that he was a Roman citizen. The moment they became aware of this fact; -at the mere mention of that sacred name, citizen, everything came to a -stand still; the uplifted hand, ready to smite, is arrested, and we find -the centurion running off, in great excitement in search of the chief -captain, and saying to him, "What are you about? Do you know that this -man is a Roman?" and we see the chief captain coming in great haste and -saying to the apostle, "What? can it be possible! Are you really a -Roman?" "Yes," said the apostle, "I am; and my father before me was." -The chief captain is astonished; yea, more, fear takes hold of him; he -becomes suddenly alarmed. - -There are two things in this incident that are worthy of note: first, -this indignity that was offered to the apostle was through ignorance. It -was not known that he was a Roman citizen. The law was violated, but it -was not purposely done. It was not the intention of the chief captain to -ignore the rights involved in citizenship; for he himself was a Roman -citizen, and was interested in maintaining those rights. And, second, to -trample upon the rights of a Roman citizen was a very grave offense, a -very serious matter; and it became a serious matter because back of this -citizenship was the whole power of the empire. These rights were -carefully guarded, were rigidly enforced, so that the term, Roman -citizen, was everywhere respected. No one could infringe those rights -with impunity: hence you will notice what is said here, "The chief -captain was afraid when he knew that he was a Roman because he had bound -him." He recognized at once the gravity of the offense. That was old -pagan Rome; but under its rule citizenship meant something; it was a -sacred thing; back of it stood the strong arm of the Government to give -efficacy, power to it. This man was afraid when he realized what he had -done; and that is the feeling which outraged citizenship ought -everywhere to inspire. It ought to mean something; and there ought to be -power somewhere to enforce its meaning. - -But it is not of Roman citizenship that I desire to speak at this time, -but rather of American citizenship, and of that citizenship as it -pertains to ourselves. In the providence of God we are citizens of this -great Republic. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution declares: -"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to -the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the -State wherein they reside." Under this provision of the Constitution we -are all citizens; and we have earned the right to be citizens. We have -lived here as long as any other class in the Republic; we have worked as -hard as any other class to develop the country; and we have fought as -bravely as any other class in the defense of the Republic. If length of -residence, if unstinted toil, if great sacrifices of blood, if the -laying of one's self on the country's altar in the hour of peril, of -danger, give any claim to citizenship, then our claim is beyond dispute; -for all these things are true of us. - -We are _citizens_ of this great Republic: and citizenship is a sacred -thing: I hope we realize it. It is a thing to be prized; to be highly -esteemed. It has come to us after 250 years of slavery, of unrequited -toil; it has come to us after a sanguinary conflict, in which billions -of treasure and rivers of blood were poured out; it has come to us as a -boon from the nation at a time when it had reached its loftiest moral -development; when its moral sense was quickened as it had never been -before, and when it stood as it had never stood before upon the great -principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, not as -glittering generalities, but as great realities: it was at that sublime -period in our history, when the national conscience was at work; when -the men who were in charge of affairs were men who stood for -righteousness; when the great issues before the country were moral -issues, issues involving human rights,--that the nation saw fit to -abolish slavery and to decree the citizenship of all men, black and -white alike. When we think of what this citizenship has cost, in blood -and treasure; of the noble men through whose influence it was brought -about; and of the fact that it came to us from the Nation when it was at -its best, when it was living up to its highest light, and to its noblest -conceptions of right and duty,--we ought to prize it, to set a high -value upon it. - -And we ought to show our appreciation of it: (1). By being good -citizens; by doing everything in our power to develop ourselves along -right lines, intellectually, morally, spiritually, and also materially: -and to do everything in our power to promote the general good; -everything that will help to make for municipal, state, and national -righteousness. We are to remember that we are part of a great whole, and -that the whole will be affected by our conduct, either for good or bad. -If we live right, if we fear God and keep his commandments, and train -our children to do the same, we ennoble our citizenship; we become a -part of the great conservative force of society, a positive blessing to -the community, the state, the nation. It is especially important for us, -in view of the strong prejudice against us, the disposition to view us -with a critical eye, to hold up and magnify our short-comings, that we -be particularly concerned to be constantly manifesting, evidencing our -good citizenship by allying ourselves only with the things that are -true, and just, and pure, and lovely, and of good report. We ought not -to lose sight of the fact that the strongest fight that is being made -against us to-day is by those who are doing most to discredit us, to -array public sentiment against us,--those who are parading our -short-comings and imperfections, who are giving the greatest publicity, -the widest circulation to them. There are persons in this country, who -are determined, and who never lose an opportunity to blacken our good -name. Dr. DuBois, in that splendid document of his, "Credo," said among -other things, "I believe in the Devil and his angels, who wantonly work -to narrow the opportunity of struggling human beings, especially if they -be black; who spit in the faces of the fallen, strike them that cannot -strike again, believe the worst and work to prove it, hating the image -which their Maker stamped on a brother's soul." And this is one of the -conditions that confront us in this country, and that we must not lose -sight of. The fact that there is this determination on the part of our -enemies to prove that we are utterly unworthy of this great boon of -citizenship, should have the effect of creating within us a counter -determination to show that we are worthy,--to do our level best in every -sphere of life. Now I do not mean by this to say that we are not proving -ourselves to be good citizens; for we are: a great many of us are; but I -have called attention to it because I feel that it ought to be -emphasized; that we need to feel more keenly and more widely than is -felt, the meaning of this great boon and the demand which it makes upon -us. It is a challenge to every man to live a straightforward, upright, -worthy life. And what is needed is, not only that _we_, who have had -exceptional opportunities, should feel this way, but that the great mass -of our people should be educated to feel the same, to be animated by the -same spirit. And _we_ are to be their educators; it is through _us_ that -this spirit is to descend upon them, and take possession of them. If -this citizenship means anything, it means that we should be concerned -about everything which makes for law, for order, for good government, -for individual, municipal, state, and national purity and righteousness; -it means that each one of us ought to be a living example of the best -type of what a citizen ought to be. - -But this is not all: if we value our citizenship we will not only seek -to make the most of ourselves, to live on the highest plane but we will -also stand up manfully for our rights under that citizenship. I have no -patience with those who preach civil and political self-effacement. I -never have believed in that pernicious doctrine, and never will. When -you have effaced a man, civilly and politically, in a government like -our own, what is he? What does he amount to? Who cares for him? What -rights has he which any other class is bound to respect? He is a mere -nonentity, entitled to no consideration, and with no refuge to which he -can fly in the hour of his need. To be civilly and politically effaced -is to be civilly and politically dead; and to be civilly and politically -dead is to be at the mercy of any and every political party or -organization, and to be under the iron heel of the worst elements in the -community without any means of redress. - -We are _citizens_ of this Republic: and I want to direct attention to -this fact for a moment; and I am glad of the opportunity of doing it at -this time, when we are in the midst of celebrating the inauguration of -our President. I thank God for the man at the White House; for his -courage; for his high sense of righteousness; for the many splendid -things which he has said; and for the noble stand which he has taken on -human rights; on equality of opportunity; on the open door for every man -in the Republic irrespective of race or color. I rejoice in the fact -that we have such a President. I commend him heartily for what he has -done. I hope he will do more; I hope there are yet larger things in -store for this race through him. But whether he does more or not; or -whatever may be his future policy, or the future policy of the leaders -of either of the great political parties, or the rank and file of those -parties, it cannot, it will not affect in the least, our attitude in -regard to our rights under the Constitution. We are citizens, clothed -with citizenship rights; and, there is no thought or intention on our -part of ever surrendering a single one of them. Whatever others may -think of it, or desire in regard to it, we do not propose to retreat a -single inch, to give up for one moment the struggle. I say, _we_ and in -this, I believe I speak for those who represent the sentiment that is -taking more and more firmly hold of the heart of this race. I belong to -what may be called the radical wing of the race, on the race question: I -do not believe in compromises; in surrendering, or acquiescing, even -temporarily, in the deprivation of a single right, out of deference to -an unrighteous public sentiment. I believe with Lowell, - - "They enslave their children's children, - Who make compromise with sin." - -And this, I believe, at heart, is the sentiment of the race; at least, -it is the sentiment of some of us. There is where we have taken our -stand and there is where we propose to stand to the end. What belongs to -us as citizens we want; and we are not going to be satisfied with -anything less. We are in this country, and we are here to stay. There is -no prospect of our ever leaving it. This is our home, as it has been the -home of our ancestors for generations, and will be the home of our -children, and of our children's children, for all time. It is of the -greatest importance to us, therefore, that our status in it, as it is -permanently fixed, should be, not that of a proscribed class, but that -of full citizenship with every right, civil and political, accorded to -us that is accorded to other citizens of the Republic. This is the thing -that we are to insist upon; this is the evil against which we are to -guard. - -What our enemies are seeking to effect is to make this a white man's -government; to fix permanently our status in it, as one of civil and -political inferiority. The issue is sharply drawn; and it is for us to -say whether we will be thus reduced, whether such shall be our permanent -status or not. One thing we may be assured of: such will surely be our -fate unless we clearly comprehend the issue, and set ourselves earnestly -to work to counteract the movement, by resisting in every legitimate way -its consummation, and by using our influence to create a counter public -sentiment. - -What are some of these citizenship rights for which we should earnestly -contend? - -(1) The right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In one -section of this country, at least, and the area is growing, and is fast -including others, the life of a Negro isn't worth as much as that of a -dog. He may be shot down, murdered, strung up to a tree, burnt to death, -by any white ruffian, or band of lawbreakers and murderers with -impunity. The color of his skin gives any white man liberty to maltreat -him, to trample upon him. He has no rights which white men are bound to -respect. If he goes to law, there is no redress; his appeals avail -nothing with judge and jury. That is a condition of things that we ought -not to rest satisfied under. As long as the life of a black man is not -just as sacred as that of a white man, in every section of the Republic; -as long as wrongs perpetrated upon him are treated with greater leniency -than wrongs perpetrated upon white men, his status is not the same as -that of the white man; and as long as it is not the same an injustice is -done him, which he ought to resist; against which he ought to protest, -and continue to protest. - -(2) Another citizenship right is that of receiving equal accommodations -on all common carriers and in all hostelries; on railroads, steamboats, -in hotels, restaurants, and in all public places. When we travel, -whatever we are able to pay for we are entitled to, just as other -citizens are. To-day this is largely denied us. The hotels are not open -to us; the restaurants are not open to us, even the little ten cent -lunch counters, in this the capital city of the nation, are not open to -us: we are shut out from all such places, and shut out because of the -color of our skin. If we attempt to travel, and turn our faces -southward, we must ride in Jim Crow cars; we must be segregated, shut up -in a little compartment by ourselves. The privilege which we once -enjoyed without stint of taking a sleeper or Pullman car, even that now -is being taken from us. One state has even gone so far as to make it -unlawful to sell a ticket to a person of color on a sleeper. That is the -state of Georgia; a State that has in it Atlanta University, and Clark -University, and the Atlanta Baptist College, and Spelman Seminary, and -the Gammon Theological Seminary, and Haines Institute, and many other -schools of learning; a State that has within its borders some of the -very best type of Negroes in this country. The meaning of all this, -don't let us misunderstand: it is a part of the general policy, which is -being vigorously pushed by our enemies, to fix our status as one of -inferiority, by shutting us out from certain privileges. The whole thing -is wrong. Such invidious distinctions ought not to be permitted in a -republic. It is inconsistent with citizenship. Everything ought to be -open to all citizens alike:--railroad cars, hotels, restaurants, -steamboats, the schools and colleges of the land: our public schools -ought to be open to all the children alike. There ought not be separate -schools for the whites, and separate schools for blacks: all the -children of the Republic ought to be educated together; and sooner or -later it is bound to come to that. Some one has said, "It isn't so much -the Jim Crow car, as it is the Jim Crow Negro in the car." The fallacy -of this statement, and its attempted mitigation or justification of the -Jim Crow car, lies in the fact that the Jim Crow car has nothing -whatever to do with the Jim Crow Negro. It was not instituted for him, -but for all Negroes, whether Jim Crow or not: in fact, it was designed, -particularly, not for the Jim Crow Negro, but for the intelligent, -progressive, self-respecting Negro. If there are Jim Crow Negroes among -us we owe them a duty; we ought to seek to improve them, to lift them to -higher levels; but while we are doing this, don't let us forget that -there is a Jim Crow car, and what it stands for. It stands for a hostile -public sentiment; it is a part of a concerted plan which seeks to -degrade us, to rob us of our rights, to deprive us of privileges enjoyed -by other citizens, because of the color of our skin. If there were no -Jim Crow Negroes, we would have the Jim Crow car all the same. We should -fight the Jim Crow cars, therefore, not only because of the personal -discomfort to which we are subjected in travelling, but also because of -the general system of which it is a part,--a system which seeks to -establish a double citizenship in the Republic, based upon race and -color; the one superior to the other, and carrying with it privileges -which are denied to the other. - -(3) Another citizenship right is that of serving in the Army and Navy; -the right to take up arms and to fight in behalf of the country. This is -our right, and we have exercised it, and are still exercising it. We -have fought in all the wars of the Republic; and are represented to-day -in both Army and Navy. We have made a glorious record for ourselves in -this respect. There is no better soldier in the Army of the Republic, -than the black soldier. This right has not been denied us, but let us, -nevertheless, keep our eyes on it. There are some things even here that -need to be looked into. It has been many years since we have had a -representative in the great Naval or Military school of the country; and -there have been some rumors about limiting the aspirations of Negroes in -the Army, of not permitting them to advance beyond a certain point. If -there is such a thought or intention on the part of those in authority, -it must be resisted. The Negro must be free--in the Army, in the -Navy,--in every part of the Army and Navy,--as other citizens are free; -to advance according to his merit. His color must not be allowed to -operate against him. - -(4) Another citizen right is that of suffrage, the right of the ballot; -the right to have part in the government; to say who shall make the laws -and who shall execute them; and what the laws shall be; the right to -have an opinion, and to have that opinion counted in determining what -shall be and what shall not be. This is one of the greatest of rights. -In a republic citizenship means very little without it. It is this which -marks the difference between a representative government, a government -of the people, by the people, and for the people, and a despotism, an -absolute monarchy. The glory of the age in which we live is the triumph -of democracy; and what is the triumph of democracy but the right of the -_people_ to say who shall rule; and how is the will of the people -expressed? Through the ballot; at the polls. The ballot therefore is the -symbol of the sovereignty of the people. If we are to be sovereign -citizens of the Republic therefore, this right to vote must be -preserved. The old despotic idea of government was, that some people -were born to rule, and that others were born to be ruled; and the idea -that exists in the minds of some people in this country, in democratic -America, in face of the affirmation of the Declaration of Independence, -that all men are born free and equal, is that in this country, there are -some people who are born to rule, and others who are born to be ruled; -and that the people who are born to rule are the whites, and those who -are born to be ruled are the blacks: hence the effort that is being made -to divest us of this symbol of sovereignty,--the ballot. Let us not be -deceived; let us give no heed to any teaching, never mind from what -source it may come, which seeks to minimize the importance of the -ballot. What difference does it make whether we vote or not? I have -heard some weak-kneed, time-serving representatives of our own race say; -and the thought has been caught up by the men in the south who have been -seeking to rob us of our rights, and by those in the North who have been -playing into their hands; and they have said, Yes, What difference does -it make? Are you not just as well off without it? What difference does -it make? It makes all the difference in the world: the difference -between a sovereign citizen of the Republic, and one who has been -stripped of his sovereignty; between one who has a say in what is going -on, and one who has not; between one who is ruled with his consent, and -one who is ruled without it. If we are just as well off without the -ballot, how is it that the white man is not just as well off without it? -And if he is unwilling to give it up, why should he ask us to give it -up? Why should we give it up? If he needs it in order to protect -himself, much more do we, for we are weaker than he is, and need all the -more the power which comes from the ballot. - -(5) Another citizenship right is, that of holding office, the right to -be voted for, and of being appointed to positions of honor and trust by -the executive power. This is also a right that belongs to us, and that -we must contend for. It is one of our rights that is now being -especially contested in the South. The Negro must not be appointed to -any office, is the demand of Southern white sentiment. I am glad that -the President has not yielded wholly to that sentiment. The fight which -he made in the Crum case was a notable one, and clearly indicated that -he was not willing to shut that door of opportunity to the Negro; that -he was not willing to take the position that a man was to be debarred -from public office simply because of the color of his skin. That was the -right position for him to take, and the only one that was consistent -with his oath of office, and his position as President of _all_ the -people. I hope that he will continue to act upon that principle; and -that he will do more than he has done. There is room for improvement in -this direction. A few more appointments of colored men in the North, as -well as in the South, would be a good thing. It ought to be done. The -right of colored men to receive appointments ought to be clearly and -distinctly emphasized by multiplying those appointments. There is -nothing like an object lesson in impressing the truth. I hope that the -President will give us many such object lessons during the next four -years. - -The right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; the right to -receive equal accommodation on railroads, steamboats, in hotels, -restaurants, and in all public places of amusement; the right to be -represented in the Army and Navy; the right to vote; the right to hold -office: these are some of our citizenship rights, for which we should -earnestly contend. Sometimes, we are told, that it would be better to -say less about our rights, and more about our duties. No one feels more -the importance of emphasizing our duties than I do,--I think I have done -about as much of it as anybody,--but among the duties that I have always -emphasized, and still emphasize, is the duty of standing up squarely and -uncompromisingly for our rights. When we are contending for the truth; -when we are resisting the encroachments of those who are seeking to -despoil us of our birth-right as citizens; when we are keeping up the -agitation for equal civil and political privileges in this country, are -we not in the line of duty? If not, where is the line? Duties? Yes. Let -us have our duties preached to us,--line upon line, and precept upon -precept, here a little and there a little; but at the same time don't -let us forget that we have also _rights_ under the Constitution, and to -see to it that we stand up for them; that we resist to the very last -ditch those who would rob us of them. And in doing this, let us remember -that we are called to it by the stern voice of Duty, which is the voice -of God; and that we need not apologize for our action. - -And now in conclusion but a word more and then I am done. The fight -before us is a long one. You will not live, nor will I live to see the -triumph of the principles for which we are contending; let us not become -discouraged however. Things look pretty dark at times, but it isn't all -dark. Now and then there are gleams of light, which indicate the coming -of a better day. There are forces working _for_ us, as well as against -us; and with what we can do for ourselves, we need not despair. - - "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; - He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes - of wrath are stored! - He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; - His truth is marching on. - - He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; - He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment seat; - O, be swift, my soul, to answer him! be jubilant, my feet! - While God is marching on." - -Let us take courage; let us gird up our loins; let us stand at our post; -let us be true to duty; let us hold ourselves to the highest; let us -have nothing to do with the unfruitful works of darkness; let us be -temperate, industrious, thrifty; let us do with our might what our hands -find to do; let us trust in God, and do the right: and then, whether the -struggle be long or short, there can be no doubt as to the final issue. -We shall come out victorious; we shall be accorded every right belonging -to us under the Constitution, and every avenue of opportunity will be -opened to us, as to other citizens of the Republic. The future is -largely in our own hands. If we allow ourselves to be permanently -despoiled of our rights; to be reduced to a position of civil and -political inferiority, the fault will be, not "in our stars," as -Shakespeare has expressed it, "but in ourselves." Others can help us; -others will help us, as they have already done; but the final outcome -will depend mainly upon what we do _for_ ourselves, and _with_ -ourselves. If we are to grow in the elements that make for a strong, -intelligent, virtuous manhood and womanhood, _we_ have got to see to it, -to be concerned about it; to be more deeply concerned about it than -anybody else. And so, if the agitation for equality of rights and -opportunities in this country is to be kept up, and it ought to be kept -up, _we_ are the ones to see to it. As long as there are wrongs to be -redressed, from which we are suffering, we ought not to be silent, ought -not for our sake as well as for the sake of the nation at large. -Whatever can be done to develop ourselves; whatever can be done to -create a healthy and righteous public sentiment in our behalf; whatever -can be done to check the encroachments of our enemies upon our rights, -_we_ must do it, whether others do or not. May God help us all to -realize this, and to address ourselves earnestly to the work that lies -before us. - - "Be strong! - We are not here to play, to dream, to drift. - We have hard work to do, and loads to lift. - Shun not the struggle; face it. Tis God's gift." - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -This is one group of papers from a series of papers presented to the -American Negro Academy. Founded by Alexander Crummell in March 1897, -with 40 of the leading black scholars and writers of the day, the -Academy's purpose was to promote literature, science and art, foster -higher education and high culture, and to defend the Negro aginst racist -attacks. The Academy was active until 1924. - -This project was scanned from a facsimile reprint included in a -collection of all 22 Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy. - -Original spelling varieties have been maintained; tables and footnotes -were renumbered. - - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35449 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the -General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and -distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works to protect the -Project Gutenberg(tm) concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a -registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, -unless you receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything -for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. 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A Series Of Papers And A Sermon</h1> -<p class="document-subtitle level-1 pfirst subtitle" id="the-american-negro-academy-occasional-papers-no-11"> -The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.</p> - -<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- --> -<div class="class container pgheader" id="pg-header"> -<p class="noindent pfirst">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the <a class="reference internal pginternal" href="#project-gutenberg-license">Project Gutenberg License</a> -included with this eBook or online at -<a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a>.</p> -<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> -</div> -<div class="container" id="pg-machine-header"> -<p class="noindent pfirst">Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. A Series Of Papers And A Sermon (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.)</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Author: Archibald H. Grimké, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, Kelly Miller, and Rev. Frank J. Grimké</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Release Date: March 01, 2011 [EBook #35449]</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Language: English</p> -<p class="noindent pnext">Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em"> -</div> -<p class="noindent pnext" id="pg-start-line">*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) ***</p> </div> <div class="vspace" style="height: 4em"> </div> @@ -4809,343 +4789,6 @@ footnotes were renumbered.</p> </div> <div class="vspace" style="height: 5em"> </div> -<p class="pfirst" id="pg-end-line">*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. 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- :PG.Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.)
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- :PG.Rights: Public Domain
- :PG.Producer: Suzanne Shell
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- :DC.Creator: John Hope
- :DC.Creator: John L. Love
- :DC.Creator: Kelly Miller
- :DC.Creator: Rev. Frank J. Grimké
- :DC.Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. A Series Of Papers And A Sermon (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.)
- :DC.Language: en
- :DC.Created: 1905
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- Occasional Papers, No. 11.
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- The American Negro Academy.
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- THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE
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-
- **A SERIES OF PAPERS AND A SERMON BY**
-
- **Archibald H. Grimké, Charles C. Cook, John Hope,
- John L. Love, Kelly Miller and Rev. Frank J. Grimké.**
-
- **PRICE: THIRTY-FIVE CENTS.**
-
-.. class:: center smaller
-
- WASHINGTON, D. C.
-
- PUBLISHED BY THE ACADEMY.
-
- \1905.
-
-.. contents:: CONTENTS
- :backlinks: entry
- :depth: 1
-
-The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern Representation—*ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKÉ*
-=============================================================================================
-
-In 1787 when the founders of the American Republic were framing the
-Constitution they encountered many difficulties in the work of
-construction, but none greater than the bringing together on terms of
-equality under one general government of the slave-holding and the
-non-slave-holding states. The South was willing to enter the Union
-provided always that its peculiar labor and institutions received
-adequate protection in that instrument. And this the North had finally
-to consent to incorporate into the organic law of the new nation. One
-of these concessions was known as the Slave Representation Clause of the
-Constitution, which gave to the Slave section the right to count five
-slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of representatives. This
-concession did not probably seem at the time like an exorbitant or
-ruinous price for the North to pay for the Union, but subsequent events
-proved it to be both exorbitant and ruinous in the political burden
-which it imposed upon that section, and in the political perils which
-grew naturally out of the situation, and which were produced by it.
-
-Everybody now-a-days seems to forget, or makes believe to have
-forgotten, this lamentable chapter in our history, and its application
-to present day evils—everybody but a few far-seeing Negroes, and a few
-far-seeing white men at the North. It is well not to forget this chapter
-ourselves, or to let the country make believe to have forgotten it, as
-it contains a lesson which it is dangerous to forget.
-
-History repeats itself and will continue to do so just as long as men
-are men, and the passion for power and the struggle for domination lasts
-among them. Such a struggle set in between the two sections almost
-immediately after the adoption of the Constitution. With industrial and
-political ideas, interests, and institutions directly opposed to each
-other, rivalry and strife between them became from the beginning
-unavoidable. Any one not totally blinded by the then emergent needs of
-the moment could not fail to foresee something of the consequences which
-were sure to follow such a union of irreconcilable forces and passions
-under one general government. Each set of antagonistic ideas and
-interests was compelled by the great law of self preservation to try to
-get possession of the government in its battle with the other set. And
-in this conflict of moral and economic forces and ideas the three-fifths
-slave representation clause of the Constitution gave to the South a
-distinct advantage, an advantage which told immediately and powerfully
-in its favor. For the right to count five slaves as three freemen in the
-apportionment of representatives among the several states placed the
-political power of the Southern states in the hands not of all the
-whites but of a small and highly trained and organized minority only,
-namely; the master class. This circumstance solidified the South, and
-gave to its action a unity and energy of purpose which the industrial
-democracy of the North always lacked. As a consequence, Southern men
-obtained speedy possession of the National Government, and shaped
-National Legislation and policy to advance best the peculiar ideas and
-interests of their section. The big end of the National Government lay
-plainly enough well to the south of Mason and Dixon's line during the
-first twenty-five years of the existence of the Union. The course of
-events during this period revealed this bitter fact to New England. For
-she was outwitted, out-voted and over-matched again and again in
-national legislation and administrative measures by the slave oligarchy,
-which ruled the South and dominated in national affairs.
-
-For instance, New England opposed the embargo and the retaliatory
-measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration, which destroyed her splendid
-carrying trade, and bore distress to hundreds of thousands of her
-people. She opposed the War of 1812 because it seemed to her inimical to
-her interests, but regardless of protests and cries the embargo was laid
-on her ports and shipping, the War against Great Britain was declared.
-She was forced to dance, volens-nolens, to the rag-time music of her
-Southern rival. She danced in both instances while discontent grew apace
-in her hot, surcharged heart. She did not disguise the ugly fact that
-she was sick of her bargain under the Constitution—was discontented
-almost to disaffection with Southern domination in the Union. Out of
-this widespread discontent and incipient disaffection sprang the
-Hartford Convention to voice this growing Anti-Southern sentiment, and
-to cast about for a remedy for what was rightly deemed bad political
-conditions. The great question with which this celebrated convention
-grappled was, in fact, the undue and disproportionate power wielded by
-the slave oligarchy in national affairs, and how best to impose a check
-upon its further growth. It could think apparently of but one remedial
-measure to relieve the situation, and that was the imposition of a check
-on any further increase in the then existing number of states. But while
-the resolution which embodied this rather doubtful remedy referred to
-states in general, it was intended when read between the lines, to refer
-to slave states in particular.
-
-That was the first blow aimed by the industrial democracy of the North
-at this aristocratic feature of the National Constitution, namely: the
-right to count five slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of
-representatives among the states. It was felt at the time and much more
-strongly and generally afterward, that this three-fifths slave
-representation clause which enabled a small minority of the people of
-the South to wield the political power of that section, and in any
-controverted question between the sections to neutralize the free-will
-of every three freemen by the dummy-will of every five slaves, was an
-unjust and dangerous advantage possessed by the slave oligarchy over its
-sectional rival, the free democracy of the North.
-
-The consciousness of this political wrong and danger was at the bottom
-of the bitter opposition on the part of the North to the admission of
-Missouri as a slave state, to the annexation of Texas, and to the
-Mexican War. It was at the bottom of the fierce cry which rose all over
-that section at the close of that war, "No more slave territory, no more
-slave states." It was the soul of the great movement which beat back the
-slave tide from Kansas and saved that state to freedom. It was, in fact,
-this struggle of the free states to reduce to a minimum the peril to its
-industrial democracy which grew out of the slave representation clause
-of the Constitution, and the resistance of the slave states to such a
-movement, which produced the war between the sections. This war ended in
-the destruction of slavery and as the North supposed and intended, in
-the total destruction of this right of the South to count five slaves as
-three freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the several
-states in the newly restored Union.
-
-But wrong does not die under a single stroke. It has a strange power of
-metamorphosis, i. e. ability to change its form without losing its
-identity. The slave power, which everybody at the North imagined to be
-dead, re-appeared almost at once as the Southern serf power, in
-consequence of legislation enacted in the then lately rebellious states
-by the old slave masters. They had lost their slaves, to be sure, and
-the political power incident under the Constitution to such ownership,
-but they had not lost the political cunning and determination to create
-a similar power out of the social forces and material which lay in
-disorder about them.
-
-The reconstruction of the South by the old slave oligarchy resulted in
-the threatened rise in national affairs of an African serf power more
-formidable to the North than was the old slave power than five is
-greater than three in federal numbers. This threatened rise in national
-politics of an African serf power aroused the North to the danger which
-girt afresh the supremacy of its industrial democracy in the Union. It
-thereupon set about the work of removing this peril forever. In doing
-this work it unfortunately limited itself exclusively to the use of
-political agencies. But there is no doubt that what it did in
-reconstructing the old slave states was meant to be thorough. It meant
-to extirpate root and branch, from the Constitution the right of the
-South to count five slaves as three freemen, or five serfs as five
-freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the states. This
-was the plain purpose of the whole body of congressional legislation
-looking to southern reconstruction. It is the plain purpose likewise of
-the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution.
-
-All of these great acts were intended to destroy utterly the basis on
-which rested the old slave power, and on which would rest the new serf
-power, namely: inequality and race subjection. The 13th amendment
-abolished slavery, the 14th raised the former slaves to citizenship, and
-the 15th conferred on them the right to vote. The whole scheme for
-removing forever this evil seemed on paper complete enough, and in
-practice it would undoubtedly have proven effective had not an
-unexpected difficulty arisen when it was put into operation. This
-unexpected difficulty was the attitude of the Supreme Court in
-interpreting the laws made in pursuance thereof. The effect of the
-decisions of this tribunal has almost invariably been against the
-Negro's claim to equality, and in favor of the Southern contention of
-the existence of two races in the south, one permanently dominant and
-the other permanently servile, and that the maintenance of this state of
-race superiority on the one side, and of race inferiority on the other
-furnished the only working plan of their living in peace together or of
-their making any further progress in civilization. Owing to this
-deplorable attitude the Supreme Court has been a hindrance rather than a
-help in the settlement of this question. No relief need be looked for
-from it, therefore, under the circumstances. Relief, if it comes at all,
-must come from another quarter of the political system under which we
-live. And for such relief fortunately, the 14th amendment has adequately
-provided. All that is necessary to render the provision of this
-amendment, which is applicable to the present situation, effective are
-courage and common sense. But alas, courage and common sense in respect
-to this subject seem to be sadly lacking to-day both at the North and
-among the Negroes as well.
-
-The provision of the 14th amendment just referred to reads as follows:
-"Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according
-to their respective numbers counting the whole number of persons in each
-state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any
-election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of
-the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and
-judicial officers of a state, or the members of the Legislature thereof,
-is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one
-years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged
-except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of
-representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the
-number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male
-citizens twenty-one years of age in such state."
-
-Every Southern state has virtually by one device or another, since the
-adoption of the 14th and 15th amendments, denied to its colored citizens
-the right to vote. This was first done by the shot-gun method, which
-gave place in time to fraudulent manipulations of electoral returns, and
-this in turn to "grandfather" and "understanding clauses" administered
-by prejudiced registration boards in those states which have revised
-their constitutions. Says Professor Dunning in an article on "The
-Undoing of Reconstruction" in the Atlantic Monthly for October, 1901:
-"With the enactment of these constitutional amendments by the various
-states, the political equality of the Negro is becoming extinct in law
-as it has long been in fact, and the undoing of reconstruction is
-nearing completion." Now this statement is exactly true. The South has
-everywhere nullified in practice the 14th and 15th amendments to the
-Constitution. It denies to black men the right to vote, but it counts at
-the same time those same black men in the apportionment of its
-representatives. The present serf power therefore, enjoys to-day a right
-far greater than that enjoyed by the old slave power, for it counts five
-of its disfranchised black citizens not as three but as five free men.
-It has achieved the extraordinary feat of eating its political cake and
-keeping it at the same time.
-
-In South Carolina, for example, where the blacks outnumber the whites by
-224,326, and in Mississippi where the colored population is in excess of
-the white by 263,640, "the influence of the Negroes in political
-affairs," as put by Prof. Dunning, "is nil." And this is substantially
-true of almost everyone of the old slave states whether they have or
-have not revised their constitutions. Says Prof. DuBois: "To-day the
-black man of the South has almost nothing to say as to how much he shall
-be taxed, or how those taxes shall be expended, as to who shall make the
-laws and how they shall be made. It is pitiable that frantic efforts
-must be made at critical times to get law-makers in some states even to
-listen to the respectful presentation of the black side of a current
-controversy."
-
-Entrenched in the South to-day is an aristocracy based on race. The
-whole tendency of things down there is to de-citizenize the blacks, to
-reduce them to a state of permanent political and industrial
-subordination to the whites. This is aristocratizing the republic with a
-vengeance. For with the right to vote, the right to a voice in making
-the laws, denied to any class of people in an industrial republic like
-ours, such class must go from bad to worse in the struggle for bread,
-for existence, in competition with more favored classes. It does more:
-it reduces the efficiency of such a class as a producer of wealth not
-alone in respect to itself, but in respect to the section in which it
-lives as well. For whatever degrades and wrongs such a class degrades
-and wrongs the community and the country of which it forms a part. And
-there is no help for it, for such is the natural law of retribution
-which no "understanding" and "grandfather clauses" and registration
-boards, however adroitly devised, can in the long run possibly evade or
-nullify. This then is the deplorable economic situation with regard to
-whites and blacks alike in the Southern states, as a direct consequence
-of the undoing of the 14th and the 15th amendments to the Constitution
-by those States. The degradation of their black labor will ultimate in
-the degradation of their white labor also. In fact, the disfranchisement
-of the blacks operates practically everywhere down there as a
-disfranchisement of the great body of the whites likewise. For disuse of
-a power, whether physical or political, begets in time disinclination
-and then incapacity for exercising the same. The right to vote, under
-present political conditions which prevail throughout that section, is,
-as a matter of fact, exercised but by a small minority of the whites
-only. The total vote, for example, cast for representatives in Southern
-congressional districts is surprisingly slight in comparison with that
-cast in Northern congressional districts. The same is true of the vote
-for presidential electors, and for the executive, legislative and
-judicial officers of the various southern states for that matter. A
-handful of ruling whites, and that not of the best class as in
-antebellum times, casts to-day the entire vote of that section as
-represented by all of its black and a large majority of its white
-citizens, at national and state elections.
-
-For instance, the average vote cast for Congressmen by Northern
-congressional districts during the election of 1898 was over 35,000,
-while that cast by Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and South
-Carolina, which are operated in effect on the Mississippi plan, was less
-than 5,000. The total vote cast for 37 congressmen by those five
-Southern states was only 184,602, while the total vote polled by the
-state of New York for 34 congressmen was 1,250,000, i. e. 184,602
-electors in those five Mississippi-ized states had actually a larger
-congressional representation by three than had the 1,250,000 voters of
-the Empire state. Again, take the case of Kansas, which though casting
-100,000 more votes at its congressional election in 1898, than were cast
-by these same five Southern states combined, yet Kansas had but seven
-representatives in Congress to guard and promote her peculiar interests
-against the 37 who sat in the House to guard and promote the peculiar
-interests of the ruling oligarchy of those five de-republicanized
-Southern states.
-
-But let us look more closely into this matter. Alabama with a population
-of 1,828,697, and nine representatives in Congress polled at the
-Congressional election, in 1902 a total vote of 90,105 for the nine
-districts, while the new state of Washington with a population of
-518,103 and three representatives polled at the same election a total
-vote of 93,681, i. e., there were 3,000 more votes polled to elect three
-congressmen in Washington than Alabama polled to elect nine. Again,
-Mississippi with a population of 1,531,270 and eight representatives in
-Congress polled at the same election a total vote of 18,058 for the
-eight congressional districts, while little Idaho with a population of
-161,772 and one representative polled at the same time a vote of 57,712,
-which exceeded more than three times the vote polled by Mississippi for
-eight representatives. Or let us take Louisiana with a population of
-1,381,625 and seven representatives in Congress, and her total vote of
-26,265 during the same election for seven districts and contrast these
-figures with those of Rhode Island with a population of 428,556 and two
-representatives. The Rhode Island figures are 56,064, or nearly double
-the vote of Louisiana for seven congressional districts. Or again, let
-us glance in passing at South Carolina with a population of 1,340,316
-and seven representatives in Congress, and New Hampshire with a
-population of 411,588 and two representatives. The first polled in 1902
-at the election of her seven congressmen 32,085 votes, and the second at
-the election of her two representatives polled at the same time 74,833.
-In other words, there were nearly 43,000 less votes polled in South
-Carolina to elect seven Congressmen than were polled in New Hampshire to
-elect two. To sum up: Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South
-Carolina with an aggregate population of 6,106,908 and 31
-representatives in Congress cast in 1902 a total vote of 166,576 in 31
-congressional districts, while Idaho, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and
-Washington with an aggregate population of 1,500,000, and eight
-representatives polled at the same general elections a total vote of
-282,294 in their eight congressional districts. The average vote for
-each of the 31 Southern congressional districts was 5,530; while that
-for each of the eight Northern districts was 35,287. Why Massachusetts
-alone with a population of 2,805,346 and 14 representatives rolled up a
-vote to elect these 14 congressmen more than double that which the four
-Southern states with a population of over 6,000,000 polled to elect
-their 31 representatives!
-
-Again: At the presidential election last November the combined vote
-of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina, for 39 electors
-was less than 200,000 or to be exact was just 186,253, while the
-vote of Massachusetts for 16 electors was 442,732. In other words,
-the vote of Massachusetts for her 16 representatives in the electoral
-college, exceeded that of the four Southern states for their 39 in
-the same body by more than 250,000 polls. Once more: Is it not
-immensely ominous and significant the marked shrinkage in 1904 of the
-popular vote for electors in Alabama, North Carolina, and Virginia,
-states which had but recently revised their constitutions, as compared
-with the popular vote of the same states for electors in 1900? There was
-for example a shrinkage of the popular vote in Alabama of nearly 50,000
-polls; in North Carolina the shrinkage amounted to nearly 85,000, and in
-Virginia it ran up to more than 135,000. These figures are eloquent of
-great wrongs done the Negro. They are not less eloquent of great dangers
-which now threaten to subvert free institutions in the Republic.
-
-Since the elections of 1898 things in the South went rapidly in respect
-to this subject from bad to worse. Alabama, North Carolina and Virginia
-followed the example of Mississippi and revised their constitutions.
-This reactionary movement of the Southern oligarchy has reached as far
-north as Maryland, and the work of aristocratizing her constitution and
-of Jim-Crowing her laws is now nearing completion. Where is this
-movement to stop? Will it halt south of Mason and Dixon's line unless
-drastic measures are speedily adopted by the National Government to
-arrest it? No, this aristocratic revolution will certainly, unless
-checked, invade the North, attacking and overthrowing first the
-political rights of black men in that section, and later those of other
-classes of citizens industrially and politically feebler than the rest
-until one after another of the states now free shall have succumbed to
-the rule of class and plutocratic power. Then indeed will the undoing of
-the 14th and the 15th amendments, and of democratic institutions in
-America, be complete. Not until then will the movement, which is fast
-aristocratizing the Republic, stop its steady advance. I am no alarmist,
-but am telling the sober truth. Those who have eyes to see, let them
-look around at the ominous signs of this advancing evil. Those who have
-ears to hear, may hear everywhere about them the foreboding sounds of
-this rising flood of wrong and inequality, this growing disregard for
-law, this denial to the people of a voice in government, whether state,
-colonial or national, which characterize the present period of our
-national history.
-
-It will not be impertinent for me to add by way of concluding this
-article, a few words regarding some of the political consequences, which
-would be sure to follow a reduction of Southern representation in
-Congress and the electoral college. It would, in the first place, reduce
-the political strength of the South as a factor in national legislation,
-diminish its relative importance as an element in national politics.
-That section is insolent, exacting and aggressive to-day on the Negro
-question because it has so much numerical strength in Congress and the
-electoral college by reason of its suppressed Negro vote. Reduce that
-strength by a judicious blood-letting to the number of twenty-five or
-thirty-five representatives and there will follow in due time a
-corresponding reduction of its arrogance and aggressiveness on the race
-question. For as it declines in relative strength in Congress and the
-electoral college it will decline in relative importance in management
-and leadership of the democratic party also. It will gradually lose its
-controlling influence over that party, cease ultimately to dominate it
-on the Negro question. The relative decline of the South in Congress and
-the electoral college-means, of course, the relative increase of the
-North in the same branch—means that in time the North will pay less
-heed to the claims of the South, to its threats, and more to the claims,
-to the case of the Negro. It means more. The relative decline of the
-South as a factor in national politics means the relative increase of
-the northern wing of the Democratic party in the control of that party,
-in the shaping for that party of a more liberal policy on the Negro
-question. For as the northern wing of this party gains in relative
-strength, in numerical importance over that of the South, it will be
-tempted more and more to solicit the support of the Negro vote of the
-North. In close elections and in pivotal states the Democrats of the
-North will thereupon make liberal declarations and positive bids in
-order to win this vote from the Republican party.
-
-This consideration brings me to a second consequence, which would follow
-a reduction of southern representation. And that is this: It will put an
-end to the present period of good will and peace between the sections,
-so disastrous to the rights of the Negro. Such a measure will usher in a
-period of bitter difference and strife between the two sections again.
-These differences will not arise merely between the Republicans of the
-North and the white South, but between democrats of the North and
-democrats of the South on the Negro question as well. For the northern
-wing of the Democratic party cannot bid for the colored vote of its
-section without offending the South and therefore sowing seeds of
-alienation and strife between them on the question of the rights and
-wrongs of the Negro, as a citizen. There will follow such differences
-and strife between the sections, a reaction at the North in favor of the
-Negro. Public sentiment for juster treatment of the race will gain
-thereafter steadily in strength. It will influence the Republican party
-to give to the question a more radical treatment than it now gives it,
-to take steps to enforce by appropriate legislation the 15th amendment
-of the Constitution. Such growing public sentiment in favor of according
-the Negro fairer treatment may do more, it may be able to reach even
-that pro-Southern tribunal, the Supreme Court, and put like the bees of
-the Bible honey for the race in its hitherto cold and unresponsive body.
-Even it may be influenced in time to twist the law in favor of human
-liberty, not against it, as now. And lastly, it will give the silent
-South a chance to be heard on the Negro question. It will give it a
-chance to appeal from those states drunk on the race question, to their
-sober second thought, a chance to show them the folly and madness of
-their disfranchisement and consequent degradation of their Negro labor
-as an economic factor in their development and civilization. And so
-liberal sentiment towards the Negro may be awakened in the South and be
-made thus to spread slowly downward as a leavening influence.
-
-And in the third place, reducing Southern representation in Congress and
-the electoral college will not hurt the Negro. It will not take away
-from him any right which he now enjoys down there. The doing so cannot
-in any way change his actual status either in law or in fact. He is now
-disfranchised; Congress will still have power to enforce the 15th
-amendment by appropriate legislation and it will do so whenever it can
-screw its courage to the sticking point. The reduction of Southern
-representation will certainly break up the present apathetic state of
-the country in respect to the Negro. With this breaking up there will
-follow a reaction in favor of freedom, and there will arise in due time
-a public sentiment which will bring legislation to enforce the right of
-the Colored people of the South to the ballot well within the range of
-the possible, yea of the probable, if the South persists after
-reduction,—but it will not long persist,—in its present purpose to
-nullify the 15th amendment, and to reduce its Colored people to a
-condition of a permanently subordinate and servile class, without rights
-as men or as citizens which southern white people are bound to respect.
-Let southern representation in Congress be therefore reduced. The sooner
-the better it will be for the Negro and the Nation.
-
-The law department of the United States Government has at last moved
-effectively against the meat trust. And I see that the Interstate
-Commerce Commission is looking into the charge that certain railroads
-are practicing by a system of rebates discrimination against shippers
-of live stock, and in favor of packing house products and dressed meats.
-But alas, how different has been the attitude of the national government
-toward investigating that greatest of all discriminations in the
-Republic, namely: the wholesale disfranchisement of Negroes in the South
-because they are Negroes. A few years ago one of the bravest and most
-far-seeing of the representatives of Massachusetts in either branch of
-Congress offered a resolution to investigate the subject merely. The
-administration, which was then, and they say is now opposed to meddling
-in this particular manner with the Southern question, was found equal to
-the occasion. When it failed to silence the voice of Congressman Moody
-regarding the matter, it lifted him with masterly state craft from the
-floor of the House, and landed him safely in the Cabinet where he is
-still, and where his silence might the better be secured. Thus passed
-the Moody resolution to dusty death, and the place which knew it once in
-Congress hath known it no more, and will know it no more forever.
-
-But there is another Congressman who for years has watched keenly the
-growth of this threatening evil, the growth of this wrong so subversive
-of the rights of the blacks at the South, and so harmful to the
-interests of our industrial democracy at the North. Five years ago he
-thought it was high time for the general government to address itself to
-that subject, and accordingly proposed from his place in Congress
-suitable measures for that purpose. Unfortunately for Congressman
-Crumpacker's proposition the presidential election of 1900 was at the
-time approaching and which, in the opinion of the McKinley
-administration, called loudly then for silence and oblivion on this
-vexed question. In obedience to this loud call of the Moloch of party
-success at the polls, Mr. Crumpacker's bill suffered death by
-asphyxiation in committee.
-
-The matter was, however, revived by Mr. Crumpacker in a subsequent
-Congress in the form of a resolution which provided for the appointment
-by the Speaker of a select committee of thirteen "whose duty it shall
-be, and who shall have full and ample power to investigate and inquire
-into the validity of the election laws of the several states and the
-manner of their enforcement, and whether the right to vote at any
-election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of
-the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and
-judicial officers of any of the states or the members of the legislature
-thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of any of the states,
-being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in
-any way abridged, except for crime." This resolution so reasonable,
-moderate, and just, fell a victim, so it was reported at the time, to a
-shrewd bargain struck between the Southern oligarchy on the one hand and
-the Republican managers of Cuban reciprocity on the other. The
-Crumpacker resolution was put to sleep amidst the dust heaps of old
-congressional documents, where it has slept without waking until the
-present session of Congress, when its profound slumber has been
-disturbed by renewed attempts made in both branches of the National
-legislature to revive the subject, and to do what the Republican
-national platform of 1904 pledged that party to do in the event of its
-triumph at the polls, according to the plain meaning and purpose of the
-following plank in that platform.
-
-"We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether, by
-special discrimination, the elective franchise in any state has been
-unconstitutionally limited: and if such is the case we demand that
-representation in Congress and in the electoral college shall be
-proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United
-States."
-
-And while the Republican party hesitates to redeem its solemn pledge
-made to the people before the elections last November, the tide of
-intolerable wrong, of imminent peril:—of intolerable wrong to the
-blacks and of imminent peril to the Republic, is advancing nearer and
-rising higher and higher toward the point where to ignore it much longer
-will mean widespread and far-reaching disaster to our industrial
-democracy, to Republican institutions in America. On its crest I see
-approaching forces strong enough to subvert the Constitution, not only
-in the South but in the North—forces strong enough to uprear on its
-ruins the vast fabric of plutocratic empire and despotism.
-
-The warning is sounding in our ears, it is sounding in the ears of the
-people all over the land. Do we heed it, will they?
-
-The Penning of the Negro—*CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK*
-=================================================
-
-**[The Negro in the States of the Revised Constitutions]**
-
-The following States have revised their constitutions for the purpose of
-excluding colored voters, and in the following order:—
-
-\(1) MISSISSIPPI.
-
-Section 241, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, defining who are
-electors:
-
- "Every male inhabitant of the state, except idiots, insane
- persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the United
- States, twenty-one years of age and upwards, who has resided
- in the state two years, and one year in the election district
- \* * * in which he offers to vote and who is duly registered
- as provided in this article, and who has never been convicted
- of bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods
- under false pretence, perjury, embezzlement, or bigamy, and
- who has paid on or before the 1st day of February of the year
- in which he offers to vote, all taxes which may have been
- legally required of him and who shall produce to the officer
- holding the election satisfactory evidence that he has paid
- his taxes."
-
-Section 242 of Article 12, further provides that persons offering to
-register shall take the following oath:
-
- "I do solemnly swear that I am twenty one years old and that I
- will have resided in the state two years and (this) election
- district for one year preceding the ensuing election, and am
- now in good faith a resident of the same, and that I am not
- disqualified from voting by reason of having been convicted of
- any of the crimes mentioned in the constitution of this state
- as a disqualification to be an elector, that I will truly
- answer *all questions propounded to me concerning my
- antecedents so far as they relate to my right to vote* and
- also as to *my residence before my citizenship in this
- district,* that I will support the constitution of the United
- States and of the state of Mississippi and will bear true
- faith and allegiance to the same—so help me God.
-
- Any willful and corrupt false statement in said affidavit or
- in answer to any material question propounded as herein
- authorized shall be perjury."
-
-Section 244, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, requires
-that:
-
- "On and after the first day of January, 1892, every elector
- in addition to the foregoing qualifications, shall be able to
- read any section of the constitution of this state; or shall
- be able to understand the same when read to him, or give a
- reasonable interpretation thereof."
-
-\(2) SOUTH CAROLINA.
-
- Subdivision (c). "Up to January 1, 1898, all male persons of
- voting age applying for registration, who can read any section
- of this constitution submitted to them, *or understand and
- explain it* when read to them by the registration officer,
- shall be entitled to registration and become electors."
-
- Subdivision (d). "Any person who shall apply for registration
- after January 1, 1898, if otherwise qualified, shall be
- registered: *Provided* that he can both read and write any
- section of the constitution submitted to him by the
- registration officer or can show that he owns and has paid
- taxes collectible during the previous year on property in this
- state assessed at three hundred dollars ($300) or more."
-
-\(3) LOUISIANA.
-
- Section 3. "He (the voter) shall be able to read and write,
- and shall demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for
- registration, by making, under oath administered by the
- registration officer or his deputy, written application
- therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which
- application shall contain the essential facts necessary to
- show that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be
- entirely written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of
- the registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or
- suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the
- form of application hereinafter set forth: *Provided,
- however,* That if the applicant be unable to write his
- application in the English language, he shall have the right,
- if he so demands, to write the same in his mother tongue from
- the dictation of an interpreter; and if the applicant is
- unable to write his application by reason of physical
- disability, the same shall be written at his dictation by the
- registration officer or his deputy, upon his oath of such
- disability. The application for registration, above provided
- for, shall be a copy of the following form, with the proper
- names, dates, and numbers substituted for the blanks appearing
- therein, to wit:
-
- "I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is ——. I
- was born in the State (or country) of ——, parish (or county)
- of ——, on the —— day of ——, in the year ——. I am now ——
- years —— months and —— days of age. I have resided in this
- State since ——, and am not disfranchised by any provision
- of the constitution of this State."
-
- Section 4. "If he be not able to read and write, provided by
- section 3 of this article, then he shall be entitled to
- register and vote if he shall, at the time he offers to
- register, be the bona fide owner of property assessed to him
- in this State at a valuation of not less than $300 on the
- assessment roll of the current year, if the roll of the
- current year shall not then have been completed and filed and
- on which, if such property be personal only, all taxes due
- shall have been paid."
-
- Section 5. "No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at
- any date prior thereto, entitled to vote under the
- constitution or statute of any State of the United States,
- wherein he then resided, and no son or grandson of any such
- person not less than 21 years of age at the date of the
- adoption of this constitution, and no male person of foreign
- birth, who was naturalized prior to the first day of January,
- 1898, shall be denied the right to register and vote in this
- State by reason of his failure to possess the educational or
- property qualifications prescribed by this constitution:
- *Provided*, He shall have resided in this State for five years
- next preceding the date at which he shall apply for
- registration, and shall have registered in accordance with the
- terms of this article prior to September 1, 1898; and no
- person shall be entitled to register under this section after
- said date."
-
-\(4) NORTH CAROLINA.
-
- Section 4. "Every person presenting himself for registration
- shall be able to read and write any section of the
- constitution in the English language; and, before he shall be
- entitled to vote, he shall have paid, on or before the 1st day
- of May of the year in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax
- for the previous year as prescribed by Article V, section 1,
- of the constitution. But no male person who was, on January 1,
- 1867, or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the
- laws of any state in the United States wherein he then
- resided, and no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be
- denied the right to register and vote at any election in this
- State by reason of his failure to possess the educational
- qualification herein prescribed, provided he shall have
- registered in accordance with the terms of this section prior
- to December, 1908.
-
- "The general assembly shall provide for the registration of
- all persons entitled to vote without the educational
- qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before
- November 1, 1908, provide for the making of a permanent record
- of such registration, and all persons so registered shall
- forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by
- the people in this State, unless disqualified under section 2
- of this article: *Provided*, Such person shall have paid his
- poll tax as above required."
-
-\(5) ALABAMA (in effect Nov. 28th, 1901.) entitled to register:—
-
-These sections of the Alabama constitution were before the Supreme
-Court in the case of *Giles v. Harris*, (189 U. S. 475,) and
-the general plan of voting and registration was summarized by
-Mr. Justice Holmes, delivering the opinion of the court as follows:
-
- "By section 178 of article 8, to entitle a person to vote he
- must have resided in the State at least two years, in the
- county one year and in the precinct or ward three months,
- immediately preceding the election; have paid his poll tax,
- and have been duly registered as an elector. By section 182,
- idiots, insane persons and those convicted of certain crimes
- are disqualified. Subject to the foregoing, by section 180,
- before 1903 the following male citizens of the State, who are
- citizens of the United States, were entitled to register, viz:
- First. All who had served honorably in the enumerated wars of
- the United States, including those on either side of the 'war
- between the States.' Second. All lawful descendants of persons
- who served honorably in the enumerated wars or in the war of
- the Revolution. Third. 'All persons who are of good character
- and who understand the duties and obligations of citizenship
- under a republican form of government.' By section 181 after
- January 1, 1903, only the following persons are entitled to
- register: First. Those who can read and write any article of
- the Constitution of the United States in the English language,
- and who either are physically unable to work or have been
- regularly engaged in some lawful business for the greater part
- of the last twelve months, and those who are unable to read
- and write solely because physically disabled. Second. Owners
- or husbands of owners of forty acres of land in the State,
- upon which they reside, and owners or husbands of owners of
- real or personal estate in the State assessed for taxation at
- three hundred dollars or more [...] [By section] 183, only
- persons qualified as electors can take part in any method of
- party action. By section 184, persons not registered are
- disqualified from voting. By section 185, an elector whose
- vote is challenged shall be required to swear that the matter
- of the challenge is untrue before his vote shall be received.
- By Section 186, the legislature is to provide for registration
- after January 1, 1903, the qualifications and oaths of the
- registrars are prescribed, the duties of the registrars before
- that date are laid down, and an appeal is given to the county
- court and Supreme Court if registration is denied. There are
- further executive details in section 187, together with the
- above-mentioned continuance of the effect of registration
- before January 1, 1903. By section 188, after the
- last-mentioned date applicants for registration may be
- examined under oath as to where they have lived for the last
- five years, the names by which they have been known, and the
- names of their employers."
-
-\(6) VIRGINIA. (in effect July 10th, 1902.)
-
- Article II, Section 18. "Every male citizen of the United
- States, twenty-one years of age, who has been a resident of
- the State two years, of the county, city or town one year, and
- of the precinct in which he offers to vote, thirty days, next
- preceding the election in which he offers to vote, has been
- registered, and has paid his state poll taxes, as hereinafter
- required, shall be entitled to vote for members of the General
- Assembly and all officers elected by the people; but removal
- from one precinct to another, in the same county, city or town
- shall not deprive any person of his right to vote in the
- precinct from which he has moved, until the expiration of
- thirty days after such removal."
-
- Section 19. "There shall be general registrations in the
- counties, cities and towns of the State during the years
- nineteen hundred and two and nineteen hundred and three at
- such times and in such manner as may be prescribed by an
- ordinance of this Convention. At such registrations every male
- citizen of the United States having the qualifications of age
- and residence required in Section Eighteen shall be entitled
- to register, if he be:
-
- "First. A person who, prior to the adoption of this
- Constitution, served in time of war in the army or navy of the
- United States, of the Confederate States, or of any State of
- the United States or of the Confederate States; or
-
- "Second. A son of any such person; or
-
- "Third. A person, who owns property, upon which, for the year
- next preceding that in which he offers to register, state
- taxes aggregating at least one dollar, have been paid; or
-
- "Fourth. A person able to read any section of this
- Constitution, submitted to him by the officers of registration
- and to give a reasonable explanation of the same; or, if
- unable to read such section, able to understand and give a
- reasonable explanation thereof when read to him by the
- officers.
-
- "A roll containing the names of all persons thus registered,
- sworn to and certified by the officers of registration, shall
- be filed, for record and preservation, in the clerk's office
- of the circuit court of the county, or the clerk's office of
- the corporation court of the city, as the case may be. Persons
- thus enrolled shall not be required to register again, unless
- they shall have ceased to be residents of the State, or become
- disqualified by section Twenty-three. Any person denied
- registration under this section shall have the right of appeal
- to the circuit court of his county, or the corporation court
- of his city, or to the judge thereof in vacation."
-
- Section 20. "After the first day of January, nineteen hundred
- and four, every male citizen of the United States, having the
- qualifications of age and residence required in section
- Eighteen, shall be entitled to register, provided:
-
- "First. That he has personally paid to the proper officer all
- state poll taxes assessed or assessable against him, under
- this or the former Constitution, for the three years next
- preceding that in which he offers to register;
-
- "Second. That, unless physically unable, he make application
- to register in his own hand-writing, without aid, suggestion
- or memorandum, in the presence of the registration officers,
- stating therein his name, age, date and place of birth,
- residence and occupation at the time and for the two years
- next preceding, and whether he has previously voted, and, if
- so, the state, county and precinct in which he voted last;
- and,
-
- "Third. That he answer on oath any and all questions affecting
- his qualifications as an elector, submitted to him by the
- officers of registration, which questions, and his answers
- thereto, shall be reduced to writing, certified by the said
- officers, and preserved as a part of their official records."
-
- Section 21. "Any person registered under either of the last
- two sections, shall have the right to vote for members of the
- General Assembly and all officers elective by the people,
- subject to the following conditions:
-
- "That he, unless exempted by section Twenty-two, shall, as a
- prerequisite to the right to vote after the first day of
- January, nineteen hundred and four, personally pay, at least
- six months prior to the election, all state poll taxes
- assessed or assessable against him under this Constitution,
- during the three years next preceding that in which he offers
- vote; provided that, if he register after the first day of
- January, nineteen hundred and four, he shall, unless
- physically unable, prepare and deposit his ballot without aid,
- on such printed form as the law may prescribe; but any voter
- registered prior to that date may be aided in the preparation
- of his ballot by such officer of election as he himself may
- designate."
-
- Section 22. "No person who, during the late war between the
- States, served in the army or navy of the United States, or
- the Confederate States, or any State of the United States, or
- of the Confederate States, shall at any time be required to
- pay a poll tax as a prerequisite to the right to register or
- vote."
-
- Section 23. "The following persons shall be excluded from
- registering and voting: Idiots, insane persons, and paupers;
- persons who, prior to the adoption of this Constitution, were
- disqualified from voting, by conviction of crime, either
- within or without this State, and whose disabilities shall
- not have been removed, persons convicted after the adoption of
- this Constitution, either within or without this State, of
- treason, or of any felony, bribery, petit larceny, etc."
-
-The intention of these acts needs no showing. They have three points in
-common: (a) Some device enabling all the white voters to evade the force
-of the disfranchising clauses; (b) The limiting clauses themselves which
-deprive a majority of the colored voters of their franchise; (c) The
-reservation of sufficient discretionary power in boards of registrars to
-enable them to give full effect to the acknowledged purpose of the
-framers of the constitutions. I know of no lesson they can teach us,
-except how to do the things we ought not to do. In some cases, by
-knowing the way down, one may, by reversing the steps taken, regain the
-lost height. But it is not so here; our fall, like our rise, has been
-too sudden. We have been thrown from a window, and before we could
-understand our position, legislated out of a back gate. Only by superior
-chicane can we repair the second injury, only by superior force repair
-the first—unless there be justice in the heart of the nation. It
-behooves us then to study carefully the state of public opinion in the
-country, which underlies these laws, and gives them whatever stability
-they possess.
-
-There is, of course, a series of events leading up to this radical
-change in the institutions of the Republic, a history beginning before
-the formation of the Union itself. The first part was African slavery.
-Religious, moral and economic forces had acted upon serfdom, the more
-common sort of slavery in Europe, and aided by the resulting increase of
-vigor among the serfs themselves, had disintegrated it. But these forces
-either did not act upon the trade in Negro slaves, when profits to be
-obtained from that traffic filled the minds of merchants, or were
-helpless to stop it. The New World was not, like the Old, overcrowded,
-but in need of laborers—and the slaves were blacks. Tropical South
-America, the West Indies, and the hot belt of the United States absorbed
-hundreds of thousands of Negro slaves. All the forces above enumerated
-set to work again after a time and slavery once more began to
-disintegrate. In this country it had become firmly rooted in the
-Southern states, where the same American people who had fought in '76
-for the freedom of two million white men, women and children fought as
-stubbornly to keep in slavery four million black men, women and
-children. But victory was again to crown the cause of freedom, and by
-the will of the victors, forced forward by the unbroken spirit of
-resistance of the conquered, these four millions of slaves were declared
-possessed of freedom, civil rights and political privileges.
-
-Said Lord Shaftesbury to Charles the Second, when called on for his
-resignation as Lord Chancellor, "It is only to lay aside the gown and
-take up the sword." The South, defeated in arms, reversed the process,
-and laying down the musket, put on the gown of the law-maker, and began
-to accomplish by legislation, the reenslavement of the millions set
-free. Hampered in this, for a time by the armies and the northern civil
-officers, who obtained power largely by the suffrage of the colored
-people, and by the colored voters themselves, the Southern men waited
-for the withdrawal of the Union armies—an event hastened by outcry at
-home—and then taking out the side-arms, which the generous terms of
-surrender had permitted them to retain, they rapidly dispersed the
-opposing force, and took the reins of government again into their own
-hands. With musket in one hand to retain political power, and pen in the
-other to undo the Reconstruction legislation, they soon deprived the
-black millions of all their transitory political and civil rights. It is
-hard to see that anything remained to be done. Emancipation laws and
-proclamations to the contrary, the Negro seemed safely penned. But moral
-and economic forces were still at work, and the end was not yet reached.
-
-The South could no longer close its eyes to the want of prosperity. In
-1890, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi and
-Louisiana, in spite of their 262,175 square miles and abundant
-resources, had but 8,346,667 people and 288,405,107 dollars worth of
-manufactured products. An equal territory in the States of the North,
-namely; Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island,
-Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio and
-Illinois with 260,823 square miles had 25,074,143 people and
-6,484,643,842 dollars worth of manufactured products—which is to say,
-the Southern states had but one-third of the population, and
-one-twenty-second of the manufactures of the same area North. The South
-wanting prosperity began to seek ways of obtaining it. This led to the
-consideration of obstacles: and first among these was the large and
-economically inefficient colored population. It must be made, for want
-of other labor, productive, a contributory agent to the new industrial
-prosperity of the South—and not the less, cut off from any sort of
-control, even of the industries, which by its labor must mainly be built
-up. The problem was a difficult one, yet such as the South felt itself
-able to solve. And many in the North stood ready to help.
-
-In 1890, however, came troubles so serious as to require a diversion of
-attention from economical to political problems. The Republican party
-pledge to secure for all citizens 'a free ballot and a fair count' was
-yet unredeemed; and in that year a debate broke out in Congress over the
-fulfilling of its promise, with an Elections bill as the means.
-Simultaneously, the Populist movement was growing to threatening
-proportions. Before this, the cry had been that the Negro by sheer
-numbers could dominate, if not prevented from doing so. But now there
-presented itself a new and more threatening danger. "In any state where
-the whites divide," said Mr. Tillman in the Senate in 1900, "and they
-have divided in every Southern State except mine and Mississippi—into
-Populists and Democrats—the Negro has been the balance of power." The
-Populist movement died, but this phantasm once evoked, of a black man
-poised at the centre of the party see-saw, continued to hover at the
-beck of its creators until again wanted. The occasion, this time a
-lasting one, has been found in the balance of the Republican and the
-Democratic parties in the "border" states. So in Maryland, for a while,
-a "doubtful" state, where the colored population is but one-fifth of the
-whole, a disfranchising law is justified, apparently, by the danger to
-good government of allowing the Republican party to obtain control.
-Again, in the county and town election contests, even in the Southern
-states where the Democratic party is in entire possession of the State
-government, this compact(?) and mobile(?) army of black voters occupies
-a position of such strategical importance that unless they be dislodged
-by the most radical method their mastery must be forever
-acknowledged(?). Now, to conclude, since a dozen colored voters might
-hold the balance of power in town or county, the bitter irony of the
-situation is overwhelming. [1]_ The South is simply driven by its own
-irrefutable(?) logic to total disfranchisement of the Negro, there being
-no safe stopping point short of the practical exclusion of the colored
-inhabitants of a dozen or more states from any part in the making or
-administering of the laws, national, state or municipal under which they
-live(!). All this the South, impelled by her honest desire(!) for good
-government, and resolutely turning her back upon past methods of fraud
-and violence,(!) means to accomplish legally—provided Congress and the
-Supreme Court throw over her naked but unalterable will the broad mantle
-of legality.
-
-.. [1] In West Virginia there are, on the Census basis (958,800 =
- whole population, less 43,499-colored population = 915,301-white
- population, divided by 3.6 = ratio of white population, generally to
- white males of voting age.) 254,250 white voters; and (43,499 =
- colored population, divided by 4.3-ratio of colored population to
- colored male adults = 10,116 colored voters, of whom 32.3 per cent.
- are illiterate, = 3267 illiterate colored men,) but 3,267 illiterate
- colored voters, or about one eightieth of the electorate (257,517
- divided by 3,267): yet, even though the national ticket threatened
- to be hurt by it, it was impossible to stifle the cry for
- disfranchisement of ignorant black voters as the paramount issue of
- the West Virginia democratic campaign of 1904.
-
-We are reminded of the story of the princess, who wandering in rags,
-came to a palace and begged accommodation there befitting one of royal
-blood. The old queen, not sure that she was a princess, determined to
-test her veracity in this way: She lay a pea upon the floor and piled
-upon it a dozen feather-beds. If she felt the pea, it was plain that she
-was a true princess. Morning came none too soon for the unhappy lady,
-who confessed to the queen having spent a miserable night, something
-hard in her bed having bruised her till she was black and blue. No
-longer could the queen doubt that she was a real princess, for who else
-could have been so delicate. And she was forthwith married to the heir
-apparent to the throne. So the South acts on the belief that if she be
-absolutely intolerant of the slightest degree of political power in the
-hands of colored men, that the North must see in the very violence of
-her antipathy, the hopelessness of any other solution.
-
-This happily settled, the South after fifteen years of uncertainty,
-hopes to be able to turn her attention to material problems. But though
-the Caesars may rob February of days to enrich July and August, the
-seasons remain unchanged. The economic and moral laws of the universe
-remain in operation and give assurance that no solution can be more than
-temporary in which the Negro is dealt with falsely and unjustly.
-
-Meantime what had been the course of the Republican party, which, by its
-own declaration "had reconstructed the Union with freedom instead of
-slavery as its corner-stone?" Listen to the reading of the suffrage
-planks in the platforms of ten presidential campaigns:—
-
-[1868.]
-
-The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the
-South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of
-gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question of
-suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those
-States.
-
-The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be cordially
-sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are
-law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate
-legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be entrusted only to
-the party that secured those amendments.
-
-[1872.]
-
-Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil,
-political and public rights should be established and effectually
-maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and
-Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit
-any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed,
-color or previous condition of servitude.
-
-[1876.]
-
-The Republican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth
-anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the
-great truth spoken at its cradle—"that all men are created equal; that
-they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among
-which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that for the
-attainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men,
-deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Until
-these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced,
-the work of the Republican party is unfinished.
-
-The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union and the
-complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all
-their rights is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly
-pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles
-embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is vested by those
-amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be
-the solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of
-the Government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their
-constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent on the
-part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete
-liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and
-public rights. To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief
-Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter
-until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall.
-
-[1880.]
-
-The dangers of a "Solid South" can only be averted by a faithful
-performance of every promise which the Nation has made to the citizen.
-The execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate
-them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be
-secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South.
-Whatever promises the Nation makes the Nation must perform. A Nation
-cannot with safety relegate this duty to the States. The "Solid South"
-must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all honest
-opinions must there find free expression. To this end the honest voter
-must be protected against terrorism, violence or fraud.
-
-[1884.]
-
-The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free
-ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and
-violence practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the
-will of a voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free
-institutions; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the
-guilty recipient of fruits of such fraud and violence.
-
-We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former
-party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them our most
-earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will
-secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and
-complete recognition, possession and exercise of all civil and political
-rights.
-
-[1888.]
-
-We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitution and to
-the indissoluble union of the States; to the autonomy reserved to the
-States under the Constitution; to the personal rights and liberties of
-citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially
-to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or
-poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in
-public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free
-and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all
-the people to be the foundation of our republican government, and demand
-effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections,
-which are the fountains of all public authority.
-
-[1892.]
-
-We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to
-cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and that
-such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws shall
-be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich or
-poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign right
-guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot, the
-just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their just
-and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our
-Republican institutions, and the party will never relent its efforts
-until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be
-fully guaranteed and protected in every State.
-
-[1896.]
-
-We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to
-cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot to be
-counted and returned as cast.
-
-[1900.]
-
-It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution
-to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the
-elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory
-or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are
-revolutionary, and should be condemned.
-
-[1904.]
-
-We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special
-discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been
-unconstitutionally limited, and, if such is the case, we demand that
-representation in Congress and in the electoral colleges shall be
-proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United
-States.
-
-From '68 till '96 there was posted on the bill-boards of the party, the
-same declaration in favor of a free and unrestricted ballot, supported
-by the unyielding determination of the party to protect this right. But
-in that year there came a change. Perhaps it was that the mass of
-unredeemed pledges fell of their own weight, and the time seemed
-opportune to substitute a less weighty declaration; perhaps the party
-only sought a more efficient means of accomplishing its unalterable
-purpose. Whatever the cause, there began from this time, a diminuendo
-which has grown fainter until in 1904 the 15th Amendment was heard no
-more. To time, some say, must be left this task, too great for a
-political party to perform. But there is grave danger in leaving to time
-the execution of justice. The evil grows, the power of correcting it
-diminishes. Early in its course injustice may be stopped, later perhaps
-not at all. The future course of the party with regard 'to the supreme
-and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, white or
-black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that
-ballot duly counted,' is gravely complicated by the rapid and momentous
-changes taking place in American society.
-
-The gulf between the sections, which the Constitution merely bridged
-proved so deep, because it grew out of differences in the social, if not
-the moral natures of the inhabitants of the two parts of the country.
-These types have been compared to those opposed in the English Civil
-War, and hence called Puritan and Cavalier. But whatever the name, the
-differential fact was this: in the North men and women did their own
-work, while in the South others did their work for them. Until this
-great economic and social difference, which made diverging ideals,
-diverging habits, diverging tastes, ceased to be, real sympathy was
-impossible. That gulf, which widened into bitter civil war, is now
-closing; the two types are drawing nearer; the divorce between sections
-is shifting around to a divorce between classes. Therefore it is that in
-a part of the writing and ruling class, we feel that there is a
-gravitating of morals southward. [2]_ The North, which spent millions in
-lives and money to destroy Negro slavery in the South, seems engaged in
-making white slaves at home. If the political and social position of the
-white laborer in the North is declining, our chance of obtaining justice
-through active Northern sympathy is greatly lessened. In this issue
-which remains that of the comparative "hideousness" of the slave-holder
-and the slave, every foot added to the social separation of the Northern
-employer and employee is a stroke in the knell of political equality for
-the Negro.
-
-.. [2] "The Republican party in its work of imposing the
- sovereignty of the United States upon eight millions of Asiatics, has
- changed its views in regard to the political relation of races and
- has at last virtually accepted the ideas of the South upon that
- subject. The white men of the South need now have no further fear
- that the Republican party, or Republican administrations, will ever
- again give themselves over to the vain imagination of the political
- equality of man."
-
- —[Burgess—Reconstruction and the Constitution, page 298.]
-
-It is a mistake, therefore, to assume that there is active in the
-country a spirit of freedom strong enough to set us free; a power
-employed in doing justice, strong enough to do justice to us. The
-country is returning to the conditions existing before '61, even passing
-these and returning to the conditions existing before 1776,—in
-politics, because it is doing the same in *morals*. Moral betterment
-requires that we put a deeper, broader and stronger foundation under the
-old foundation of our lives; and this can only be done by removing each
-day a bit of sand and filling in the space with stone. Days of
-tremendous business activity, or national triumph are not likely to be
-so spent.
-
-We *must* not make the mistake of assuming that there is power in the
-nation to do us justice. "Not in a republic," some one may ask? No! Von
-Holst says: "That virtue is the specific vital principle of republics is
-a delusion. The historical course of development, natural circumstances,
-material interests and political and social customs are the elements by
-which, in all states without exception, the form of the state is in the
-first place conditioned." Not after the pledges of the Constitution,
-again it may be asked? No, the Constitution is an ideal, not a real body
-of law. Von Holst wrote: "Polk had once stated that the nature of
-American institutions offered the world ample security that the United
-States would never pursue a policy of aggressive conquest.
-Notwithstanding the commentary that he had himself given on this
-proposition, it contained a kernel of significant truth. The nature of
-their institutions forbade the United States to hold in violent
-subjection, under the iron hand of conquest, a realm of the extent of
-Mexico for any length of time. This would soon have become so perfectly
-clear to the people that they would either have driven the originator
-and guiding spirit of the war in shame and disgrace from his office and
-dignity, and have reduced all these conditions of peace to the utmost
-moderation, or they would have proceeded to a formal and complete
-incorporation of Mexico with the Union." And before 1900, as a result of
-the war with Spain, the impossible, the absolutely forbidden by the
-nature of their institutions had been accomplished. How obscure the
-vision of the historian! The Constitution is not written in the hearts
-of the American people, but in the sky, where it is hidden every cloudy
-day. And yet again, it will be asked: Not in the New World, not in
-America? Justice demands a careful consideration of every case; it
-cannot be machine-made; it cannot be wholesaled. The exact measure of
-justice is hard to find, harder to administer; it cannot be had without
-patient search, calm temper, righteousness, courage. I know not whether
-America has time to seek the intricate path of justice, or patience and
-courage to follow it when found. The cry 'forward' grows even louder,
-more insistent, more passionate. Can the country safely put down the
-brakes; dare it turn from its rapid way to material prosperity? But a
-little greater momentum is needed and reactionaries will rise only to be
-irresistibly swept aside. Doubts, weariness, exhaustion even will not
-stop the rapidly revolving wheels. Only in the *wake* of such frenzied
-progress there will follow rest, the rest of death. Study the wreckage
-in the South in the trail of slavery, black, and what is far worse,
-white illiteracy, brutality, wretched sloth. Observe the turning of
-defeat in the struggle into despair, then stagnation upon which forms a
-film, a scum, a crust which becomes strong enough to defy efforts to
-break it. So is brought about the stratification of society called
-caste. Above, the upper world, ever turning to law and punishment to
-crush those who threaten this floor, upon which they stand from beneath,
-ever appealing to the prejudices of their class to persecute into
-submission those whose sense of justice or generosity threatens the
-crust from above. Beneath, the under world, sweating, spawning,
-gathering from its own misery and the dregs of vice and luxury from
-above poison, and shaping from its own eager thousands of ambitious
-men,—yes, and after the boldest men of the class above, fangs, that it
-may become all that revolution is wont to be.
-
-In such a society is born the conqueror, man of destiny, as he seems. In
-mountain, in desert or in slum, he may have his birth. Oftenest he is a
-military, yet sometimes a spiritual conqueror. In the west of Europe,
-two thousand years ago was born Julius Caesar; in the East, Jesus
-Christ. From mountain, wilderness and slum, each drew his followers.
-Caesar gathered the driftwood of the decaying Republic into an army, and
-upon this bridge crossed the Rubicon and established empire. Christ,
-too, gathered up the driftwood of decaying Rome and fashioned out of it
-that noble band which is the inspiration of every true Church in the
-Christian world. The classes you would disfranchise will become the
-makers of a political slum. They are materials for working out the glory
-or the ruin of the nation. Exclude them from the benefits, the
-privileges of other classes and you invite criminality: from outcast to
-outlaw is but one step. Include them, and who can measure the addition
-to the sum of human happiness? In the answer to the question: what
-forces are at work checking the too great increase of a people? what is
-the principle of selection? what sort are disappearing, what sort
-preserved?—may be read the country's destiny.
-
-Outside of the slave states, equal participation in the government by
-all citizens has been the foundation stone of the Republic. For a brief
-moment slavery was dead, and all men were freemen. But slavery is alive
-again, and if its growth is not resisted, will again be restored in all
-but name. The words of Calhoun deserve to be called a prophecy.
-"*Without political and social equality*," he said, "*to change the
-condition of the African race would be but to change the form of
-slavery."* The South accepts the alternative and resolves that, whatever
-the cost, political and social equality shall never be. The North must
-yield; *she* will not. While some are trusting to the finality of the
-13th Amendment, others to industrial opportunity, others still to
-political without social equality, the South with bull-dog tenacity
-sticks to her resolution that there shall be none of these. But a year
-ago Carl Schurz declared: "There will be a movement either in the
-direction of reducing the Negro to a permanent condition of serfdom ...
-or a movement in the direction of recognizing him as a citizen in the
-true sense of the term. One or the other will prevail."
-
-Are there reasons wanting why the nation should keep true to its
-foundation principles? Granting that the pathway to freedom is now
-harder to follow, should the forward movement be abandoned? How else
-than by manfully pressing on to a broad humanity, can the Republic,
-reconstructed with freedom as its corner-stone, remain? As the old cords
-fail to hold together the more distant and divided political and ethnic
-units of population, there must be woven new bonds of sympathy,—at
-least, of toleration, else some must be hung with chains. There are
-many, many reasons, rulers of the commonwealth, why the electorate
-should not be reduced:—
-
-Above all, it is selfish. "The continual and diligent elevation of that
-lower mass which human society everywhere is constantly precipitating,"
-to borrow the words of Cable, is incompatible with the *spirit* of
-restriction.
-
-It is inequitable. For, again quoting from this author: "There is no
-safe protection but self-protection: poverty needs at least as much
-civil equipment, for self-protection as property needs: the right and
-liberty to acquire intelligence, virtue and wealth are just as precious
-as the right and liberty to maintain them, and need quite as much
-self-protection."
-
-It is subversive of the republican basis of the state,—tending
-as it does to deposit more and more political power in the hands
-of fewer and fewer men. From "all up" to "some down" in the
-matter of political rights is a precipitous leap: but this step once
-taken, a gentle slope succeeds. From many to fewer members of
-the privileged class, the mind advances easily, with no intrusive
-principle to block the way. If a poll tax of one dollar can be
-made a condition of voting regardless of ability to pay it, then
-why not ten or twenty? If a poll tax, why not a property tax,
-or wealth? If ability to interpret the Constitution, why not a
-college education?
-
-As restriction is practiced in the South, it breeds contempt for the
-law:
-
-And increasing unrest, for like a snowball it swells and gathers fresh
-resistance as it goes:
-
-And dishonesty, for the disfranchising laws are not being lived up to.
-This is inherent, for the acquisition of the required knowledge or
-wealth would defeat the very object of the law. It puts a premium upon
-ignorance, for thereby the desired end of disfranchisement is
-furthered:—And upon thriftlessness, for the same reason;—And upon
-criminality and false charges of crime, since even this price must be
-paid by those determined to work their will.
-
-What evils of universal suffrage are equal to these? Can an appeal be
-made in the name of minority rights by those who would themselves efface
-minorities? [3]_ When slaves were escaping, they demanded that the
-constitutional guarantees be fulfilled to the letter, clamored like
-Shylock for the pound of flesh which the law allowed. Now, too, they
-demand of the amendments as before of the clauses of the instrument
-reserving power to the states, that they be construed by the
-letter:—but with what a change of object,—no longer that the rights of
-minorities may be respected but that they may be utterly suppressed.
-
-.. [3] In two states, viz; Mississippi and South Carolina, the
- colored people are in the majority. In the other four disfranchising
- states, as well as all other Southern states, they are in the
- minority. In the group of states disfranchising the colored voters,
- viz; N. C., S. C., Va., Ala., Miss., and La., the
-
- white population is
- 5,396,649 = 55 per cent.
-
- colored " "
- 4,453,253 = 45 per cent.
-
- total " "
- 9,849,902 = 100 per cent.
-
- —BY THE 12TH CENSUS (1900.)
-
-And if it be asserted that the superior must be allowed to rule, is
-superiority to be proved by a fiat of brute force? Is mere armed
-lawlessness the index of superior worth? When the nations agreed to fix
-limits to the cruelties of war, did they thereby place a penalty upon
-brains?
-
-Finally, is it claimed that a free ballot signifies unlimited
-corruption? Read the answer in England's purification of her politics: I
-quote from Sir Thomas Erskine May:—
-
-"Political morality may be elevated by extending liberties: but bribery
-has everywhere been the vice of growing wealth." "The first election of
-George the Third's reign was signalized by unusual excesses:" A seat in
-Parliament was for sale, like an estate and they bought it without
-hesitation or misgiving. "Nor were they regarded with much favor by the
-leaders of parties; for men who had bought their seats,—and paid
-dearly for them,—owed no allegiance to political patrons. "They sought
-admission to Parliament, not so much with a view to a political career,
-as to serve mere personal ends, to forward commercial speculations, to
-extend their connections and to gratify their social aspirations. But
-their independence and ambition well fitted them for the service of the
-court.... They soon ranged themselves among the king's friends: and thus
-the court policy,—which was otherwise subversive of freedom became
-associated with parliamentary corruption. "When the return of members
-was left to a small but independent body of electors, their individual
-votes were secured by bribery: and where it rested with proprietors or
-corporations, the seat was purchased outright." Gatton e. g. was sold
-for £75,000. Of the 658 members of the House of Commons 487 were
-returned by nomination ... not more than one third of the House were the
-free choice of the limited bodies of electors then intrusted with the
-franchise.... Representatives holding their seats by a general system of
-corruption could scarcely fail to be themselves corrupt. What they had
-bought, they were but too ready to sell. And how glittering the prizes
-offered as the price of their services! Peerages, baronetcies, patronage
-and court favor for the rich—places, pensions and bribes for the needy.
-All that the government had to bestow they could command.... Another
-instrument of corruption was found in the raising of money for the
-public service. In March 1763, Lord Bute contracted a loan of three
-millions and a half; and having distributed shares among his
-friends,—the scrip immediately rose to a premium of 11 per cent....
-Here the country sustained a loss of £385,000.... Stock jobbing became
-the fashion; and many members of Parliament were notoriously concerned
-in it. Again in 1781 ... a loan of £12,000,000 was contracted to defray
-the cost of the disastrous American war.... Its terms were so favorable
-that suddenly the scrip rose nearly 11 per cent. It was computed by Mr.
-Fox that a profit of £900,000 would be derived from the loan; and by
-others that half of the loan was subscribed for by members of the House
-of Commons. Lord Rockingham said. "The loan was made merely for the
-purpose of corrupting the Parliament to support a wicked, impolitic and
-ruinous *war*.
-
-Now as to the electorate. "In Scotland in 1831, the total number of
-county voters did not exceed 2500; and the constituencies of the 66
-boroughs amounted to 1440.... The county of Argyll, with a population of
-100,000 had but 115 electors: Caithness with 36,000, contained 47 free
-holders. Edinburgh and Glasgow, the two first cities of Scotland, had
-each a constituency of 33 persons.... A great kingdom, with more than
-two millions of people,—intelligent, instructed, industrious and
-peaceable,—was virtually disfranchised.... According to a statement
-made by the Duke of Richmond in 1780, not more than 6,000 men returned a
-clear majority of the British House of Commons.... It was alleged in the
-petition of the Society of the Friends of the People (presented in
-1793.) that 84 individuals absolutely returned 157 members to Parliament
-... and that a majority of the House were returned by 154 patrons....
-
-"The glaring defects and vices of the representative system which have
-now been exposed,—the restricted and unequal franchise, the bribery of
-a limited electoral body, and the corruption of the representatives
-themselves,—formed the strongest arguments for Parliamentary reform....
-The theory of an equal representation, had in the course of ages, been
-entirely subverted.... The Reform bill of 1832 supplied the cure. "It
-was," says May, "a measure, at once bold, comprehensive, moderate and
-constitutional. Popular: but not democratic:—it extended liberty,
-without hazarding revolution. In 1850 the representation of the country
-was reconstructed on a wider basis. Large classes had been admitted to
-the franchise: and the House of Commons represented more freely the
-interests and political sentiments of the people. The reformed
-Parliament, accordingly, has been more liberal and progressive in its
-policy than the Parliaments of old, more vigorous and active; more
-susceptible to the influence of public opinion: and more secure in the
-confidence of the people."
-
-Here let us leave the history of English political corruption and the
-remedy which was found in a fairer representation of the people. In
-truth, we might well have left it sooner—if not altogether; for it is
-likely to be said that all of this is nothing to the purpose. The South
-has before her the practical problem of dealing with some millions of
-Negroes, to the solution of which, the experience of the English people
-furnishes no aid. Once more, then, we must consider the actual situation
-in this country to-day.
-
-The Negro problem has been stated: What does justice to the Negro
-demand? Approaching our subject from this point of view, we may try to
-conclude:—
-
-1st. What justice *does* demand; and
-
-2nd. What the Negro must do to get it.
-
-What, to begin with, is the answer of the South to the former? It is
-familiar to us all and would seem to be the nearly unanimous voice of
-the Southern people. The Negro, they say, is ignorant, lazy and vicious.
-Slavery, so far as its effect on the slave is concerned, was a
-beneficent institution, raising him from his previous savagery to a
-plane of humble usefulness. There, however, his incurable inferiority
-destines him forever to remain. This, the South insists she has settled
-in wisdom and kindliness. The North, so runs her speech,
-misunderstanding the South and the Negro, unjustly forced on the Civil
-war, to compel her to change her domestic institutions. But that
-attempt, foredoomed to failure, has resulted in nothing more than the
-abolition of slavery, and a cruel loss of life and property, partly
-compensated for by the consequent revelation of her boundless resources
-of courage, loyalty and united resolve. Slavery, while a Southern
-institution, was not a bond of perfect union; but upon the platform of
-black inferiority and white domination, every Southern man has his foot
-squarely planted. Her answer, therefore, to all criticism is to point
-with pride to the solid South.
-
-How often are we called upon to see with pain and wonder that opinions,
-theories, even the mind itself is shaped by actions. Nature, aiming at
-preservation of life, is quick to heal all possible wounds, to reconcile
-warring impulses, to gloss and beautify deformities, and even to conceal
-dangers and snares. She gives men language to justify their misdeeds,
-teaches them how to embalm their errors in the secretion of their
-intellects, and even preserves the lying epitaphs which they inscribe
-over the remains of their vanity and pride. To change an opinion, it is
-necessary commonly to change a course of action, and until the life of
-the South changes, there seems no reasonable expectation that her
-opinions will change. Disfranchisement is but a symptom of the diseased
-Southern body politic, and who can tell whether the surgeon's knife will
-not reach the sources of life itself in seeking for a cure.
-
-Sufficient then to herself,—wholly insufficient, false, and cruel to
-us, is this answer. If there were but these two parties to the cause,
-there would be no need to consider it. There remains, however, the still
-hesitating, ever-divided public opinion of the North—now the judge in
-the Freedmen's case. It is fitting that in her court, our replication
-should be boldly made. There we proclaim that the South is not doing
-justice to colored men.
-
-The Negroes, say Southern men, are ignorant, lazy, vicious,—a perpetual
-menace to the rule and order of white men. Is this believable? Did God
-so make the world that after three thousand years of progressive white
-civilization;—in a country where there are sixty millions of white men,
-entrenched in their possession of armies and navies, wealth, power and
-endless resources of trained intellect;—that nine millions of colored
-people, rich in nothing but their sufferings, threaten to put the bottom
-on top? And if chance rules the world, and ignorance, laziness and vice
-are as likely to prevail as knowledge, industry and virtue, we may as
-well believe that ignorance and laziness and vice underlie white
-civilization and supremacy. No, we may confidently answer: this is not
-believable. Either these nine millions of colored people are not
-ignorant, lazy and vicious, or there are no grounds for the fear that
-they can for an hour put into danger the continuance of white
-domination, even in the blackest portion of the black South.
-
-There is indeed proof obtainable that they are neither ignorant, lazy
-and vicious, nor a menace to rule and order. If they were near neighbors
-of the brutes would the elaborate defensive preparations be necessary
-which the South continues feverishly to make? Do the savages of Africa
-enact disfranchising clauses to keep apes and monkeys out of their
-political affairs? If ignorance so submerges the black man, why does not
-the Massachusetts principle of protecting the ballot prevail in the
-South? Why is it necessary to require the voter to read, yes, and
-*interpret satisfactorily, any* clause in the state constitution? [4]_
-If sloth curses the Negro with unfruitfulness, why require property to
-the assessed value of $300? If the assessed value be two thirds of the
-real value, this means that nearly $500; if one third, then nearly $1000
-is fixed as the minimum possession of the black voter. Does this
-precaution point to shiftlessness? If viciousness be indelibly stamped
-upon his nature, why not rely upon his disfranchisement for crime to
-eliminate the colored voters? Are the white juries not to be trusted to
-condemn the accused? Are the leased convicts not worth their cost of
-keeping? It has been more than once said that 90,000 of the 90,000
-colored people in the District of Columbia are criminals. If the same
-proportion maintains elsewhere, what more is needed to accomplish the
-desired end?
-
-.. [4] The requirement that the voter be able to read (or write)
- *and* interpret satisfactorily, in the Virginia registration
- requirement before Jan. 1, 1904, is an advance upon the earlier
- clauses, which left the alternative. I am not sure but that it
- reappears in the Maryland law not yet in operation. It is an
- interesting fact that it was *Senator Daniels of Virginia* who
- once called the attention of the Senate to the injustice done
- the South by Senator Spooner's assertion that voters were, without
- alternative, required to interpret passages from the
- Constitutions.
-
-Yet disfranchisement for ignorance, for thriftlessness, and vice all
-together are acknowledged to be insufficient, and resort must be had
-again to manipulation, juggling, and confessed dishonesty. Rev. Edgar
-Gardiner Murphy, Executive Secretary of the Southern Education Board, a
-distinguished witness, testifying against interest, says: "The
-instrument of discrimination has been found in the discretionary powers
-lodged in the board of registrars, by which worthy Negro men, fairly
-meeting every test of suffrage have been excluded from registration."(?)
-Where the fact is so freely admitted, proof seems wasted, yet abundant
-corroboration may easily be had [5]_.
-
-.. [5] The following clipping from the Baltimore American, I
- cannot refrain from reading:—
-
- "In the recent election the democratic judges of election in many of
- the counties proved that they were unable even to count ballots
- properly marked, and when it came to putting a reasonable
- interpretation on the intention of a voter they were either wholly
- ignorant or wholly dishonest. It is perfectly safe to say that not
- one-third of the democratic judges who served at the Maryland
- election of last week could themselves give an intelligent
- interpretation of any section in the Constitution. Many of them do
- not even know what the Constitution is, and the man who suggested
- that they would take it to be a new kind of drink did not overshoot
- the mark. Fine professors of constitutional history these men would
- make!"
-
-The fact as well as the extent of disfranchisement is revealed
-by the statistical summaries:—
-
-.. class:: center
-
- **STATISTICAL SUMMARIES**
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \1
- :width: 60%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left justify right
- :summary: 1900 voting population data.
-
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | ADULT MALE OR COLORED VOTING POPULATION, |
- | \1900, ESTIMATED \AT \1 IN \4.3. |
- +=============+=================+============+
- | Virginia | 660,722 ÷ 4.3 = | 46,122. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | Nor. Car. | 624,469 ÷ 4.3 = | 127,114. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | South Car. | 782,321 ÷ 4.3 = | 152,860. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | Alabama | 827,307 ÷ 4.3 = | 181,471. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | Mississippi | 907,630 ÷ 4.3 = | 197,936. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | Louisiana | 650,804 ÷ 4.3 = | 147,348. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
- | Total | | 4,453,251. |
- +-------------+-----------------+------------+
-
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \2
- :width: 80%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left justify right justify
- :summary: 1888-1900 census data.
-
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
- | CENSUS OF NEGROES BEFORE PASSAGE OF |
- | REVISED CONSTITUTIONS. |
- +=============+======+=========+=========+
- | Virginia | 1900 | 115,865 | (T.Al.) |
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
- | Nor. Car. | " | 133,081 | " |
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
- | South Car. | 1892 | 13,384 | " |
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
- | Alabama | 1900 | 55,512 | Pres. |
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
- | Mississippi | 1888 | 30,096 | |
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
- | Louisiana | 1888 | 30,701 | |
- +-------------+------+---------+---------+
-
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \3
- :width: 80%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left justify right left
- :summary: 1900-1904 census data.
-
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | CENSUS OF NEGROES AFTER PASSAGE OF |
- | REVISED CONSTITUTIONS. |
- +===========+======+========+================+
- | Virginia | 1904 | 47,880 | (W. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | Nor. Car. | " | 82,442 | " |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | So. Car. | 1900 | 3,579 | Pres. (T.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | So. Car. | 1904 | 2,554 | Pres. (W. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | Alabama | 1904 | 22,472 | (W. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | Miss. | 1900 | 5,753 | Pres. (T. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | Miss. | 1904 | 3,189 | Pres. (W. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | Louisiana | 1900 | 14,234 | Pres. (T. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
- | Louisiana | 1904 | 5,205 | Pres. (W. Al.) |
- +-----------+------+--------+----------------+
-
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \4
- :width: 80%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left right right
- :summary: Registration of colored voters.
-
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | REGISTRATION OF COLORED VOTERS. (Newspaper estimate.) |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | State | Literate | *Registered* |
- +================+================+=====================+
- | Virginia | equal 69,358 | |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | North Carolina | 59,625 | *"Less than 6,000"* |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | South Carolina | 69,242 | |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | Alabama | 73,474 | *"Hardly 2,500"* |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | Mississippi | 92,605 | |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
- | Louisiana | 57,086 | *"1,147"* |
- +----------------+----------------+---------------------+
-
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \5
- :width: 100%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left right right right right right right
- :summary: 1872-1904 Republican vote in the six states.
-
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE SIX STATES; VOTE AFTER |
- | DISFRANCHISEMENT SCORED. (World Almanac of 1904.) |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | YEAR | VA. | NORTH | SOUTH | ALA. | MISS. | LA. |
- | | | CAR. | CAR. | | | |
- +=======+=========+=========+========+========+========+========+
- | \1872 | 93,468 | 94,783 | 72,290 | 90,272 | 82,175 | 59,975 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1876 | 76,093 | 108,419 | 92,081 | 68,230 | 52,605 | 75,315 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1880 | 83,639 | 115,874 | 58,071 | 56,178 | 34,854 | 38,016 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1884 | 139,356 | 125,068 | 21,733 | 59,144 | 43,509 | 46,347 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1888 | 150,438 | 134,784 | 13,736 | 57,197 | 30,096 | 30,701 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1892 | 113,217 | 100,846 | 13,384 | 9,197 | 1,406 | 26,563 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1900 | 115,865 | 133,081 | 3,579 | 55,512 | 5,753 | 14,234 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
- | \1904 | 47,880 | 82,442 | 2,554 | 22,472 | 3,189 | 5,205 |
- +-------+---------+---------+--------+--------+--------+--------+
-
-
-..
-
- .. class:: smaller
-
- | 1872, 1876, Va., N.C., S.C., Ala. (Tribune Almanac of 1896.)
- | 1872, Louisiana (World Almanac.)
- | 1892, Louisiana (Republican and Populists.)
- | 1892, N.C.; 1900, 1904 (Due to Populists.)
-
-Every fresh barrier erected in the South simply publishes to the world
-the weakness and inefficiency of those already raised. Each time
-dishonest methods are newly justified, and violent declarations,
-applauded, fresh evidence is given that these Southern men cannot on its
-merits win their case. The policy of white domination is stripped to
-unblushing nakedness, and confident of the fear of those who remained
-for two hundred years enslaved, the South narrows the issue to one of
-physical courage, inviting the Negro to wrest from her the power, which
-stands between him and justice, freedom, happiness. *It is not then in
-the ignorance, laziness, and vice of the Negro, that the white South
-trusts, for the continuance of her policy, but in his defencelessness.*
-
-*To these Southern men, we can make but one reply. Unmistakably our
-courage is the issue.* But before considering how best to treat their
-sinister challenge, let us answer to the Republican party the question:
-What does justice to the Negro demand? Our reply is simple,—the
-fulfillment of the promise, which was treasured up in the hearts of four
-million men as they passed through the doors of slavery into the light
-of freedom;—the promise, which they have left to their children as
-their one priceless inheritance: "The guarantee by Congress of equal
-suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every
-consideration of public safety, of gratitude and of justice, and must be
-maintained"—this was the promise of the Republican party in 1868. The
-freedman appeals to the creator of his political rights, as Tennyson to
-the Creator of his being:—
-
- | Thou wilt not leave us in the dust;
- | Thou madest man, he *knows* not why;
- | He thinks he was not made to die;
- | And Thou hast made him,—Thou art just.
-
-Is it then fair to leave to us the vindication of the Reconstruction
-policy against men of the South, the North and even influential members
-of the party's own councils? Must we meet the charge that the Republican
-party was moved by revenge and folly, and prove that there was no other
-way to secure the foundation of freedom, which hundreds of thousands had
-died to win? Were those terrible years of death a mere night over the
-gaming table, with two haggard players, 'breaking even' at dawn? Is it
-left to us to rescue from their own sons the fame of the heroes of the
-war against slavery and restore the honorable inscriptions recorded on
-their tombs? When men talk of 'the greatest error of Reconstruction,'
-has the murder of Lincoln no claim to the place? Does not John Wilkes
-Booth better merit derisive canonizing than "Saint" John Brown? If it
-was irony for the "Reconstruction" legislatures to impose heavy taxes
-upon a people who had just emerged from a ruinous war and by bonded
-indebtedness extend the obligation to future generations, was it not
-also irony to punish and re-enslave by vagrancy laws the men who without
-an acre or a dollar were now *called* free?
-
-And if it *was* hate, and revenge, and folly, which brought about the
-'War Amendments,' can they be honorably withdrawn now? Is there no
-doctrine in law, which forbids one's renouncing an act after he has
-profited by it? But could the elections have been won and the policies
-maintained without the aid of the colored voter? Is there need of a
-statute of limitations to stop a political party from withdrawing the
-promises upon which it has encouraged millions of trusting people to
-build for forty years? Can it be honestly claimed that three-fourths of
-the States of the Union gave the ballot to the slave just out of the
-slave pen, with the implied condition that if he failed to prove himself
-able from the outset to resist temptation to childish indulgence and
-childish dishonesty, seduced as he was by the Northern men whom
-gratitude bade him trust and follow, he should lose it forever? Is this
-the Eden where we met our "fall?" A sober Anglo-Saxon definition of
-justice is given by Sidgwick: "Justice is realized (1) in the observance
-of law, and contracts, and definite understandings, and in the
-enforcement of such penalties for the violation of these as have been
-legally determined and announced; and (2) in the fulfilment of natural
-and normal expectations." That the nation's laws will be upheld is the
-first requirement of justice. [6]_
-
-.. [6] Here is an instance of a President's devotion to existing
- laws: **With the Confederate government fully installed two weeks
- before**,—Lincoln said in his inaugural address, that "he had no
- purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution
- of slavery." Is a manual needed in the United States to tell for
- what purposes and under what circumstances the law will be enforced?
-
-But yet again are we brought back to the ignorance, shiftlessness and
-criminality of the Negro. Their fathers, so say these wiser Northern
-sons, could not know of these evils, which to them have been revealed.
-No, they could not: had their lives been spared till now there had been
-no such evils to reveal. Under freedom's blaze ignorance was sucked up
-as the stagnant waters from a pool. With nearly the entire number of
-slaves illiterate, with no schools yet built, and only those large
-hearted teachers to face the enormous educational work whose
-ministrations to the needy were their only pay, more was done in the
-years just after the liberation of the slaves, to remove, their
-ignorance, than twenty-five thousand teachers in hundreds of schools
-have done in the last decade since. [7]_ Progress in earning and saving
-corresponded. And there was little increase of crime. A few years more
-of the sunlight and who doubts that these charges could never have been
-brought against us! And by whom are we charged with being criminal?
-Surely not by the South?
-
-.. [7] Per cent. of illiteracy.
-
- Colored population in 1860 4,441,830.
-
- Of this about 9 per cent. (488,070) was free—perhaps ½ of this
- was literate, i.e., about 5 per cent. of the whole.
-
- Equal 95 per cent. or higher.
-
- Colored population above 10 years in 1870 equal whole
- population, 4,880,009, less 28.7 per cent. equals under 10
- leaving 3,464,806. Above 10, unable to write, 2,789,689.
-
- Equal 80 per cent.
-
- Colored population above 10 years in 1880 4,601,207. Above 10,
- unable to write, 3,220,878.
-
- Equal 70 per cent.
-
- Colored population above 10 years in 1890 5,328,972. Above 10,
- unable to write, 3,042,668.
-
- Equal 57.1 per cent.
-
- Colored population above 10 years in 1900 6,415,581. Above 10,
- unable to write, 2,853,194.
-
- Equal 44.5 per cent.
-
-Is it credible that our millions lived under the benign influence of
-slavery, almost without crime and continued even after the Emancipation
-Act to live peacefully and honestly:—and then, upon the passage of the
-14th Amendment dropped suddenly from this moral zenith? Such sudden
-transformations are not natural: either slavery made the criminality of
-the African: or held it in a grip barely strong enough to prevent its
-issue in acts of violence: or, else this record of crime is false. One
-of these three explanations, we cannot choose but accept. The South at
-least, cannot admit the first, for slavery, they declared, even before
-God at His Altar, to be a benign institution; neither can they admit the
-second, for it, too, is inconsistent with the gentleness and benignity
-of slavery. But will they admit the third? "Nine tenths of the illicit
-gains," says James Bryce, speaking of Reconstruction, "went to the
-whites." Into like parts, Woodrow Wilson divides the responsibility and
-the discredit. "Negroes," he writes, constituted the majority of their
-electorates, but political power gave them no advantage of their own.
-Adventurers swarmed out of the North, to cozen, beguile and use them....
-They gained the confidence of the Negroes, obtained for themselves the
-more lucrative offices, and lived upon the public treasury, public
-contracts and their easy control of affairs. For the Negroes there was
-nothing but occasional allotments of abandoned or forfeited land, the
-pay of petty offices, a per-diem allowance as members of the
-conventions, and the state legislatures, which their new masters made
-business for, or the wages of servants in the various offices of
-administration. Their ignorance and credulity made them easy dupes. A
-petty favor, a slender stipend, a trifling perquisite, a bit of poor
-land, a piece of money satisfied, or silenced them." This is the record
-of crime until the quickly passing day of freedom was ended. And if
-crime has increased since, so presently will ignorance increase and
-idleness unless their growth is checked by the restoration of freedom
-and justice and hope. Punishment will fail to stop the growth of
-idleness, vice and crime, as it has always failed, and if brutal
-punishments are next resorted to when milder ones have failed, one
-sickens at the prospect. Can Southern, abetted by Northern men strew the
-earth with the seeds of accursed slavery, bastardy and treason, secret
-conspiracy, callous, sneering fraud and the brutality of the mob, and
-think to stop by lynching the harvest of black duplicity, bred of fear,
-and black criminality, bred of misery and hate,—when they have gathered
-enough of the fruits to make an exhibit of Negro vice? The departure of
-lynching waits for two events: the breeding of the animal out the most
-wretched Negroes until they find greater satisfaction in something
-higher than sensuality and revenge; and the breeding of savage cruelty
-out of the white man until he can find pleasure in something more humane
-than torture by fire. As our counsellors bid us turn our attention to
-the dark side of our life, we bid them turn theirs from it. Your boasted
-civilization on its under side is but a progress from rape to adultery,
-from brute to devil. The savage honors the brute and tortures the devil;
-the civilized man tortures or crushes the brute and honors the devil.
-There is a pitcher plant of California, which is so described: Above a
-funnel shaped stem, it flaunts a crimson banner. The hood of the flower
-is transparent, so that the wary are caught even in their efforts to
-flee. From the mouth downwards the walls exude intoxicating sweets but
-multitudinous hairs, all pointing downward, lower the victim farther
-with every struggle. At its bottom a charnel heap, poisoning the air.
-Such plants flourish amidst civilization, and millions are their
-victims, who debauch their appetites until their intellects shrink to
-the size of their already shrunken consciences, and they are helpless to
-do anything but die. Liberty *is* perilous, a very 'valley of the shadow
-of death,' but the history of every nation which has lived and died
-teaches us that the danger of a false step is even greater near the end
-of the journey than at the beginning. Egypt, Assyria, Judea, Greece,
-Rome—the history of every nation is a light-house marking a *reef* in
-the harbor of humanity.
-
-When Cain had killed Abel, he hid the body, and when God called,
-replied, "Am I my brother's keeper?" A chill foreboding comes over us
-with these Northern doubts of the wisdom of Reconstruction, and we
-cannot refrain from wondering if the North still retains the sense of
-duty of 61; if the North can do, can even will to do justice. And here
-let us turn from our first question: What does justice to the Negro
-demand? To the second: What can the Negro do to get justice? My end has
-been reached if there is felt more than before the need of answering the
-latter question.
-
-Underlying the civil laws of the nation are certain high ideals. The
-fidelity of the nation to these is measured by the quality and the force
-of public opinion. Just as long therefore as the republic endures, the
-executive, legislative and judicial powers will obey the people's will.
-To this oracle the rulers have again appealed, and its answer has been
-an expression of renewed and increased confidence in the Republican
-party. The hour of the new administration has almost come, and the
-message may be now on its way to the country that the party pledges are
-to be redeemed. It may be that there are brighter days before us; but
-if, as in the past, we stand on no securer footing than two men
-wrestling on a steep and icy hill-side, where both roll over and over,
-and there is no chance between throwing and being thrown,—then it
-matters not whether we appeal to President, or Congress, or Supreme
-Court; to the 14th or 15th amendment, for the righting of our wrongs.
-
-Congress is empowered to enforce the 14th and 15th amendments by
-appropriate legislation. Such legislation has been enacted and by one
-President, at least, enforced. But, now, it is held that it must be
-shown that the amendments are being violated, and this cannot be done
-until the Supreme Court fully interprets them. What a mockery it has all
-become! Insolently, sneeringly, the violators of the plain intent of the
-law rise from their seats in Congress and demand how far they are going
-to be obliged to walk around these Amendments instead of kicking them
-aside. By law, or by force, colored men are being deprived of the right
-to hold office; by law or by force excluded from the jury; by law or by
-force sent into slavery for crimes of which they were convicted by these
-juries from which they are excluded; by law or by force, they are being
-disfranchised. The alternative is clear. Southern men do not evade it.
-The revised Constitutions stand boldly for disqualification by law.
-Southern Congressmen in debate as boldly proclaim the force. More
-cautiously Mr. Murphy testifies to the same effect, denying that "the
-abuse of discretionary power by the registrars of elections,—an abuse
-which the State permits, but which the State does not necessitate or
-prescribe, brings the State within reach of the penalties of the
-Constitution."
-
-If not by law then the Constitution is nullified by force, and it
-becomes the duty of Congress to maintain it. But is Congress so near the
-performance of this obligation that we can profitably advise as to the
-method? Shall we say that candidates for Congress, by force or fraud
-elected, shall be refused their seats or that an election bill shall be
-passed, guaranteeing just laws; or that the penalty clause of the 14th
-Amendment shall be first enforced? At least, we had better wait until
-the House has reversed the policy outlined by its Committee on
-Elections, whose concluding words in the Dantzler-Lever case
-follow:—
-
- "However desirable it may be for a legislative body to retain
- control of the decision as to the election and qualification
- of its members, it is quite certain that a legislative body is
- not the ideal body to pass judicially upon the
- constitutionality of the enactments of other bodies. We have
- in this country a proper forum for the decision of
- constitutional and other judicial questions. If any citizen of
- South Carolina who was entitled to vote under the constitution
- of that State in 1868 is now deprived by the provisions of the
- present constitution, he has the right to tender himself for
- registration and for voting, and in case his right is denied,
- to bring suit in a proper court for the purpose of enforcing
- his right or recovering damages for its denial.
-
- "That suit can be carried by him, if necessary, to the Supreme
- Court of the United States. If the United States Supreme Court
- shall declare in such case that the "fundamental conditions"
- in the reconstruction acts were valid and constitutional and
- that the State constitutions are in violation of those acts,
- and hence invalid and unconstitutional every state will be
- compelled to immediately bow in submission to the decision.
- The decision of the Supreme Court would be binding and would
- be a positive declaration of the law of the land which could
- not be denied or challenged.
-
- "On the contrary, the decision of the House of
- Representatives upon this grave judicial question would not
- be considered as binding or effective in any case except the
- one acted upon or as a precedent for future action in the
- House itself.
-
- "A majority of the Committee on Elections No. v doubt the
- propriety in any event of denying these Southern States
- representation in the House of Representatives pending a final
- settlement of the whole question in proper proceedings by the
- Supreme Court of the United States. Some of the members of the
- committee believe the "fundamental conditions" set forth in
- the reconstruction acts to be valid and the constitutions and
- election laws of these States to be in conflict with such
- conditions, and hence to be invalid.
-
- "Some of the members of the committee believe the "fundamental
- conditions" set forth in the reconstruction acts to be invalid
- and the constitutions and election laws of the States claimed
- to be in conflict with such conditions to be valid. Some
- members of the committee have formed no opinion and express no
- belief upon the subject.
-
- "Your Committee on Elections No. i therefore respectively
- recommend the adoption of the following resolution:
-
- "'*Resolved*. That Alexander D. Dantzler was not elected a
- member of the Fifty-eighth Congress from the Seventh
- Congressional district of South Carolina, and is not entitled
- to a seat therein.'"
-
-If not by force then the Constitution is nullified by law, and the
-Supreme Court must be looked to to maintain its vigor. Turning to the
-Supreme Court, what do we find to be its answer? In the following words,
-the Court concludes in the case of Giles vs Teasley, (the 4th Alabama
-case) decided Feb. 23d, 1904:—(from this decision Justice Harlan
-dissented.)
-
- "It is apparent that the thing complained of, so far as it
- involves rights secured under the Federal Constitution, is the
- action of the State of Alabama in the adoption and enforcing
- of a constitution with the purpose of excluding from the
- exercise of the right of suffrage the Negro voters of the
- State, in violation of the Fifteenth Amendment to the
- Constitution of the United States. The great difficulty of
- reaching the political action of a State through remedies
- afforded in the courts, State or Federal, was suggested by
- this court in *Giles v. Harris, supra*.
-
- "In reaching the conclusion that the present writs of error
- must be dismissed the court is not unmindful of the gravity of
- the statements of the complainant charging violation of a
- constitutional amendment which is a part of the supreme law of
- the land; but the right of this court to review the decisions
- of the highest court of a State has long been well settled,
- and is circumscribed by the rules established by law. We are
- of opinion that plaintiffs in error have not brought the
- cases within the statute giving to this court the right of
- review."
-
-Far be it from me to imply that the Supreme Court will never decide the
-State constitutional clauses to be in violation of the national
-constitution; but as Von Holst has said: "The wit of man is not equal to
-the task in the shaping of political life of inventing forms which may
-not be employed as weapons against their own legitimate substance or
-contents." The law, it might be added, without strong-siding conscience,
-is a mere magician's handkerchief, and surely we can no longer think of
-ante-election promises embodied in the Republican party platform as
-binding obligations.
-
-To those who ask: how long shall men wait for justice? I can only
-answer: Wait we must, but we need not idly wait. Our future is largely
-our own to make. Our radius of activity is slowly enlarging. Our daily
-question: what shall we do? settles into a demand for a defined policy.
-A bitter and perplexed,—What shall I do?—we are coming to find "worse
-than worst necessity." Mere agitation, we know will not suffice. The
-country is not floating upon a rising tide of indignation at the
-unjustness of our treatment, as it was fifty years ago. And even if the
-doing of justice hung upon the casting of a die, I do not know why the
-throw should be the higher for violent shaking of the box. Some sort of
-planning of our future and united effort of at least a few to realize
-their plans is indispensable.
-
-Resolved, therefore, that we strive for all happiness whatsoever, which
-may be fairly won. A good name and a level glance from those around us
-are essentials of happiness. If that is social equality, then, resolved
-that we strive for social equality. "This," says Cable, "is a fool's
-dream." If so let us not shrink along with Christ, to be called fools.
-Once past slavery there is no insuperable barrier between us and
-freedom. Where is this line between civil and private rights? Is not the
-path from one to the other continuous? Workshops and offices, public
-conveyances, the theatre, hotels and restaurants, apartment-houses, the
-boarding table, barber-shops and bath rooms, the public school and
-college, the scientific society, the church, the alumni dinner, the
-church sociable—in city, town and village:—what are these but the way
-to the home? [8]_ There is an upward slope from slavery, where a man is
-a thing, to freedom, where a man is a man. Millions, the better part of
-mankind, live and die on the hill-side; but all push on, as long as hope
-and manhood survive. That those above should acknowledge the brotherhood
-of those below and descend to help them is not to be generally expected;
-for that requires such love of their fellows as few possess. It *is
-foolish* then to *demand* the concession of social equality; but it
-is quite as *cowardly* to give up obtaining it, as long as an upward way
-exists. That the path is open is proved by the cry of those who hate us:
-Turn the hill-side into a precipice,—slavery is the only alternative to
-equality; build an unscalable wall of caste founded upon the color of
-the skin, the lowest white man by law and force raised higher than the
-highest black. Yes, the first of all our resolutions must be this one,
-to strive for social equality.
-
-.. [8] That public conveyances come within the social sphere is
- asserted by Burgess: Reconstruction and the Constitution pp. 150——
-
- "During the winter and spring of 1867-8 the work of these
- conventions went on under the greatest extravagance and
- incompetence of every kind. (The constitutions which came from
- them provided for complete equality in civil rights, and **in
- some cases, in advantages of a social character, such as equal
- privileges in public conveyances etc."**)
-
-Not only, however, our indomitable instinct, but an urgent reason makes
-this our foremost consideration. National responsibilities, great civic
-or industrial responsibilities we are as yet cut off from. Through
-*private relations then we must educate ourselves to the realization,
-that only through the just performance of duties can true rights be
-won*. As we perform our trust over a few things will we perform our
-trust over many. Already we are reminded that our claims as individuals
-are mixed with those of the mass of our people. In vain we urge our
-greater culture or refinement, we are judged by the average of our race.
-In our own interest then, if not from a higher motive, we must turn to
-the lifting of our fellows. Our solidarity is already great: let us hold
-to it and increase it. Far from being a curse it is a people's greatest
-blessing. Yet we are losing it; our fellow sympathy and active
-helpfulness are not as great as were our fathers'. This is of crucial
-importance, since our best chance of winning friends among the women and
-poor of the other race is by justice to the women and poor of our own.
-And it is the women and the poor of the other race that we need most to
-win: for it were hard to say which is the greater obstacle to our
-progress, those left behind among the race ahead, or those left behind
-among our own. We must face sex inequality and class inequality among
-ourselves, *lest we bitterly denounce others' injustice when the same
-spirit of uncharitableness is deep buried in our own natures*.
-
-Why is there such intense emphasis placed upon this issue of social
-equality? Largely because it arouses the jealousy of the white woman and
-the white poor. She, with her heart full of fear and distrust, is the
-first to shut the door upon the stranger. The next step after being a
-slave is wanting one; and she, who has been for untold ages in forced
-servitude to man clings jealously to that social order which provides a
-place for another more to be pitied than she. She, it is who holds the
-keys of the home, and with them, of church, school, restaurant, theatre
-and car.
-
-And with women are joined the poor. *They* bar our way to industrial
-employment; they stand guard over the polls. Why? Because they have
-learned uncharitableness in the school of bitter experience; because
-they, who have themselves never known aught but inequality, cannot even
-*think* of an even balance between men. *Of little avail, then, the
-wisdom and bounty of the few enlightened, when the serried ranks of the
-masses bar our upward way*.... As each occasion of hardship or slight
-works upon them,—high prices made by monopoly, failure of strikes, the
-miseries of war, unequal laws, the scorn of the rich and
-well-born,—they turn and empty the full reservoir of their discontent,
-through the ever open vent of race hatred upon any that are weaker than
-they. And ever and again the crafty among the ruling class, discovering
-this means of averting danger to themselves make haste to profit by it.
-The greater our show of progress,—the more active the resentment of
-these classes of those above us becomes. Upon the removal of this
-antagonism much of the welfare of the Republic as well as our own
-depends, and I know of no other way to accomplish it than through
-fairness to the women and poor of our own race. Then those just ahead
-will see that they have no cause to fear that among us are to be found a
-new set of masters to make fresh multitudes of slaves. We cannot, then,
-afford to go on, confident that justice and wisdom will prevail; for the
-best among ourselves know how difficult it is to be just and wise. Let
-us who know the way to justice and can follow it, but strive to do so,
-and others, and yet others will be drawn into the current until its
-pressure becomes too great to resist.
-
-Resolved, secondly, that we will continue to form party ties from
-fundamental principle and not momentary prospect of advantage. Last of
-all classes, can we afford to consider trimming our political sails to
-catch a chance breeze. Before it can even be granted that we hold the
-actual balance of power, this opportunism must have become our settled
-policy,—else we are *not* the most precarious body of voters. But
-suppose we were able to bargain for our vote, how wise would it be to do
-so? Can our voters afford to indulge in a prospect of profit to be
-obtained from their franchise? No, beyond question, our position is yet
-too insecure to warrant our driving a bargain with the Republican party,
-backed by the threatened withdrawal of our ballots. For not only would
-an artificial value, given to our vote because it was pivotal,—which,
-to repeat, it could only be if it were the most precarious,—double its
-venality, but the likelihood of our being put off with mere promises
-would be increased. Would not the prize be made just tempting enough to
-keep us vainly hoping? Would the rich with all their abundance do more
-than "rub our chains with crumbs?" We have all to fight to keep up our
-faith in the Republican party and its fidelity to the pledges of forty
-years, but all our political funds are invested with it, and unless in
-pursuit of some better principle than gratitude the time has not yet
-come to withdraw them.
-
-Resolved, thirdly, that we will contend for the political and social
-rights we crave, by modern rules of war, using every protective means we
-can, but scorning every dishonorable stratagem. Under the present stress
-a line of division is appearing between those among us who believe in
-open, and those who believe in secret methods of protection. In spite
-however of the merciless fire we are subjected to by the press, which
-makes any one a mark, who so much as strikes a match, we will resolutely
-oppose secret bodies, secret measures, secret policies. Nothing so
-quickly brings out all the cruelty of hatred as fear of secret danger.
-Let not the awful power and unrebuked successes of Ku Klux Klan or white
-caps mislead us. We must be free from the charge of having suggested
-*even* such means to those whom oppression has made desperate, but for
-whom imitation would spell merciless revenge without even the check of
-Northern censure. And another evil scarce less results: a premium is
-hereby put upon treachery. Temptation is already too great to those
-among us who might be induced to betray.
-
-On the other hand, no reasonable precaution should be left untaken. Our
-position is hardly yet so perilous that we need seek the mountains,
-deserts or swamps for safety. Other protective measures however should
-be sought. First among these, is organization, which, however is only
-worthful when there is real community of interest and feeling. These it
-will be hard to secure without neighborhood and common business
-dealings. By such means too, we shall better come under the protection
-of the common law, with its broad mantle spread over all contractual
-relations. It is hard to get justice wholesale, harder still when one
-cannot offer the market price. The earlier resolutions leading up to the
-15th Amendment forbade restriction of the franchise on account of creed,
-ignorance or poverty. These additions were laid aside before the passage
-of the bill. The Civil Rights bill in its earlier stages required
-equality in the public schools and the jury service. These failed first.
-The best help—this cannot be said too often—is self-help.
-Self-dependence will not only strengthen our own defenses, but it has a
-value yet higher—it strengthens the Republic. Appealing as we now do to
-central authority, embodied in the Republican party, we help
-unconsciously to build up centralized power. This disadvantage of our
-faithful adherence to that party must be confessed. By striving to
-obtain land and independent businesses, and towards municipal political
-privileges, we will increase our responsibilities, our interest in good
-government and our stake in the democracy of America,—and by so doing
-become sturdier defenders of the Republic. To the man *who works*, the
-man who *wants and consumes*, in short to every man belong the common
-benefits and privileges due to his common humanity; but if we mean to
-secure these heights which in the United States only have yet been won,
-we must win firm ground to stand on. The law is not grounded in such
-principles, he who would fight for the rights of men, must be *more*
-than a mere man to get standing in her courts.
-
-By such protective measures we may so shield ourselves from attack, that
-if any should wish to destroy us they must first destroy what they have
-themselves built. This means much: but who so thoughtless as to suppose
-that ownership of land and home, or business interests or even municipal
-or other corporate franchises,—with the knowledge needed to maintain
-them—are of themselves enough! Who so weak as to trust in mere
-segregation, that if we only stay on our side of a high board fence we
-will be let alone! What of Africa? What of China? What so absurd as
-unguarded wealth? The day of high board fences is passing. While
-segregation will supply certain opportunities, which we may profit by,
-if we use them as stepping-stones to higher things, it can only do so,
-if there is courage to defend what has been won. Without courage no man
-can hope to keep anything another covets. *Somewhere in the foreground
-of all our policies,—if we are true men and women,—must be the
-determination to part with them only at a reasonable price.* Let common
-sense, and scorn of dishonesty, or pretence, guide us in moulding them,
-but then let us adhere to them. Let all be done in God's name, as does
-the man who builds an altar, gathers wood, then cleanses himself from
-all impurity before he approaches it to do sacrifice. When these steps
-have been taken, we may appeal to the God of justice, and with the
-confidence of him who dares ask, and receive an answering sign from
-Heaven, strike for the right.
-
-The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been Specifically Revised—*JOHN HOPE*
-================================================================================================
-
-So much has been said about almost every phase of the so-called "Race
-Problem," so many good things and so many bad things, that we are apt to
-believe all has been said that can be said and to wish that if there is
-anything that has not yet been said, it may remain unsaid. Certainly
-little that is new can be said on the franchise until we have some new
-developments. You will get nothing new from me. I am to speak on a
-current topic that is as well known to you as to me. Yet it is sometimes
-helpful to hear your own thoughts expressed by some one else. With this
-possibility of doing a service, I apologize for having consented to
-write on the subject of "Negro Suffrage in the States whose
-Constitutions have not been Specifically Revised." But even here I feel
-unable to speak about all these States and prefer to confine myself to
-my own state, for of this I may speak with the assurance that comes from
-contact.
-
-The State of Georgia probably shows as little revulsion and reversion of
-sentiment and law as any distinctly Southern state, except perhaps
-Texas, since the Reconstruction period. Republican rule was short lived
-and, while it remained, was less aggressive and revolutionary than in
-other states. The population has been fairly evenly divided between the
-two races with a majority always on the white side. The agrarian class
-has been less powerful than in some Southern states and the ignorance of
-both races has been rather mitigated and softened by centres of
-information, towns and cities, less remotely distant from one another
-than is the case in several other Southern states, railroads and
-factories exerting a great influence in this respect. So Georgia may be
-taken as a type of those states in which the best things have happened
-or rather the worst things have not happened for Colored people.
-
-Of course, in Reconstruction times Georgia Democrats did act harshly,
-but my remarks rather have to do with the period after that. For
-instance, more than thirty Colored Republicans were expelled from the
-Georgia legislature and the state had to have a sort of second
-reconstruction before it was finally recognized by the United States
-Government.
-
-Georgia had only one Republican governor, and sent to the National House
-of Representatives at least one Colored Representative. But for many
-years, even this has been a thing of the past. White men have held all
-offices, occasionally having the monotony of complexion broken by a
-Colored representative from Camden, McIntosh or Liberty county in the
-state legislature.
-
-The passing of the Republican party in the state as an aggressive
-elective organization has been due to several causes, but so hidden and
-studied have two of them been, so free from shotguns, leaving out, of
-course, the Ku Klux and Patrollers of the '60's and '70's, that you
-cannot lay your hands on these causes so easily as in some other states
-where the change has been revolutionary and sudden rather than gradual.
-You will notice that I say Republican party, for when the Colored vote
-was most effective it was organized by the Republican party. One of the
-causes of this passing of the Republican vote was intimidation at the
-polls on election day, threats and intimidation before the day in
-communities of Colored people, and official rascality in the counting of
-ballots actually cast. Probably, as a result of these a third cause
-came—the indifference of the state and municipal Republican
-organizations to making a canvass for the state and city officers.
-
-Then the Colored vote began to divide on Democratic candidates and was
-exceedingly effective, holding the balance of power, as it did, in
-choosing white Democratic governors, congressmen, state legislators,
-city and county officers. This went well for awhile, but white
-office-seekers soon began to fear this Colored balance of power. They
-wanted their certainty of a majority of the white vote to guarantee
-their office; so the Georgia legislature passed a law making it legal to
-have primaries to nominate candidates for office and also throwing such
-safeguards about the management of primaries as aimed to secure lawful
-practices on these occasions. Here was a perfectly harmless movement,
-apparently harmless. The next step was made by the Democratic party
-assembled in State Convention when it decided that candidates for state
-and county officers on the Democratic ticket should be nominated by a
-primary, but leaving the conduct of the primary to the community in
-which it might be held, provided this should not run counter to the
-primary law as passed by the State. Here too, was a perfectly fair and
-harmless provision, apparently fair and apparently harmless. But the way
-was then open for the primary to take on a local coloring. In
-communities where the colored vote was an embarrassment, the Democratic
-party there decided to have a *white* primary. In one of these
-communities a colored man that I know went to vote at the primary. He
-was a "good Negro" a very good Negro, his goodness dating back to the
-time when the "Yankees" were about to confiscate his master's cotton and
-he claimed the cotton as his. Even this transaction did not enlarge his
-cranium, and after saving his master thousands of dollars and gradually
-amassing a fortune for himself, he still knew how to approach his former
-master from the kitchen door. Well, this good Negro went to cast his
-ballot. The courteous man at the polls said: "George, this is a
-Democratic primary." "Yes," said George, "but I am a Democrat." "Well,"
-said the courteous gentleman, "but George, this is a *white* primary."
-This colored man found himself without a Republican for whom he might
-vote, and was informed that the Democratic party was a close corporation
-so far as the Colored man was concerned. This is quite interesting when
-I tell you that white Republicans, avowedly Republicans, have not only
-been permitted but even requested to participate in the primaries of the
-Democratic and Populist parties.
-
-The reason for the elasticity of the primary is quite evident, that is,
-why Colored people are allowed to take part in the primary in one
-community and not in another, or why they are allowed at one time to
-vote and at another time in that same community are not allowed to vote.
-The purpose is to have the Colored voters as a harmless balance of power
-between the Democrats and any other party that may show strength, that
-is, to have the Colored man to settle disputes among white people
-without becoming obstreperous because of this valuable assistance. There
-were some communities where the Populists used the Colored voter to
-defeat Democrats and others where the Democrats used this vote to defeat
-Populists. Of the State as a whole, it may be said that Populism was
-defeated by the Colored voters espousing the Democratic side. And be it
-said to the common sense and good reason of many Democrats that this
-fact is acknowledged and to an extent appreciated by the party now in
-power—to the extent at least of staving off any further
-disfranchisement measures thus far.
-
-But the most flagrant high-handedness and palpable confession of purpose
-on the part of white people with reference to our citizenship rights is
-to be found in a state legislative enactment that looks to the municipal
-management of two Georgia towns where the Colored voters are so
-overwhelmingly in the majority that ordinary subterfuges would not
-fulfill the requirement. Darien and St. Mary's are two coast towns with
-a large Colored population. The mayor and aldermen are not elected by
-the voters in these towns; but, instead, these towns enjoy the unique
-distinction of being managed by officials appointed by the governor of
-the State. What is more simple; what more high-handed; what more
-un-Democratic and subversive of national principles of government than
-this?
-
-Now let us ask the question: Can the Colored man cast his ballot in
-Georgia?
-
-In the first place, any party of any race may hold a primary.
-
-Second, any man of any party or race may vote in the *general* election
-for any candidate he may wish.
-
-Let us ask next, whether these ballots will be counted? That depends
-entirely upon whether the need is to count them or destroy them; or
-furthermore, to count them as ballots for some one for whom they were
-not cast. The election boards and the management at the polls are not
-bipartisan and the party in power may do what it chooses.
-
-We raise the question now whether it is for our best interest
-economically to exercise the franchise? Do men vote to help their
-economic interests? Are not taxation and other fiscal policies settled
-by the ballot? May not property be enhanced or lessened in value by
-voters? Colored people have some real estate and securities, but their
-practical capital is their labor; yet they have not the least power, the
-real power, of influencing legislation in reference to a single labor
-measure that may arise, although in Georgia nearly half the population
-is colored and in the laboring class the colored people are in the
-majority. Now suppose, as white union labor in the South grows stronger,
-it should influence such legislation as would eliminate colored labor
-where it came into competition with white labor, the colored laborer
-would be politically powerless to resist this legislation. Now is this a
-mere idle dream when we reflect that within the past few months a Texas
-legislator introduced a bill to confine Colored labor to the farm
-whenever it was found in city and town communities to be competing with
-white labor.
-
-Then there is another side that really has its argument, effective,
-though perhaps not very logical. The fact that we are, as a people,
-laborers and not capitalists, makes us, as any other people similarly
-placed would be, under obligation to the capitalist who, in our case,
-are white. The point is made that to enter politics against the wishes
-of this people would raise such antagonism as to lower our earning
-power. Hence we are told to keep out of politics until we get a better
-money basis. Here we stand between two difficulties, staying out of
-politics might jeopard our earning and entering politics might jeopard
-our earnings. Many honest and thoughtful white and colored men stand on
-both sides of this question.
-
-Now, is it educationally best for us to vote? This question requires
-some amplifying. Do we mean what educational value comes from this
-training in citizenship? If so, then certainly the value is great. There
-was a time when we knew conditions in our state and town, but so little
-influence does a Colored man have in politics now that I do not even
-know the name of the alderman in my ward, although I am a registered
-voter, have paid my poll tax and voted for President Roosevelt. I know
-of nothing more benumbing to us as citizens than this deprivation. Men
-who are philosophic may consider matters that are not of material
-concern, but the average person does not load his mind and spend his
-time with things that, for one reason or another, have no concern for
-him. Any discussion as to the fitness and honesty of municipal and state
-candidates hardly touches me, as I know I cannot lift a finger to
-promote the interests of any one of them. I have no voice.
-
-There is another position from which this question may be viewed and
-that is whether the advantages from schools would be lessened or
-increased from participation in politics. It is quite evident that
-without the ballot any people are suppliant and must beg rather than
-make a manly demand. But, assuming that the lack of the ballot has
-become a condition with us, would a demand or threat about our ballot
-result in a counter threat that if we forced the issue, we should not
-only be denied our ballot, but that for our arrogance the appropriation
-for Colored public schools would be cut down and we should receive only
-what we paid in as our share of the school tax? This too, is no dream;
-but has actually been considered by colored men as a possible reason for
-not causing such antagonism as would arise from Colored men endeavoring
-to enter aggressively into politics again.
-
-What now about fears for disfranchisement such as has been compassed by
-the revised constitutions in many Southern states? Some one may say that
-there is no difference between constitutional disfranchisement and that
-*quasi* disfranchisement effective for all practical purposes such as we
-have spoken of as now obtaining in Georgia. There is a tremendous
-difference. If a wave of civic righteousness should sweep over those
-states still without constitutional disfranchisement, the primaries
-would be a very slight embarrassment to those willing to do right by all
-races alike; while in the states possessing constitutional
-disfranchisement, the reactionaries would have such means of stopping
-fair play and honest elections free for all, that they could easily
-check the purpose of the fair-minded citizens for a long while.
-
-Now, do we really have to fear disfranchisement? I say disfranchisement
-must at all times be feared and be guarded against as far as it lies
-within our power in an honorable and manly way to hold it off. Just at
-the time North Carolina and Maryland seemed most secure to us we found
-ourselves deprived of our rights; and it may be safely stated that
-whenever on a specific occasion the Colored vote exerts the balance of
-power over any considerable area, there disfranchisement may be feared.
-We need to fear disfranchisement because it is founded upon the spirit
-of injustice and that same spirit fosters it. So palpable is this, that
-the South bewails the fact. Governor Warfield in speaking about the
-repeal of the Fifteenth amendment says: "The privilege to vote could
-then be bestowed without respect to the expedient of unwise
-constitutional amendments that strain the conscience of our best people
-and arouse criticism." Yet the repeal of the Fifteenth amendment would
-not relieve those apostles of disfranchisement of the odium of violating
-the spirit of truly American democracy and of setting at naught that
-mighty decision on human rights that was rendered by the bloody
-arbitrament of war—Disfranchisement of whatever sort, if designed to
-embarrass a citizen because of his race, must always "strain the
-conscience of our best people."
-
-Does Georgia show any signs of the disfranchising spirit? We fear it
-does. The State Legislature now expects some measure of this sort at
-each session, and in recent years has not been disappointed, although
-good sense has thus far triumphed. Then again men in high places,
-congressmen and at least one of our U. S. Senators from Georgia have
-begun to say some things that may easily be construed as an advocacy of
-disfranchisement. It occurs to me that the marked difference between the
-condition in my boyhood and to-day is this: then the opposition was to
-Republicans, to-day it is to Negroes. It is not a party line, but a race
-line.
-
-Now the white primary has not done all that was claimed for it. In the
-first place it has not purified elections. Far from doing away with the
-purchase and sale of votes, it has, by lowering the supply, relatively
-increased the demand and brought up the price to a really fancy figure.
-In the second place it has failed to do that for which it was ostensibly
-introduced especially to do, namely; to put into office those men most
-eminently fitted by ability and character to administer the office to
-which they might be chosen. On the contrary, primary elections have been
-questioned on the ground of fraud; and the mayor of one very prominent
-Georgia city has been arrested for drunkenness. Then why is the primary
-kept? Well, the "fixers" for instance, can more easily fix things. With
-the Colored man's vote eliminated, the work becomes simplified and even
-though the amount of money spent illegally may now be more than the
-total amount in the days when colored as well as white were in the
-market yet those interested in "fixing" elections can now work with more
-assurance; and promises may more easily be carried out in the matter of
-delivering the goods.
-
-For instance, I know of a city election where the voters in one ward
-were so evenly divided and the candidates had calculated their strength
-so accurately, that one candidate felt safe in buying three white votes
-at the rate of one hundred ten dollars. Large corporations may now
-operate easily in state and city; and some of the most flagrant cases of
-political jobbery that have been charged against Reconstruction rule are
-easily equalled by the bare-faced graft and bribery by which large
-business interests win their way through the assistance of white voters.
-
-What are the possibilities of white aspirants bolting the primary? It is
-my impression that they are fewer than they were twenty years ago. Judge
-Gartrell once ran independently against Alexander Stephens for Governor
-and Judge Emory Speer in his younger days ran on an independent ticket;
-but such a step on the part of a candidate means outlawry for life.
-Speer was read into the Republican party, Thomas Watson into the
-Populist; and since the exile of such giants, the small fry find it easy
-to be good and not to lift their heads in rebellion, no matter what
-rascality has compassed their defeat at the Primary. No. It is my
-impression that the primary is more firmly established to-day than when
-it was first started. White unity has become white slavery; and while
-the yoke galls, the white aspirant prefers the yoke to extermination.
-
-But, suppose there should be a general Democratic "rough house" and the
-colored vote should be called in to quell the disturbance, the Colored
-voter would have no guarantee that such would mean his return to
-political standing. On the contrary, it might, as in several states,
-cause the passage of constitutional disfranchisement that would make his
-last state worse than the former. Our status is truly unenviable, and
-the ground on which we stand is exceedingly uncertain.
-
-I desire now to treat more fully what has already been touched upon: Why
-do the Republicans not nominate candidates for state, county and city
-offices and make a general canvass? There are two classes of Colored
-men, those who think the party should and those who think it should not.
-Unfortunately each of these classes makes severe charges against the
-other with reference to this matter. I much prefer to accept the
-explanations of both as honest. The following are at least some of the
-reasons for not making a canvass: first, it is difficult to get
-desirable men to accept the nomination; second, it would be still more
-difficult to secure sufficient funds to pay the ordinary and perfectly
-legitimate expenses of a campaign; third, the injustice of the party in
-power would make a fair election an impossibility. Hence a candidate
-would be doomed to defeat from the moment of his nomination and the fact
-that he and the party would know this, would make the campaign lifeless,
-futile and perfunctory. Fourth, the prominence of Colored people in
-politics and the extra trouble to which they would put the ascendant
-party might result in still further curtailment of the few rights still
-left to us.
-
-To all of this the side that clamors or appears to clamor for a ticket
-says: You assume too much, you see ghosts. Yet supposing the worst, it
-is far better to keep Colored voters organized for several reasons:
-first, because the organization gives a valuable training in citizenship
-that cannot be gained by standing aloof and waiting for better things;
-second, because if an opening should come suddenly, the Colored people
-would be better able to decide quickly and intelligently where to throw
-their strength solidly on one side or another for their own best
-interests and the interests of the government; thirdly, because a show
-of opposition to existing political injustice and repression would
-relieve us of the charge of indifference to our condition and would
-strengthen the courage of those who might champion our cause—our
-efficient, powerful champions, who have grown doubtful about our real
-manhood. I believe in the honesty of both these classes of colored men;
-and it is exceedingly difficult for a man, living in the midst of these
-conditions and knowing the temperament, attitude and unlimited power of
-the white people, to say which one of these two courses is the more
-rational and helpful to pursue.
-
-What have the Colored people lost through disfranchisement? They have
-lost the privilege of influencing legislation, since the legislator
-feels under no obligation to them. The "Jim Crow" car law, the separate
-tax bill and almost any other bill may be passed so far as pressure from
-Colored people is concerned. A very clear case is the public library in
-Atlanta which is supported by the taxes of all citizens, yet not a
-single Colored person may enter that library to read or borrow a book.
-Some months ago Mr. Carnegie offered the city ten thousand dollars for a
-library for the Colored people on the condition that the city furnish a
-lot and agree to appropriate one thousand dollars *per annum* for the
-maintenance of the library. The whole matter has been tabled and the
-Colored people have no redress, since their mayor and aldermen were
-elected without the Colored vote. Do you suppose the city of Atlanta
-would have refused so paltry a favor, if its city council were dependent
-upon our vote?
-
-Not only have we lost influence among the law makers but among those who
-interpret the law and administer justice. Neither judge nor jury has
-to consult the Colored man's wish. This independence of us makes the
-court a place of injustice as frequently as of justice, and policemen
-may be cruel with impunity.
-
-Then too, the chain-gang with its revolting influences on men and women,
-boys and girls; the lack of Negro reformatories in some places where
-they do exist for white boys find much of their meaning in the fact that
-the Colored voter cannot make sentiment and bring things to pass through
-the ballot. We have had the "Jim Crow" law forced upon us, our public
-schools have become poorer in equipment and teaching force, and the
-salary of teachers has been lowered.
-
-In a word, the loss of the franchise has changed our status to such a
-degree that we no longer demand, but beg and supplicate even for those
-fundamental needs, without which education and general improvement would
-be very doubtful.
-
-Now are there some things to be effected that are regarded as of more
-vital interest to Colored people at present than the ballot? In the face
-of what has already been said, this seems almost an unnecessary
-question, since the ballot is no abstract thing, no merely academic
-theory, but a vital agent in the promotion of improvement and happiness.
-Yet as obvious as all this seems, when people have already lost the
-ballot they may ask this question: Are there some things to be effected
-that are of more vital interest to Colored people at present than the
-ballot?
-
-I heard a sweet-spirited Colored man say at the conclusion of his
-remarks one day—he was a college president and is now in Heaven away
-from this turmoil—well I heard him say: "I have come to the conclusion
-that all we can do in this country is to take what the white man gives
-us." An eminent Colored preacher said recently in my hearing: "You can't
-drive these white folks, you must knuckle to them and you can get
-anything you want." Within the last two months an interesting white
-southern clergyman in his exhortation to Colored people to be good
-Negroes, told them not to get mad about "Jim Crow" cars and to be slow
-to urge their rights. Said he: "You Colored people are undertaking a
-heavy task when you attempt to reform the Anglo-Saxon." Now our present
-needs are numerous and vital, many growing out of the curtailment of
-privileges, a condition made possible through our lack of the ballot.
-Many Colored men believe that we can get these needs supplied most
-quickly and surely by begging and not resorting to a futile ballot;
-many, moreover, think that the voting would retard the granting of these
-much needed privileges. On the other hand, others say our condition
-grows steadily worse and our only redress, our only hope, is in the
-ballot.
-
-Now what do I believe about all this? I believe that we ought to vote,
-and I vote on every public question when the privilege is accorded me. I
-believe that our leaders ought to give us the opportunity to vote and
-let us stand forth as men, whether successful or not, willing to do all
-within our power to be full-fledged citizens. Certainly our attitude
-ought never to allow the white people to say: the Negro cares nothing
-for the franchise and does not exercise it when he does have the
-opportunity. What are we waiting for? Not more education, I hope. And
-here I must remind you that one thing is much over-talked: the
-forwardness of the Colored child and the backwardness of the white child
-in the matter of getting an education. Colored children are not being
-fitted as are white for their responsibilities. A real intellectual
-awakening is going on among the whites of the South—more and better
-school houses, better teachers and longer school terms; and the white
-children are learning with avidity. The Colored children are getting
-poor school houses, poorer teachers, more poorly paid teachers and
-shorter school terms; and we cannot change this disparity by begging the
-state and city. Unless we force better things for ourselves by the
-ballot or go into our own pockets, the next generation of colored voters
-will be relatively less prepared for the educational qualification in
-comparison with the white voter than the Colored voters of to-day. Oh!
-you say: "Pessimist, looking on the dark side." Away with that
-contemptible sentimentality and aversion to ugly facts that make some of
-my people call a man a pessimist every time he lifts a warning voice. I
-know the white country school house and the Colored country school
-house. There is a tremendous difference.
-
-Now I believe in education, but I also believe in manhood; and any
-education bought at the price of manhood is worthless and a mill-stone
-about the neck. I believe in the ballot as a developer of manhood and as
-it procures the right of men. I believe in the ballot in spite of
-threats of disfranchisement, if we use this ballot. I see no difference
-in purpose between the states that have outrightly disfranchised us and
-those states that do it stealthily or by indirection.
-
-I believe that the purpose of all is the same: a hatred for Colored
-people and a determination to have white supremacy at any cost of life
-and honor. I do not think Northern sentiment is a deterring force,
-though I think Northern sentiment *could* become a deterring force to
-disfranchisement. In the face of all this, why *delay* voting in the
-hope of better things; better *welcome* disfranchisement as *men* than
-*suffer* from it as *cowards*.
-
-The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West—*JOHN L. LOVE*
-==================================================================
-
-The potential voting strength of the Negro population in the United
-States is, according to the last census, three times as great as was
-that of the white population in 1775 when the Declaration of
-Independence published to the world the modern, though sound, practical
-and eminently safe political creed that governments derive their just
-powers from the consent of the governed. The number of Negro males of
-voting age is approximately three millions, a number equal to the entire
-white population at the beginning of the war for Independence. The total
-Negro population in the United States in 1900 was three times larger
-than was the total white population which battled against King George
-and the British Parliament for the purpose of securing a voice in the
-choice of those who levy taxes and enact the laws whose weight and
-obligation fall equally upon the whole body of citizens.
-
-In the North Atlantic, the North Central, and the Western census
-divisions of the United States, the potential voting strength of the
-Negroes is more than a quarter million. It is larger than was the
-combined prohibition and socialist vote in 1900 and exceeds by nearly a
-hundred thousand the total combined vote cast for the present governors
-of the four states of Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana and
-Alabama. In many sections of the North and West the Negro population is
-sparse and scattering, varying all the way from one in Scott County in
-Indiana to 63,000 in Philadelphia. Yet in many localities where there is
-almost an even balance of the two chief parties, the Negro vote is
-competent to decide the results of election. In the states of Delaware
-Indiana, Ohio, Connecticut, New Jersey, and several districts in New
-York, Massachusetts, and Illinois, a united, coherent Negro vote may
-frequently determine both local and national elections. This is shown by
-the returns in 1902 for Congressional election in four districts in
-Indiana, two in New Jersey, four in Ohio, and two in Massachusetts and
-Connecticut, where the Negro vote was of sufficient size to have thrown
-the election to either party. In state and local elections where party
-fealty is not always so strong as in national elections, owing to
-dissatisfaction with both men and measures, the potentiality of the
-Negro vote can be made very real and effective as well as respectable.
-The municipal wards and legislative districts in the large commercial
-and manufacturing centers of the North and West furnish undoubted
-opportunities for the Negro vote to make itself felt and to win regard
-and respect as far away as the United States Senate.
-
-The foregoing facts and considerations suggest interesting possibilities
-and, in view of the conditions affecting the political, civil, and
-economic well being of the people of color in the United States, they
-create a demand and an obligation with reference to the use of which the
-Negro voter should make of his right of the franchise.
-
-The chief tenet of modern political philosophy is that the participation
-of the people in the government is the only way by which their liberties
-can be guaranteed and their economic and industrial happiness
-safeguarded. Out of this conviction which has taken hold of men almost
-everywhere has resulted in the universal movement towards democracy. The
-democratic triumph which has marked the past hundred years and has been
-accompanied by marvelous achievements of human endeavor—achievements
-which could not have been accomplished except under conditions of
-freedom—has not been won without stupendous struggle and temporary
-defeats and disappointments. At every forward step, the movement has
-encountered unrelenting and seemingly irresistible opposition of
-privilege. Even here in the United States where, barring absurd
-contradictions, the spirit of democracy began so conspicuously to assert
-itself under the fostering genius of Jefferson, skillful and powerful
-resistance has been constant and implacable. Aristocratic privilege,
-intrenched in power, has grudgingly given way to the demands of manhood
-rights, and manhood suffrage, and even to-day, in the attempt to
-rehabilitate itself, it is bold enough to make the ridiculous assertion
-that the right of suffrage, even in a republican form of government, is
-not a natural and inherent right of citizenship, but merely a privilege
-to be granted or withheld at pleasure by a select few for whose assumed
-authority no power on earth or in heaven is responsible.
-
-Whatever opinions may be entertained contrary to the doctrine and
-increasing practice of government by the consent of the governed, the
-fact is undeniable that as man has gained and exercised the right of
-participation in government, special privilege for the few has had to
-give way to the condition of equal opportunity for all. Abuses have been
-swept away and the door of opportunity has been opened for all. Thus has
-the ballot proven to be man's sure and effective weapon of defense
-against tyranny and proscriptive government.
-
-All classes of our varied population, with possibly one exception, have
-recognized this truth and have acted in accordance with it. German,
-Irish, Jew; artisan, farmer and merchant—all have found the ballot a
-remedy for social, economic, and political ills that have had their
-origin in unjust laws or the partial administration of law. All have
-used it with wonderful effect towards the betterment of their condition.
-Grievances of one group have been allied with those of another group;
-industrial discontent growing out of capitalistic wrongs, political
-distempers due to governmental abuses or the enforcement of
-discriminatory laws; the deep seated consciousness of ethnic injustice
-in the industrial or political scheme—all have combined and arrayed
-themselves for redress which every branch of the political machinery has
-in the end endeavored to grant. The demands of the Slavonic yeomanry of
-the Northwest that a check be placed upon railroad combinations are not
-less effective in securing compliance than those of the merchants and
-shippers of our commercial centers that just and equal rates of
-transportation shall be enforced. The underground toilers of the mining
-regions of Pennsylvania and Illinois know that their grievances will
-receive the same respectful attention and consideration as the mandates
-of the coal barons, and they systematically scrutinize the attitude and
-the actions of public servants and hold them to a strict performance of
-promise and duty in so far as their rights and interests are concerned.
-Thus it is that in the United States as in all representative
-governments the ballot is the surest means of securing a "square deal;"
-and it is incumbent upon the three hundred thousand Negro voters of the
-north and west to recognize its value and to make the same use of it as
-is made by all other aggrieved elements of the body politic.
-
-A catalogue of the wrongs and injuries suffered by the Negro citizens of
-the United States, first on account of discriminatory and proscriptive
-legislation; secondly, on account of the failure to enforce the laws
-designed to uphold and protect their citizenship; and thirdly, on
-account of the most palpable and outrageous violation of the sacred
-rights of life, liberty and property, make the "long train of abuses and
-usurpations" committed, according to the Declaration of Independence, by
-the King of Great Britain against his colonies in America appear as the
-gentle chastisements of a benificent ruler. Of all the complex elements
-of American citizenship, the Negro is the solitary victim of legal,
-social, industrial, and political discrimination. He alone is singled
-out by the law for disparagement which fact encourages and enforces the
-multitude of civil and industrial discriminations and injuries that tend
-to deprive him of the respectability due not only to a citizen but to
-man. To the tax levy, to the obligation to bear arms for the common
-defense as well as to all other mandates of the government, he is
-equally amenable with other citizens; but he is excepted from a full
-share of the benefits of citizenship. In all stations of society and in
-all departments of government, his protests fall upon deaf or
-indifferent ears, and the very sufferings and wrongs which he suffers
-are frequently made the text for sermonizings on his short-comings. If
-the homilies published from the pulpits, in the press, and even
-sometimes from the higher branches of the government are to be believed,
-the Negro is the most unsaintly citizen of the republic, in spite of the
-fact that he seldom commits "the robust crimes of the whites" or has the
-chance to defraud the government, to wreck financial institutions, or
-rob widows and orphans.
-
-The burden of these outrages lies heavily upon the hearts and minds of
-the black men of America, yet the remedy, if they could but realize it,
-lies largely within their power. Throughout the republic, every man
-identified with the Negro race, though he may not be personally or
-locally subjected directly to the humiliations and wrongs which oppress
-and degrade the great mass of his kind, feels their bitter sting and
-resents them. In public assemblies, upon the public highways and common
-carriers, in the drawing room and around the secrecy of the fireside,
-the fact of injustice is the one inevitable and irrepressible theme of
-conversation and reflection; and the perennial and ever present question
-in the minds of all, whether of low or high degree, is *By what means
-can the situation be altered?* Men of different opinions are endeavoring
-more or less honestly to answer the question, but one of the surest and
-quickest means is at the command of the three hundred thousand Negro
-voters of the north and west, who have it in their power by an
-intelligent, united, and courageous exercise of their high privilege and
-right to demand the same respect and consideration for their interest
-and well being as any other class of men who register their wills at the
-ballot-box.
-
-Thaddeus Stevens once said that control of republics depends upon
-numbers and not upon the quality of the citizens. In the last analysis
-this is true, but in all governments by parties the smaller number is
-often more important than the larger. The strength of the Negro vote in
-the North and West in times of party crises consists not so much in the
-number of that vote as in the use which is made of it. In thirty
-northern and western cities, it can very effectively contribute to the
-improvement of existing conditions. It is wonderfully powerful, if
-intelligently directed, in the cities of Boston, Baltimore, Chicago,
-Cincinnati, Cleveland, Columbus, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and New York.
-
-The effectiveness of this vote depends more upon the use which is made
-of it in local and state elections than in national elections. The bonds
-which unite the interests of the local, state and national officials
-and politicians are very real and subtle—the weakest point being always
-the local politician. His election and success often turns upon less
-than a score of votes and consequently he is not inclined to disdain a
-single voter. His interests are inseparably connected with the interests
-and ambitions of the men who occupy luxurious berths in Congress and in
-the national or state government. In all matters concerning the
-interests of the Negro, the local politician's position can be known and
-his actions are open to close view. When his acts do not accord or
-square with the interest of the colored voter, he can be left to find
-other friends and supporters.
-
-In the second place, the effectiveness and potentiality of the Negro
-vote in the North and West depends upon an absolute and courageous
-disregard of traditions. There are times when party fealty may be both
-proper and commendable. There is to be sure a great deal of hypocrisy
-and humbuggery in our political parties, yet back of these they do stand
-for certain great and vital principles. When the latter are put to the
-test our fealty may properly be demanded, but under normal conditions,
-when stress and strife of class and selfish interests, invidious
-discriminations and outrageous injustice prevail, the only safe and
-prudent course for the individual or class of individuals to pursue is
-absolute independence of parties and uncompromising devotion to the
-paramount interest. When we cannot act advantageously, we may act
-punitively, so that the public servant may know that if he ignores or
-hypocritically juggles with our interests, he will be held to a strict
-accountability. If on the eve of an election the party or the individual
-candidate attempts to cajole by a statement of principles or policy
-which is ignored after a successful contest, reprisal should be swift
-and terrible as soon as the opportunity permits.
-
-In the third place, the Negro vote of the North and West needs, if it
-does not at present lack, intelligent, honest, straightforward, and
-unselfish leadership. Until it has this, its potentiality will be *nil*.
-
-To impute dishonesty or insincerity to those who from time to time act
-in the role of leaders of the Negro voters would be unpardonably
-reprehensible. Men generally act according to their light and it is not
-an uncommon observation that the average public man gets his light
-through the medium of a self-interested reflector. Amid the competitions
-and conflicts, the struggle for place and temporary power and emoluments
-which characterize all phases of modern life and especially political
-life in the United States, the calm, clear-eyed, far-seeing man is rare.
-Yet men of unusual foresight, of clear perception of the fundamental and
-vital issues with the tact and ability to gain an advantage and an
-uncompromising determination to hold what has been gained—such is the
-type of men needed to make the Negro vote potent. The leadership which
-boasts of its capacity to keep silent under terrible wrongs is not
-calculated to carry the race far on the road towards real and permanent
-betterment.
-
-Redress of political wrongs is not the fruit of grim and sanctimonious
-silence. Whenever it has come, it has been forced by long, continuous
-and implacable outcry, and Negro leadership must follow the example of
-men in other lands and in other times who fearlessly cried out against
-the wrongs which their people suffered. In "The Making of England," John
-Richard Green states that the Roman conquerors were able to completely
-subjugate and enslave the Britons because they were able to make terms
-with their leaders. The finest skill of the dominant element in
-governments founded upon tyranny has always been employed in making
-terms with the leaders of the oppressed.
-
-Silence has its part in our fight and many times the cause has been lost
-because of failure to observe it, but it is not silence in respect to
-wrongs. Neither upon battlefields nor in the mad clash of passions and
-ambitions that mark the control of states is victory won or success
-achieved by a boisterous parade of the plan of attack. In the subtle
-operation of American political methods, silence is the sphinx that
-baffles the most astute and insinuating politician. The silent vote is a
-greater dread to the party leaders than was the sword to Damocles.
-
-The Negro ballot has almost lost its potency on account of the
-unconcerned cocksureness of one political party that the other
-side will not get the benefit of it. The party managers have no
-concern about the certainty of the Negro vote and therefore
-spend all of their effort in trying to satisfy the demands of the
-other elements and are never able to know whether or not they
-have succeeded until the vote is counted. They fear the silent
-vote. It is thoughtful, analytic, decisive. It scans, records, and
-registers every dodge, retreat, and juggle which the honorable
-candidate or the party has been guilty of in matters which concern
-it.
-
-In the exercise of the suffrage, the Negro voter has never been
-indifferent to the best and noblest interests of the republic. For more
-than forty years he has voted with the majority of his fellow countrymen
-on all the great questions which have divided the people. This he has
-done out of regard more for what men have considered the welfare of the
-country than for what he has deemed advantageous to himself. There is
-now a need of a change. He must now consider his well-being and safety
-identical with the well-being and safety of the republic and must
-require all men who seek his vote to consider it likewise.
-
-To-day we are on the eve of a great national festival. The peaceful
-succession of government is a boon not enjoyed by all the peoples of the
-world. It is an event which deservedly appeals to the enthusiasm and
-civic pride of the nation. From all corners of the state have come
-delegations of citizens representing all classes, who come not only to
-honor and grace by their presence the event but, I believe, to pay
-honest and manly tribute to a man who is beloved and trusted by the
-whole American people. His battles against civic wrongs and in behalf of
-weaker classes and his policy of "all men up and no men down," not only
-make him the paragon of public officials, but a lovable and trusted man.
-Among the throngs that shall honor him and in turn be honored in the
-escort which will make the Avenue the most splendid pageant which can
-adorn any modern government, none will march more proudly than the brave
-and valiant regiment of black men who, with him whom they honor, risked
-all and won glory on the field of San Juan. Yet by the laws of the land
-and by the policy of the government, their rights and their manhood are
-not on a parity with those of other citizens who with less desert shall
-follow in his train. It is the possibility of such a state of affairs,
-that the Negro vote of the North and West, yea the great body of all
-good citizens must exercise itself to prevent.
-
-Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the Elective Franchise—*KELLY MILLER*
-=======================================================================================================
-
-Population lies at the basis of all human problems. The first command
-given by the Creator to the human race was to multiply and replenish the
-earth. The growth and expansion of the Negro population in the United
-States must be the controlling factor in the many complex problems to
-which his presence gives rise. In order to gain adequate as well as
-accurate knowledge on this subject, it is necessary to take a
-comprehensive view of its progress since its transplantation in America.
-It is well known that the first ship load of African slaves was landed
-at Jamestown, Va. in 1619. This original handful augmented by fresh
-importation and by its own rapid multiplication had swollen to three
-quarters of a million when the first Census was taken in 1790. The
-following table will reveal the essential facts as to the expansion of
-this population.
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \6
- :width: 100%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left right right right right
- :summary: 1790-1900 U. S. population data.
-
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | NEGRO POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | YEAR. | NUMBER | DECENNIAL | PER | PER |
- | | OF | INCREASE. | CENT | CENT |
- | | NEGROES. | | OF | OF |
- | | | | INCR. | TOTAL |
- | | | | | POPUL.|
- | | | | | |
- +=======+===========+===========+=======+=======+
- | \1790 | 757,208 | \- | \- | 19.27 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1800 | 1,002,037 | 244,829 | 32.33 | 18.18 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1810 | 1,377,808 | 375,771 | 37.50 | 19.03 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1820 | 1,771,656 | 393,848 | 28.50 | 18.39 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1830 | 2,328,642 | 556,986 | 31.44 | 18.10 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1840 | 2,873,648 | 545,006 | 23.44 | 16.84 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1850 | 3,683,808 | 765,169 | 26.63 | 15.69 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1860 | 4,441,830 | 803,022 | 14.13 | 14.13 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1870 | 4,880,009 | 438,179 | 9.87 | 11.68 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1880 | 6,580,793 | 1,700,784 | 34.85 | 13.12 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1890 | 7,470,040 | 889,247 | 13.51 | 11.93 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
- | \1900 | 8,840,789 | 1,370,749 | 18.35 | 11.57 |
- +-------+-----------+-----------+-------+-------+
-
-
-There are certain noticeable irregularities in this table, due in part
-to known disturbing causes, and in part to imperfections in census
-methods. It is thus seen that the Negro constitutes a rapidly increasing
-element, though a slowly diminishing minority of the total population.
-This relative diminution is due wholly to the influx of white
-immigrants, more than 14,000,000 of whom have come to our shores since
-1860. If the two races should continue to grow at the same relative rate
-of increase as during the last decade, according to the law of
-diminishing ratios, it would require more than one hundred years to
-reduce the Negro to one-tenth of the total population. So far as
-any practical calculation is concerned, we may regard this as an
-irreducible minimum. So long as the Negro constitutes one-tenth of the
-entire body of the American people we may expect to have the race
-problem, both in its general and in its political features.
-
-From the foundation of our government the Negro has constituted a
-serious political problem, mainly because of his unequal geographical
-distribution. If agricultural and economic conditions had been uniform,
-and the slaves had been evenly scattered over the whole area, the
-political phase of the race problem would have been far different from
-what it is and has been throughout our national life. The fact that the
-bulk of this race has been congested in one section has constituted the
-cause of political friction from the foundation of the Constitution till
-the present hour. This population persists in remaining in that section
-where it was most thickly planted by the institution of slavery. The
-center of gravity is still moving slowly towards the gulf of Mexico.
-Ninety-two per cent of the race is still found in the sixteen states
-where slavery prevailed at the outbreak of the civil war. The coastal
-states, from Maryland to Texas, contain three-fourths of the total
-number.
-
-While there has been a steady stream of Negro immigration towards the
-North and West, yet it has not been sufficient to materially affect the
-mass tendency. It would seem, on first view, that the Negro who
-complains so bitterly against political restrictions in the South would
-rush to the freer conditions of the North as a gas from a denser to a
-rarer medium. But political and civil freedom offered by the North are
-more than off-set by industrial restrictions and by the inertia of a
-population devoid of the pioneer spirit. The warm blooded, warm hearted
-child of the tropics is chilled alike by the rigid climate and frigid
-social atmosphere that prevail in the higher latitudes. In all New
-England there are fewer Negroes than are to be found in a single county
-in Tennessee.
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \7
- :width: 100%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left right right right
- :summary: North/South U.S. population data.
-
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
- | SECTION. |POPULATION.| INCREASE, |RATE |
- | | | 1890 TO |OF |
- | | | 1900 |INCR. |
- +===============+===========+===========+=======+
- | United States | 8,840,789 | 1,370,749 | 18.35 |
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
- | Georgia | 1,034,813 | 175,998 | 20.50 |
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
- | Mississippi | 907,630 | 165,071 | 22.20 |
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
- | Alabama | 827,307 | 148,818 | 21.90 |
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
- | So. Carolina | 782,321 | 93,387 | 13.60 |
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
- | 31 Northern | | | |
- | States | 759,788 | 181,876 | 31.50 |
- +---------------+-----------+-----------+-------+
-
-
-We learn from this table that there are four states in the union, each
-of which contains a larger number of Negroes than all the 31 free states
-combined. While such free states show a much more rapid decennial
-increase than any of the far south states, still the total increment
-scarcely exceeds that of the single state of Georgia. These figures
-reveal no mad hegira to a fairer and better land. The increase in the
-Northern states is due almost wholly to immigration from the South. It
-is entirely probable that the Negro population, left to itself, would
-not be a self sustaining quantity in the higher latitudes. During the
-last decade there was an absolute decline of the Negro population in
-Vermont, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, New Mexico, Nevada,
-Oregon and California.
-
-The political significance of this Northern movement is out of all
-proportion to its absolute weight. It is only in the North that the
-Negro vote has dynamic power. In several of the border states, this vote
-is at present unhampered, but there is no guarantee of future security.
-In Mississippi there are 197,936 Negro males of voting age, but this
-potential vote does not affect the choice of a single official of that
-state. The black vote of that commonwealth is as completely nullified as
-the last two amendments had never been appended to our national
-constitution. On the other hand the 5,193 adult Negro males in Mich. are
-accounted of considerable consequence in the political equation of that
-state. In the Northern and Western states where men feel free to align
-themselves according to conviction, the two parties are so nearly even
-that the Negro vote constitutes the balance of power. Owing to unusual
-political conditions, which cannot be counted on to continue, the last
-three presidential elections were practically one-sided. The Republican
-party triumphed by a margin that far exceeded the entire Negro
-Contingent. It is only in several of the border states that this vote
-could in any way have affected the fate of presidential electors. The
-Negro vote, however, has been quite effective in state elections, and in
-the choice of congressmen. As the parties gravitate to normal
-conditions, the Negro vote will again become the balance of power in the
-controlling states of the North. At the beginning of every campaign each
-party feels that it has a chance of success. At such times the black
-vote looms up large and significant. In national affairs the colored
-vote usually adheres to the party of Lincoln and Sumner. As the margin
-between the two parties is a shifting and uncertain quantity, the rapid
-increase of the Negro vote in the Northern States becomes a matter of
-great political importance.
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \8
- :width: 70%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left right right
- :summary: 1890-1900 voting age males.
-
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | NEGRO MALES OF VOTING AGE |
- | IN THE NORTHERN STATES. |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | STATE. | \1890. | \1900. |
- +==============+========+========+
- | Pennsylvania | 34,873 | 51,668 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | New York | 24,231 | 31,425 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Illinois | 18,200 | 29,762 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Ohio | 25,922 | 31,235 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Indiana | 13,079 | 18,186 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | New Jersey | 14,564 | 21,474 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Massachusetts| 7,967 | 10,456 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Rhode Island | 2,261 | 2,765 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Connecticut | 3,497 | 4,576 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Kansas | 12,543 | 14,695 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
- | Michigan | \- | 5,193 |
- +--------------+--------+--------+
-
-
-These figures tell their own story when we consider the normal relation
-between the two parties in these several states. It is also interesting
-to note that the Negroes in the North are found very largely in the
-cities. This makes this vote of considerable importance in municipal
-elections. There is, however, a tendency on the part of this vote to
-distribute itself between the two parties in purely municipal and local
-matters, which to a great degree neutralizes its special significance.
-
-.. table:: *TABLE* \9
- :width: 50%
- :align: center
- :aligns: left right
- :summary: Voters in Northern Cities.
-
- +--------------+------------+
- | NEGRO VOTERS IN NORTHERN |
- | CITIES, 1900. |
- +--------------+------------+
- | \CITY | NEGROES |
- | | OF |
- | | VOTING AGE |
- +==============+============+
- | Philadelphia | 20,095 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | New York | 18,651 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | Chicago | 12,424 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | Pittsburg | 6,541 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | Indianapolis | 5,200 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | \Boston | 4,441 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | \Cincinnati | 4,997 |
- +--------------+------------+
- | \Detroit | \1,732 |
- +--------------+------------+
-
-
-The most effective use that the Negro in the North can make of his
-political privilege is to uphold civic righteousness in municipal
-affairs, and to support those men and measures pledged to support the
-integrity of the constitution and its vital amendments.
-
-The Negro and His Citizenship—*FRANCIS J. GRIMKÉ*
-===================================================
-
-.. epigraph::
-
- ACTS 22:25-29.—*And when they had tied him up with the thongs, Paul
- said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you to
- scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned? And when the centurion
- heard it, he went to the chief captain and told him, saying, What art
- thou about to do? for this man is a Roman. And the chief captain came
- and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a Roman? And he said, Yea. And
- the chief captain answered, With a great sum obtained I this
- citizenship. But Paul said, But I am a Roman born. They then that
- were about to examine him straightway departed from him: and the
- chief captain also was afraid when he knew that he was a Roman,
- and because he had bound him.*
-
-In this passage attention is directed to four things: To the fact that
-Paul was a Roman citizen; to the fact that he was about to be treated in
-a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; to the fact that he stood
-up for his rights as a Roman citizen; and to the fact that those who
-were about to infringe upon his rights were restrained, were overawed.
-
-I. Attention is directed to the fact that Paul was a Roman citizen.
-Citizenship was a possession that was very highly esteemed, and that was
-obtained in several ways,—by birth, by purchase, as a reward for
-distinguished military services, and as a favor. Paul's came to him by
-inheritance; his father before him had been a Roman citizen: how it came
-to the father we do not know. At one time the price paid for it was very
-great. The chief captain, in the narrative of which our text is a part,
-tells us that he obtained his with a great sum; and therefore he seemed
-surprised to think that a man in Paul's circumstances should have it. At
-first he seemed a little incredulous, but it was only for a moment. The
-penalty for falsely claiming to be a Roman citizen was death; this fact
-together with the whole bearing of the apostle finally left no doubt in
-his mind: he accepted his statement.
-
-It was not only a great honor to be a Roman citizen, but it carried with
-it many rights and privileges that were not enjoyed by others. These
-rights were either private or public,—*Jus Quiritium*, and *Jus
-Civitatis*. Among Private Rights, was the Right of Liberty. This secured
-him against imprisonment without trial; exemption from all degrading
-punishments, such as scourging and crucifixion; the right of appeal to
-the emperor after sentence by an inferior magistrate or tribunal, in any
-part of the empire; and also the right to be sent to Rome for trial
-before the emperor, if charged with a capital offence.
-
-Among Public Rights belonging to Roman citizens the following may be
-mentioned: (1) The right of being enrolled in the censor's book, called,
-*Jus Census*. (2) The right of serving in the army, called, *Jus
-Militiae*. At first only citizens of the empire were permitted to engage
-in military operations, to bear arms and fight in its behalf. (3) The
-right to vote in the different assemblies of the people, called, *Jus
-Suffragii*. This has always been and is to-day one of the most important
-functions of citizenship, and one that should be highly prized and
-sacredly guarded. (4) The right of bearing public offices in the state.
-
-There were many other rights enjoyed by Roman citizens, but I will not
-take the time to enumerate them: these are sufficient to show us the
-value, the importance of Roman citizenship; and this citizenship the
-apostle Paul was invested with, with all the rights and privileges which
-were involved in it. On one occasion he said, "I am a citizen of no mean
-city," referring to Tarsus, which was one of the free cities of Asia
-Minor; but more than that, as he tells us here, he was a citizen of the
-empire.
-
-II. Attention is called to the fact that Paul was about to be treated in
-a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; that was contrary to Roman
-law. He had gone up to Jerusalem to attend the feast of Pentecost. After
-meeting the brethren and rehearsing to them the wonderful things which
-God had wrought through his ministry among the Gentiles, they
-congratulated him upon his success, but said to him: "Thou seest,
-brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of them that have
-believed; and they are all zealous for the law: and they have been
-informed concerning thee, that thou teachest all the Jews who are among
-the Gentiles to forsake Moses, telling them not to circumcise their
-children neither to walk after the customs. What is it therefore? they
-will certainly hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to
-thee: We have four men that have a vow on them; these take, and purify
-thyself with them, and be at charges for them, that they may shave their
-heads: and all shall know that there is no truth in the things whereof
-they have been informed concerning thee but that thou thyself walkest
-orderly, keeping the law." It was in compliance with this request, that
-Paul went into the temple to do as he was asked to do: and while there
-was seen by certain Jews of Asia, i. e., the province of Asia, who at
-once stirred up the multitude and laid hands on him, crying out, "Men of
-Israel, help: This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against
-the people, and the law, and this place; and moreover he brought Greeks
-also into the temple and hath defiled this holy place." It was like
-touching a match to a powder magazine. The people were aroused.
-Instantly there was a response to the call; and dragging the apostle out
-of the temple they were in the act of beating him to death, when the
-chief captain, learning of the tumult, rushed down with a squad of
-soldiers and rescuing him, brought him into the castle. The next day
-with a view of ascertaining what the trouble was, the real ground of
-complaint against the apostle, the chief captain proposed to examine him
-by scourging, and issued orders to that effect. In obedience to this
-order the apostle was stripped and actually tied up. The process of
-examination proposed was very severe. The culprit was stripped and tied
-in a bending posture to a pillar, or stretched on a frame, and the
-punishment was inflicted with a scourge made of leathern thongs weighted
-with sharp pieces of bone or lead, the object being to extort from the
-sufferer a confession of his guilt or the information desired.
-
-If the chief captain had understood the Hebrew language, and could have
-followed the address of the apostle which was delivered on the steps of
-the palace, he would have understood what the trouble was, without
-attempting to resort to this brutal method of finding out; but evidently
-he did not. Everything indicated, however, that it was something very
-serious, judging from their treatment of him, and from the intense
-excitement which his words produced upon them, and hence, he was all the
-more anxious to find out. If the apostle was guilty of any offence
-against the law, it was the duty of the chief captain to take cognizance
-of it, and to punish him accordingly, but if he was innocent, if he had
-in no way transgressed the law, it was his duty to release him. The law
-also provided how the guilt or innocence of an accused person was to be
-ascertained; and it was the duty of the chief captain to have followed
-the course prescribed by the law; but it is clear from the narrative
-that he had determined upon another course: the prisoner is ordered to
-be scourged, instead of calling upon those who had assaulted him to make
-their charges, and to substantiate them, and then giving the apostle an
-opportunity of defending himself.
-
-III. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that the apostle
-stood up manfully for his rights. After they had tied him up, as if
-waiting to see just how far they would go, and just as the process of
-scourging was about to begin, he challenged their right to proceed: he
-said to the centurion, who was standing by, and who was there as the
-representative of the chief captain, to see that the scourging was
-properly done, and to make note of what he confessed,—he said to this
-man: "Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and
-uncondemned?" The law expressly forbade the scourging of Roman
-citizens; it was an indignity to which no Roman citizen was to be
-subjected. This was what was known as the Porcian law, and took its name
-from Porcius, the Tribune through whose influence its adoption was
-secured. And this is the law to which the apostle here appeals, whose
-protection he invokes. Paul, as a Roman citizen, not only knew what his
-rights were, but he stood up for his rights. He insists here upon being
-treated, as he was entitled to be treated, as a citizen of the empire.
-They are about to scourge him, contrary to law, and he says to them,
-Stop; you have no right to treat me in this way, intimating and they
-evidently understood it, that if they did not desist, they would hear
-from him; he would bring the matter to the attention of the emperor.
-
-This is not the only place where Paul falls back upon his rights as a
-Roman citizen. He did the same thing a little later on. He was removed
-from Jerusalem to Caesarea, as you will remember, where he remained a
-prisoner for two years. During that time he was frequently placed on
-trial before various officials,—before Felix, before Festus, before
-Agrippa. It was during one of these hearings, that Festus the governor,
-in order to curry favor with the Jews, intimated that he might be sent
-back to Jerusalem to be tried: and doubtless this was his intention,
-having entered into a secret arrangement with the enemies of the
-apostle, who had resolved to kill him at the first opportunity. This
-they felt that they would have a better chance of doing if they could
-only induce the governor to return him to Jerusalem. The apostle, of
-course, knew all this; he knew how intensely they hated him, and what
-their plans and purposes were, and he was determined not to be entrapped
-in this way. The record is: "Paul said in his defence, 'Neither against
-the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I
-sinned at all.' But Festus, desiring to gain favor with the Jews,
-answered Paul and said, 'Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be
-judged of these things before me?' But Paul said, 'I am standing before
-Caesar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I
-done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest. If then I am a wrong
-doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die;
-but if none of these things is true whereof these accuse me, no man can
-give me up to them. I appeal unto Caesar.' Then Festus, when he had
-conferred with the council, answered, 'Thou hast appealed unto Caesar,
-unto Caesar thou shalt go.'"
-
-One of the great privileges of a Roman citizen was the right of appeal;
-the right of being heard directly by the emperor, of taking his case out
-of the hands of all inferior judicatories, up to the highest: and this
-is the right which the apostle here avails himself of. It was the only
-thing that saved him from being turned over by a corrupt official into
-the hands of his enemies; and it forcibly illustrates the importance of
-citizenship. Had he not been a Roman citizen clothed with the sacred
-right of appeal he would have been basely sacrificed to the malice of
-his enemies; or, though he had been a Roman citizen, if he had cowardly
-surrendered his right, if he had failed to exercise it, he would have
-equally perished; but the apostle stood upon his right, and so succeeded
-in thwarting the purposes of his enemies.
-
-IV. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that those who were
-about to scourge this man, were restrained by the knowledge of the fact
-that he was a Roman citizen. The moment they became aware of this fact;
-at the mere mention of that sacred name, citizen, everything came to a
-stand still; the uplifted hand, ready to smite, is arrested, and we find
-the centurion running off, in great excitement in search of the chief
-captain, and saying to him, "What are you about? Do you know that this
-man is a Roman?" and we see the chief captain coming in great haste and
-saying to the apostle, "What? can it be possible! Are you really a
-Roman?" "Yes," said the apostle, "I am; and my father before me was."
-The chief captain is astonished; yea, more, fear takes hold of him; he
-becomes suddenly alarmed.
-
-There are two things in this incident that are worthy of note: first,
-this indignity that was offered to the apostle was through ignorance. It
-was not known that he was a Roman citizen. The law was violated, but it
-was not purposely done. It was not the intention of the chief captain to
-ignore the rights involved in citizenship; for he himself was a Roman
-citizen, and was interested in maintaining those rights. And, second, to
-trample upon the rights of a Roman citizen was a very grave offense, a
-very serious matter; and it became a serious matter because back of this
-citizenship was the whole power of the empire. These rights were
-carefully guarded, were rigidly enforced, so that the term, Roman
-citizen, was everywhere respected. No one could infringe those rights
-with impunity: hence you will notice what is said here, "The chief
-captain was afraid when he knew that he was a Roman because he had bound
-him." He recognized at once the gravity of the offense. That was old
-pagan Rome; but under its rule citizenship meant something; it was a
-sacred thing; back of it stood the strong arm of the Government to give
-efficacy, power to it. This man was afraid when he realized what he had
-done; and that is the feeling which outraged citizenship ought
-everywhere to inspire. It ought to mean something; and there ought to be
-power somewhere to enforce its meaning.
-
-But it is not of Roman citizenship that I desire to speak at this time,
-but rather of American citizenship, and of that citizenship as it
-pertains to ourselves. In the providence of God we are citizens of this
-great Republic. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution declares:
-"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to
-the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the
-State wherein they reside." Under this provision of the Constitution we
-are all citizens; and we have earned the right to be citizens. We have
-lived here as long as any other class in the Republic; we have worked as
-hard as any other class to develop the country; and we have fought as
-bravely as any other class in the defense of the Republic. If length of
-residence, if unstinted toil, if great sacrifices of blood, if the
-laying of one's self on the country's altar in the hour of peril, of
-danger, give any claim to citizenship, then our claim is beyond dispute;
-for all these things are true of us.
-
-We are *citizens* of this great Republic: and citizenship is a sacred
-thing: I hope we realize it. It is a thing to be prized; to be highly
-esteemed. It has come to us after 250 years of slavery, of unrequited
-toil; it has come to us after a sanguinary conflict, in which billions
-of treasure and rivers of blood were poured out; it has come to us as a
-boon from the nation at a time when it had reached its loftiest moral
-development; when its moral sense was quickened as it had never been
-before, and when it stood as it had never stood before upon the great
-principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, not as
-glittering generalities, but as great realities: it was at that sublime
-period in our history, when the national conscience was at work; when
-the men who were in charge of affairs were men who stood for
-righteousness; when the great issues before the country were moral
-issues, issues involving human rights,—that the nation saw fit to
-abolish slavery and to decree the citizenship of all men, black and
-white alike. When we think of what this citizenship has cost, in blood
-and treasure; of the noble men through whose influence it was brought
-about; and of the fact that it came to us from the Nation when it was at
-its best, when it was living up to its highest light, and to its noblest
-conceptions of right and duty,—we ought to prize it, to set a high
-value upon it.
-
-And we ought to show our appreciation of it: (1). By being good
-citizens; by doing everything in our power to develop ourselves along
-right lines, intellectually, morally, spiritually, and also materially:
-and to do everything in our power to promote the general good;
-everything that will help to make for municipal, state, and national
-righteousness. We are to remember that we are part of a great whole, and
-that the whole will be affected by our conduct, either for good or bad.
-If we live right, if we fear God and keep his commandments, and train
-our children to do the same, we ennoble our citizenship; we become a
-part of the great conservative force of society, a positive blessing to
-the community, the state, the nation. It is especially important for us,
-in view of the strong prejudice against us, the disposition to view us
-with a critical eye, to hold up and magnify our short-comings, that we
-be particularly concerned to be constantly manifesting, evidencing our
-good citizenship by allying ourselves only with the things that are
-true, and just, and pure, and lovely, and of good report. We ought not
-to lose sight of the fact that the strongest fight that is being made
-against us to-day is by those who are doing most to discredit us, to
-array public sentiment against us,—those who are parading our
-short-comings and imperfections, who are giving the greatest publicity,
-the widest circulation to them. There are persons in this country, who
-are determined, and who never lose an opportunity to blacken our good
-name. Dr. DuBois, in that splendid document of his, "Credo," said among
-other things, "I believe in the Devil and his angels, who wantonly work
-to narrow the opportunity of struggling human beings, especially if they
-be black; who spit in the faces of the fallen, strike them that cannot
-strike again, believe the worst and work to prove it, hating the image
-which their Maker stamped on a brother's soul." And this is one of the
-conditions that confront us in this country, and that we must not lose
-sight of. The fact that there is this determination on the part of our
-enemies to prove that we are utterly unworthy of this great boon of
-citizenship, should have the effect of creating within us a counter
-determination to show that we are worthy,—to do our level best in every
-sphere of life. Now I do not mean by this to say that we are not proving
-ourselves to be good citizens; for we are: a great many of us are; but I
-have called attention to it because I feel that it ought to be
-emphasized; that we need to feel more keenly and more widely than is
-felt, the meaning of this great boon and the demand which it makes upon
-us. It is a challenge to every man to live a straightforward, upright,
-worthy life. And what is needed is, not only that *we*, who have had
-exceptional opportunities, should feel this way, but that the great mass
-of our people should be educated to feel the same, to be animated by the
-same spirit. And *we* are to be their educators; it is through *us* that
-this spirit is to descend upon them, and take possession of them. If
-this citizenship means anything, it means that we should be concerned
-about everything which makes for law, for order, for good government,
-for individual, municipal, state, and national purity and righteousness;
-it means that each one of us ought to be a living example of the best
-type of what a citizen ought to be.
-
-But this is not all: if we value our citizenship we will not only seek
-to make the most of ourselves, to live on the highest plane but we will
-also stand up manfully for our rights under that citizenship. I have no
-patience with those who preach civil and political self-effacement. I
-never have believed in that pernicious doctrine, and never will. When
-you have effaced a man, civilly and politically, in a government like
-our own, what is he? What does he amount to? Who cares for him? What
-rights has he which any other class is bound to respect? He is a mere
-nonentity, entitled to no consideration, and with no refuge to which he
-can fly in the hour of his need. To be civilly and politically effaced
-is to be civilly and politically dead; and to be civilly and politically
-dead is to be at the mercy of any and every political party or
-organization, and to be under the iron heel of the worst elements in the
-community without any means of redress.
-
-We are *citizens* of this Republic: and I want to direct attention to
-this fact for a moment; and I am glad of the opportunity of doing it at
-this time, when we are in the midst of celebrating the inauguration of
-our President. I thank God for the man at the White House; for his
-courage; for his high sense of righteousness; for the many splendid
-things which he has said; and for the noble stand which he has taken on
-human rights; on equality of opportunity; on the open door for every man
-in the Republic irrespective of race or color. I rejoice in the fact
-that we have such a President. I commend him heartily for what he has
-done. I hope he will do more; I hope there are yet larger things in
-store for this race through him. But whether he does more or not; or
-whatever may be his future policy, or the future policy of the leaders
-of either of the great political parties, or the rank and file of those
-parties, it cannot, it will not affect in the least, our attitude in
-regard to our rights under the Constitution. We are citizens, clothed
-with citizenship rights; and, there is no thought or intention on our
-part of ever surrendering a single one of them. Whatever others may
-think of it, or desire in regard to it, we do not propose to retreat a
-single inch, to give up for one moment the struggle. I say, *we* and in
-this, I believe I speak for those who represent the sentiment that is
-taking more and more firmly hold of the heart of this race. I belong to
-what may be called the radical wing of the race, on the race question: I
-do not believe in compromises; in surrendering, or acquiescing, even
-temporarily, in the deprivation of a single right, out of deference to
-an unrighteous public sentiment. I believe with Lowell,
-
- | "They enslave their children's children,
- | Who make compromise with sin."
-
-And this, I believe, at heart, is the sentiment of the race; at least,
-it is the sentiment of some of us. There is where we have taken our
-stand and there is where we propose to stand to the end. What belongs to
-us as citizens we want; and we are not going to be satisfied with
-anything less. We are in this country, and we are here to stay. There is
-no prospect of our ever leaving it. This is our home, as it has been the
-home of our ancestors for generations, and will be the home of our
-children, and of our children's children, for all time. It is of the
-greatest importance to us, therefore, that our status in it, as it is
-permanently fixed, should be, not that of a proscribed class, but that
-of full citizenship with every right, civil and political, accorded to
-us that is accorded to other citizens of the Republic. This is the thing
-that we are to insist upon; this is the evil against which we are to
-guard.
-
-What our enemies are seeking to effect is to make this a white man's
-government; to fix permanently our status in it, as one of civil and
-political inferiority. The issue is sharply drawn; and it is for us to
-say whether we will be thus reduced, whether such shall be our permanent
-status or not. One thing we may be assured of: such will surely be our
-fate unless we clearly comprehend the issue, and set ourselves earnestly
-to work to counteract the movement, by resisting in every legitimate way
-its consummation, and by using our influence to create a counter public
-sentiment.
-
-What are some of these citizenship rights for which we should earnestly
-contend?
-
-(1) The right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In one
-section of this country, at least, and the area is growing, and is fast
-including others, the life of a Negro isn't worth as much as that of a
-dog. He may be shot down, murdered, strung up to a tree, burnt to death,
-by any white ruffian, or band of lawbreakers and murderers with
-impunity. The color of his skin gives any white man liberty to maltreat
-him, to trample upon him. He has no rights which white men are bound to
-respect. If he goes to law, there is no redress; his appeals avail
-nothing with judge and jury. That is a condition of things that we ought
-not to rest satisfied under. As long as the life of a black man is not
-just as sacred as that of a white man, in every section of the Republic;
-as long as wrongs perpetrated upon him are treated with greater leniency
-than wrongs perpetrated upon white men, his status is not the same as
-that of the white man; and as long as it is not the same an injustice is
-done him, which he ought to resist; against which he ought to protest,
-and continue to protest.
-
-(2) Another citizenship right is that of receiving equal accommodations
-on all common carriers and in all hostelries; on railroads, steamboats,
-in hotels, restaurants, and in all public places. When we travel,
-whatever we are able to pay for we are entitled to, just as other
-citizens are. To-day this is largely denied us. The hotels are not open
-to us; the restaurants are not open to us, even the little ten cent
-lunch counters, in this the capital city of the nation, are not open to
-us: we are shut out from all such places, and shut out because of the
-color of our skin. If we attempt to travel, and turn our faces
-southward, we must ride in Jim Crow cars; we must be segregated, shut up
-in a little compartment by ourselves. The privilege which we once
-enjoyed without stint of taking a sleeper or Pullman car, even that now
-is being taken from us. One state has even gone so far as to make it
-unlawful to sell a ticket to a person of color on a sleeper. That is the
-state of Georgia; a State that has in it Atlanta University, and Clark
-University, and the Atlanta Baptist College, and Spelman Seminary, and
-the Gammon Theological Seminary, and Haines Institute, and many other
-schools of learning; a State that has within its borders some of the
-very best type of Negroes in this country. The meaning of all this,
-don't let us misunderstand: it is a part of the general policy, which is
-being vigorously pushed by our enemies, to fix our status as one of
-inferiority, by shutting us out from certain privileges. The whole thing
-is wrong. Such invidious distinctions ought not to be permitted in a
-republic. It is inconsistent with citizenship. Everything ought to be
-open to all citizens alike:—railroad cars, hotels, restaurants,
-steamboats, the schools and colleges of the land: our public schools
-ought to be open to all the children alike. There ought not be separate
-schools for the whites, and separate schools for blacks: all the
-children of the Republic ought to be educated together; and sooner or
-later it is bound to come to that. Some one has said, "It isn't so much
-the Jim Crow car, as it is the Jim Crow Negro in the car." The fallacy
-of this statement, and its attempted mitigation or justification of the
-Jim Crow car, lies in the fact that the Jim Crow car has nothing
-whatever to do with the Jim Crow Negro. It was not instituted for him,
-but for all Negroes, whether Jim Crow or not: in fact, it was designed,
-particularly, not for the Jim Crow Negro, but for the intelligent,
-progressive, self-respecting Negro. If there are Jim Crow Negroes among
-us we owe them a duty; we ought to seek to improve them, to lift them to
-higher levels; but while we are doing this, don't let us forget that
-there is a Jim Crow car, and what it stands for. It stands for a
-hostile public sentiment; it is a part of a concerted plan which seeks
-to degrade us, to rob us of our rights, to deprive us of privileges
-enjoyed by other citizens, because of the color of our skin. If there
-were no Jim Crow Negroes, we would have the Jim Crow car all the same.
-We should fight the Jim Crow cars, therefore, not only because of the
-personal discomfort to which we are subjected in travelling, but also
-because of the general system of which it is a part,—a system which
-seeks to establish a double citizenship in the Republic, based upon race
-and color; the one superior to the other, and carrying with it
-privileges which are denied to the other.
-
-(3) Another citizenship right is that of serving in the Army and Navy;
-the right to take up arms and to fight in behalf of the country. This is
-our right, and we have exercised it, and are still exercising it. We
-have fought in all the wars of the Republic; and are represented to-day
-in both Army and Navy. We have made a glorious record for ourselves in
-this respect. There is no better soldier in the Army of the Republic,
-than the black soldier. This right has not been denied us, but let us,
-nevertheless, keep our eyes on it. There are some things even here that
-need to be looked into. It has been many years since we have had a
-representative in the great Naval or Military school of the country; and
-there have been some rumors about limiting the aspirations of Negroes in
-the Army, of not permitting them to advance beyond a certain point. If
-there is such a thought or intention on the part of those in authority,
-it must be resisted. The Negro must be free—in the Army, in the
-Navy,—in every part of the Army and Navy,—as other citizens are free;
-to advance according to his merit. His color must not be allowed to
-operate against him.
-
-(4) Another citizen right is that of suffrage, the right of the ballot;
-the right to have part in the government; to say who shall make the laws
-and who shall execute them; and what the laws shall be; the right to
-have an opinion, and to have that opinion counted in determining what
-shall be and what shall not be. This is one of the greatest of rights.
-In a republic citizenship means very little without it. It is this which
-marks the difference between a representative government, a government
-of the people, by the people, and for the people, and a despotism, an
-absolute monarchy. The glory of the age in which we live is the triumph
-of democracy; and what is the triumph of democracy but the right of the
-*people* to say who shall rule; and how is the will of the people
-expressed? Through the ballot; at the polls. The ballot therefore is the
-symbol of the sovereignty of the people. If we are to be sovereign
-citizens of the Republic therefore, this right to vote must be
-preserved. The old despotic idea of government was, that some people
-were born to rule, and that others were born to be ruled; and the idea
-that exists in the minds of some people in this country, in democratic
-America, in face of the affirmation of the Declaration of Independence,
-that all men are born free and equal, is that in this country, there are
-some people who are born to rule, and others who are born to be ruled;
-and that the people who are born to rule are the whites, and those who
-are born to be ruled are the blacks: hence the effort that is being made
-to divest us of this symbol of sovereignty,—the ballot. Let us not be
-deceived; let us give no heed to any teaching, never mind from what
-source it may come, which seeks to minimize the importance of the
-ballot. What difference does it make whether we vote or not? I have
-heard some weak-kneed, time-serving representatives of our own race say;
-and the thought has been caught up by the men in the south who have been
-seeking to rob us of our rights, and by those in the North who have been
-playing into their hands; and they have said, Yes, What difference does
-it make? Are you not just as well off without it? What difference does
-it make? It makes all the difference in the world: the difference
-between a sovereign citizen of the Republic, and one who has been
-stripped of his sovereignty; between one who has a say in what is going
-on, and one who has not; between one who is ruled with his consent, and
-one who is ruled without it. If we are just as well off without the
-ballot, how is it that the white man is not just as well off without it?
-And if he is unwilling to give it up, why should he ask us to give it
-up? Why should we give it up? If he needs it in order to protect
-himself, much more do we, for we are weaker than he is, and need all the
-more the power which comes from the ballot.
-
-(5) Another citizenship right is, that of holding office, the right to
-be voted for, and of being appointed to positions of honor and trust by
-the executive power. This is also a right that belongs to us, and that
-we must contend for. It is one of our rights that is now being
-especially contested in the South. The Negro must not be appointed to
-any office, is the demand of Southern white sentiment. I am glad that
-the President has not yielded wholly to that sentiment. The fight which
-he made in the Crum case was a notable one, and clearly indicated that
-he was not willing to shut that door of opportunity to the Negro; that
-he was not willing to take the position that a man was to be debarred
-from public office simply because of the color of his skin. That was the
-right position for him to take, and the only one that was consistent
-with his oath of office, and his position as President of *all* the
-people. I hope that he will continue to act upon that principle; and
-that he will do more than he has done. There is room for improvement in
-this direction. A few more appointments of colored men in the North, as
-well as in the South, would be a good thing. It ought to be done. The
-right of colored men to receive appointments ought to be clearly and
-distinctly emphasized by multiplying those appointments. There is
-nothing like an object lesson in impressing the truth. I hope that the
-President will give us many such object lessons during the next four
-years.
-
-The right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; the right to
-receive equal accommodation on railroads, steamboats, in hotels,
-restaurants, and in all public places of amusement; the right to be
-represented in the Army and Navy; the right to vote; the right to hold
-office: these are some of our citizenship rights, for which we should
-earnestly contend. Sometimes, we are told, that it would be better to
-say less about our rights, and more about our duties. No one feels more
-the importance of emphasizing our duties than I do,—I think I have done
-about as much of it as anybody,—but among the duties that I have always
-emphasized, and still emphasize, is the duty of standing up squarely and
-uncompromisingly for our rights. When we are contending for the truth;
-when we are resisting the encroachments of those who are seeking to
-despoil us of our birth-right as citizens; when we are keeping up the
-agitation for equal civil and political privileges in this country, are
-we not in the line of duty? If not, where is the line? Duties? Yes. Let
-us have our duties preached to us,—line upon line, and precept upon
-precept, here a little and there a little; but at the same time don't
-let us forget that we have also *rights* under the Constitution, and to
-see to it that we stand up for them; that we resist to the very last
-ditch those who would rob us of them. And in doing this, let us remember
-that we are called to it by the stern voice of Duty, which is the voice
-of God; and that we need not apologize for our action.
-
-And now in conclusion but a word more and then I am done. The fight
-before us is a long one. You will not live, nor will I live to see the
-triumph of the principles for which we are contending; let us not become
-discouraged however. Things look pretty dark at times, but it isn't all
-dark. Now and then there are gleams of light, which indicate the coming
-of a better day. There are forces working *for* us, as well as against
-us; and with what we can do for ourselves, we need not despair.
-
- | "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord;
- | He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes
- | of wrath are stored!
- | He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword;
- | His truth is marching on.
- |
- | He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat;
- | He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment seat;
- | O, be swift, my soul, to answer him! be jubilant, my feet!
- | While God is marching on."
-
-Let us take courage; let us gird up our loins; let us stand at our post;
-let us be true to duty; let us hold ourselves to the highest; let us
-have nothing to do with the unfruitful works of darkness; let us be
-temperate, industrious, thrifty; let us do with our might what our hands
-find to do; let us trust in God, and do the right: and then, whether the
-struggle be long or short, there can be no doubt as to the final issue.
-We shall come out victorious; we shall be accorded every right belonging
-to us under the Constitution, and every avenue of opportunity will be
-opened to us, as to other citizens of the Republic. The future is
-largely in our own hands. If we allow ourselves to be permanently
-despoiled of our rights; to be reduced to a position of civil and
-political inferiority, the fault will be, not "in our stars," as
-Shakespeare has expressed it, "but in ourselves." Others can help us;
-others will help us, as they have already done; but the final outcome
-will depend mainly upon what we do *for* ourselves, and *with*
-ourselves. If we are to grow in the elements that make for a strong,
-intelligent, virtuous manhood and womanhood, *we* have got to see to it,
-to be concerned about it; to be more deeply concerned about it than
-anybody else. And so, if the agitation for equality of rights and
-opportunities in this country is to be kept up, and it ought to be kept
-up, *we* are the ones to see to it. As long as there are wrongs to be
-redressed, from which we are suffering, we ought not to be silent, ought
-not for our sake as well as for the sake of the nation at large.
-Whatever can be done to develop ourselves; whatever can be done to
-create a healthy and righteous public sentiment in our behalf; whatever
-can be done to check the encroachments of our enemies upon our rights,
-*we* must do it, whether others do or not. May God help us all to
-realize this, and to address ourselves earnestly to the work that lies
-before us.
-
- | "Be strong!
- | We are not here to play, to dream, to drift.
- | We have hard work to do, and loads to lift.
- | Shun not the struggle; face it. Tis God's gift."
-
-.. topic:: Transcriber's Note
-
- This is one group of papers from a series of papers presented
- to the American Negro Academy. Founded by Alexander Crummell
- in March 1897, with 40 of the leading black scholars and
- writers of the day, the Academy's purpose was to promote
- literature, science and art, foster higher education and high
- culture, and to defend the Negro aginst racist attacks. The
- Academy was active until 1924.
-
- This project was scanned from a facsimile reprint included in
- a collection of all 22 Occasional Papers of the American Negro
- Academy.
-
- Original spelling varieties have been maintained; tables and
- footnotes were renumbered.
-
-|
-|
-|
-|
-|
-
-.. _pg_end_line:
-
-\*\*\* END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) \*\*\*
-
-.. backmatter::
-
-.. toc-entry::
- :depth: 0
-
-.. _pg-footer:
-
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diff --git a/35449.txt b/35449.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c7b198e..0000000 --- a/35449.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4296 +0,0 @@ - The Negro And The Elective Franchise. A Series Of Papers And A Sermon - - The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost -no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Title: The Negro and the elective franchise. A Series Of Papers And A -Sermon (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 11.) - -Author: Archibald H. Grimke, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, -Kelly Miller, and Rev. Frank J. Grimke - -Release Date: March 01, 2011 [EBook #35449] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: US-ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - - -Produced by Suzanne Shell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -at http://www.pgdp.net. - - - Occasional Papers, No. 11. - - - - The American Negro Academy. - - - - THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE FRANCHISE - - - - *A SERIES OF PAPERS AND A SERMON BY* - - - - *Archibald H. Grimke, Charles C. Cook, John Hope, John L. Love, Kelly - Miller and Rev. Frank J. Grimke.* - - - - *PRICE: THIRTY-FIVE CENTS.* - - - - WASHINGTON, D. C. - - - - PUBLISHED BY THE ACADEMY. - - - - 1905. - - - - - -CONTENTS - - - - The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern - Representation--_ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE_ - - The Penning of the Negro--_CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK_ - - The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been - Specifically Revised--_JOHN HOPE_ - - The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West--_JOHN L. LOVE_ - - Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the - Elective Franchise--_KELLY MILLER_ - - The Negro and His Citizenship--_FRANCIS J. GRIMKE_ - - - - -The Meaning And Need Of The Movement To Reduce Southern -Representation--_ARCHIBALD H. GRIMKE_ - - -In 1787 when the founders of the American Republic were framing the -Constitution they encountered many difficulties in the work of -construction, but none greater than the bringing together on terms of -equality under one general government of the slave-holding and the -non-slave-holding states. The South was willing to enter the Union -provided always that its peculiar labor and institutions received -adequate protection in that instrument. And this the North had finally -to consent to incorporate into the organic law of the new nation. One of -these concessions was known as the Slave Representation Clause of the -Constitution, which gave to the Slave section the right to count five -slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of representatives. This -concession did not probably seem at the time like an exorbitant or -ruinous price for the North to pay for the Union, but subsequent events -proved it to be both exorbitant and ruinous in the political burden -which it imposed upon that section, and in the political perils which -grew naturally out of the situation, and which were produced by it. - -Everybody now-a-days seems to forget, or makes believe to have -forgotten, this lamentable chapter in our history, and its application -to present day evils--everybody but a few far-seeing Negroes, and a few -far-seeing white men at the North. It is well not to forget this chapter -ourselves, or to let the country make believe to have forgotten it, as -it contains a lesson which it is dangerous to forget. - -History repeats itself and will continue to do so just as long as men -are men, and the passion for power and the struggle for domination lasts -among them. Such a struggle set in between the two sections almost -immediately after the adoption of the Constitution. With industrial and -political ideas, interests, and institutions directly opposed to each -other, rivalry and strife between them became from the beginning -unavoidable. Any one not totally blinded by the then emergent needs of -the moment could not fail to foresee something of the consequences which -were sure to follow such a union of irreconcilable forces and passions -under one general government. Each set of antagonistic ideas and -interests was compelled by the great law of self preservation to try to -get possession of the government in its battle with the other set. And -in this conflict of moral and economic forces and ideas the three-fifths -slave representation clause of the Constitution gave to the South a -distinct advantage, an advantage which told immediately and powerfully -in its favor. For the right to count five slaves as three freemen in the -apportionment of representatives among the several states placed the -political power of the Southern states in the hands not of all the -whites but of a small and highly trained and organized minority only, -namely; the master class. This circumstance solidified the South, and -gave to its action a unity and energy of purpose which the industrial -democracy of the North always lacked. As a consequence, Southern men -obtained speedy possession of the National Government, and shaped -National Legislation and policy to advance best the peculiar ideas and -interests of their section. The big end of the National Government lay -plainly enough well to the south of Mason and Dixon's line during the -first twenty-five years of the existence of the Union. The course of -events during this period revealed this bitter fact to New England. For -she was outwitted, out-voted and over-matched again and again in -national legislation and administrative measures by the slave oligarchy, -which ruled the South and dominated in national affairs. - -For instance, New England opposed the embargo and the retaliatory -measures of Mr. Jefferson's administration, which destroyed her splendid -carrying trade, and bore distress to hundreds of thousands of her -people. She opposed the War of 1812 because it seemed to her inimical to -her interests, but regardless of protests and cries the embargo was laid -on her ports and shipping, the War against Great Britain was declared. -She was forced to dance, volens-nolens, to the rag-time music of her -Southern rival. She danced in both instances while discontent grew apace -in her hot, surcharged heart. She did not disguise the ugly fact that -she was sick of her bargain under the Constitution--was discontented -almost to disaffection with Southern domination in the Union. Out of -this widespread discontent and incipient disaffection sprang the -Hartford Convention to voice this growing Anti-Southern sentiment, and -to cast about for a remedy for what was rightly deemed bad political -conditions. The great question with which this celebrated convention -grappled was, in fact, the undue and disproportionate power wielded by -the slave oligarchy in national affairs, and how best to impose a check -upon its further growth. It could think apparently of but one remedial -measure to relieve the situation, and that was the imposition of a check -on any further increase in the then existing number of states. But while -the resolution which embodied this rather doubtful remedy referred to -states in general, it was intended when read between the lines, to refer -to slave states in particular. - -That was the first blow aimed by the industrial democracy of the North -at this aristocratic feature of the National Constitution, namely: the -right to count five slaves as three freemen in the apportionment of -representatives among the states. It was felt at the time and much more -strongly and generally afterward, that this three-fifths slave -representation clause which enabled a small minority of the people of -the South to wield the political power of that section, and in any -controverted question between the sections to neutralize the free-will -of every three freemen by the dummy-will of every five slaves, was an -unjust and dangerous advantage possessed by the slave oligarchy over its -sectional rival, the free democracy of the North. - -The consciousness of this political wrong and danger was at the bottom -of the bitter opposition on the part of the North to the admission of -Missouri as a slave state, to the annexation of Texas, and to the -Mexican War. It was at the bottom of the fierce cry which rose all over -that section at the close of that war, "No more slave territory, no more -slave states." It was the soul of the great movement which beat back the -slave tide from Kansas and saved that state to freedom. It was, in fact, -this struggle of the free states to reduce to a minimum the peril to its -industrial democracy which grew out of the slave representation clause -of the Constitution, and the resistance of the slave states to such a -movement, which produced the war between the sections. This war ended in -the destruction of slavery and as the North supposed and intended, in -the total destruction of this right of the South to count five slaves as -three freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the several -states in the newly restored Union. - -But wrong does not die under a single stroke. It has a strange power of -metamorphosis, i. e. ability to change its form without losing its -identity. The slave power, which everybody at the North imagined to be -dead, re-appeared almost at once as the Southern serf power, in -consequence of legislation enacted in the then lately rebellious states -by the old slave masters. They had lost their slaves, to be sure, and -the political power incident under the Constitution to such ownership, -but they had not lost the political cunning and determination to create -a similar power out of the social forces and material which lay in -disorder about them. - -The reconstruction of the South by the old slave oligarchy resulted in -the threatened rise in national affairs of an African serf power more -formidable to the North than was the old slave power than five is -greater than three in federal numbers. This threatened rise in national -politics of an African serf power aroused the North to the danger which -girt afresh the supremacy of its industrial democracy in the Union. It -thereupon set about the work of removing this peril forever. In doing -this work it unfortunately limited itself exclusively to the use of -political agencies. But there is no doubt that what it did in -reconstructing the old slave states was meant to be thorough. It meant -to extirpate root and branch, from the Constitution the right of the -South to count five slaves as three freemen, or five serfs as five -freemen in the apportionment of representatives among the states. This -was the plain purpose of the whole body of congressional legislation -looking to southern reconstruction. It is the plain purpose likewise of -the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution. - -All of these great acts were intended to destroy utterly the basis on -which rested the old slave power, and on which would rest the new serf -power, namely: inequality and race subjection. The 13th amendment -abolished slavery, the 14th raised the former slaves to citizenship, and -the 15th conferred on them the right to vote. The whole scheme for -removing forever this evil seemed on paper complete enough, and in -practice it would undoubtedly have proven effective had not an -unexpected difficulty arisen when it was put into operation. This -unexpected difficulty was the attitude of the Supreme Court in -interpreting the laws made in pursuance thereof. The effect of the -decisions of this tribunal has almost invariably been against the -Negro's claim to equality, and in favor of the Southern contention of -the existence of two races in the south, one permanently dominant and -the other permanently servile, and that the maintenance of this state of -race superiority on the one side, and of race inferiority on the other -furnished the only working plan of their living in peace together or of -their making any further progress in civilization. Owing to this -deplorable attitude the Supreme Court has been a hindrance rather than a -help in the settlement of this question. No relief need be looked for -from it, therefore, under the circumstances. Relief, if it comes at all, -must come from another quarter of the political system under which we -live. And for such relief fortunately, the 14th amendment has adequately -provided. All that is necessary to render the provision of this -amendment, which is applicable to the present situation, effective are -courage and common sense. But alas, courage and common sense in respect -to this subject seem to be sadly lacking to-day both at the North and -among the Negroes as well. - -The provision of the 14th amendment just referred to reads as follows: -"Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states according -to their respective numbers counting the whole number of persons in each -state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any -election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of -the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and -judicial officers of a state, or the members of the Legislature thereof, -is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one -years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged -except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of -representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the -number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male -citizens twenty-one years of age in such state." - -Every Southern state has virtually by one device or another, since the -adoption of the 14th and 15th amendments, denied to its colored citizens -the right to vote. This was first done by the shot-gun method, which -gave place in time to fraudulent manipulations of electoral returns, and -this in turn to "grandfather" and "understanding clauses" administered -by prejudiced registration boards in those states which have revised -their constitutions. Says Professor Dunning in an article on "The -Undoing of Reconstruction" in the Atlantic Monthly for October, 1901: -"With the enactment of these constitutional amendments by the various -states, the political equality of the Negro is becoming extinct in law -as it has long been in fact, and the undoing of reconstruction is -nearing completion." Now this statement is exactly true. The South has -everywhere nullified in practice the 14th and 15th amendments to the -Constitution. It denies to black men the right to vote, but it counts at -the same time those same black men in the apportionment of its -representatives. The present serf power therefore, enjoys to-day a right -far greater than that enjoyed by the old slave power, for it counts five -of its disfranchised black citizens not as three but as five free men. -It has achieved the extraordinary feat of eating its political cake and -keeping it at the same time. - -In South Carolina, for example, where the blacks outnumber the whites by -224,326, and in Mississippi where the colored population is in excess of -the white by 263,640, "the influence of the Negroes in political -affairs," as put by Prof. Dunning, "is nil." And this is substantially -true of almost everyone of the old slave states whether they have or -have not revised their constitutions. Says Prof. DuBois: "To-day the -black man of the South has almost nothing to say as to how much he shall -be taxed, or how those taxes shall be expended, as to who shall make the -laws and how they shall be made. It is pitiable that frantic efforts -must be made at critical times to get law-makers in some states even to -listen to the respectful presentation of the black side of a current -controversy." - -Entrenched in the South to-day is an aristocracy based on race. The -whole tendency of things down there is to de-citizenize the blacks, to -reduce them to a state of permanent political and industrial -subordination to the whites. This is aristocratizing the republic with a -vengeance. For with the right to vote, the right to a voice in making -the laws, denied to any class of people in an industrial republic like -ours, such class must go from bad to worse in the struggle for bread, -for existence, in competition with more favored classes. It does more: -it reduces the efficiency of such a class as a producer of wealth not -alone in respect to itself, but in respect to the section in which it -lives as well. For whatever degrades and wrongs such a class degrades -and wrongs the community and the country of which it forms a part. And -there is no help for it, for such is the natural law of retribution -which no "understanding" and "grandfather clauses" and registration -boards, however adroitly devised, can in the long run possibly evade or -nullify. This then is the deplorable economic situation with regard to -whites and blacks alike in the Southern states, as a direct consequence -of the undoing of the 14th and the 15th amendments to the Constitution -by those States. The degradation of their black labor will ultimate in -the degradation of their white labor also. In fact, the disfranchisement -of the blacks operates practically everywhere down there as a -disfranchisement of the great body of the whites likewise. For disuse of -a power, whether physical or political, begets in time disinclination -and then incapacity for exercising the same. The right to vote, under -present political conditions which prevail throughout that section, is, -as a matter of fact, exercised but by a small minority of the whites -only. The total vote, for example, cast for representatives in Southern -congressional districts is surprisingly slight in comparison with that -cast in Northern congressional districts. The same is true of the vote -for presidential electors, and for the executive, legislative and -judicial officers of the various southern states for that matter. A -handful of ruling whites, and that not of the best class as in -antebellum times, casts to-day the entire vote of that section as -represented by all of its black and a large majority of its white -citizens, at national and state elections. - -For instance, the average vote cast for Congressmen by Northern -congressional districts during the election of 1898 was over 35,000, -while that cast by Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and South -Carolina, which are operated in effect on the Mississippi plan, was less -than 5,000. The total vote cast for 37 congressmen by those five -Southern states was only 184,602, while the total vote polled by the -state of New York for 34 congressmen was 1,250,000, i. e. 184,602 -electors in those five Mississippi-ized states had actually a larger -congressional representation by three than had the 1,250,000 voters of -the Empire state. Again, take the case of Kansas, which though casting -100,000 more votes at its congressional election in 1898, than were cast -by these same five Southern states combined, yet Kansas had but seven -representatives in Congress to guard and promote her peculiar interests -against the 37 who sat in the House to guard and promote the peculiar -interests of the ruling oligarchy of those five de-republicanized -Southern states. - -But let us look more closely into this matter. Alabama with a population -of 1,828,697, and nine representatives in Congress polled at the -Congressional election, in 1902 a total vote of 90,105 for the nine -districts, while the new state of Washington with a population of -518,103 and three representatives polled at the same election a total -vote of 93,681, i. e., there were 3,000 more votes polled to elect three -congressmen in Washington than Alabama polled to elect nine. Again, -Mississippi with a population of 1,531,270 and eight representatives in -Congress polled at the same election a total vote of 18,058 for the -eight congressional districts, while little Idaho with a population of -161,772 and one representative polled at the same time a vote of 57,712, -which exceeded more than three times the vote polled by Mississippi for -eight representatives. Or let us take Louisiana with a population of -1,381,625 and seven representatives in Congress, and her total vote of -26,265 during the same election for seven districts and contrast these -figures with those of Rhode Island with a population of 428,556 and two -representatives. The Rhode Island figures are 56,064, or nearly double -the vote of Louisiana for seven congressional districts. Or again, let -us glance in passing at South Carolina with a population of 1,340,316 -and seven representatives in Congress, and New Hampshire with a -population of 411,588 and two representatives. The first polled in 1902 -at the election of her seven congressmen 32,085 votes, and the second at -the election of her two representatives polled at the same time 74,833. -In other words, there were nearly 43,000 less votes polled in South -Carolina to elect seven Congressmen than were polled in New Hampshire to -elect two. To sum up: Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South -Carolina with an aggregate population of 6,106,908 and 31 -representatives in Congress cast in 1902 a total vote of 166,576 in 31 -congressional districts, while Idaho, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and -Washington with an aggregate population of 1,500,000, and eight -representatives polled at the same general elections a total vote of -282,294 in their eight congressional districts. The average vote for -each of the 31 Southern congressional districts was 5,530; while that -for each of the eight Northern districts was 35,287. Why Massachusetts -alone with a population of 2,805,346 and 14 representatives rolled up a -vote to elect these 14 congressmen more than double that which the four -Southern states with a population of over 6,000,000 polled to elect -their 31 representatives! - -Again: At the presidential election last November the combined vote of -Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina, for 39 electors was -less than 200,000 or to be exact was just 186,253, while the vote of -Massachusetts for 16 electors was 442,732. In other words, the vote of -Massachusetts for her 16 representatives in the electoral college, -exceeded that of the four Southern states for their 39 in the same body -by more than 250,000 polls. Once more: Is it not immensely ominous and -significant the marked shrinkage in 1904 of the popular vote for -electors in Alabama, North Carolina, and Virginia, states which had but -recently revised their constitutions, as compared with the popular vote -of the same states for electors in 1900? There was for example a -shrinkage of the popular vote in Alabama of nearly 50,000 polls; in -North Carolina the shrinkage amounted to nearly 85,000, and in Virginia -it ran up to more than 135,000. These figures are eloquent of great -wrongs done the Negro. They are not less eloquent of great dangers which -now threaten to subvert free institutions in the Republic. - -Since the elections of 1898 things in the South went rapidly in respect -to this subject from bad to worse. Alabama, North Carolina and Virginia -followed the example of Mississippi and revised their constitutions. -This reactionary movement of the Southern oligarchy has reached as far -north as Maryland, and the work of aristocratizing her constitution and -of Jim-Crowing her laws is now nearing completion. Where is this -movement to stop? Will it halt south of Mason and Dixon's line unless -drastic measures are speedily adopted by the National Government to -arrest it? No, this aristocratic revolution will certainly, unless -checked, invade the North, attacking and overthrowing first the -political rights of black men in that section, and later those of other -classes of citizens industrially and politically feebler than the rest -until one after another of the states now free shall have succumbed to -the rule of class and plutocratic power. Then indeed will the undoing of -the 14th and the 15th amendments, and of democratic institutions in -America, be complete. Not until then will the movement, which is fast -aristocratizing the Republic, stop its steady advance. I am no alarmist, -but am telling the sober truth. Those who have eyes to see, let them -look around at the ominous signs of this advancing evil. Those who have -ears to hear, may hear everywhere about them the foreboding sounds of -this rising flood of wrong and inequality, this growing disregard for -law, this denial to the people of a voice in government, whether state, -colonial or national, which characterize the present period of our -national history. - -It will not be impertinent for me to add by way of concluding this -article, a few words regarding some of the political consequences, which -would be sure to follow a reduction of Southern representation in -Congress and the electoral college. It would, in the first place, reduce -the political strength of the South as a factor in national legislation, -diminish its relative importance as an element in national politics. -That section is insolent, exacting and aggressive to-day on the Negro -question because it has so much numerical strength in Congress and the -electoral college by reason of its suppressed Negro vote. Reduce that -strength by a judicious blood-letting to the number of twenty-five or -thirty-five representatives and there will follow in due time a -corresponding reduction of its arrogance and aggressiveness on the race -question. For as it declines in relative strength in Congress and the -electoral college it will decline in relative importance in management -and leadership of the democratic party also. It will gradually lose its -controlling influence over that party, cease ultimately to dominate it -on the Negro question. The relative decline of the South in Congress and -the electoral college-means, of course, the relative increase of the -North in the same branch--means that in time the North will pay less -heed to the claims of the South, to its threats, and more to the claims, -to the case of the Negro. It means more. The relative decline of the -South as a factor in national politics means the relative increase of -the northern wing of the Democratic party in the control of that party, -in the shaping for that party of a more liberal policy on the Negro -question. For as the northern wing of this party gains in relative -strength, in numerical importance over that of the South, it will be -tempted more and more to solicit the support of the Negro vote of the -North. In close elections and in pivotal states the Democrats of the -North will thereupon make liberal declarations and positive bids in -order to win this vote from the Republican party. - -This consideration brings me to a second consequence, which would follow -a reduction of southern representation. And that is this: It will put an -end to the present period of good will and peace between the sections, -so disastrous to the rights of the Negro. Such a measure will usher in a -period of bitter difference and strife between the two sections again. -These differences will not arise merely between the Republicans of the -North and the white South, but between democrats of the North and -democrats of the South on the Negro question as well. For the northern -wing of the Democratic party cannot bid for the colored vote of its -section without offending the South and therefore sowing seeds of -alienation and strife between them on the question of the rights and -wrongs of the Negro, as a citizen. There will follow such differences -and strife between the sections, a reaction at the North in favor of the -Negro. Public sentiment for juster treatment of the race will gain -thereafter steadily in strength. It will influence the Republican party -to give to the question a more radical treatment than it now gives it, -to take steps to enforce by appropriate legislation the 15th amendment -of the Constitution. Such growing public sentiment in favor of according -the Negro fairer treatment may do more, it may be able to reach even -that pro-Southern tribunal, the Supreme Court, and put like the bees of -the Bible honey for the race in its hitherto cold and unresponsive body. -Even it may be influenced in time to twist the law in favor of human -liberty, not against it, as now. And lastly, it will give the silent -South a chance to be heard on the Negro question. It will give it a -chance to appeal from those states drunk on the race question, to their -sober second thought, a chance to show them the folly and madness of -their disfranchisement and consequent degradation of their Negro labor -as an economic factor in their development and civilization. And so -liberal sentiment towards the Negro may be awakened in the South and be -made thus to spread slowly downward as a leavening influence. - -And in the third place, reducing Southern representation in Congress and -the electoral college will not hurt the Negro. It will not take away -from him any right which he now enjoys down there. The doing so cannot -in any way change his actual status either in law or in fact. He is now -disfranchised; Congress will still have power to enforce the 15th -amendment by appropriate legislation and it will do so whenever it can -screw its courage to the sticking point. The reduction of Southern -representation will certainly break up the present apathetic state of -the country in respect to the Negro. With this breaking up there will -follow a reaction in favor of freedom, and there will arise in due time -a public sentiment which will bring legislation to enforce the right of -the Colored people of the South to the ballot well within the range of -the possible, yea of the probable, if the South persists after -reduction,--but it will not long persist,--in its present purpose to -nullify the 15th amendment, and to reduce its Colored people to a -condition of a permanently subordinate and servile class, without rights -as men or as citizens which southern white people are bound to respect. -Let southern representation in Congress be therefore reduced. The sooner -the better it will be for the Negro and the Nation. - -The law department of the United States Government has at last moved -effectively against the meat trust. And I see that the Interstate -Commerce Commission is looking into the charge that certain railroads -are practicing by a system of rebates discrimination against shippers of -live stock, and in favor of packing house products and dressed meats. -But alas, how different has been the attitude of the national government -toward investigating that greatest of all discriminations in the -Republic, namely: the wholesale disfranchisement of Negroes in the South -because they are Negroes. A few years ago one of the bravest and most -far-seeing of the representatives of Massachusetts in either branch of -Congress offered a resolution to investigate the subject merely. The -administration, which was then, and they say is now opposed to meddling -in this particular manner with the Southern question, was found equal to -the occasion. When it failed to silence the voice of Congressman Moody -regarding the matter, it lifted him with masterly state craft from the -floor of the House, and landed him safely in the Cabinet where he is -still, and where his silence might the better be secured. Thus passed -the Moody resolution to dusty death, and the place which knew it once in -Congress hath known it no more, and will know it no more forever. - -But there is another Congressman who for years has watched keenly the -growth of this threatening evil, the growth of this wrong so subversive -of the rights of the blacks at the South, and so harmful to the -interests of our industrial democracy at the North. Five years ago he -thought it was high time for the general government to address itself to -that subject, and accordingly proposed from his place in Congress -suitable measures for that purpose. Unfortunately for Congressman -Crumpacker's proposition the presidential election of 1900 was at the -time approaching and which, in the opinion of the McKinley -administration, called loudly then for silence and oblivion on this -vexed question. In obedience to this loud call of the Moloch of party -success at the polls, Mr. Crumpacker's bill suffered death by -asphyxiation in committee. - -The matter was, however, revived by Mr. Crumpacker in a subsequent -Congress in the form of a resolution which provided for the appointment -by the Speaker of a select committee of thirteen "whose duty it shall -be, and who shall have full and ample power to investigate and inquire -into the validity of the election laws of the several states and the -manner of their enforcement, and whether the right to vote at any -election for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of -the United States, representatives in Congress, the executive and -judicial officers of any of the states or the members of the legislature -thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of any of the states, -being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in -any way abridged, except for crime." This resolution so reasonable, -moderate, and just, fell a victim, so it was reported at the time, to a -shrewd bargain struck between the Southern oligarchy on the one hand and -the Republican managers of Cuban reciprocity on the other. The -Crumpacker resolution was put to sleep amidst the dust heaps of old -congressional documents, where it has slept without waking until the -present session of Congress, when its profound slumber has been -disturbed by renewed attempts made in both branches of the National -legislature to revive the subject, and to do what the Republican -national platform of 1904 pledged that party to do in the event of its -triumph at the polls, according to the plain meaning and purpose of the -following plank in that platform. - -"We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether, by -special discrimination, the elective franchise in any state has been -unconstitutionally limited: and if such is the case we demand that -representation in Congress and in the electoral college shall be -proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United -States." - -And while the Republican party hesitates to redeem its solemn pledge -made to the people before the elections last November, the tide of -intolerable wrong, of imminent peril:--of intolerable wrong to the -blacks and of imminent peril to the Republic, is advancing nearer and -rising higher and higher toward the point where to ignore it much longer -will mean widespread and far-reaching disaster to our industrial -democracy, to Republican institutions in America. On its crest I see -approaching forces strong enough to subvert the Constitution, not only -in the South but in the North--forces strong enough to uprear on its -ruins the vast fabric of plutocratic empire and despotism. - -The warning is sounding in our ears, it is sounding in the ears of the -people all over the land. Do we heed it, will they? - - - - -The Penning of the Negro--_CHARLES CHAUVEAU COOK_ - - -*[The Negro in the States of the Revised Constitutions]* - -The following States have revised their constitutions for the purpose of -excluding colored voters, and in the following order:-- - -(1) MISSISSIPPI. - -Section 241, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, defining who are -electors: - - "Every male inhabitant of the state, except idiots, insane - persons, and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the United - States, twenty-one years of age and upwards, who has resided in - the state two years, and one year in the election district * * * - in which he offers to vote and who is duly registered as - provided in this article, and who has never been convicted of - bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under - false pretence, perjury, embezzlement, or bigamy, and who has - paid on or before the 1st day of February of the year in which - he offers to vote, all taxes which may have been legally - required of him and who shall produce to the officer holding the - election satisfactory evidence that he has paid his taxes." - -Section 242 of Article 12, further provides that persons offering to -register shall take the following oath: - - "I do solemnly swear that I am twenty one years old and that I - will have resided in the state two years and (this) election - district for one year preceding the ensuing election, and am now - in good faith a resident of the same, and that I am not - disqualified from voting by reason of having been convicted of - any of the crimes mentioned in the constitution of this state as - a disqualification to be an elector, that I will truly answer - _all questions propounded to me concerning my antecedents so far - as they relate to my right to vote_ and also as to _my residence - before my citizenship in this district,_ that I will support the - constitution of the United States and of the state of - Mississippi and will bear true faith and allegiance to the - same--so help me God. - - Any willful and corrupt false statement in said affidavit or in - answer to any material question propounded as herein authorized - shall be perjury." - -Section 244, Article 12, constitution of Mississippi, requires that: - - "On and after the first day of January, 1892, every elector in - addition to the foregoing qualifications, shall be able to read - any section of the constitution of this state; or shall be able - to understand the same when read to him, or give a reasonable - interpretation thereof." - -(2) SOUTH CAROLINA. - - Subdivision (c). "Up to January 1, 1898, all male persons of - voting age applying for registration, who can read any section - of this constitution submitted to them, _or understand and - explain it_ when read to them by the registration officer, shall - be entitled to registration and become electors." - - Subdivision (d). "Any person who shall apply for registration - after January 1, 1898, if otherwise qualified, shall be - registered: _Provided_ that he can both read and write any - section of the constitution submitted to him by the registration - officer or can show that he owns and has paid taxes collectible - during the previous year on property in this state assessed at - three hundred dollars ($300) or more." - -(3) LOUISIANA. - - Section 3. "He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and - shall demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for - registration, by making, under oath administered by the - registration officer or his deputy, written application - therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which - application shall contain the essential facts necessary to show - that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be entirely - written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of the - registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or - suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the - form of application hereinafter set forth: _Provided, however,_ - That if the applicant be unable to write his application in the - English language, he shall have the right, if he so demands, to - write the same in his mother tongue from the dictation of an - interpreter; and if the applicant is unable to write his - application by reason of physical disability, the same shall be - written at his dictation by the registration officer or his - deputy, upon his oath of such disability. The application for - registration, above provided for, shall be a copy of the - following form, with the proper names, dates, and numbers - substituted for the blanks appearing therein, to wit: - - "I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is ----. I - was born in the State (or country) of ----, parish (or county) - of ----, on the ---- day of ----, in the year ----. I am now - ---- years ---- months and ---- days of age. I have resided in - this State since ----, and am not disfranchised by any provision - of the constitution of this State." - - Section 4. "If he be not able to read and write, provided by - section 3 of this article, then he shall be entitled to register - and vote if he shall, at the time he offers to register, be the - bona fide owner of property assessed to him in this State at a - valuation of not less than $300 on the assessment roll of the - current year, if the roll of the current year shall not then - have been completed and filed and on which, if such property be - personal only, all taxes due shall have been paid." - - Section 5. "No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at any - date prior thereto, entitled to vote under the constitution or - statute of any State of the United States, wherein he then - resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less than - 21 years of age at the date of the adoption of this - constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was - naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1898, shall be - denied the right to register and vote in this State by reason of - his failure to possess the educational or property - qualifications prescribed by this constitution: _Provided_, He - shall have resided in this State for five years next preceding - the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall - have registered in accordance with the terms of this article - prior to September 1, 1898; and no person shall be entitled to - register under this section after said date." - -(4) NORTH CAROLINA. - - Section 4. "Every person presenting himself for registration - shall be able to read and write any section of the constitution - in the English language; and, before he shall be entitled to - vote, he shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the - year in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous - year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the constitution. - But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867, or at any time - prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws of any state in - the United States wherein he then resided, and no lineal - descendant of any such person, shall be denied the right to - register and vote at any election in this State by reason of his - failure to possess the educational qualification herein - prescribed, provided he shall have registered in accordance with - the terms of this section prior to December, 1908. - - "The general assembly shall provide for the registration of all - persons entitled to vote without the educational qualifications - herein prescribed, and shall, on or before November 1, 1908, - provide for the making of a permanent record of such - registration, and all persons so registered shall forever - thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by the people - in this State, unless disqualified under section 2 of this - article: _Provided_, Such person shall have paid his poll tax as - above required." - -(5) ALABAMA (in effect Nov. 28th, 1901.) entitled to register:-- - -These sections of the Alabama constitution were before the Supreme Court -in the case of _Giles v. Harris_, (189 U. S. 475,) and the general plan -of voting and registration was summarized by Mr. Justice Holmes, -delivering the opinion of the court as follows: - - "By section 178 of article 8, to entitle a person to vote he - must have resided in the State at least two years, in the county - one year and in the precinct or ward three months, immediately - preceding the election; have paid his poll tax, and have been - duly registered as an elector. By section 182, idiots, insane - persons and those convicted of certain crimes are disqualified. - Subject to the foregoing, by section 180, before 1903 the - following male citizens of the State, who are citizens of the - United States, were entitled to register, viz: First. All who - had served honorably in the enumerated wars of the United - States, including those on either side of the 'war between the - States.' Second. All lawful descendants of persons who served - honorably in the enumerated wars or in the war of the - Revolution. Third. 'All persons who are of good character and - who understand the duties and obligations of citizenship under a - republican form of government.' By section 181 after January 1, - 1903, only the following persons are entitled to register: - First. Those who can read and write any article of the - Constitution of the United States in the English language, and - who either are physically unable to work or have been regularly - engaged in some lawful business for the greater part of the last - twelve months, and those who are unable to read and write solely - because physically disabled. Second. Owners or husbands of - owners of forty acres of land in the State, upon which they - reside, and owners or husbands of owners of real or personal - estate in the State assessed for taxation at three hundred - dollars or more [...] [By section] 183, only persons qualified - as electors can take part in any method of party action. By - section 184, persons not registered are disqualified from - voting. By section 185, an elector whose vote is challenged - shall be required to swear that the matter of the challenge is - untrue before his vote shall be received. By Section 186, the - legislature is to provide for registration after January 1, - 1903, the qualifications and oaths of the registrars are - prescribed, the duties of the registrars before that date are - laid down, and an appeal is given to the county court and - Supreme Court if registration is denied. There are further - executive details in section 187, together with the - above-mentioned continuance of the effect of registration before - January 1, 1903. By section 188, after the last-mentioned date - applicants for registration may be examined under oath as to - where they have lived for the last five years, the names by - which they have been known, and the names of their employers." - -(6) VIRGINIA. (in effect July 10th, 1902.) - - Article II, Section 18. "Every male citizen of the United - States, twenty-one years of age, who has been a resident of the - State two years, of the county, city or town one year, and of - the precinct in which he offers to vote, thirty days, next - preceding the election in which he offers to vote, has been - registered, and has paid his state poll taxes, as hereinafter - required, shall be entitled to vote for members of the General - Assembly and all officers elected by the people; but removal - from one precinct to another, in the same county, city or town - shall not deprive any person of his right to vote in the - precinct from which he has moved, until the expiration of thirty - days after such removal." - - Section 19. "There shall be general registrations in the - counties, cities and towns of the State during the years - nineteen hundred and two and nineteen hundred and three at such - times and in such manner as may be prescribed by an ordinance of - this Convention. At such registrations every male citizen of the - United States having the qualifications of age and residence - required in Section Eighteen shall be entitled to register, if - he be: - - "First. A person who, prior to the adoption of this - Constitution, served in time of war in the army or navy of the - United States, of the Confederate States, or of any State of the - United States or of the Confederate States; or - - "Second. A son of any such person; or - - "Third. A person, who owns property, upon which, for the year - next preceding that in which he offers to register, state taxes - aggregating at least one dollar, have been paid; or - - "Fourth. A person able to read any section of this Constitution, - submitted to him by the officers of registration and to give a - reasonable explanation of the same; or, if unable to read such - section, able to understand and give a reasonable explanation - thereof when read to him by the officers. - - "A roll containing the names of all persons thus registered, - sworn to and certified by the officers of registration, shall be - filed, for record and preservation, in the clerk's office of the - circuit court of the county, or the clerk's office of the - corporation court of the city, as the case may be. Persons thus - enrolled shall not be required to register again, unless they - shall have ceased to be residents of the State, or become - disqualified by section Twenty-three. Any person denied - registration under this section shall have the right of appeal - to the circuit court of his county, or the corporation court of - his city, or to the judge thereof in vacation." - - Section 20. "After the first day of January, nineteen hundred - and four, every male citizen of the United States, having the - qualifications of age and residence required in section - Eighteen, shall be entitled to register, provided: - - "First. That he has personally paid to the proper officer all - state poll taxes assessed or assessable against him, under this - or the former Constitution, for the three years next preceding - that in which he offers to register; - - "Second. That, unless physically unable, he make application to - register in his own hand-writing, without aid, suggestion or - memorandum, in the presence of the registration officers, - stating therein his name, age, date and place of birth, - residence and occupation at the time and for the two years next - preceding, and whether he has previously voted, and, if so, the - state, county and precinct in which he voted last; and, - - "Third. That he answer on oath any and all questions affecting - his qualifications as an elector, submitted to him by the - officers of registration, which questions, and his answers - thereto, shall be reduced to writing, certified by the said - officers, and preserved as a part of their official records." - - Section 21. "Any person registered under either of the last two - sections, shall have the right to vote for members of the - General Assembly and all officers elective by the people, - subject to the following conditions: - - "That he, unless exempted by section Twenty-two, shall, as a - prerequisite to the right to vote after the first day of - January, nineteen hundred and four, personally pay, at least six - months prior to the election, all state poll taxes assessed or - assessable against him under this Constitution, during the three - years next preceding that in which he offers vote; provided - that, if he register after the first day of January, nineteen - hundred and four, he shall, unless physically unable, prepare - and deposit his ballot without aid, on such printed form as the - law may prescribe; but any voter registered prior to that date - may be aided in the preparation of his ballot by such officer of - election as he himself may designate." - - Section 22. "No person who, during the late war between the - States, served in the army or navy of the United States, or the - Confederate States, or any State of the United States, or of the - Confederate States, shall at any time be required to pay a poll - tax as a prerequisite to the right to register or vote." - - Section 23. "The following persons shall be excluded from - registering and voting: Idiots, insane persons, and paupers; - persons who, prior to the adoption of this Constitution, were - disqualified from voting, by conviction of crime, either within - or without this State, and whose disabilities shall not have - been removed, persons convicted after the adoption of this - Constitution, either within or without this State, of treason, - or of any felony, bribery, petit larceny, etc." - -The intention of these acts needs no showing. They have three points in -common: (a) Some device enabling all the white voters to evade the force -of the disfranchising clauses; (b) The limiting clauses themselves which -deprive a majority of the colored voters of their franchise; (c) The -reservation of sufficient discretionary power in boards of registrars to -enable them to give full effect to the acknowledged purpose of the -framers of the constitutions. I know of no lesson they can teach us, -except how to do the things we ought not to do. In some cases, by -knowing the way down, one may, by reversing the steps taken, regain the -lost height. But it is not so here; our fall, like our rise, has been -too sudden. We have been thrown from a window, and before we could -understand our position, legislated out of a back gate. Only by superior -chicane can we repair the second injury, only by superior force repair -the first--unless there be justice in the heart of the nation. It -behooves us then to study carefully the state of public opinion in the -country, which underlies these laws, and gives them whatever stability -they possess. - -There is, of course, a series of events leading up to this radical -change in the institutions of the Republic, a history beginning before -the formation of the Union itself. The first part was African slavery. -Religious, moral and economic forces had acted upon serfdom, the more -common sort of slavery in Europe, and aided by the resulting increase of -vigor among the serfs themselves, had disintegrated it. But these forces -either did not act upon the trade in Negro slaves, when profits to be -obtained from that traffic filled the minds of merchants, or were -helpless to stop it. The New World was not, like the Old, overcrowded, -but in need of laborers--and the slaves were blacks. Tropical South -America, the West Indies, and the hot belt of the United States absorbed -hundreds of thousands of Negro slaves. All the forces above enumerated -set to work again after a time and slavery once more began to -disintegrate. In this country it had become firmly rooted in the -Southern states, where the same American people who had fought in '76 -for the freedom of two million white men, women and children fought as -stubbornly to keep in slavery four million black men, women and -children. But victory was again to crown the cause of freedom, and by -the will of the victors, forced forward by the unbroken spirit of -resistance of the conquered, these four millions of slaves were declared -possessed of freedom, civil rights and political privileges. - -Said Lord Shaftesbury to Charles the Second, when called on for his -resignation as Lord Chancellor, "It is only to lay aside the gown and -take up the sword." The South, defeated in arms, reversed the process, -and laying down the musket, put on the gown of the law-maker, and began -to accomplish by legislation, the reenslavement of the millions set -free. Hampered in this, for a time by the armies and the northern civil -officers, who obtained power largely by the suffrage of the colored -people, and by the colored voters themselves, the Southern men waited -for the withdrawal of the Union armies--an event hastened by outcry at -home--and then taking out the side-arms, which the generous terms of -surrender had permitted them to retain, they rapidly dispersed the -opposing force, and took the reins of government again into their own -hands. With musket in one hand to retain political power, and pen in the -other to undo the Reconstruction legislation, they soon deprived the -black millions of all their transitory political and civil rights. It is -hard to see that anything remained to be done. Emancipation laws and -proclamations to the contrary, the Negro seemed safely penned. But moral -and economic forces were still at work, and the end was not yet reached. - -The South could no longer close its eyes to the want of prosperity. In -1890, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi and -Louisiana, in spite of their 262,175 square miles and abundant -resources, had but 8,346,667 people and 288,405,107 dollars worth of -manufactured products. An equal territory in the States of the North, -namely; Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, -Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Ohio and -Illinois with 260,823 square miles had 25,074,143 people and -6,484,643,842 dollars worth of manufactured products--which is to say, -the Southern states had but one-third of the population, and -one-twenty-second of the manufactures of the same area North. The South -wanting prosperity began to seek ways of obtaining it. This led to the -consideration of obstacles: and first among these was the large and -economically inefficient colored population. It must be made, for want -of other labor, productive, a contributory agent to the new industrial -prosperity of the South--and not the less, cut off from any sort of -control, even of the industries, which by its labor must mainly be built -up. The problem was a difficult one, yet such as the South felt itself -able to solve. And many in the North stood ready to help. - -In 1890, however, came troubles so serious as to require a diversion of -attention from economical to political problems. The Republican party -pledge to secure for all citizens 'a free ballot and a fair count' was -yet unredeemed; and in that year a debate broke out in Congress over the -fulfilling of its promise, with an Elections bill as the means. -Simultaneously, the Populist movement was growing to threatening -proportions. Before this, the cry had been that the Negro by sheer -numbers could dominate, if not prevented from doing so. But now there -presented itself a new and more threatening danger. "In any state where -the whites divide," said Mr. Tillman in the Senate in 1900, "and they -have divided in every Southern State except mine and Mississippi--into -Populists and Democrats--the Negro has been the balance of power." The -Populist movement died, but this phantasm once evoked, of a black man -poised at the centre of the party see-saw, continued to hover at the -beck of its creators until again wanted. The occasion, this time a -lasting one, has been found in the balance of the Republican and the -Democratic parties in the "border" states. So in Maryland, for a while, -a "doubtful" state, where the colored population is but one-fifth of the -whole, a disfranchising law is justified, apparently, by the danger to -good government of allowing the Republican party to obtain control. -Again, in the county and town election contests, even in the Southern -states where the Democratic party is in entire possession of the State -government, this compact(?) and mobile(?) army of black voters occupies -a position of such strategical importance that unless they be dislodged -by the most radical method their mastery must be forever -acknowledged(?). Now, to conclude, since a dozen colored voters might -hold the balance of power in town or county, the bitter irony of the -situation is overwhelming.[1] The South is simply driven by its own -irrefutable(?) logic to total disfranchisement of the Negro, there being -no safe stopping point short of the practical exclusion of the colored -inhabitants of a dozen or more states from any part in the making or -administering of the laws, national, state or municipal under which they -live(!). All this the South, impelled by her honest desire(!) for good -government, and resolutely turning her back upon past methods of fraud -and violence,(!) means to accomplish legally--provided Congress and the -Supreme Court throw over her naked but unalterable will the broad mantle -of legality. - - [1] In West Virginia there are, on the Census basis (958,800 = whole - population, less 43,499-colored population = 915,301-white - population, divided by 3.6 = ratio of white population, generally - to white males of voting age.) 254,250 white voters; and (43,499 = - colored population, divided by 4.3-ratio of colored population to - colored male adults = 10,116 colored voters, of whom 32.3 per cent. - are illiterate, = 3267 illiterate colored men,) but 3,267 - illiterate colored voters, or about one eightieth of the electorate - (257,517 divided by 3,267): yet, even though the national ticket - threatened to be hurt by it, it was impossible to stifle the cry - for disfranchisement of ignorant black voters as the paramount - issue of the West Virginia democratic campaign of 1904. - -We are reminded of the story of the princess, who wandering in rags, -came to a palace and begged accommodation there befitting one of royal -blood. The old queen, not sure that she was a princess, determined to -test her veracity in this way: She lay a pea upon the floor and piled -upon it a dozen feather-beds. If she felt the pea, it was plain that she -was a true princess. Morning came none too soon for the unhappy lady, -who confessed to the queen having spent a miserable night, something -hard in her bed having bruised her till she was black and blue. No -longer could the queen doubt that she was a real princess, for who else -could have been so delicate. And she was forthwith married to the heir -apparent to the throne. So the South acts on the belief that if she be -absolutely intolerant of the slightest degree of political power in the -hands of colored men, that the North must see in the very violence of -her antipathy, the hopelessness of any other solution. - -This happily settled, the South after fifteen years of uncertainty, -hopes to be able to turn her attention to material problems. But though -the Caesars may rob February of days to enrich July and August, the -seasons remain unchanged. The economic and moral laws of the universe -remain in operation and give assurance that no solution can be more than -temporary in which the Negro is dealt with falsely and unjustly. - -Meantime what had been the course of the Republican party, which, by its -own declaration "had reconstructed the Union with freedom instead of -slavery as its corner-stone?" Listen to the reading of the suffrage -planks in the platforms of ten presidential campaigns:-- - -[1868.] - -The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the -South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of -gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained; while the question of -suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those -States. - -The recent amendments to the National Constitution should be cordially -sustained because they are right, not merely tolerated because they are -law, and should be carried out according to their spirit by appropriate -legislation, the enforcement of which can safely be entrusted only to -the party that secured those amendments. - -[1872.] - -Complete liberty and exact equality in the enjoyment of all civil, -political and public rights should be established and effectually -maintained throughout the Union by efficient and appropriate State and -Federal legislation. Neither the law nor its administration should admit -any discrimination in respect of citizens by reason of race, creed, -color or previous condition of servitude. - -[1876.] - -The Republican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth -anniversary of the Nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the -great truth spoken at its cradle--"that all men are created equal; that -they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among -which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that for the -attainment of these ends governments have been instituted among men, -deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Until -these truths are cheerfully obeyed, or, if need be, vigorously enforced, -the work of the Republican party is unfinished. - -The permanent pacification of the Southern section of the Union and the -complete protection of all its citizens in the free enjoyment of all -their rights is a duty to which the Republican party stands sacredly -pledged. The power to provide for the enforcement of the principles -embodied in the recent Constitutional Amendments is vested by those -amendments in the Congress of the United States, and we declare it to be -the solemn obligation of the legislative and executive departments of -the Government to put into immediate and vigorous exercise all their -constitutional powers for removing any just causes of discontent on the -part of any class, and for securing to every American citizen complete -liberty and exact equality in the exercise of all civil, political and -public rights. To this end we imperatively demand a Congress and a Chief -Executive whose courage and fidelity to these duties shall not falter -until these results are placed beyond dispute or recall. - -[1880.] - -The dangers of a "Solid South" can only be averted by a faithful -performance of every promise which the Nation has made to the citizen. -The execution of the laws, and the punishment of all those who violate -them, are the only safe methods by which an enduring peace can be -secured and genuine prosperity established throughout the South. -Whatever promises the Nation makes the Nation must perform. A Nation -cannot with safety relegate this duty to the States. The "Solid South" -must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all honest -opinions must there find free expression. To this end the honest voter -must be protected against terrorism, violence or fraud. - -[1884.] - -The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free -ballot, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and -violence practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the -will of a voter is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free -institutions; and we solemnly arraign the Democratic party as being the -guilty recipient of fruits of such fraud and violence. - -We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former -party affiliations, our cordial sympathy, and pledge to them our most -earnest efforts to promote the passage of such legislation as will -secure to every citizen, of whatever race and color, the full and -complete recognition, possession and exercise of all civil and political -rights. - -[1888.] - -We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the national Constitution and to -the indissoluble union of the States; to the autonomy reserved to the -States under the Constitution; to the personal rights and liberties of -citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially -to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or -poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot in -public elections and to have that ballot duly counted. We hold the free -and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all -the people to be the foundation of our republican government, and demand -effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, -which are the fountains of all public authority. - -[1892.] - -We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to -cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections, and that -such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast; that such laws shall -be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich or -poor, native or foreign born, white or black, this sovereign right -guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot, the -just and equal representation of all the people, as well as their just -and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation of our -Republican institutions, and the party will never relent its efforts -until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of elections shall be -fully guaranteed and protected in every State. - -[1896.] - -We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to -cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot to be -counted and returned as cast. - -[1900.] - -It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution -to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the -elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory -or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are -revolutionary, and should be condemned. - -[1904.] - -We favor such Congressional action as shall determine whether by special -discriminations the elective franchise in any State has been -unconstitutionally limited, and, if such is the case, we demand that -representation in Congress and in the electoral colleges shall be -proportionally reduced as directed by the Constitution of the United -States. - -From '68 till '96 there was posted on the bill-boards of the party, the -same declaration in favor of a free and unrestricted ballot, supported -by the unyielding determination of the party to protect this right. But -in that year there came a change. Perhaps it was that the mass of -unredeemed pledges fell of their own weight, and the time seemed -opportune to substitute a less weighty declaration; perhaps the party -only sought a more efficient means of accomplishing its unalterable -purpose. Whatever the cause, there began from this time, a diminuendo -which has grown fainter until in 1904 the 15th Amendment was heard no -more. To time, some say, must be left this task, too great for a -political party to perform. But there is grave danger in leaving to time -the execution of justice. The evil grows, the power of correcting it -diminishes. Early in its course injustice may be stopped, later perhaps -not at all. The future course of the party with regard 'to the supreme -and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, white or -black, to cast one free ballot in public elections and to have that -ballot duly counted,' is gravely complicated by the rapid and momentous -changes taking place in American society. - -The gulf between the sections, which the Constitution merely bridged -proved so deep, because it grew out of differences in the social, if not -the moral natures of the inhabitants of the two parts of the country. -These types have been compared to those opposed in the English Civil -War, and hence called Puritan and Cavalier. But whatever the name, the -differential fact was this: in the North men and women did their own -work, while in the South others did their work for them. Until this -great economic and social difference, which made diverging ideals, -diverging habits, diverging tastes, ceased to be, real sympathy was -impossible. That gulf, which widened into bitter civil war, is now -closing; the two types are drawing nearer; the divorce between sections -is shifting around to a divorce between classes. Therefore it is that in -a part of the writing and ruling class, we feel that there is a -gravitating of morals southward.[2] The North, which spent millions in -lives and money to destroy Negro slavery in the South, seems engaged in -making white slaves at home. If the political and social position of the -white laborer in the North is declining, our chance of obtaining justice -through active Northern sympathy is greatly lessened. In this issue -which remains that of the comparative "hideousness" of the slave-holder -and the slave, every foot added to the social separation of the Northern -employer and employee is a stroke in the knell of political equality for -the Negro. - - [2] "The Republican party in its work of imposing the sovereignty of - the United States upon eight millions of Asiatics, has changed its - views in regard to the political relation of races and has at last - virtually accepted the ideas of the South upon that subject. The - white men of the South need now have no further fear that the - Republican party, or Republican administrations, will ever again - give themselves over to the vain imagination of the political - equality of man." - - --[Burgess--Reconstruction and the Constitution, page 298.] - -It is a mistake, therefore, to assume that there is active in the -country a spirit of freedom strong enough to set us free; a power -employed in doing justice, strong enough to do justice to us. The -country is returning to the conditions existing before '61, even passing -these and returning to the conditions existing before 1776,--in -politics, because it is doing the same in _morals_. Moral betterment -requires that we put a deeper, broader and stronger foundation under the -old foundation of our lives; and this can only be done by removing each -day a bit of sand and filling in the space with stone. Days of -tremendous business activity, or national triumph are not likely to be -so spent. - -We _must_ not make the mistake of assuming that there is power in the -nation to do us justice. "Not in a republic," some one may ask? No! Von -Holst says: "That virtue is the specific vital principle of republics is -a delusion. The historical course of development, natural circumstances, -material interests and political and social customs are the elements by -which, in all states without exception, the form of the state is in the -first place conditioned." Not after the pledges of the Constitution, -again it may be asked? No, the Constitution is an ideal, not a real body -of law. Von Holst wrote: "Polk had once stated that the nature of -American institutions offered the world ample security that the United -States would never pursue a policy of aggressive conquest. -Notwithstanding the commentary that he had himself given on this -proposition, it contained a kernel of significant truth. The nature of -their institutions forbade the United States to hold in violent -subjection, under the iron hand of conquest, a realm of the extent of -Mexico for any length of time. This would soon have become so perfectly -clear to the people that they would either have driven the originator -and guiding spirit of the war in shame and disgrace from his office and -dignity, and have reduced all these conditions of peace to the utmost -moderation, or they would have proceeded to a formal and complete -incorporation of Mexico with the Union." And before 1900, as a result of -the war with Spain, the impossible, the absolutely forbidden by the -nature of their institutions had been accomplished. How obscure the -vision of the historian! The Constitution is not written in the hearts -of the American people, but in the sky, where it is hidden every cloudy -day. And yet again, it will be asked: Not in the New World, not in -America? Justice demands a careful consideration of every case; it -cannot be machine-made; it cannot be wholesaled. The exact measure of -justice is hard to find, harder to administer; it cannot be had without -patient search, calm temper, righteousness, courage. I know not whether -America has time to seek the intricate path of justice, or patience and -courage to follow it when found. The cry 'forward' grows even louder, -more insistent, more passionate. Can the country safely put down the -brakes; dare it turn from its rapid way to material prosperity? But a -little greater momentum is needed and reactionaries will rise only to be -irresistibly swept aside. Doubts, weariness, exhaustion even will not -stop the rapidly revolving wheels. Only in the _wake_ of such frenzied -progress there will follow rest, the rest of death. Study the wreckage -in the South in the trail of slavery, black, and what is far worse, -white illiteracy, brutality, wretched sloth. Observe the turning of -defeat in the struggle into despair, then stagnation upon which forms a -film, a scum, a crust which becomes strong enough to defy efforts to -break it. So is brought about the stratification of society called -caste. Above, the upper world, ever turning to law and punishment to -crush those who threaten this floor, upon which they stand from beneath, -ever appealing to the prejudices of their class to persecute into -submission those whose sense of justice or generosity threatens the -crust from above. Beneath, the under world, sweating, spawning, -gathering from its own misery and the dregs of vice and luxury from -above poison, and shaping from its own eager thousands of ambitious -men,--yes, and after the boldest men of the class above, fangs, that it -may become all that revolution is wont to be. - -In such a society is born the conqueror, man of destiny, as he seems. In -mountain, in desert or in slum, he may have his birth. Oftenest he is a -military, yet sometimes a spiritual conqueror. In the west of Europe, -two thousand years ago was born Julius Caesar; in the East, Jesus -Christ. From mountain, wilderness and slum, each drew his followers. -Caesar gathered the driftwood of the decaying Republic into an army, and -upon this bridge crossed the Rubicon and established empire. Christ, -too, gathered up the driftwood of decaying Rome and fashioned out of it -that noble band which is the inspiration of every true Church in the -Christian world. The classes you would disfranchise will become the -makers of a political slum. They are materials for working out the glory -or the ruin of the nation. Exclude them from the benefits, the -privileges of other classes and you invite criminality: from outcast to -outlaw is but one step. Include them, and who can measure the addition -to the sum of human happiness? In the answer to the question: what -forces are at work checking the too great increase of a people? what is -the principle of selection? what sort are disappearing, what sort -preserved?--may be read the country's destiny. - -Outside of the slave states, equal participation in the government by -all citizens has been the foundation stone of the Republic. For a brief -moment slavery was dead, and all men were freemen. But slavery is alive -again, and if its growth is not resisted, will again be restored in all -but name. The words of Calhoun deserve to be called a prophecy. -"_Without political and social equality_," he said, "_to change the -condition of the African race would be but to change the form of -slavery."_ The South accepts the alternative and resolves that, whatever -the cost, political and social equality shall never be. The North must -yield; _she_ will not. While some are trusting to the finality of the -13th Amendment, others to industrial opportunity, others still to -political without social equality, the South with bull-dog tenacity -sticks to her resolution that there shall be none of these. But a year -ago Carl Schurz declared: "There will be a movement either in the -direction of reducing the Negro to a permanent condition of serfdom ... -or a movement in the direction of recognizing him as a citizen in the -true sense of the term. One or the other will prevail." - -Are there reasons wanting why the nation should keep true to its -foundation principles? Granting that the pathway to freedom is now -harder to follow, should the forward movement be abandoned? How else -than by manfully pressing on to a broad humanity, can the Republic, -reconstructed with freedom as its corner-stone, remain? As the old cords -fail to hold together the more distant and divided political and ethnic -units of population, there must be woven new bonds of sympathy,--at -least, of toleration, else some must be hung with chains. There are -many, many reasons, rulers of the commonwealth, why the electorate -should not be reduced:-- - -Above all, it is selfish. "The continual and diligent elevation of that -lower mass which human society everywhere is constantly precipitating," -to borrow the words of Cable, is incompatible with the _spirit_ of -restriction. - -It is inequitable. For, again quoting from this author: "There is no -safe protection but self-protection: poverty needs at least as much -civil equipment, for self-protection as property needs: the right and -liberty to acquire intelligence, virtue and wealth are just as precious -as the right and liberty to maintain them, and need quite as much -self-protection." - -It is subversive of the republican basis of the state,--tending as it -does to deposit more and more political power in the hands of fewer and -fewer men. From "all up" to "some down" in the matter of political -rights is a precipitous leap: but this step once taken, a gentle slope -succeeds. From many to fewer members of the privileged class, the mind -advances easily, with no intrusive principle to block the way. If a poll -tax of one dollar can be made a condition of voting regardless of -ability to pay it, then why not ten or twenty? If a poll tax, why not a -property tax, or wealth? If ability to interpret the Constitution, why -not a college education? - -As restriction is practiced in the South, it breeds contempt for the -law: - -And increasing unrest, for like a snowball it swells and gathers fresh -resistance as it goes: - -And dishonesty, for the disfranchising laws are not being lived up to. -This is inherent, for the acquisition of the required knowledge or -wealth would defeat the very object of the law. It puts a premium upon -ignorance, for thereby the desired end of disfranchisement is -furthered:--And upon thriftlessness, for the same reason;--And upon -criminality and false charges of crime, since even this price must be -paid by those determined to work their will. - -What evils of universal suffrage are equal to these? Can an appeal be -made in the name of minority rights by those who would themselves efface -minorities?[3] When slaves were escaping, they demanded that the -constitutional guarantees be fulfilled to the letter, clamored like -Shylock for the pound of flesh which the law allowed. Now, too, they -demand of the amendments as before of the clauses of the instrument -reserving power to the states, that they be construed by the -letter:--but with what a change of object,--no longer that the rights of -minorities may be respected but that they may be utterly suppressed. - - [3] In two states, viz; Mississippi and South Carolina, the colored - people are in the majority. In the other four disfranchising - states, as well as all other Southern states, they are in the - minority. In the group of states disfranchising the colored voters, - viz; N. C., S. C., Va., Ala., Miss., and La., the - - white population is - 5,396,649 = 55 per cent. - - colored " " - 4,453,253 = 45 per cent. - - total " " - 9,849,902 = 100 per cent. - - --BY THE 12TH CENSUS (1900.) - -And if it be asserted that the superior must be allowed to rule, is -superiority to be proved by a fiat of brute force? Is mere armed -lawlessness the index of superior worth? When the nations agreed to fix -limits to the cruelties of war, did they thereby place a penalty upon -brains? - -Finally, is it claimed that a free ballot signifies unlimited -corruption? Read the answer in England's purification of her politics: I -quote from Sir Thomas Erskine May:-- - -"Political morality may be elevated by extending liberties: but bribery -has everywhere been the vice of growing wealth." "The first election of -George the Third's reign was signalized by unusual excesses:" A seat in -Parliament was for sale, like an estate and they bought it without -hesitation or misgiving. "Nor were they regarded with much favor by the -leaders of parties; for men who had bought their seats,--and paid dearly -for them,--owed no allegiance to political patrons. "They sought -admission to Parliament, not so much with a view to a political career, -as to serve mere personal ends, to forward commercial speculations, to -extend their connections and to gratify their social aspirations. But -their independence and ambition well fitted them for the service of the -court.... They soon ranged themselves among the king's friends: and thus -the court policy,--which was otherwise subversive of freedom became -associated with parliamentary corruption. "When the return of members -was left to a small but independent body of electors, their individual -votes were secured by bribery: and where it rested with proprietors or -corporations, the seat was purchased outright." Gatton e. g. was sold -for L75,000. Of the 658 members of the House of Commons 487 were -returned by nomination ... not more than one third of the House were the -free choice of the limited bodies of electors then intrusted with the -franchise.... Representatives holding their seats by a general system of -corruption could scarcely fail to be themselves corrupt. What they had -bought, they were but too ready to sell. And how glittering the prizes -offered as the price of their services! Peerages, baronetcies, patronage -and court favor for the rich--places, pensions and bribes for the needy. -All that the government had to bestow they could command.... Another -instrument of corruption was found in the raising of money for the -public service. In March 1763, Lord Bute contracted a loan of three -millions and a half; and having distributed shares among his -friends,--the scrip immediately rose to a premium of 11 per cent.... -Here the country sustained a loss of L385,000.... Stock jobbing became -the fashion; and many members of Parliament were notoriously concerned -in it. Again in 1781 ... a loan of L12,000,000 was contracted to defray -the cost of the disastrous American war.... Its terms were so favorable -that suddenly the scrip rose nearly 11 per cent. It was computed by Mr. -Fox that a profit of L900,000 would be derived from the loan; and by -others that half of the loan was subscribed for by members of the House -of Commons. Lord Rockingham said. "The loan was made merely for the -purpose of corrupting the Parliament to support a wicked, impolitic and -ruinous _war_. - -Now as to the electorate. "In Scotland in 1831, the total number of -county voters did not exceed 2500; and the constituencies of the 66 -boroughs amounted to 1440.... The county of Argyll, with a population of -100,000 had but 115 electors: Caithness with 36,000, contained 47 free -holders. Edinburgh and Glasgow, the two first cities of Scotland, had -each a constituency of 33 persons.... A great kingdom, with more than -two millions of people,--intelligent, instructed, industrious and -peaceable,--was virtually disfranchised.... According to a statement -made by the Duke of Richmond in 1780, not more than 6,000 men returned a -clear majority of the British House of Commons.... It was alleged in the -petition of the Society of the Friends of the People (presented in -1793.) that 84 individuals absolutely returned 157 members to Parliament -... and that a majority of the House were returned by 154 patrons.... - -"The glaring defects and vices of the representative system which have -now been exposed,--the restricted and unequal franchise, the bribery of -a limited electoral body, and the corruption of the representatives -themselves,--formed the strongest arguments for Parliamentary reform.... -The theory of an equal representation, had in the course of ages, been -entirely subverted.... The Reform bill of 1832 supplied the cure. "It -was," says May, "a measure, at once bold, comprehensive, moderate and -constitutional. Popular: but not democratic:--it extended liberty, -without hazarding revolution. In 1850 the representation of the country -was reconstructed on a wider basis. Large classes had been admitted to -the franchise: and the House of Commons represented more freely the -interests and political sentiments of the people. The reformed -Parliament, accordingly, has been more liberal and progressive in its -policy than the Parliaments of old, more vigorous and active; more -susceptible to the influence of public opinion: and more secure in the -confidence of the people." - -Here let us leave the history of English political corruption and the -remedy which was found in a fairer representation of the people. In -truth, we might well have left it sooner--if not altogether; for it is -likely to be said that all of this is nothing to the purpose. The South -has before her the practical problem of dealing with some millions of -Negroes, to the solution of which, the experience of the English people -furnishes no aid. Once more, then, we must consider the actual situation -in this country to-day. - -The Negro problem has been stated: What does justice to the Negro -demand? Approaching our subject from this point of view, we may try to -conclude:-- - -1st. What justice _does_ demand; and - -2nd. What the Negro must do to get it. - -What, to begin with, is the answer of the South to the former? It is -familiar to us all and would seem to be the nearly unanimous voice of -the Southern people. The Negro, they say, is ignorant, lazy and vicious. -Slavery, so far as its effect on the slave is concerned, was a -beneficent institution, raising him from his previous savagery to a -plane of humble usefulness. There, however, his incurable inferiority -destines him forever to remain. This, the South insists she has settled -in wisdom and kindliness. The North, so runs her speech, -misunderstanding the South and the Negro, unjustly forced on the Civil -war, to compel her to change her domestic institutions. But that -attempt, foredoomed to failure, has resulted in nothing more than the -abolition of slavery, and a cruel loss of life and property, partly -compensated for by the consequent revelation of her boundless resources -of courage, loyalty and united resolve. Slavery, while a Southern -institution, was not a bond of perfect union; but upon the platform of -black inferiority and white domination, every Southern man has his foot -squarely planted. Her answer, therefore, to all criticism is to point -with pride to the solid South. - -How often are we called upon to see with pain and wonder that opinions, -theories, even the mind itself is shaped by actions. Nature, aiming at -preservation of life, is quick to heal all possible wounds, to reconcile -warring impulses, to gloss and beautify deformities, and even to conceal -dangers and snares. She gives men language to justify their misdeeds, -teaches them how to embalm their errors in the secretion of their -intellects, and even preserves the lying epitaphs which they inscribe -over the remains of their vanity and pride. To change an opinion, it is -necessary commonly to change a course of action, and until the life of -the South changes, there seems no reasonable expectation that her -opinions will change. Disfranchisement is but a symptom of the diseased -Southern body politic, and who can tell whether the surgeon's knife will -not reach the sources of life itself in seeking for a cure. - -Sufficient then to herself,--wholly insufficient, false, and cruel to -us, is this answer. If there were but these two parties to the cause, -there would be no need to consider it. There remains, however, the still -hesitating, ever-divided public opinion of the North--now the judge in -the Freedmen's case. It is fitting that in her court, our replication -should be boldly made. There we proclaim that the South is not doing -justice to colored men. - -The Negroes, say Southern men, are ignorant, lazy, vicious,--a perpetual -menace to the rule and order of white men. Is this believable? Did God -so make the world that after three thousand years of progressive white -civilization;--in a country where there are sixty millions of white men, -entrenched in their possession of armies and navies, wealth, power and -endless resources of trained intellect;--that nine millions of colored -people, rich in nothing but their sufferings, threaten to put the bottom -on top? And if chance rules the world, and ignorance, laziness and vice -are as likely to prevail as knowledge, industry and virtue, we may as -well believe that ignorance and laziness and vice underlie white -civilization and supremacy. No, we may confidently answer: this is not -believable. Either these nine millions of colored people are not -ignorant, lazy and vicious, or there are no grounds for the fear that -they can for an hour put into danger the continuance of white -domination, even in the blackest portion of the black South. - -There is indeed proof obtainable that they are neither ignorant, lazy -and vicious, nor a menace to rule and order. If they were near neighbors -of the brutes would the elaborate defensive preparations be necessary -which the South continues feverishly to make? Do the savages of Africa -enact disfranchising clauses to keep apes and monkeys out of their -political affairs? If ignorance so submerges the black man, why does not -the Massachusetts principle of protecting the ballot prevail in the -South? Why is it necessary to require the voter to read, yes, and -_interpret satisfactorily, any_ clause in the state constitution?[4] If -sloth curses the Negro with unfruitfulness, why require property to the -assessed value of $300? If the assessed value be two thirds of the real -value, this means that nearly $500; if one third, then nearly $1000 is -fixed as the minimum possession of the black voter. Does this precaution -point to shiftlessness? If viciousness be indelibly stamped upon his -nature, why not rely upon his disfranchisement for crime to eliminate -the colored voters? Are the white juries not to be trusted to condemn -the accused? Are the leased convicts not worth their cost of keeping? It -has been more than once said that 90,000 of the 90,000 colored people in -the District of Columbia are criminals. If the same proportion maintains -elsewhere, what more is needed to accomplish the desired end? - - [4] The requirement that the voter be able to read (or write) _and_ - interpret satisfactorily, in the Virginia registration requirement - before Jan. 1, 1904, is an advance upon the earlier clauses, which - left the alternative. I am not sure but that it reappears in the - Maryland law not yet in operation. It is an interesting fact that - it was _Senator Daniels of Virginia_ who once called the attention - of the Senate to the injustice done the South by Senator Spooner's - assertion that voters were, without alternative, required to - interpret passages from the Constitutions. - -Yet disfranchisement for ignorance, for thriftlessness, and vice all -together are acknowledged to be insufficient, and resort must be had -again to manipulation, juggling, and confessed dishonesty. Rev. Edgar -Gardiner Murphy, Executive Secretary of the Southern Education Board, a -distinguished witness, testifying against interest, says: "The -instrument of discrimination has been found in the discretionary powers -lodged in the board of registrars, by which worthy Negro men, fairly -meeting every test of suffrage have been excluded from registration."(?) -Where the fact is so freely admitted, proof seems wasted, yet abundant -corroboration may easily be had[5]. - - [5] The following clipping from the Baltimore American, I cannot - refrain from reading:-- - - "In the recent election the democratic judges of election in many - of the counties proved that they were unable even to count ballots - properly marked, and when it came to putting a reasonable - interpretation on the intention of a voter they were either wholly - ignorant or wholly dishonest. It is perfectly safe to say that not - one-third of the democratic judges who served at the Maryland - election of last week could themselves give an intelligent - interpretation of any section in the Constitution. Many of them do - not even know what the Constitution is, and the man who suggested - that they would take it to be a new kind of drink did not overshoot - the mark. Fine professors of constitutional history these men would - make!" - -The fact as well as the extent of disfranchisement is revealed by the -statistical summaries:-- - - - *STATISTICAL SUMMARIES* - - - - _TABLE_ 1 - ---------------------------------------- - ADULT MALE OR COLORED VOTING - POPULATION, 1900, ESTIMATED AT 1 IN - 4.3. - ---------------------------------------- - Virginia 660,722 / 46,122. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Nor. Car. 624,469 / 127,114. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - South Car. 782,321 / 152,860. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Alabama 827,307 / 181,471. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Mississippi 907,630 / 197,936. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Louisiana 650,804 / 147,348. - 4.3 = - ---------------------------------------- - Total 4,453,251. - ---------------------------------------- - - - _TABLE_ 2 - ------------------------------------------------------ - CENSUS OF NEGROES BEFORE PASSAGE OF REVISED - CONSTITUTIONS. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Virginia 1900 115,865 (T.Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Nor. Car. " 133,081 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - South Car. 1892 13,384 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 1900 55,512 Pres. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Mississippi 1888 30,096 - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1888 30,701 - ------------------------------------------------------ - - - _TABLE_ 3 - ------------------------------------------------------ - CENSUS OF NEGROES AFTER PASSAGE OF REVISED - CONSTITUTIONS. - ------------------------------------------------------ - Virginia 1904 47,880 (W. Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Nor. Car. " 82,442 " - ------------------------------------------------------ - So. Car. 1900 3,579 Pres. (T.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - So. Car. 1904 2,554 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 1904 22,472 (W. Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Miss. 1900 5,753 Pres. (T. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Miss. 1904 3,189 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1900 14,234 Pres. (T. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - Louisiana 1904 5,205 Pres. (W. - Al.) - ------------------------------------------------------ - - - _TABLE_ 4 - ---------------------------------------------------- - REGISTRATION OF COLORED VOTERS. (Newspaper - estimate.) - ---------------------------------------------------- - State Literate _Registered_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - Virginia equal 69,358 - ---------------------------------------------------- - North Carolina 59,625 _"Less than - 6,000"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - South Carolina 69,242 - ---------------------------------------------------- - Alabama 73,474 _"Hardly - 2,500"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - Mississippi 92,605 - ---------------------------------------------------- - Louisiana 57,086 _"1,147"_ - ---------------------------------------------------- - - - _TABLE_ 5 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - REPUBLICAN VOTE IN THE SIX STATES; VOTE AFTER DISFRANCHISEMENT - SCORED. (World Almanac of 1904.) - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - YEAR VA. NORTH SOUTH ALA. MISS. LA. - CAR. CAR. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1872 93,468 94,783 72,290 90,272 82,175 59,975 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1876 76,093 108,419 92,081 68,230 52,605 75,315 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1880 83,639 115,874 58,071 56,178 34,854 38,016 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1884 139,356 125,068 21,733 59,144 43,509 46,347 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1888 150,438 134,784 13,736 57,197 30,096 30,701 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1892 113,217 100,846 13,384 9,197 1,406 26,563 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1900 115,865 133,081 3,579 55,512 5,753 14,234 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1904 47,880 82,442 2,554 22,472 3,189 5,205 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - 1872, 1876, Va., N.C., S.C., Ala. (Tribune Almanac of 1896.) - 1872, Louisiana (World Almanac.) - 1892, Louisiana (Republican and Populists.) - 1892, N.C.; 1900, 1904 (Due to Populists.) - -Every fresh barrier erected in the South simply publishes to the world -the weakness and inefficiency of those already raised. Each time -dishonest methods are newly justified, and violent declarations, -applauded, fresh evidence is given that these Southern men cannot on its -merits win their case. The policy of white domination is stripped to -unblushing nakedness, and confident of the fear of those who remained -for two hundred years enslaved, the South narrows the issue to one of -physical courage, inviting the Negro to wrest from her the power, which -stands between him and justice, freedom, happiness. _It is not then in -the ignorance, laziness, and vice of the Negro, that the white South -trusts, for the continuance of her policy, but in his defencelessness._ - -_To these Southern men, we can make but one reply. Unmistakably our -courage is the issue._ But before considering how best to treat their -sinister challenge, let us answer to the Republican party the question: -What does justice to the Negro demand? Our reply is simple,--the -fulfillment of the promise, which was treasured up in the hearts of four -million men as they passed through the doors of slavery into the light -of freedom;--the promise, which they have left to their children as -their one priceless inheritance: "The guarantee by Congress of equal -suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every -consideration of public safety, of gratitude and of justice, and must be -maintained"--this was the promise of the Republican party in 1868. The -freedman appeals to the creator of his political rights, as Tennyson to -the Creator of his being:-- - - Thou wilt not leave us in the dust; - Thou madest man, he _knows_ not why; - He thinks he was not made to die; - And Thou hast made him,--Thou art just. - -Is it then fair to leave to us the vindication of the Reconstruction -policy against men of the South, the North and even influential members -of the party's own councils? Must we meet the charge that the Republican -party was moved by revenge and folly, and prove that there was no other -way to secure the foundation of freedom, which hundreds of thousands had -died to win? Were those terrible years of death a mere night over the -gaming table, with two haggard players, 'breaking even' at dawn? Is it -left to us to rescue from their own sons the fame of the heroes of the -war against slavery and restore the honorable inscriptions recorded on -their tombs? When men talk of 'the greatest error of Reconstruction,' -has the murder of Lincoln no claim to the place? Does not John Wilkes -Booth better merit derisive canonizing than "Saint" John Brown? If it -was irony for the "Reconstruction" legislatures to impose heavy taxes -upon a people who had just emerged from a ruinous war and by bonded -indebtedness extend the obligation to future generations, was it not -also irony to punish and re-enslave by vagrancy laws the men who without -an acre or a dollar were now _called_ free? - -And if it _was_ hate, and revenge, and folly, which brought about the -'War Amendments,' can they be honorably withdrawn now? Is there no -doctrine in law, which forbids one's renouncing an act after he has -profited by it? But could the elections have been won and the policies -maintained without the aid of the colored voter? Is there need of a -statute of limitations to stop a political party from withdrawing the -promises upon which it has encouraged millions of trusting people to -build for forty years? Can it be honestly claimed that three-fourths of -the States of the Union gave the ballot to the slave just out of the -slave pen, with the implied condition that if he failed to prove himself -able from the outset to resist temptation to childish indulgence and -childish dishonesty, seduced as he was by the Northern men whom -gratitude bade him trust and follow, he should lose it forever? Is this -the Eden where we met our "fall?" A sober Anglo-Saxon definition of -justice is given by Sidgwick: "Justice is realized (1) in the observance -of law, and contracts, and definite understandings, and in the -enforcement of such penalties for the violation of these as have been -legally determined and announced; and (2) in the fulfilment of natural -and normal expectations." That the nation's laws will be upheld is the -first requirement of justice.[6] - - [6] Here is an instance of a President's devotion to existing laws: - *With the Confederate government fully installed two weeks - before*,--Lincoln said in his inaugural address, that "he had no - purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of - slavery." Is a manual needed in the United States to tell for what - purposes and under what circumstances the law will be enforced? - -But yet again are we brought back to the ignorance, shiftlessness and -criminality of the Negro. Their fathers, so say these wiser Northern -sons, could not know of these evils, which to them have been revealed. -No, they could not: had their lives been spared till now there had been -no such evils to reveal. Under freedom's blaze ignorance was sucked up -as the stagnant waters from a pool. With nearly the entire number of -slaves illiterate, with no schools yet built, and only those large -hearted teachers to face the enormous educational work whose -ministrations to the needy were their only pay, more was done in the -years just after the liberation of the slaves, to remove, their -ignorance, than twenty-five thousand teachers in hundreds of schools -have done in the last decade since.[7] Progress in earning and saving -corresponded. And there was little increase of crime. A few years more -of the sunlight and who doubts that these charges could never have been -brought against us! And by whom are we charged with being criminal? -Surely not by the South? - - [7] Per cent. of illiteracy. - - Colored population in 1860 4,441,830. - - Of this about 9 per cent. (488,070) was free--perhaps 1/2 of this - was literate, i.e., about 5 per cent. of the whole. - - Equal 95 per cent. or higher. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1870 equal whole population, - 4,880,009, less 28.7 per cent. equals under 10 leaving 3,464,806. - Above 10, unable to write, 2,789,689. - - Equal 80 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1880 4,601,207. Above 10, - unable to write, 3,220,878. - - Equal 70 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1890 5,328,972. Above 10, - unable to write, 3,042,668. - - Equal 57.1 per cent. - - Colored population above 10 years in 1900 6,415,581. Above 10, - unable to write, 2,853,194. - - Equal 44.5 per cent. - -Is it credible that our millions lived under the benign influence of -slavery, almost without crime and continued even after the Emancipation -Act to live peacefully and honestly:--and then, upon the passage of the -14th Amendment dropped suddenly from this moral zenith? Such sudden -transformations are not natural: either slavery made the criminality of -the African: or held it in a grip barely strong enough to prevent its -issue in acts of violence: or, else this record of crime is false. One -of these three explanations, we cannot choose but accept. The South at -least, cannot admit the first, for slavery, they declared, even before -God at His Altar, to be a benign institution; neither can they admit the -second, for it, too, is inconsistent with the gentleness and benignity -of slavery. But will they admit the third? "Nine tenths of the illicit -gains," says James Bryce, speaking of Reconstruction, "went to the -whites." Into like parts, Woodrow Wilson divides the responsibility and -the discredit. "Negroes," he writes, constituted the majority of their -electorates, but political power gave them no advantage of their own. -Adventurers swarmed out of the North, to cozen, beguile and use them.... -They gained the confidence of the Negroes, obtained for themselves the -more lucrative offices, and lived upon the public treasury, public -contracts and their easy control of affairs. For the Negroes there was -nothing but occasional allotments of abandoned or forfeited land, the -pay of petty offices, a per-diem allowance as members of the -conventions, and the state legislatures, which their new masters made -business for, or the wages of servants in the various offices of -administration. Their ignorance and credulity made them easy dupes. A -petty favor, a slender stipend, a trifling perquisite, a bit of poor -land, a piece of money satisfied, or silenced them." This is the record -of crime until the quickly passing day of freedom was ended. And if -crime has increased since, so presently will ignorance increase and -idleness unless their growth is checked by the restoration of freedom -and justice and hope. Punishment will fail to stop the growth of -idleness, vice and crime, as it has always failed, and if brutal -punishments are next resorted to when milder ones have failed, one -sickens at the prospect. Can Southern, abetted by Northern men strew the -earth with the seeds of accursed slavery, bastardy and treason, secret -conspiracy, callous, sneering fraud and the brutality of the mob, and -think to stop by lynching the harvest of black duplicity, bred of fear, -and black criminality, bred of misery and hate,--when they have gathered -enough of the fruits to make an exhibit of Negro vice? The departure of -lynching waits for two events: the breeding of the animal out the most -wretched Negroes until they find greater satisfaction in something -higher than sensuality and revenge; and the breeding of savage cruelty -out of the white man until he can find pleasure in something more humane -than torture by fire. As our counsellors bid us turn our attention to -the dark side of our life, we bid them turn theirs from it. Your boasted -civilization on its under side is but a progress from rape to adultery, -from brute to devil. The savage honors the brute and tortures the devil; -the civilized man tortures or crushes the brute and honors the devil. -There is a pitcher plant of California, which is so described: Above a -funnel shaped stem, it flaunts a crimson banner. The hood of the flower -is transparent, so that the wary are caught even in their efforts to -flee. From the mouth downwards the walls exude intoxicating sweets but -multitudinous hairs, all pointing downward, lower the victim farther -with every struggle. At its bottom a charnel heap, poisoning the air. -Such plants flourish amidst civilization, and millions are their -victims, who debauch their appetites until their intellects shrink to -the size of their already shrunken consciences, and they are helpless to -do anything but die. Liberty _is_ perilous, a very 'valley of the shadow -of death,' but the history of every nation which has lived and died -teaches us that the danger of a false step is even greater near the end -of the journey than at the beginning. Egypt, Assyria, Judea, Greece, -Rome--the history of every nation is a light-house marking a _reef_ in -the harbor of humanity. - -When Cain had killed Abel, he hid the body, and when God called, -replied, "Am I my brother's keeper?" A chill foreboding comes over us -with these Northern doubts of the wisdom of Reconstruction, and we -cannot refrain from wondering if the North still retains the sense of -duty of 61; if the North can do, can even will to do justice. And here -let us turn from our first question: What does justice to the Negro -demand? To the second: What can the Negro do to get justice? My end has -been reached if there is felt more than before the need of answering the -latter question. - -Underlying the civil laws of the nation are certain high ideals. The -fidelity of the nation to these is measured by the quality and the force -of public opinion. Just as long therefore as the republic endures, the -executive, legislative and judicial powers will obey the people's will. -To this oracle the rulers have again appealed, and its answer has been -an expression of renewed and increased confidence in the Republican -party. The hour of the new administration has almost come, and the -message may be now on its way to the country that the party pledges are -to be redeemed. It may be that there are brighter days before us; but -if, as in the past, we stand on no securer footing than two men -wrestling on a steep and icy hill-side, where both roll over and over, -and there is no chance between throwing and being thrown,--then it -matters not whether we appeal to President, or Congress, or Supreme -Court; to the 14th or 15th amendment, for the righting of our wrongs. - -Congress is empowered to enforce the 14th and 15th amendments by -appropriate legislation. Such legislation has been enacted and by one -President, at least, enforced. But, now, it is held that it must be -shown that the amendments are being violated, and this cannot be done -until the Supreme Court fully interprets them. What a mockery it has all -become! Insolently, sneeringly, the violators of the plain intent of the -law rise from their seats in Congress and demand how far they are going -to be obliged to walk around these Amendments instead of kicking them -aside. By law, or by force, colored men are being deprived of the right -to hold office; by law or by force excluded from the jury; by law or by -force sent into slavery for crimes of which they were convicted by these -juries from which they are excluded; by law or by force, they are being -disfranchised. The alternative is clear. Southern men do not evade it. -The revised Constitutions stand boldly for disqualification by law. -Southern Congressmen in debate as boldly proclaim the force. More -cautiously Mr. Murphy testifies to the same effect, denying that "the -abuse of discretionary power by the registrars of elections,--an abuse -which the State permits, but which the State does not necessitate or -prescribe, brings the State within reach of the penalties of the -Constitution." - -If not by law then the Constitution is nullified by force, and it -becomes the duty of Congress to maintain it. But is Congress so near the -performance of this obligation that we can profitably advise as to the -method? Shall we say that candidates for Congress, by force or fraud -elected, shall be refused their seats or that an election bill shall be -passed, guaranteeing just laws; or that the penalty clause of the 14th -Amendment shall be first enforced? At least, we had better wait until -the House has reversed the policy outlined by its Committee on -Elections, whose concluding words in the Dantzler-Lever case follow:-- - - "However desirable it may be for a legislative body to retain - control of the decision as to the election and qualification of - its members, it is quite certain that a legislative body is not - the ideal body to pass judicially upon the constitutionality of - the enactments of other bodies. We have in this country a proper - forum for the decision of constitutional and other judicial - questions. If any citizen of South Carolina who was entitled to - vote under the constitution of that State in 1868 is now - deprived by the provisions of the present constitution, he has - the right to tender himself for registration and for voting, and - in case his right is denied, to bring suit in a proper court for - the purpose of enforcing his right or recovering damages for its - denial. - - "That suit can be carried by him, if necessary, to the Supreme - Court of the United States. If the United States Supreme Court - shall declare in such case that the "fundamental conditions" in - the reconstruction acts were valid and constitutional and that - the State constitutions are in violation of those acts, and - hence invalid and unconstitutional every state will be compelled - to immediately bow in submission to the decision. The decision - of the Supreme Court would be binding and would be a positive - declaration of the law of the land which could not be denied or - challenged. - - "On the contrary, the decision of the House of Representatives - upon this grave judicial question would not be considered as - binding or effective in any case except the one acted upon or as - a precedent for future action in the House itself. - - "A majority of the Committee on Elections No. v doubt the - propriety in any event of denying these Southern States - representation in the House of Representatives pending a final - settlement of the whole question in proper proceedings by the - Supreme Court of the United States. Some of the members of the - committee believe the "fundamental conditions" set forth in the - reconstruction acts to be valid and the constitutions and - election laws of these States to be in conflict with such - conditions, and hence to be invalid. - - "Some of the members of the committee believe the "fundamental - conditions" set forth in the reconstruction acts to be invalid - and the constitutions and election laws of the States claimed to - be in conflict with such conditions to be valid. Some members of - the committee have formed no opinion and express no belief upon - the subject. - - "Your Committee on Elections No. i therefore respectively - recommend the adoption of the following resolution: - - "'_Resolved_. That Alexander D. Dantzler was not elected a - member of the Fifty-eighth Congress from the Seventh - Congressional district of South Carolina, and is not entitled to - a seat therein.'" - -If not by force then the Constitution is nullified by law, and the -Supreme Court must be looked to to maintain its vigor. Turning to the -Supreme Court, what do we find to be its answer? In the following words, -the Court concludes in the case of Giles vs Teasley, (the 4th Alabama -case) decided Feb. 23d, 1904:--(from this decision Justice Harlan -dissented.) - - "It is apparent that the thing complained of, so far as it - involves rights secured under the Federal Constitution, is the - action of the State of Alabama in the adoption and enforcing of - a constitution with the purpose of excluding from the exercise - of the right of suffrage the Negro voters of the State, in - violation of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the - United States. The great difficulty of reaching the political - action of a State through remedies afforded in the courts, State - or Federal, was suggested by this court in _Giles v. Harris, - supra_. - - "In reaching the conclusion that the present writs of error must - be dismissed the court is not unmindful of the gravity of the - statements of the complainant charging violation of a - constitutional amendment which is a part of the supreme law of - the land; but the right of this court to review the decisions of - the highest court of a State has long been well settled, and is - circumscribed by the rules established by law. We are of opinion - that plaintiffs in error have not brought the cases within the - statute giving to this court the right of review." - -Far be it from me to imply that the Supreme Court will never decide the -State constitutional clauses to be in violation of the national -constitution; but as Von Holst has said: "The wit of man is not equal to -the task in the shaping of political life of inventing forms which may -not be employed as weapons against their own legitimate substance or -contents." The law, it might be added, without strong-siding conscience, -is a mere magician's handkerchief, and surely we can no longer think of -ante-election promises embodied in the Republican party platform as -binding obligations. - -To those who ask: how long shall men wait for justice? I can only -answer: Wait we must, but we need not idly wait. Our future is largely -our own to make. Our radius of activity is slowly enlarging. Our daily -question: what shall we do? settles into a demand for a defined policy. -A bitter and perplexed,--What shall I do?--we are coming to find "worse -than worst necessity." Mere agitation, we know will not suffice. The -country is not floating upon a rising tide of indignation at the -unjustness of our treatment, as it was fifty years ago. And even if the -doing of justice hung upon the casting of a die, I do not know why the -throw should be the higher for violent shaking of the box. Some sort of -planning of our future and united effort of at least a few to realize -their plans is indispensable. - -Resolved, therefore, that we strive for all happiness whatsoever, which -may be fairly won. A good name and a level glance from those around us -are essentials of happiness. If that is social equality, then, resolved -that we strive for social equality. "This," says Cable, "is a fool's -dream." If so let us not shrink along with Christ, to be called fools. -Once past slavery there is no insuperable barrier between us and -freedom. Where is this line between civil and private rights? Is not the -path from one to the other continuous? Workshops and offices, public -conveyances, the theatre, hotels and restaurants, apartment-houses, the -boarding table, barber-shops and bath rooms, the public school and -college, the scientific society, the church, the alumni dinner, the -church sociable--in city, town and village:--what are these but the way -to the home?[8] There is an upward slope from slavery, where a man is a -thing, to freedom, where a man is a man. Millions, the better part of -mankind, live and die on the hill-side; but all push on, as long as hope -and manhood survive. That those above should acknowledge the brotherhood -of those below and descend to help them is not to be generally expected; -for that requires such love of their fellows as few possess. It _is -foolish_ then to _demand_ the concession of social equality; but it is -quite as _cowardly_ to give up obtaining it, as long as an upward way -exists. That the path is open is proved by the cry of those who hate us: -Turn the hill-side into a precipice,--slavery is the only alternative to -equality; build an unscalable wall of caste founded upon the color of -the skin, the lowest white man by law and force raised higher than the -highest black. Yes, the first of all our resolutions must be this one, -to strive for social equality. - - [8] That public conveyances come within the social sphere is asserted - by Burgess: Reconstruction and the Constitution pp. 150---- - - "During the winter and spring of 1867-8 the work of these - conventions went on under the greatest extravagance and - incompetence of every kind. (The constitutions which came from them - provided for complete equality in civil rights, and *in some cases, - in advantages of a social character, such as equal privileges in - public conveyances etc."*) - -Not only, however, our indomitable instinct, but an urgent reason makes -this our foremost consideration. National responsibilities, great civic -or industrial responsibilities we are as yet cut off from. Through -_private relations then we must educate ourselves to the realization, -that only through the just performance of duties can true rights be -won_. As we perform our trust over a few things will we perform our -trust over many. Already we are reminded that our claims as individuals -are mixed with those of the mass of our people. In vain we urge our -greater culture or refinement, we are judged by the average of our race. -In our own interest then, if not from a higher motive, we must turn to -the lifting of our fellows. Our solidarity is already great: let us hold -to it and increase it. Far from being a curse it is a people's greatest -blessing. Yet we are losing it; our fellow sympathy and active -helpfulness are not as great as were our fathers'. This is of crucial -importance, since our best chance of winning friends among the women and -poor of the other race is by justice to the women and poor of our own. -And it is the women and the poor of the other race that we need most to -win: for it were hard to say which is the greater obstacle to our -progress, those left behind among the race ahead, or those left behind -among our own. We must face sex inequality and class inequality among -ourselves, _lest we bitterly denounce others' injustice when the same -spirit of uncharitableness is deep buried in our own natures_. - -Why is there such intense emphasis placed upon this issue of social -equality? Largely because it arouses the jealousy of the white woman and -the white poor. She, with her heart full of fear and distrust, is the -first to shut the door upon the stranger. The next step after being a -slave is wanting one; and she, who has been for untold ages in forced -servitude to man clings jealously to that social order which provides a -place for another more to be pitied than she. She, it is who holds the -keys of the home, and with them, of church, school, restaurant, theatre -and car. - -And with women are joined the poor. _They_ bar our way to industrial -employment; they stand guard over the polls. Why? Because they have -learned uncharitableness in the school of bitter experience; because -they, who have themselves never known aught but inequality, cannot even -_think_ of an even balance between men. _Of little avail, then, the -wisdom and bounty of the few enlightened, when the serried ranks of the -masses bar our upward way_.... As each occasion of hardship or slight -works upon them,--high prices made by monopoly, failure of strikes, the -miseries of war, unequal laws, the scorn of the rich and -well-born,--they turn and empty the full reservoir of their discontent, -through the ever open vent of race hatred upon any that are weaker than -they. And ever and again the crafty among the ruling class, discovering -this means of averting danger to themselves make haste to profit by it. -The greater our show of progress,--the more active the resentment of -these classes of those above us becomes. Upon the removal of this -antagonism much of the welfare of the Republic as well as our own -depends, and I know of no other way to accomplish it than through -fairness to the women and poor of our own race. Then those just ahead -will see that they have no cause to fear that among us are to be found a -new set of masters to make fresh multitudes of slaves. We cannot, then, -afford to go on, confident that justice and wisdom will prevail; for the -best among ourselves know how difficult it is to be just and wise. Let -us who know the way to justice and can follow it, but strive to do so, -and others, and yet others will be drawn into the current until its -pressure becomes too great to resist. - -Resolved, secondly, that we will continue to form party ties from -fundamental principle and not momentary prospect of advantage. Last of -all classes, can we afford to consider trimming our political sails to -catch a chance breeze. Before it can even be granted that we hold the -actual balance of power, this opportunism must have become our settled -policy,--else we are _not_ the most precarious body of voters. But -suppose we were able to bargain for our vote, how wise would it be to do -so? Can our voters afford to indulge in a prospect of profit to be -obtained from their franchise? No, beyond question, our position is yet -too insecure to warrant our driving a bargain with the Republican party, -backed by the threatened withdrawal of our ballots. For not only would -an artificial value, given to our vote because it was pivotal,--which, -to repeat, it could only be if it were the most precarious,--double its -venality, but the likelihood of our being put off with mere promises -would be increased. Would not the prize be made just tempting enough to -keep us vainly hoping? Would the rich with all their abundance do more -than "rub our chains with crumbs?" We have all to fight to keep up our -faith in the Republican party and its fidelity to the pledges of forty -years, but all our political funds are invested with it, and unless in -pursuit of some better principle than gratitude the time has not yet -come to withdraw them. - -Resolved, thirdly, that we will contend for the political and social -rights we crave, by modern rules of war, using every protective means we -can, but scorning every dishonorable stratagem. Under the present stress -a line of division is appearing between those among us who believe in -open, and those who believe in secret methods of protection. In spite -however of the merciless fire we are subjected to by the press, which -makes any one a mark, who so much as strikes a match, we will resolutely -oppose secret bodies, secret measures, secret policies. Nothing so -quickly brings out all the cruelty of hatred as fear of secret danger. -Let not the awful power and unrebuked successes of Ku Klux Klan or white -caps mislead us. We must be free from the charge of having suggested -_even_ such means to those whom oppression has made desperate, but for -whom imitation would spell merciless revenge without even the check of -Northern censure. And another evil scarce less results: a premium is -hereby put upon treachery. Temptation is already too great to those -among us who might be induced to betray. - -On the other hand, no reasonable precaution should be left untaken. Our -position is hardly yet so perilous that we need seek the mountains, -deserts or swamps for safety. Other protective measures however should -be sought. First among these, is organization, which, however is only -worthful when there is real community of interest and feeling. These it -will be hard to secure without neighborhood and common business -dealings. By such means too, we shall better come under the protection -of the common law, with its broad mantle spread over all contractual -relations. It is hard to get justice wholesale, harder still when one -cannot offer the market price. The earlier resolutions leading up to the -15th Amendment forbade restriction of the franchise on account of creed, -ignorance or poverty. These additions were laid aside before the passage -of the bill. The Civil Rights bill in its earlier stages required -equality in the public schools and the jury service. These failed first. -The best help--this cannot be said too often--is self-help. -Self-dependence will not only strengthen our own defenses, but it has a -value yet higher--it strengthens the Republic. Appealing as we now do to -central authority, embodied in the Republican party, we help -unconsciously to build up centralized power. This disadvantage of our -faithful adherence to that party must be confessed. By striving to -obtain land and independent businesses, and towards municipal political -privileges, we will increase our responsibilities, our interest in good -government and our stake in the democracy of America,--and by so doing -become sturdier defenders of the Republic. To the man _who works_, the -man who _wants and consumes_, in short to every man belong the common -benefits and privileges due to his common humanity; but if we mean to -secure these heights which in the United States only have yet been won, -we must win firm ground to stand on. The law is not grounded in such -principles, he who would fight for the rights of men, must be _more_ -than a mere man to get standing in her courts. - -By such protective measures we may so shield ourselves from attack, that -if any should wish to destroy us they must first destroy what they have -themselves built. This means much: but who so thoughtless as to suppose -that ownership of land and home, or business interests or even municipal -or other corporate franchises,--with the knowledge needed to maintain -them--are of themselves enough! Who so weak as to trust in mere -segregation, that if we only stay on our side of a high board fence we -will be let alone! What of Africa? What of China? What so absurd as -unguarded wealth? The day of high board fences is passing. While -segregation will supply certain opportunities, which we may profit by, -if we use them as stepping-stones to higher things, it can only do so, -if there is courage to defend what has been won. Without courage no man -can hope to keep anything another covets. _Somewhere in the foreground -of all our policies,--if we are true men and women,--must be the -determination to part with them only at a reasonable price._ Let common -sense, and scorn of dishonesty, or pretence, guide us in moulding them, -but then let us adhere to them. Let all be done in God's name, as does -the man who builds an altar, gathers wood, then cleanses himself from -all impurity before he approaches it to do sacrifice. When these steps -have been taken, we may appeal to the God of justice, and with the -confidence of him who dares ask, and receive an answering sign from -Heaven, strike for the right. - - - - -The Negro Vote in the States Whose Constitutions Have Not Been -Specifically Revised--_JOHN HOPE_ - - -So much has been said about almost every phase of the so-called "Race -Problem," so many good things and so many bad things, that we are apt to -believe all has been said that can be said and to wish that if there is -anything that has not yet been said, it may remain unsaid. Certainly -little that is new can be said on the franchise until we have some new -developments. You will get nothing new from me. I am to speak on a -current topic that is as well known to you as to me. Yet it is sometimes -helpful to hear your own thoughts expressed by some one else. With this -possibility of doing a service, I apologize for having consented to -write on the subject of "Negro Suffrage in the States whose -Constitutions have not been Specifically Revised." But even here I feel -unable to speak about all these States and prefer to confine myself to -my own state, for of this I may speak with the assurance that comes from -contact. - -The State of Georgia probably shows as little revulsion and reversion of -sentiment and law as any distinctly Southern state, except perhaps -Texas, since the Reconstruction period. Republican rule was short lived -and, while it remained, was less aggressive and revolutionary than in -other states. The population has been fairly evenly divided between the -two races with a majority always on the white side. The agrarian class -has been less powerful than in some Southern states and the ignorance of -both races has been rather mitigated and softened by centres of -information, towns and cities, less remotely distant from one another -than is the case in several other Southern states, railroads and -factories exerting a great influence in this respect. So Georgia may be -taken as a type of those states in which the best things have happened -or rather the worst things have not happened for Colored people. - -Of course, in Reconstruction times Georgia Democrats did act harshly, -but my remarks rather have to do with the period after that. For -instance, more than thirty Colored Republicans were expelled from the -Georgia legislature and the state had to have a sort of second -reconstruction before it was finally recognized by the United States -Government. - -Georgia had only one Republican governor, and sent to the National House -of Representatives at least one Colored Representative. But for many -years, even this has been a thing of the past. White men have held all -offices, occasionally having the monotony of complexion broken by a -Colored representative from Camden, McIntosh or Liberty county in the -state legislature. - -The passing of the Republican party in the state as an aggressive -elective organization has been due to several causes, but so hidden and -studied have two of them been, so free from shotguns, leaving out, of -course, the Ku Klux and Patrollers of the '60's and '70's, that you -cannot lay your hands on these causes so easily as in some other states -where the change has been revolutionary and sudden rather than gradual. -You will notice that I say Republican party, for when the Colored vote -was most effective it was organized by the Republican party. One of the -causes of this passing of the Republican vote was intimidation at the -polls on election day, threats and intimidation before the day in -communities of Colored people, and official rascality in the counting of -ballots actually cast. Probably, as a result of these a third cause -came--the indifference of the state and municipal Republican -organizations to making a canvass for the state and city officers. - -Then the Colored vote began to divide on Democratic candidates and was -exceedingly effective, holding the balance of power, as it did, in -choosing white Democratic governors, congressmen, state legislators, -city and county officers. This went well for awhile, but white -office-seekers soon began to fear this Colored balance of power. They -wanted their certainty of a majority of the white vote to guarantee -their office; so the Georgia legislature passed a law making it legal to -have primaries to nominate candidates for office and also throwing such -safeguards about the management of primaries as aimed to secure lawful -practices on these occasions. Here was a perfectly harmless movement, -apparently harmless. The next step was made by the Democratic party -assembled in State Convention when it decided that candidates for state -and county officers on the Democratic ticket should be nominated by a -primary, but leaving the conduct of the primary to the community in -which it might be held, provided this should not run counter to the -primary law as passed by the State. Here too, was a perfectly fair and -harmless provision, apparently fair and apparently harmless. But the way -was then open for the primary to take on a local coloring. In -communities where the colored vote was an embarrassment, the Democratic -party there decided to have a _white_ primary. In one of these -communities a colored man that I know went to vote at the primary. He -was a "good Negro" a very good Negro, his goodness dating back to the -time when the "Yankees" were about to confiscate his master's cotton and -he claimed the cotton as his. Even this transaction did not enlarge his -cranium, and after saving his master thousands of dollars and gradually -amassing a fortune for himself, he still knew how to approach his former -master from the kitchen door. Well, this good Negro went to cast his -ballot. The courteous man at the polls said: "George, this is a -Democratic primary." "Yes," said George, "but I am a Democrat." "Well," -said the courteous gentleman, "but George, this is a _white_ primary." -This colored man found himself without a Republican for whom he might -vote, and was informed that the Democratic party was a close corporation -so far as the Colored man was concerned. This is quite interesting when -I tell you that white Republicans, avowedly Republicans, have not only -been permitted but even requested to participate in the primaries of the -Democratic and Populist parties. - -The reason for the elasticity of the primary is quite evident, that is, -why Colored people are allowed to take part in the primary in one -community and not in another, or why they are allowed at one time to -vote and at another time in that same community are not allowed to vote. -The purpose is to have the Colored voters as a harmless balance of power -between the Democrats and any other party that may show strength, that -is, to have the Colored man to settle disputes among white people -without becoming obstreperous because of this valuable assistance. There -were some communities where the Populists used the Colored voter to -defeat Democrats and others where the Democrats used this vote to defeat -Populists. Of the State as a whole, it may be said that Populism was -defeated by the Colored voters espousing the Democratic side. And be it -said to the common sense and good reason of many Democrats that this -fact is acknowledged and to an extent appreciated by the party now in -power--to the extent at least of staving off any further -disfranchisement measures thus far. - -But the most flagrant high-handedness and palpable confession of purpose -on the part of white people with reference to our citizenship rights is -to be found in a state legislative enactment that looks to the municipal -management of two Georgia towns where the Colored voters are so -overwhelmingly in the majority that ordinary subterfuges would not -fulfill the requirement. Darien and St. Mary's are two coast towns with -a large Colored population. The mayor and aldermen are not elected by -the voters in these towns; but, instead, these towns enjoy the unique -distinction of being managed by officials appointed by the governor of -the State. What is more simple; what more high-handed; what more -un-Democratic and subversive of national principles of government than -this? - -Now let us ask the question: Can the Colored man cast his ballot in -Georgia? - -In the first place, any party of any race may hold a primary. - -Second, any man of any party or race may vote in the _general_ election -for any candidate he may wish. - -Let us ask next, whether these ballots will be counted? That depends -entirely upon whether the need is to count them or destroy them; or -furthermore, to count them as ballots for some one for whom they were -not cast. The election boards and the management at the polls are not -bipartisan and the party in power may do what it chooses. - -We raise the question now whether it is for our best interest -economically to exercise the franchise? Do men vote to help their -economic interests? Are not taxation and other fiscal policies settled -by the ballot? May not property be enhanced or lessened in value by -voters? Colored people have some real estate and securities, but their -practical capital is their labor; yet they have not the least power, the -real power, of influencing legislation in reference to a single labor -measure that may arise, although in Georgia nearly half the population -is colored and in the laboring class the colored people are in the -majority. Now suppose, as white union labor in the South grows stronger, -it should influence such legislation as would eliminate colored labor -where it came into competition with white labor, the colored laborer -would be politically powerless to resist this legislation. Now is this a -mere idle dream when we reflect that within the past few months a Texas -legislator introduced a bill to confine Colored labor to the farm -whenever it was found in city and town communities to be competing with -white labor. - -Then there is another side that really has its argument, effective, -though perhaps not very logical. The fact that we are, as a people, -laborers and not capitalists, makes us, as any other people similarly -placed would be, under obligation to the capitalist who, in our case, -are white. The point is made that to enter politics against the wishes -of this people would raise such antagonism as to lower our earning -power. Hence we are told to keep out of politics until we get a better -money basis. Here we stand between two difficulties, staying out of -politics might jeopard our earning and entering politics might jeopard -our earnings. Many honest and thoughtful white and colored men stand on -both sides of this question. - -Now, is it educationally best for us to vote? This question requires -some amplifying. Do we mean what educational value comes from this -training in citizenship? If so, then certainly the value is great. There -was a time when we knew conditions in our state and town, but so little -influence does a Colored man have in politics now that I do not even -know the name of the alderman in my ward, although I am a registered -voter, have paid my poll tax and voted for President Roosevelt. I know -of nothing more benumbing to us as citizens than this deprivation. Men -who are philosophic may consider matters that are not of material -concern, but the average person does not load his mind and spend his -time with things that, for one reason or another, have no concern for -him. Any discussion as to the fitness and honesty of municipal and state -candidates hardly touches me, as I know I cannot lift a finger to -promote the interests of any one of them. I have no voice. - -There is another position from which this question may be viewed and -that is whether the advantages from schools would be lessened or -increased from participation in politics. It is quite evident that -without the ballot any people are suppliant and must beg rather than -make a manly demand. But, assuming that the lack of the ballot has -become a condition with us, would a demand or threat about our ballot -result in a counter threat that if we forced the issue, we should not -only be denied our ballot, but that for our arrogance the appropriation -for Colored public schools would be cut down and we should receive only -what we paid in as our share of the school tax? This too, is no dream; -but has actually been considered by colored men as a possible reason for -not causing such antagonism as would arise from Colored men endeavoring -to enter aggressively into politics again. - -What now about fears for disfranchisement such as has been compassed by -the revised constitutions in many Southern states? Some one may say that -there is no difference between constitutional disfranchisement and that -_quasi_ disfranchisement effective for all practical purposes such as we -have spoken of as now obtaining in Georgia. There is a tremendous -difference. If a wave of civic righteousness should sweep over those -states still without constitutional disfranchisement, the primaries -would be a very slight embarrassment to those willing to do right by all -races alike; while in the states possessing constitutional -disfranchisement, the reactionaries would have such means of stopping -fair play and honest elections free for all, that they could easily -check the purpose of the fair-minded citizens for a long while. - -Now, do we really have to fear disfranchisement? I say disfranchisement -must at all times be feared and be guarded against as far as it lies -within our power in an honorable and manly way to hold it off. Just at -the time North Carolina and Maryland seemed most secure to us we found -ourselves deprived of our rights; and it may be safely stated that -whenever on a specific occasion the Colored vote exerts the balance of -power over any considerable area, there disfranchisement may be feared. -We need to fear disfranchisement because it is founded upon the spirit -of injustice and that same spirit fosters it. So palpable is this, that -the South bewails the fact. Governor Warfield in speaking about the -repeal of the Fifteenth amendment says: "The privilege to vote could -then be bestowed without respect to the expedient of unwise -constitutional amendments that strain the conscience of our best people -and arouse criticism." Yet the repeal of the Fifteenth amendment would -not relieve those apostles of disfranchisement of the odium of violating -the spirit of truly American democracy and of setting at naught that -mighty decision on human rights that was rendered by the bloody -arbitrament of war--Disfranchisement of whatever sort, if designed to -embarrass a citizen because of his race, must always "strain the -conscience of our best people." - -Does Georgia show any signs of the disfranchising spirit? We fear it -does. The State Legislature now expects some measure of this sort at -each session, and in recent years has not been disappointed, although -good sense has thus far triumphed. Then again men in high places, -congressmen and at least one of our U. S. Senators from Georgia have -begun to say some things that may easily be construed as an advocacy of -disfranchisement. It occurs to me that the marked difference between the -condition in my boyhood and to-day is this: then the opposition was to -Republicans, to-day it is to Negroes. It is not a party line, but a race -line. - -Now the white primary has not done all that was claimed for it. In the -first place it has not purified elections. Far from doing away with the -purchase and sale of votes, it has, by lowering the supply, relatively -increased the demand and brought up the price to a really fancy figure. -In the second place it has failed to do that for which it was ostensibly -introduced especially to do, namely; to put into office those men most -eminently fitted by ability and character to administer the office to -which they might be chosen. On the contrary, primary elections have been -questioned on the ground of fraud; and the mayor of one very prominent -Georgia city has been arrested for drunkenness. Then why is the primary -kept? Well, the "fixers" for instance, can more easily fix things. With -the Colored man's vote eliminated, the work becomes simplified and even -though the amount of money spent illegally may now be more than the -total amount in the days when colored as well as white were in the -market yet those interested in "fixing" elections can now work with more -assurance; and promises may more easily be carried out in the matter of -delivering the goods. - -For instance, I know of a city election where the voters in one ward -were so evenly divided and the candidates had calculated their strength -so accurately, that one candidate felt safe in buying three white votes -at the rate of one hundred ten dollars. Large corporations may now -operate easily in state and city; and some of the most flagrant cases of -political jobbery that have been charged against Reconstruction rule are -easily equalled by the bare-faced graft and bribery by which large -business interests win their way through the assistance of white voters. - -What are the possibilities of white aspirants bolting the primary? It is -my impression that they are fewer than they were twenty years ago. Judge -Gartrell once ran independently against Alexander Stephens for Governor -and Judge Emory Speer in his younger days ran on an independent ticket; -but such a step on the part of a candidate means outlawry for life. -Speer was read into the Republican party, Thomas Watson into the -Populist; and since the exile of such giants, the small fry find it easy -to be good and not to lift their heads in rebellion, no matter what -rascality has compassed their defeat at the Primary. No. It is my -impression that the primary is more firmly established to-day than when -it was first started. White unity has become white slavery; and while -the yoke galls, the white aspirant prefers the yoke to extermination. - -But, suppose there should be a general Democratic "rough house" and the -colored vote should be called in to quell the disturbance, the Colored -voter would have no guarantee that such would mean his return to -political standing. On the contrary, it might, as in several states, -cause the passage of constitutional disfranchisement that would make his -last state worse than the former. Our status is truly unenviable, and -the ground on which we stand is exceedingly uncertain. - -I desire now to treat more fully what has already been touched upon: Why -do the Republicans not nominate candidates for state, county and city -offices and make a general canvass? There are two classes of Colored -men, those who think the party should and those who think it should not. -Unfortunately each of these classes makes severe charges against the -other with reference to this matter. I much prefer to accept the -explanations of both as honest. The following are at least some of the -reasons for not making a canvass: first, it is difficult to get -desirable men to accept the nomination; second, it would be still more -difficult to secure sufficient funds to pay the ordinary and perfectly -legitimate expenses of a campaign; third, the injustice of the party in -power would make a fair election an impossibility. Hence a candidate -would be doomed to defeat from the moment of his nomination and the fact -that he and the party would know this, would make the campaign lifeless, -futile and perfunctory. Fourth, the prominence of Colored people in -politics and the extra trouble to which they would put the ascendant -party might result in still further curtailment of the few rights still -left to us. - -To all of this the side that clamors or appears to clamor for a ticket -says: You assume too much, you see ghosts. Yet supposing the worst, it -is far better to keep Colored voters organized for several reasons: -first, because the organization gives a valuable training in citizenship -that cannot be gained by standing aloof and waiting for better things; -second, because if an opening should come suddenly, the Colored people -would be better able to decide quickly and intelligently where to throw -their strength solidly on one side or another for their own best -interests and the interests of the government; thirdly, because a show -of opposition to existing political injustice and repression would -relieve us of the charge of indifference to our condition and would -strengthen the courage of those who might champion our cause--our -efficient, powerful champions, who have grown doubtful about our real -manhood. I believe in the honesty of both these classes of colored men; -and it is exceedingly difficult for a man, living in the midst of these -conditions and knowing the temperament, attitude and unlimited power of -the white people, to say which one of these two courses is the more -rational and helpful to pursue. - -What have the Colored people lost through disfranchisement? They have -lost the privilege of influencing legislation, since the legislator -feels under no obligation to them. The "Jim Crow" car law, the separate -tax bill and almost any other bill may be passed so far as pressure from -Colored people is concerned. A very clear case is the public library in -Atlanta which is supported by the taxes of all citizens, yet not a -single Colored person may enter that library to read or borrow a book. -Some months ago Mr. Carnegie offered the city ten thousand dollars for a -library for the Colored people on the condition that the city furnish a -lot and agree to appropriate one thousand dollars _per annum_ for the -maintenance of the library. The whole matter has been tabled and the -Colored people have no redress, since their mayor and aldermen were -elected without the Colored vote. Do you suppose the city of Atlanta -would have refused so paltry a favor, if its city council were dependent -upon our vote? - -Not only have we lost influence among the law makers but among those who -interpret the law and administer justice. Neither judge nor jury has to -consult the Colored man's wish. This independence of us makes the court -a place of injustice as frequently as of justice, and policemen may be -cruel with impunity. - -Then too, the chain-gang with its revolting influences on men and women, -boys and girls; the lack of Negro reformatories in some places where -they do exist for white boys find much of their meaning in the fact that -the Colored voter cannot make sentiment and bring things to pass through -the ballot. We have had the "Jim Crow" law forced upon us, our public -schools have become poorer in equipment and teaching force, and the -salary of teachers has been lowered. - -In a word, the loss of the franchise has changed our status to such a -degree that we no longer demand, but beg and supplicate even for those -fundamental needs, without which education and general improvement would -be very doubtful. - -Now are there some things to be effected that are regarded as of more -vital interest to Colored people at present than the ballot? In the face -of what has already been said, this seems almost an unnecessary -question, since the ballot is no abstract thing, no merely academic -theory, but a vital agent in the promotion of improvement and happiness. -Yet as obvious as all this seems, when people have already lost the -ballot they may ask this question: Are there some things to be effected -that are of more vital interest to Colored people at present than the -ballot? - -I heard a sweet-spirited Colored man say at the conclusion of his -remarks one day--he was a college president and is now in Heaven away -from this turmoil--well I heard him say: "I have come to the conclusion -that all we can do in this country is to take what the white man gives -us." An eminent Colored preacher said recently in my hearing: "You can't -drive these white folks, you must knuckle to them and you can get -anything you want." Within the last two months an interesting white -southern clergyman in his exhortation to Colored people to be good -Negroes, told them not to get mad about "Jim Crow" cars and to be slow -to urge their rights. Said he: "You Colored people are undertaking a -heavy task when you attempt to reform the Anglo-Saxon." Now our present -needs are numerous and vital, many growing out of the curtailment of -privileges, a condition made possible through our lack of the ballot. -Many Colored men believe that we can get these needs supplied most -quickly and surely by begging and not resorting to a futile ballot; -many, moreover, think that the voting would retard the granting of these -much needed privileges. On the other hand, others say our condition -grows steadily worse and our only redress, our only hope, is in the -ballot. - -Now what do I believe about all this? I believe that we ought to vote, -and I vote on every public question when the privilege is accorded me. I -believe that our leaders ought to give us the opportunity to vote and -let us stand forth as men, whether successful or not, willing to do all -within our power to be full-fledged citizens. Certainly our attitude -ought never to allow the white people to say: the Negro cares nothing -for the franchise and does not exercise it when he does have the -opportunity. What are we waiting for? Not more education, I hope. And -here I must remind you that one thing is much over-talked: the -forwardness of the Colored child and the backwardness of the white child -in the matter of getting an education. Colored children are not being -fitted as are white for their responsibilities. A real intellectual -awakening is going on among the whites of the South--more and better -school houses, better teachers and longer school terms; and the white -children are learning with avidity. The Colored children are getting -poor school houses, poorer teachers, more poorly paid teachers and -shorter school terms; and we cannot change this disparity by begging the -state and city. Unless we force better things for ourselves by the -ballot or go into our own pockets, the next generation of colored voters -will be relatively less prepared for the educational qualification in -comparison with the white voter than the Colored voters of to-day. Oh! -you say: "Pessimist, looking on the dark side." Away with that -contemptible sentimentality and aversion to ugly facts that make some of -my people call a man a pessimist every time he lifts a warning voice. I -know the white country school house and the Colored country school -house. There is a tremendous difference. - -Now I believe in education, but I also believe in manhood; and any -education bought at the price of manhood is worthless and a mill-stone -about the neck. I believe in the ballot as a developer of manhood and as -it procures the right of men. I believe in the ballot in spite of -threats of disfranchisement, if we use this ballot. I see no difference -in purpose between the states that have outrightly disfranchised us and -those states that do it stealthily or by indirection. - -I believe that the purpose of all is the same: a hatred for Colored -people and a determination to have white supremacy at any cost of life -and honor. I do not think Northern sentiment is a deterring force, -though I think Northern sentiment _could_ become a deterring force to -disfranchisement. In the face of all this, why _delay_ voting in the -hope of better things; better _welcome_ disfranchisement as _men_ than -_suffer_ from it as _cowards_. - - - - -The Potentiality of the Negro Vote, North and West--_JOHN L. LOVE_ - - -The potential voting strength of the Negro population in the United -States is, according to the last census, three times as great as was -that of the white population in 1775 when the Declaration of -Independence published to the world the modern, though sound, practical -and eminently safe political creed that governments derive their just -powers from the consent of the governed. The number of Negro males of -voting age is approximately three millions, a number equal to the entire -white population at the beginning of the war for Independence. The total -Negro population in the United States in 1900 was three times larger -than was the total white population which battled against King George -and the British Parliament for the purpose of securing a voice in the -choice of those who levy taxes and enact the laws whose weight and -obligation fall equally upon the whole body of citizens. - -In the North Atlantic, the North Central, and the Western census -divisions of the United States, the potential voting strength of the -Negroes is more than a quarter million. It is larger than was the -combined prohibition and socialist vote in 1900 and exceeds by nearly a -hundred thousand the total combined vote cast for the present governors -of the four states of Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana and -Alabama. In many sections of the North and West the Negro population is -sparse and scattering, varying all the way from one in Scott County in -Indiana to 63,000 in Philadelphia. Yet in many localities where there is -almost an even balance of the two chief parties, the Negro vote is -competent to decide the results of election. In the states of Delaware -Indiana, Ohio, Connecticut, New Jersey, and several districts in New -York, Massachusetts, and Illinois, a united, coherent Negro vote may -frequently determine both local and national elections. This is shown by -the returns in 1902 for Congressional election in four districts in -Indiana, two in New Jersey, four in Ohio, and two in Massachusetts and -Connecticut, where the Negro vote was of sufficient size to have thrown -the election to either party. In state and local elections where party -fealty is not always so strong as in national elections, owing to -dissatisfaction with both men and measures, the potentiality of the -Negro vote can be made very real and effective as well as respectable. -The municipal wards and legislative districts in the large commercial -and manufacturing centers of the North and West furnish undoubted -opportunities for the Negro vote to make itself felt and to win regard -and respect as far away as the United States Senate. - -The foregoing facts and considerations suggest interesting possibilities -and, in view of the conditions affecting the political, civil, and -economic well being of the people of color in the United States, they -create a demand and an obligation with reference to the use of which the -Negro voter should make of his right of the franchise. - -The chief tenet of modern political philosophy is that the participation -of the people in the government is the only way by which their liberties -can be guaranteed and their economic and industrial happiness -safeguarded. Out of this conviction which has taken hold of men almost -everywhere has resulted in the universal movement towards democracy. The -democratic triumph which has marked the past hundred years and has been -accompanied by marvelous achievements of human endeavor--achievements -which could not have been accomplished except under conditions of -freedom--has not been won without stupendous struggle and temporary -defeats and disappointments. At every forward step, the movement has -encountered unrelenting and seemingly irresistible opposition of -privilege. Even here in the United States where, barring absurd -contradictions, the spirit of democracy began so conspicuously to assert -itself under the fostering genius of Jefferson, skillful and powerful -resistance has been constant and implacable. Aristocratic privilege, -intrenched in power, has grudgingly given way to the demands of manhood -rights, and manhood suffrage, and even to-day, in the attempt to -rehabilitate itself, it is bold enough to make the ridiculous assertion -that the right of suffrage, even in a republican form of government, is -not a natural and inherent right of citizenship, but merely a privilege -to be granted or withheld at pleasure by a select few for whose assumed -authority no power on earth or in heaven is responsible. - -Whatever opinions may be entertained contrary to the doctrine and -increasing practice of government by the consent of the governed, the -fact is undeniable that as man has gained and exercised the right of -participation in government, special privilege for the few has had to -give way to the condition of equal opportunity for all. Abuses have been -swept away and the door of opportunity has been opened for all. Thus has -the ballot proven to be man's sure and effective weapon of defense -against tyranny and proscriptive government. - -All classes of our varied population, with possibly one exception, have -recognized this truth and have acted in accordance with it. German, -Irish, Jew; artisan, farmer and merchant--all have found the ballot a -remedy for social, economic, and political ills that have had their -origin in unjust laws or the partial administration of law. All have -used it with wonderful effect towards the betterment of their condition. -Grievances of one group have been allied with those of another group; -industrial discontent growing out of capitalistic wrongs, political -distempers due to governmental abuses or the enforcement of -discriminatory laws; the deep seated consciousness of ethnic injustice -in the industrial or political scheme--all have combined and arrayed -themselves for redress which every branch of the political machinery has -in the end endeavored to grant. The demands of the Slavonic yeomanry of -the Northwest that a check be placed upon railroad combinations are not -less effective in securing compliance than those of the merchants and -shippers of our commercial centers that just and equal rates of -transportation shall be enforced. The underground toilers of the mining -regions of Pennsylvania and Illinois know that their grievances will -receive the same respectful attention and consideration as the mandates -of the coal barons, and they systematically scrutinize the attitude and -the actions of public servants and hold them to a strict performance of -promise and duty in so far as their rights and interests are concerned. -Thus it is that in the United States as in all representative -governments the ballot is the surest means of securing a "square deal;" -and it is incumbent upon the three hundred thousand Negro voters of the -north and west to recognize its value and to make the same use of it as -is made by all other aggrieved elements of the body politic. - -A catalogue of the wrongs and injuries suffered by the Negro citizens of -the United States, first on account of discriminatory and proscriptive -legislation; secondly, on account of the failure to enforce the laws -designed to uphold and protect their citizenship; and thirdly, on -account of the most palpable and outrageous violation of the sacred -rights of life, liberty and property, make the "long train of abuses and -usurpations" committed, according to the Declaration of Independence, by -the King of Great Britain against his colonies in America appear as the -gentle chastisements of a benificent ruler. Of all the complex elements -of American citizenship, the Negro is the solitary victim of legal, -social, industrial, and political discrimination. He alone is singled -out by the law for disparagement which fact encourages and enforces the -multitude of civil and industrial discriminations and injuries that tend -to deprive him of the respectability due not only to a citizen but to -man. To the tax levy, to the obligation to bear arms for the common -defense as well as to all other mandates of the government, he is -equally amenable with other citizens; but he is excepted from a full -share of the benefits of citizenship. In all stations of society and in -all departments of government, his protests fall upon deaf or -indifferent ears, and the very sufferings and wrongs which he suffers -are frequently made the text for sermonizings on his short-comings. If -the homilies published from the pulpits, in the press, and even -sometimes from the higher branches of the government are to be believed, -the Negro is the most unsaintly citizen of the republic, in spite of the -fact that he seldom commits "the robust crimes of the whites" or has the -chance to defraud the government, to wreck financial institutions, or -rob widows and orphans. - -The burden of these outrages lies heavily upon the hearts and minds of -the black men of America, yet the remedy, if they could but realize it, -lies largely within their power. Throughout the republic, every man -identified with the Negro race, though he may not be personally or -locally subjected directly to the humiliations and wrongs which oppress -and degrade the great mass of his kind, feels their bitter sting and -resents them. In public assemblies, upon the public highways and common -carriers, in the drawing room and around the secrecy of the fireside, -the fact of injustice is the one inevitable and irrepressible theme of -conversation and reflection; and the perennial and ever present question -in the minds of all, whether of low or high degree, is _By what means -can the situation be altered?_ Men of different opinions are endeavoring -more or less honestly to answer the question, but one of the surest and -quickest means is at the command of the three hundred thousand Negro -voters of the north and west, who have it in their power by an -intelligent, united, and courageous exercise of their high privilege and -right to demand the same respect and consideration for their interest -and well being as any other class of men who register their wills at the -ballot-box. - -Thaddeus Stevens once said that control of republics depends upon -numbers and not upon the quality of the citizens. In the last analysis -this is true, but in all governments by parties the smaller number is -often more important than the larger. The strength of the Negro vote in -the North and West in times of party crises consists not so much in the -number of that vote as in the use which is made of it. In thirty -northern and western cities, it can very effectively contribute to the -improvement of existing conditions. It is wonderfully powerful, if -intelligently directed, in the cities of Boston, Baltimore, Chicago, -Cincinnati, Cleveland, Columbus, Philadelphia, Pittsburg and New York. - -The effectiveness of this vote depends more upon the use which is made -of it in local and state elections than in national elections. The bonds -which unite the interests of the local, state and national officials and -politicians are very real and subtle--the weakest point being always the -local politician. His election and success often turns upon less than a -score of votes and consequently he is not inclined to disdain a single -voter. His interests are inseparably connected with the interests and -ambitions of the men who occupy luxurious berths in Congress and in the -national or state government. In all matters concerning the interests of -the Negro, the local politician's position can be known and his actions -are open to close view. When his acts do not accord or square with the -interest of the colored voter, he can be left to find other friends and -supporters. - -In the second place, the effectiveness and potentiality of the Negro -vote in the North and West depends upon an absolute and courageous -disregard of traditions. There are times when party fealty may be both -proper and commendable. There is to be sure a great deal of hypocrisy -and humbuggery in our political parties, yet back of these they do stand -for certain great and vital principles. When the latter are put to the -test our fealty may properly be demanded, but under normal conditions, -when stress and strife of class and selfish interests, invidious -discriminations and outrageous injustice prevail, the only safe and -prudent course for the individual or class of individuals to pursue is -absolute independence of parties and uncompromising devotion to the -paramount interest. When we cannot act advantageously, we may act -punitively, so that the public servant may know that if he ignores or -hypocritically juggles with our interests, he will be held to a strict -accountability. If on the eve of an election the party or the individual -candidate attempts to cajole by a statement of principles or policy -which is ignored after a successful contest, reprisal should be swift -and terrible as soon as the opportunity permits. - -In the third place, the Negro vote of the North and West needs, if it -does not at present lack, intelligent, honest, straightforward, and -unselfish leadership. Until it has this, its potentiality will be _nil_. - -To impute dishonesty or insincerity to those who from time to time act -in the role of leaders of the Negro voters would be unpardonably -reprehensible. Men generally act according to their light and it is not -an uncommon observation that the average public man gets his light -through the medium of a self-interested reflector. Amid the competitions -and conflicts, the struggle for place and temporary power and emoluments -which characterize all phases of modern life and especially political -life in the United States, the calm, clear-eyed, far-seeing man is rare. -Yet men of unusual foresight, of clear perception of the fundamental and -vital issues with the tact and ability to gain an advantage and an -uncompromising determination to hold what has been gained--such is the -type of men needed to make the Negro vote potent. The leadership which -boasts of its capacity to keep silent under terrible wrongs is not -calculated to carry the race far on the road towards real and permanent -betterment. - -Redress of political wrongs is not the fruit of grim and sanctimonious -silence. Whenever it has come, it has been forced by long, continuous -and implacable outcry, and Negro leadership must follow the example of -men in other lands and in other times who fearlessly cried out against -the wrongs which their people suffered. In "The Making of England," John -Richard Green states that the Roman conquerors were able to completely -subjugate and enslave the Britons because they were able to make terms -with their leaders. The finest skill of the dominant element in -governments founded upon tyranny has always been employed in making -terms with the leaders of the oppressed. - -Silence has its part in our fight and many times the cause has been lost -because of failure to observe it, but it is not silence in respect to -wrongs. Neither upon battlefields nor in the mad clash of passions and -ambitions that mark the control of states is victory won or success -achieved by a boisterous parade of the plan of attack. In the subtle -operation of American political methods, silence is the sphinx that -baffles the most astute and insinuating politician. The silent vote is a -greater dread to the party leaders than was the sword to Damocles. - -The Negro ballot has almost lost its potency on account of the -unconcerned cocksureness of one political party that the other side will -not get the benefit of it. The party managers have no concern about the -certainty of the Negro vote and therefore spend all of their effort in -trying to satisfy the demands of the other elements and are never able -to know whether or not they have succeeded until the vote is counted. -They fear the silent vote. It is thoughtful, analytic, decisive. It -scans, records, and registers every dodge, retreat, and juggle which the -honorable candidate or the party has been guilty of in matters which -concern it. - -In the exercise of the suffrage, the Negro voter has never been -indifferent to the best and noblest interests of the republic. For more -than forty years he has voted with the majority of his fellow countrymen -on all the great questions which have divided the people. This he has -done out of regard more for what men have considered the welfare of the -country than for what he has deemed advantageous to himself. There is -now a need of a change. He must now consider his well-being and safety -identical with the well-being and safety of the republic and must -require all men who seek his vote to consider it likewise. - -To-day we are on the eve of a great national festival. The peaceful -succession of government is a boon not enjoyed by all the peoples of the -world. It is an event which deservedly appeals to the enthusiasm and -civic pride of the nation. From all corners of the state have come -delegations of citizens representing all classes, who come not only to -honor and grace by their presence the event but, I believe, to pay -honest and manly tribute to a man who is beloved and trusted by the -whole American people. His battles against civic wrongs and in behalf of -weaker classes and his policy of "all men up and no men down," not only -make him the paragon of public officials, but a lovable and trusted man. -Among the throngs that shall honor him and in turn be honored in the -escort which will make the Avenue the most splendid pageant which can -adorn any modern government, none will march more proudly than the brave -and valiant regiment of black men who, with him whom they honor, risked -all and won glory on the field of San Juan. Yet by the laws of the land -and by the policy of the government, their rights and their manhood are -not on a parity with those of other citizens who with less desert shall -follow in his train. It is the possibility of such a state of affairs, -that the Negro vote of the North and West, yea the great body of all -good citizens must exercise itself to prevent. - - - - -Migration and Distribution of the Negro Population as Affecting the -Elective Franchise--_KELLY MILLER_ - - -Population lies at the basis of all human problems. The first command -given by the Creator to the human race was to multiply and replenish the -earth. The growth and expansion of the Negro population in the United -States must be the controlling factor in the many complex problems to -which his presence gives rise. In order to gain adequate as well as -accurate knowledge on this subject, it is necessary to take a -comprehensive view of its progress since its transplantation in America. -It is well known that the first ship load of African slaves was landed -at Jamestown, Va. in 1619. This original handful augmented by fresh -importation and by its own rapid multiplication had swollen to three -quarters of a million when the first Census was taken in 1790. The -following table will reveal the essential facts as to the expansion of -this population. - - - _TABLE_ 6 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - NEGRO POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - YEAR. NUMBER OF DECENNIAL PER CENT OF PER CENT OF - NEGROES. INCREASE. INCR. TOTAL - POPUL. - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1790 757,208 - - 19.27 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1800 1,002,037 244,829 32.33 18.18 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1810 1,377,808 375,771 37.50 19.03 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1820 1,771,656 393,848 28.50 18.39 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1830 2,328,642 556,986 31.44 18.10 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1840 2,873,648 545,006 23.44 16.84 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1850 3,683,808 765,169 26.63 15.69 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1860 4,441,830 803,022 14.13 14.13 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1870 4,880,009 438,179 9.87 11.68 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1880 6,580,793 1,700,784 34.85 13.12 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1890 7,470,040 889,247 13.51 11.93 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - 1900 8,840,789 1,370,749 18.35 11.57 - -------------------------------------------------------------------- - - -There are certain noticeable irregularities in this table, due in part -to known disturbing causes, and in part to imperfections in census -methods. It is thus seen that the Negro constitutes a rapidly increasing -element, though a slowly diminishing minority of the total population. -This relative diminution is due wholly to the influx of white -immigrants, more than 14,000,000 of whom have come to our shores since -1860. If the two races should continue to grow at the same relative rate -of increase as during the last decade, according to the law of -diminishing ratios, it would require more than one hundred years to -reduce the Negro to one-tenth of the total population. So far as any -practical calculation is concerned, we may regard this as an irreducible -minimum. So long as the Negro constitutes one-tenth of the entire body -of the American people we may expect to have the race problem, both in -its general and in its political features. - -From the foundation of our government the Negro has constituted a -serious political problem, mainly because of his unequal geographical -distribution. If agricultural and economic conditions had been uniform, -and the slaves had been evenly scattered over the whole area, the -political phase of the race problem would have been far different from -what it is and has been throughout our national life. The fact that the -bulk of this race has been congested in one section has constituted the -cause of political friction from the foundation of the Constitution till -the present hour. This population persists in remaining in that section -where it was most thickly planted by the institution of slavery. The -center of gravity is still moving slowly towards the gulf of Mexico. -Ninety-two per cent of the race is still found in the sixteen states -where slavery prevailed at the outbreak of the civil war. The coastal -states, from Maryland to Texas, contain three-fourths of the total -number. - -While there has been a steady stream of Negro immigration towards the -North and West, yet it has not been sufficient to materially affect the -mass tendency. It would seem, on first view, that the Negro who -complains so bitterly against political restrictions in the South would -rush to the freer conditions of the North as a gas from a denser to a -rarer medium. But political and civil freedom offered by the North are -more than off-set by industrial restrictions and by the inertia of a -population devoid of the pioneer spirit. The warm blooded, warm hearted -child of the tropics is chilled alike by the rigid climate and frigid -social atmosphere that prevail in the higher latitudes. In all New -England there are fewer Negroes than are to be found in a single county -in Tennessee. - - - _TABLE_ 7 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - SECTION. POPULATION. INCREASE, 1890 RATE OF INCR. - TO 1900 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - United States 8,840,789 1,370,749 18.35 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Georgia 1,034,813 175,998 20.50 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Mississippi 907,630 165,071 22.20 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - Alabama 827,307 148,818 21.90 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - So. Carolina 782,321 93,387 13.60 - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - 31 Northern 759,788 181,876 31.50 - States - ------------------------------------------------------------------ - - -We learn from this table that there are four states in the union, each -of which contains a larger number of Negroes than all the 31 free states -combined. While such free states show a much more rapid decennial -increase than any of the far south states, still the total increment -scarcely exceeds that of the single state of Georgia. These figures -reveal no mad hegira to a fairer and better land. The increase in the -Northern states is due almost wholly to immigration from the South. It -is entirely probable that the Negro population, left to itself, would -not be a self sustaining quantity in the higher latitudes. During the -last decade there was an absolute decline of the Negro population in -Vermont, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, New Mexico, Nevada, -Oregon and California. - -The political significance of this Northern movement is out of all -proportion to its absolute weight. It is only in the North that the -Negro vote has dynamic power. In several of the border states, this vote -is at present unhampered, but there is no guarantee of future security. -In Mississippi there are 197,936 Negro males of voting age, but this -potential vote does not affect the choice of a single official of that -state. The black vote of that commonwealth is as completely nullified as -the last two amendments had never been appended to our national -constitution. On the other hand the 5,193 adult Negro males in Mich. are -accounted of considerable consequence in the political equation of that -state. In the Northern and Western states where men feel free to align -themselves according to conviction, the two parties are so nearly even -that the Negro vote constitutes the balance of power. Owing to unusual -political conditions, which cannot be counted on to continue, the last -three presidential elections were practically one-sided. The Republican -party triumphed by a margin that far exceeded the entire Negro -Contingent. It is only in several of the border states that this vote -could in any way have affected the fate of presidential electors. The -Negro vote, however, has been quite effective in state elections, and in -the choice of congressmen. As the parties gravitate to normal -conditions, the Negro vote will again become the balance of power in the -controlling states of the North. At the beginning of every campaign each -party feels that it has a chance of success. At such times the black -vote looms up large and significant. In national affairs the colored -vote usually adheres to the party of Lincoln and Sumner. As the margin -between the two parties is a shifting and uncertain quantity, the rapid -increase of the Negro vote in the Northern States becomes a matter of -great political importance. - - - _TABLE_ 8 - ---------------------------------------------- - NEGRO MALES OF VOTING AGE IN THE NORTHERN - STATES. - ---------------------------------------------- - STATE. 1890. 1900. - ---------------------------------------------- - Pennsylvania 34,873 51,668 - ---------------------------------------------- - New York 24,231 31,425 - ---------------------------------------------- - Illinois 18,200 29,762 - ---------------------------------------------- - Ohio 25,922 31,235 - ---------------------------------------------- - Indiana 13,079 18,186 - ---------------------------------------------- - New Jersey 14,564 21,474 - ---------------------------------------------- - Massachusetts 7,967 10,456 - ---------------------------------------------- - Rhode Island 2,261 2,765 - ---------------------------------------------- - Connecticut 3,497 4,576 - ---------------------------------------------- - Kansas 12,543 14,695 - ---------------------------------------------- - Michigan - 5,193 - ---------------------------------------------- - - -These figures tell their own story when we consider the normal relation -between the two parties in these several states. It is also interesting -to note that the Negroes in the North are found very largely in the -cities. This makes this vote of considerable importance in municipal -elections. There is, however, a tendency on the part of this vote to -distribute itself between the two parties in purely municipal and local -matters, which to a great degree neutralizes its special significance. - - - _TABLE_ 9 - -------------------------------- - NEGRO VOTERS IN NORTHERN - CITIES, 1900. - -------------------------------- - CITY NEGROES OF - VOTING AGE - -------------------------------- - Philadelphia 20,095 - -------------------------------- - New York 18,651 - -------------------------------- - Chicago 12,424 - -------------------------------- - Pittsburg 6,541 - -------------------------------- - Indianapolis 5,200 - -------------------------------- - Boston 4,441 - -------------------------------- - Cincinnati 4,997 - -------------------------------- - Detroit 1,732 - -------------------------------- - - -The most effective use that the Negro in the North can make of his -political privilege is to uphold civic righteousness in municipal -affairs, and to support those men and measures pledged to support the -integrity of the constitution and its vital amendments. - - - - -The Negro and His Citizenship--_FRANCIS J. GRIMKE_ - - - ACTS 22:25-29.--_And when they had tied him up with the thongs, - Paul said unto the centurion that stood by, Is it lawful for you - to scourge a man that is a Roman and uncondemned? And when the - centurion heard it, he went to the chief captain and told him, - saying, What art thou about to do? for this man is a Roman. And - the chief captain came and said unto him, Tell me, art thou a - Roman? And he said, Yea. And the chief captain answered, With a - great sum obtained I this citizenship. But Paul said, But I am a - Roman born. They then that were about to examine him straightway - departed from him: and the chief captain also was afraid when he - knew that he was a Roman, and because he had bound him._ - - -In this passage attention is directed to four things: To the fact that -Paul was a Roman citizen; to the fact that he was about to be treated in -a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; to the fact that he stood -up for his rights as a Roman citizen; and to the fact that those who -were about to infringe upon his rights were restrained, were overawed. - -I. Attention is directed to the fact that Paul was a Roman citizen. -Citizenship was a possession that was very highly esteemed, and that was -obtained in several ways,--by birth, by purchase, as a reward for -distinguished military services, and as a favor. Paul's came to him by -inheritance; his father before him had been a Roman citizen: how it came -to the father we do not know. At one time the price paid for it was very -great. The chief captain, in the narrative of which our text is a part, -tells us that he obtained his with a great sum; and therefore he seemed -surprised to think that a man in Paul's circumstances should have it. At -first he seemed a little incredulous, but it was only for a moment. The -penalty for falsely claiming to be a Roman citizen was death; this fact -together with the whole bearing of the apostle finally left no doubt in -his mind: he accepted his statement. - -It was not only a great honor to be a Roman citizen, but it carried with -it many rights and privileges that were not enjoyed by others. These -rights were either private or public,--_Jus Quiritium_, and _Jus -Civitatis_. Among Private Rights, was the Right of Liberty. This secured -him against imprisonment without trial; exemption from all degrading -punishments, such as scourging and crucifixion; the right of appeal to -the emperor after sentence by an inferior magistrate or tribunal, in any -part of the empire; and also the right to be sent to Rome for trial -before the emperor, if charged with a capital offence. - -Among Public Rights belonging to Roman citizens the following may be -mentioned: (1) The right of being enrolled in the censor's book, called, -_Jus Census_. (2) The right of serving in the army, called, _Jus -Militiae_. At first only citizens of the empire were permitted to engage -in military operations, to bear arms and fight in its behalf. (3) The -right to vote in the different assemblies of the people, called, _Jus -Suffragii_. This has always been and is to-day one of the most important -functions of citizenship, and one that should be highly prized and -sacredly guarded. (4) The right of bearing public offices in the state. - -There were many other rights enjoyed by Roman citizens, but I will not -take the time to enumerate them: these are sufficient to show us the -value, the importance of Roman citizenship; and this citizenship the -apostle Paul was invested with, with all the rights and privileges which -were involved in it. On one occasion he said, "I am a citizen of no mean -city," referring to Tarsus, which was one of the free cities of Asia -Minor; but more than that, as he tells us here, he was a citizen of the -empire. - -II. Attention is called to the fact that Paul was about to be treated in -a way that was forbidden by his citizenship; that was contrary to Roman -law. He had gone up to Jerusalem to attend the feast of Pentecost. After -meeting the brethren and rehearsing to them the wonderful things which -God had wrought through his ministry among the Gentiles, they -congratulated him upon his success, but said to him: "Thou seest, -brother, how many thousands there are among the Jews of them that have -believed; and they are all zealous for the law: and they have been -informed concerning thee, that thou teachest all the Jews who are among -the Gentiles to forsake Moses, telling them not to circumcise their -children neither to walk after the customs. What is it therefore? they -will certainly hear that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to -thee: We have four men that have a vow on them; these take, and purify -thyself with them, and be at charges for them, that they may shave their -heads: and all shall know that there is no truth in the things whereof -they have been informed concerning thee but that thou thyself walkest -orderly, keeping the law." It was in compliance with this request, that -Paul went into the temple to do as he was asked to do: and while there -was seen by certain Jews of Asia, i. e., the province of Asia, who at -once stirred up the multitude and laid hands on him, crying out, "Men of -Israel, help: This is the man that teacheth all men everywhere against -the people, and the law, and this place; and moreover he brought Greeks -also into the temple and hath defiled this holy place." It was like -touching a match to a powder magazine. The people were aroused. -Instantly there was a response to the call; and dragging the apostle out -of the temple they were in the act of beating him to death, when the -chief captain, learning of the tumult, rushed down with a squad of -soldiers and rescuing him, brought him into the castle. The next day -with a view of ascertaining what the trouble was, the real ground of -complaint against the apostle, the chief captain proposed to examine him -by scourging, and issued orders to that effect. In obedience to this -order the apostle was stripped and actually tied up. The process of -examination proposed was very severe. The culprit was stripped and tied -in a bending posture to a pillar, or stretched on a frame, and the -punishment was inflicted with a scourge made of leathern thongs weighted -with sharp pieces of bone or lead, the object being to extort from the -sufferer a confession of his guilt or the information desired. - -If the chief captain had understood the Hebrew language, and could have -followed the address of the apostle which was delivered on the steps of -the palace, he would have understood what the trouble was, without -attempting to resort to this brutal method of finding out; but evidently -he did not. Everything indicated, however, that it was something very -serious, judging from their treatment of him, and from the intense -excitement which his words produced upon them, and hence, he was all the -more anxious to find out. If the apostle was guilty of any offence -against the law, it was the duty of the chief captain to take cognizance -of it, and to punish him accordingly, but if he was innocent, if he had -in no way transgressed the law, it was his duty to release him. The law -also provided how the guilt or innocence of an accused person was to be -ascertained; and it was the duty of the chief captain to have followed -the course prescribed by the law; but it is clear from the narrative -that he had determined upon another course: the prisoner is ordered to -be scourged, instead of calling upon those who had assaulted him to make -their charges, and to substantiate them, and then giving the apostle an -opportunity of defending himself. - -III. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that the apostle -stood up manfully for his rights. After they had tied him up, as if -waiting to see just how far they would go, and just as the process of -scourging was about to begin, he challenged their right to proceed: he -said to the centurion, who was standing by, and who was there as the -representative of the chief captain, to see that the scourging was -properly done, and to make note of what he confessed,--he said to this -man: "Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and -uncondemned?" The law expressly forbade the scourging of Roman citizens; -it was an indignity to which no Roman citizen was to be subjected. This -was what was known as the Porcian law, and took its name from Porcius, -the Tribune through whose influence its adoption was secured. And this -is the law to which the apostle here appeals, whose protection he -invokes. Paul, as a Roman citizen, not only knew what his rights were, -but he stood up for his rights. He insists here upon being treated, as -he was entitled to be treated, as a citizen of the empire. They are -about to scourge him, contrary to law, and he says to them, Stop; you -have no right to treat me in this way, intimating and they evidently -understood it, that if they did not desist, they would hear from him; he -would bring the matter to the attention of the emperor. - -This is not the only place where Paul falls back upon his rights as a -Roman citizen. He did the same thing a little later on. He was removed -from Jerusalem to Caesarea, as you will remember, where he remained a -prisoner for two years. During that time he was frequently placed on -trial before various officials,--before Felix, before Festus, before -Agrippa. It was during one of these hearings, that Festus the governor, -in order to curry favor with the Jews, intimated that he might be sent -back to Jerusalem to be tried: and doubtless this was his intention, -having entered into a secret arrangement with the enemies of the -apostle, who had resolved to kill him at the first opportunity. This -they felt that they would have a better chance of doing if they could -only induce the governor to return him to Jerusalem. The apostle, of -course, knew all this; he knew how intensely they hated him, and what -their plans and purposes were, and he was determined not to be entrapped -in this way. The record is: "Paul said in his defence, 'Neither against -the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against Caesar have I -sinned at all.' But Festus, desiring to gain favor with the Jews, -answered Paul and said, 'Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be -judged of these things before me?' But Paul said, 'I am standing before -Caesar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I -done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest. If then I am a wrong -doer, and have committed anything worthy of death, I refuse not to die; -but if none of these things is true whereof these accuse me, no man can -give me up to them. I appeal unto Caesar.' Then Festus, when he had -conferred with the council, answered, 'Thou hast appealed unto Caesar, -unto Caesar thou shalt go.'" - -One of the great privileges of a Roman citizen was the right of appeal; -the right of being heard directly by the emperor, of taking his case out -of the hands of all inferior judicatories, up to the highest: and this -is the right which the apostle here avails himself of. It was the only -thing that saved him from being turned over by a corrupt official into -the hands of his enemies; and it forcibly illustrates the importance of -citizenship. Had he not been a Roman citizen clothed with the sacred -right of appeal he would have been basely sacrificed to the malice of -his enemies; or, though he had been a Roman citizen, if he had cowardly -surrendered his right, if he had failed to exercise it, he would have -equally perished; but the apostle stood upon his right, and so succeeded -in thwarting the purposes of his enemies. - -IV. Attention is directed in the text to the fact, that those who were -about to scourge this man, were restrained by the knowledge of the fact -that he was a Roman citizen. The moment they became aware of this fact; -at the mere mention of that sacred name, citizen, everything came to a -stand still; the uplifted hand, ready to smite, is arrested, and we find -the centurion running off, in great excitement in search of the chief -captain, and saying to him, "What are you about? Do you know that this -man is a Roman?" and we see the chief captain coming in great haste and -saying to the apostle, "What? can it be possible! Are you really a -Roman?" "Yes," said the apostle, "I am; and my father before me was." -The chief captain is astonished; yea, more, fear takes hold of him; he -becomes suddenly alarmed. - -There are two things in this incident that are worthy of note: first, -this indignity that was offered to the apostle was through ignorance. It -was not known that he was a Roman citizen. The law was violated, but it -was not purposely done. It was not the intention of the chief captain to -ignore the rights involved in citizenship; for he himself was a Roman -citizen, and was interested in maintaining those rights. And, second, to -trample upon the rights of a Roman citizen was a very grave offense, a -very serious matter; and it became a serious matter because back of this -citizenship was the whole power of the empire. These rights were -carefully guarded, were rigidly enforced, so that the term, Roman -citizen, was everywhere respected. No one could infringe those rights -with impunity: hence you will notice what is said here, "The chief -captain was afraid when he knew that he was a Roman because he had bound -him." He recognized at once the gravity of the offense. That was old -pagan Rome; but under its rule citizenship meant something; it was a -sacred thing; back of it stood the strong arm of the Government to give -efficacy, power to it. This man was afraid when he realized what he had -done; and that is the feeling which outraged citizenship ought -everywhere to inspire. It ought to mean something; and there ought to be -power somewhere to enforce its meaning. - -But it is not of Roman citizenship that I desire to speak at this time, -but rather of American citizenship, and of that citizenship as it -pertains to ourselves. In the providence of God we are citizens of this -great Republic. The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution declares: -"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to -the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the -State wherein they reside." Under this provision of the Constitution we -are all citizens; and we have earned the right to be citizens. We have -lived here as long as any other class in the Republic; we have worked as -hard as any other class to develop the country; and we have fought as -bravely as any other class in the defense of the Republic. If length of -residence, if unstinted toil, if great sacrifices of blood, if the -laying of one's self on the country's altar in the hour of peril, of -danger, give any claim to citizenship, then our claim is beyond dispute; -for all these things are true of us. - -We are _citizens_ of this great Republic: and citizenship is a sacred -thing: I hope we realize it. It is a thing to be prized; to be highly -esteemed. It has come to us after 250 years of slavery, of unrequited -toil; it has come to us after a sanguinary conflict, in which billions -of treasure and rivers of blood were poured out; it has come to us as a -boon from the nation at a time when it had reached its loftiest moral -development; when its moral sense was quickened as it had never been -before, and when it stood as it had never stood before upon the great -principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, not as -glittering generalities, but as great realities: it was at that sublime -period in our history, when the national conscience was at work; when -the men who were in charge of affairs were men who stood for -righteousness; when the great issues before the country were moral -issues, issues involving human rights,--that the nation saw fit to -abolish slavery and to decree the citizenship of all men, black and -white alike. When we think of what this citizenship has cost, in blood -and treasure; of the noble men through whose influence it was brought -about; and of the fact that it came to us from the Nation when it was at -its best, when it was living up to its highest light, and to its noblest -conceptions of right and duty,--we ought to prize it, to set a high -value upon it. - -And we ought to show our appreciation of it: (1). By being good -citizens; by doing everything in our power to develop ourselves along -right lines, intellectually, morally, spiritually, and also materially: -and to do everything in our power to promote the general good; -everything that will help to make for municipal, state, and national -righteousness. We are to remember that we are part of a great whole, and -that the whole will be affected by our conduct, either for good or bad. -If we live right, if we fear God and keep his commandments, and train -our children to do the same, we ennoble our citizenship; we become a -part of the great conservative force of society, a positive blessing to -the community, the state, the nation. It is especially important for us, -in view of the strong prejudice against us, the disposition to view us -with a critical eye, to hold up and magnify our short-comings, that we -be particularly concerned to be constantly manifesting, evidencing our -good citizenship by allying ourselves only with the things that are -true, and just, and pure, and lovely, and of good report. We ought not -to lose sight of the fact that the strongest fight that is being made -against us to-day is by those who are doing most to discredit us, to -array public sentiment against us,--those who are parading our -short-comings and imperfections, who are giving the greatest publicity, -the widest circulation to them. There are persons in this country, who -are determined, and who never lose an opportunity to blacken our good -name. Dr. DuBois, in that splendid document of his, "Credo," said among -other things, "I believe in the Devil and his angels, who wantonly work -to narrow the opportunity of struggling human beings, especially if they -be black; who spit in the faces of the fallen, strike them that cannot -strike again, believe the worst and work to prove it, hating the image -which their Maker stamped on a brother's soul." And this is one of the -conditions that confront us in this country, and that we must not lose -sight of. The fact that there is this determination on the part of our -enemies to prove that we are utterly unworthy of this great boon of -citizenship, should have the effect of creating within us a counter -determination to show that we are worthy,--to do our level best in every -sphere of life. Now I do not mean by this to say that we are not proving -ourselves to be good citizens; for we are: a great many of us are; but I -have called attention to it because I feel that it ought to be -emphasized; that we need to feel more keenly and more widely than is -felt, the meaning of this great boon and the demand which it makes upon -us. It is a challenge to every man to live a straightforward, upright, -worthy life. And what is needed is, not only that _we_, who have had -exceptional opportunities, should feel this way, but that the great mass -of our people should be educated to feel the same, to be animated by the -same spirit. And _we_ are to be their educators; it is through _us_ that -this spirit is to descend upon them, and take possession of them. If -this citizenship means anything, it means that we should be concerned -about everything which makes for law, for order, for good government, -for individual, municipal, state, and national purity and righteousness; -it means that each one of us ought to be a living example of the best -type of what a citizen ought to be. - -But this is not all: if we value our citizenship we will not only seek -to make the most of ourselves, to live on the highest plane but we will -also stand up manfully for our rights under that citizenship. I have no -patience with those who preach civil and political self-effacement. I -never have believed in that pernicious doctrine, and never will. When -you have effaced a man, civilly and politically, in a government like -our own, what is he? What does he amount to? Who cares for him? What -rights has he which any other class is bound to respect? He is a mere -nonentity, entitled to no consideration, and with no refuge to which he -can fly in the hour of his need. To be civilly and politically effaced -is to be civilly and politically dead; and to be civilly and politically -dead is to be at the mercy of any and every political party or -organization, and to be under the iron heel of the worst elements in the -community without any means of redress. - -We are _citizens_ of this Republic: and I want to direct attention to -this fact for a moment; and I am glad of the opportunity of doing it at -this time, when we are in the midst of celebrating the inauguration of -our President. I thank God for the man at the White House; for his -courage; for his high sense of righteousness; for the many splendid -things which he has said; and for the noble stand which he has taken on -human rights; on equality of opportunity; on the open door for every man -in the Republic irrespective of race or color. I rejoice in the fact -that we have such a President. I commend him heartily for what he has -done. I hope he will do more; I hope there are yet larger things in -store for this race through him. But whether he does more or not; or -whatever may be his future policy, or the future policy of the leaders -of either of the great political parties, or the rank and file of those -parties, it cannot, it will not affect in the least, our attitude in -regard to our rights under the Constitution. We are citizens, clothed -with citizenship rights; and, there is no thought or intention on our -part of ever surrendering a single one of them. Whatever others may -think of it, or desire in regard to it, we do not propose to retreat a -single inch, to give up for one moment the struggle. I say, _we_ and in -this, I believe I speak for those who represent the sentiment that is -taking more and more firmly hold of the heart of this race. I belong to -what may be called the radical wing of the race, on the race question: I -do not believe in compromises; in surrendering, or acquiescing, even -temporarily, in the deprivation of a single right, out of deference to -an unrighteous public sentiment. I believe with Lowell, - - "They enslave their children's children, - Who make compromise with sin." - -And this, I believe, at heart, is the sentiment of the race; at least, -it is the sentiment of some of us. There is where we have taken our -stand and there is where we propose to stand to the end. What belongs to -us as citizens we want; and we are not going to be satisfied with -anything less. We are in this country, and we are here to stay. There is -no prospect of our ever leaving it. This is our home, as it has been the -home of our ancestors for generations, and will be the home of our -children, and of our children's children, for all time. It is of the -greatest importance to us, therefore, that our status in it, as it is -permanently fixed, should be, not that of a proscribed class, but that -of full citizenship with every right, civil and political, accorded to -us that is accorded to other citizens of the Republic. This is the thing -that we are to insist upon; this is the evil against which we are to -guard. - -What our enemies are seeking to effect is to make this a white man's -government; to fix permanently our status in it, as one of civil and -political inferiority. The issue is sharply drawn; and it is for us to -say whether we will be thus reduced, whether such shall be our permanent -status or not. One thing we may be assured of: such will surely be our -fate unless we clearly comprehend the issue, and set ourselves earnestly -to work to counteract the movement, by resisting in every legitimate way -its consummation, and by using our influence to create a counter public -sentiment. - -What are some of these citizenship rights for which we should earnestly -contend? - -(1) The right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In one -section of this country, at least, and the area is growing, and is fast -including others, the life of a Negro isn't worth as much as that of a -dog. He may be shot down, murdered, strung up to a tree, burnt to death, -by any white ruffian, or band of lawbreakers and murderers with -impunity. The color of his skin gives any white man liberty to maltreat -him, to trample upon him. He has no rights which white men are bound to -respect. If he goes to law, there is no redress; his appeals avail -nothing with judge and jury. That is a condition of things that we ought -not to rest satisfied under. As long as the life of a black man is not -just as sacred as that of a white man, in every section of the Republic; -as long as wrongs perpetrated upon him are treated with greater leniency -than wrongs perpetrated upon white men, his status is not the same as -that of the white man; and as long as it is not the same an injustice is -done him, which he ought to resist; against which he ought to protest, -and continue to protest. - -(2) Another citizenship right is that of receiving equal accommodations -on all common carriers and in all hostelries; on railroads, steamboats, -in hotels, restaurants, and in all public places. When we travel, -whatever we are able to pay for we are entitled to, just as other -citizens are. To-day this is largely denied us. The hotels are not open -to us; the restaurants are not open to us, even the little ten cent -lunch counters, in this the capital city of the nation, are not open to -us: we are shut out from all such places, and shut out because of the -color of our skin. If we attempt to travel, and turn our faces -southward, we must ride in Jim Crow cars; we must be segregated, shut up -in a little compartment by ourselves. The privilege which we once -enjoyed without stint of taking a sleeper or Pullman car, even that now -is being taken from us. One state has even gone so far as to make it -unlawful to sell a ticket to a person of color on a sleeper. That is the -state of Georgia; a State that has in it Atlanta University, and Clark -University, and the Atlanta Baptist College, and Spelman Seminary, and -the Gammon Theological Seminary, and Haines Institute, and many other -schools of learning; a State that has within its borders some of the -very best type of Negroes in this country. The meaning of all this, -don't let us misunderstand: it is a part of the general policy, which is -being vigorously pushed by our enemies, to fix our status as one of -inferiority, by shutting us out from certain privileges. The whole thing -is wrong. Such invidious distinctions ought not to be permitted in a -republic. It is inconsistent with citizenship. Everything ought to be -open to all citizens alike:--railroad cars, hotels, restaurants, -steamboats, the schools and colleges of the land: our public schools -ought to be open to all the children alike. There ought not be separate -schools for the whites, and separate schools for blacks: all the -children of the Republic ought to be educated together; and sooner or -later it is bound to come to that. Some one has said, "It isn't so much -the Jim Crow car, as it is the Jim Crow Negro in the car." The fallacy -of this statement, and its attempted mitigation or justification of the -Jim Crow car, lies in the fact that the Jim Crow car has nothing -whatever to do with the Jim Crow Negro. It was not instituted for him, -but for all Negroes, whether Jim Crow or not: in fact, it was designed, -particularly, not for the Jim Crow Negro, but for the intelligent, -progressive, self-respecting Negro. If there are Jim Crow Negroes among -us we owe them a duty; we ought to seek to improve them, to lift them to -higher levels; but while we are doing this, don't let us forget that -there is a Jim Crow car, and what it stands for. It stands for a hostile -public sentiment; it is a part of a concerted plan which seeks to -degrade us, to rob us of our rights, to deprive us of privileges enjoyed -by other citizens, because of the color of our skin. If there were no -Jim Crow Negroes, we would have the Jim Crow car all the same. We should -fight the Jim Crow cars, therefore, not only because of the personal -discomfort to which we are subjected in travelling, but also because of -the general system of which it is a part,--a system which seeks to -establish a double citizenship in the Republic, based upon race and -color; the one superior to the other, and carrying with it privileges -which are denied to the other. - -(3) Another citizenship right is that of serving in the Army and Navy; -the right to take up arms and to fight in behalf of the country. This is -our right, and we have exercised it, and are still exercising it. We -have fought in all the wars of the Republic; and are represented to-day -in both Army and Navy. We have made a glorious record for ourselves in -this respect. There is no better soldier in the Army of the Republic, -than the black soldier. This right has not been denied us, but let us, -nevertheless, keep our eyes on it. There are some things even here that -need to be looked into. It has been many years since we have had a -representative in the great Naval or Military school of the country; and -there have been some rumors about limiting the aspirations of Negroes in -the Army, of not permitting them to advance beyond a certain point. If -there is such a thought or intention on the part of those in authority, -it must be resisted. The Negro must be free--in the Army, in the -Navy,--in every part of the Army and Navy,--as other citizens are free; -to advance according to his merit. His color must not be allowed to -operate against him. - -(4) Another citizen right is that of suffrage, the right of the ballot; -the right to have part in the government; to say who shall make the laws -and who shall execute them; and what the laws shall be; the right to -have an opinion, and to have that opinion counted in determining what -shall be and what shall not be. This is one of the greatest of rights. -In a republic citizenship means very little without it. It is this which -marks the difference between a representative government, a government -of the people, by the people, and for the people, and a despotism, an -absolute monarchy. The glory of the age in which we live is the triumph -of democracy; and what is the triumph of democracy but the right of the -_people_ to say who shall rule; and how is the will of the people -expressed? Through the ballot; at the polls. The ballot therefore is the -symbol of the sovereignty of the people. If we are to be sovereign -citizens of the Republic therefore, this right to vote must be -preserved. The old despotic idea of government was, that some people -were born to rule, and that others were born to be ruled; and the idea -that exists in the minds of some people in this country, in democratic -America, in face of the affirmation of the Declaration of Independence, -that all men are born free and equal, is that in this country, there are -some people who are born to rule, and others who are born to be ruled; -and that the people who are born to rule are the whites, and those who -are born to be ruled are the blacks: hence the effort that is being made -to divest us of this symbol of sovereignty,--the ballot. Let us not be -deceived; let us give no heed to any teaching, never mind from what -source it may come, which seeks to minimize the importance of the -ballot. What difference does it make whether we vote or not? I have -heard some weak-kneed, time-serving representatives of our own race say; -and the thought has been caught up by the men in the south who have been -seeking to rob us of our rights, and by those in the North who have been -playing into their hands; and they have said, Yes, What difference does -it make? Are you not just as well off without it? What difference does -it make? It makes all the difference in the world: the difference -between a sovereign citizen of the Republic, and one who has been -stripped of his sovereignty; between one who has a say in what is going -on, and one who has not; between one who is ruled with his consent, and -one who is ruled without it. If we are just as well off without the -ballot, how is it that the white man is not just as well off without it? -And if he is unwilling to give it up, why should he ask us to give it -up? Why should we give it up? If he needs it in order to protect -himself, much more do we, for we are weaker than he is, and need all the -more the power which comes from the ballot. - -(5) Another citizenship right is, that of holding office, the right to -be voted for, and of being appointed to positions of honor and trust by -the executive power. This is also a right that belongs to us, and that -we must contend for. It is one of our rights that is now being -especially contested in the South. The Negro must not be appointed to -any office, is the demand of Southern white sentiment. I am glad that -the President has not yielded wholly to that sentiment. The fight which -he made in the Crum case was a notable one, and clearly indicated that -he was not willing to shut that door of opportunity to the Negro; that -he was not willing to take the position that a man was to be debarred -from public office simply because of the color of his skin. That was the -right position for him to take, and the only one that was consistent -with his oath of office, and his position as President of _all_ the -people. I hope that he will continue to act upon that principle; and -that he will do more than he has done. There is room for improvement in -this direction. A few more appointments of colored men in the North, as -well as in the South, would be a good thing. It ought to be done. The -right of colored men to receive appointments ought to be clearly and -distinctly emphasized by multiplying those appointments. There is -nothing like an object lesson in impressing the truth. I hope that the -President will give us many such object lessons during the next four -years. - -The right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; the right to -receive equal accommodation on railroads, steamboats, in hotels, -restaurants, and in all public places of amusement; the right to be -represented in the Army and Navy; the right to vote; the right to hold -office: these are some of our citizenship rights, for which we should -earnestly contend. Sometimes, we are told, that it would be better to -say less about our rights, and more about our duties. No one feels more -the importance of emphasizing our duties than I do,--I think I have done -about as much of it as anybody,--but among the duties that I have always -emphasized, and still emphasize, is the duty of standing up squarely and -uncompromisingly for our rights. When we are contending for the truth; -when we are resisting the encroachments of those who are seeking to -despoil us of our birth-right as citizens; when we are keeping up the -agitation for equal civil and political privileges in this country, are -we not in the line of duty? If not, where is the line? Duties? Yes. Let -us have our duties preached to us,--line upon line, and precept upon -precept, here a little and there a little; but at the same time don't -let us forget that we have also _rights_ under the Constitution, and to -see to it that we stand up for them; that we resist to the very last -ditch those who would rob us of them. And in doing this, let us remember -that we are called to it by the stern voice of Duty, which is the voice -of God; and that we need not apologize for our action. - -And now in conclusion but a word more and then I am done. The fight -before us is a long one. You will not live, nor will I live to see the -triumph of the principles for which we are contending; let us not become -discouraged however. Things look pretty dark at times, but it isn't all -dark. Now and then there are gleams of light, which indicate the coming -of a better day. There are forces working _for_ us, as well as against -us; and with what we can do for ourselves, we need not despair. - - "Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; - He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes - of wrath are stored! - He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; - His truth is marching on. - - He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; - He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment seat; - O, be swift, my soul, to answer him! be jubilant, my feet! - While God is marching on." - -Let us take courage; let us gird up our loins; let us stand at our post; -let us be true to duty; let us hold ourselves to the highest; let us -have nothing to do with the unfruitful works of darkness; let us be -temperate, industrious, thrifty; let us do with our might what our hands -find to do; let us trust in God, and do the right: and then, whether the -struggle be long or short, there can be no doubt as to the final issue. -We shall come out victorious; we shall be accorded every right belonging -to us under the Constitution, and every avenue of opportunity will be -opened to us, as to other citizens of the Republic. The future is -largely in our own hands. If we allow ourselves to be permanently -despoiled of our rights; to be reduced to a position of civil and -political inferiority, the fault will be, not "in our stars," as -Shakespeare has expressed it, "but in ourselves." Others can help us; -others will help us, as they have already done; but the final outcome -will depend mainly upon what we do _for_ ourselves, and _with_ -ourselves. If we are to grow in the elements that make for a strong, -intelligent, virtuous manhood and womanhood, _we_ have got to see to it, -to be concerned about it; to be more deeply concerned about it than -anybody else. And so, if the agitation for equality of rights and -opportunities in this country is to be kept up, and it ought to be kept -up, _we_ are the ones to see to it. As long as there are wrongs to be -redressed, from which we are suffering, we ought not to be silent, ought -not for our sake as well as for the sake of the nation at large. -Whatever can be done to develop ourselves; whatever can be done to -create a healthy and righteous public sentiment in our behalf; whatever -can be done to check the encroachments of our enemies upon our rights, -_we_ must do it, whether others do or not. May God help us all to -realize this, and to address ourselves earnestly to the work that lies -before us. - - "Be strong! - We are not here to play, to dream, to drift. - We have hard work to do, and loads to lift. - Shun not the struggle; face it. Tis God's gift." - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -This is one group of papers from a series of papers presented to the -American Negro Academy. Founded by Alexander Crummell in March 1897, -with 40 of the leading black scholars and writers of the day, the -Academy's purpose was to promote literature, science and art, foster -higher education and high culture, and to defend the Negro aginst racist -attacks. The Academy was active until 1924. - -This project was scanned from a facsimile reprint included in a -collection of all 22 Occasional Papers of the American Negro Academy. - -Original spelling varieties have been maintained; tables and footnotes -were renumbered. - - - - - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEGRO AND THE ELECTIVE -FRANCHISE. (THE AMERICAN NEGRO ACADEMY. OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 11.) *** - - - - -A Word from Project Gutenberg - - -We will update this book if we find any errors. - -This book can be found under: http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35449 - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no one -owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and -you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission -and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the -General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and -distributing Project Gutenberg(tm) electronic works to protect the -Project Gutenberg(tm) concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a -registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, -unless you receive specific permission. If you do not charge anything -for copies of this eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. 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