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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Essays
+
+Author: David Hume
+
+Commentator: Hannaford Bennett
+
+Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org
+
+
+
+
+ESSAYS
+
+By
+
+DAVID HUME
+
+
+
+_With Biographical Introduction_
+
+by
+
+Hannaford Bennett
+
+LONDON
+
+JOHN LONG LTD
+
+
+
+
+Contents
+
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION
+
+OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
+
+OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
+
+THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
+
+OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
+
+OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
+
+OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT
+
+WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR
+TO A REPUBLIC
+
+OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
+
+OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
+
+OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
+
+OF CIVIL LIBERTY
+
+OF ELOQUENCE
+
+
+
+
+Biographical Introduction
+
+
+The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography
+which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he
+calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its
+purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify
+the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a
+remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was
+Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son
+was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711,
+during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that
+his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself
+came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though
+young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and
+educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction.
+He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when
+he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary
+course of education with success"; but "our college education in
+Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further
+than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen
+years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have
+maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she
+considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature.
+Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she
+lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly
+success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his
+meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance.
+
+It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that
+made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At
+first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but
+"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and
+Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume
+remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a
+more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen
+instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to
+Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few
+months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the
+middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any
+profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He
+settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flêche in Anjou, and
+"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully
+pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency
+of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every
+object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in
+literature." At La Flêche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the
+Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he
+composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to
+himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such
+distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work
+which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he
+was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the
+most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its
+effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three
+years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume
+of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the
+second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon
+made me entirely forget my former disappointments.
+
+In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale,
+who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for
+long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an
+expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his
+secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards
+added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was
+afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom
+Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he
+should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made
+him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly
+figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him
+in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the
+train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial
+occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much
+appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling
+on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These
+years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have
+received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in
+good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach
+a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were
+inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a
+thousand pounds."
+
+While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human
+Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the
+original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new
+edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but
+these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him.
+In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his
+brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his
+sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_
+and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of
+the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not
+shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical,
+philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his
+publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of
+Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to
+him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which
+enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some
+time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his
+_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the
+second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in
+1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a
+twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a
+great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture,
+though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the
+shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural
+History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to
+Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as
+success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility
+which distinguish the Warburtonian school."
+
+Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the
+_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed
+ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the
+promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more
+honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord
+Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views
+about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time.
+In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several
+of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded
+with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French
+society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in
+October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at
+Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary
+honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great
+nobles fêted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the
+"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At
+the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux
+joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with
+satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these
+flatteries to turn his head.
+
+In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office
+as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this
+period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with
+Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the
+possession of £1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life
+easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for
+the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in
+the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his
+illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_,
+which ends simply in these words:
+
+     "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very
+     little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have,
+     notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a
+     moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the
+     period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I
+     might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same
+     ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I
+     consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off
+     only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of
+     my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional
+     lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is
+     difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present.
+
+     "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather
+     was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I
+     was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of
+     an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but
+     little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my
+     passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never
+     soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My
+     company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as
+     to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure
+     in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased
+     with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men
+     any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never
+     was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I
+     wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious
+     factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted
+     fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one
+     circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots,
+     we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate
+     any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which
+     they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there
+     is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope
+     it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is
+     easily cleared and ascertained."
+
+Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was
+buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill.
+
+                                                HANNAFORD BENNETT
+
+
+
+
+Essays
+
+
+
+
+OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
+
+
+Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which
+makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives
+them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing
+grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good
+offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury
+provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates
+them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People
+of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as
+more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I
+believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not
+rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own
+disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and
+when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any
+misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and
+deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right
+enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great
+pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible
+temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the
+latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be
+transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take
+false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable.
+
+There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much
+resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same
+sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to
+prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a
+poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his
+feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the
+masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction,
+than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A
+polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment;
+rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short,
+delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It
+enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us
+sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind.
+
+I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding
+this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and
+cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be
+remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little
+at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall
+read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall
+keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely
+independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is
+impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place
+his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_
+is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy
+of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy
+by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and
+receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the
+most expensive luxury can afford.
+
+Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of
+delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this
+delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined
+taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the
+compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A
+greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the
+senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the
+temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste
+is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so
+much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a
+composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many
+circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature
+requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment,
+will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a
+new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment
+will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life.
+Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too
+frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that
+sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious.
+
+But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for
+the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to
+those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On
+further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for
+all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders
+the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions.
+
+     Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes,
+     Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.
+
+For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In
+the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of
+the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give
+a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are
+strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw
+off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish
+reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable
+melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited
+to love and friendship.
+
+In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and
+friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us
+indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men.
+You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense
+they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or
+in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one
+man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is
+sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures
+and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and
+finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any
+vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a
+celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or
+watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours;
+but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and
+distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested
+his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the
+company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all
+the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained.
+And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no
+wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and
+undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves
+with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite
+become an elegant passion.
+
+
+[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralité des Mondes, Soir 6.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
+
+
+Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty
+which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to
+the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the
+king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is
+affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the
+interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of
+affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie
+towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and
+devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as
+mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other
+government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice,
+more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the
+question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar
+privilege?_
+
+The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be
+derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly
+monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not,
+a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government,
+liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that,
+as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with
+liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other
+hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes
+always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that
+of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion
+concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their
+condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his
+subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_,
+both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such
+as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give
+_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the
+magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages
+result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a
+considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen
+pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the
+two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to
+each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the
+magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people
+have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual
+confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in
+monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics.
+
+To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every
+government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures
+of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must
+take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the
+Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty,
+_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a
+celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively
+description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government.
+
+     Et fit aimer son joug à l'Anglois indompté,
+     Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberté.
+                                        HENRIADE, liv. i.
+
+According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government
+under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the
+despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same
+kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable
+to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those
+mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and
+jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful
+tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their
+cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing
+that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a
+family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On
+the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in
+England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its
+own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the
+magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every
+one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be
+deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no
+crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges;
+and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by
+their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and
+violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is
+as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as
+there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome.
+
+These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these
+kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is
+apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not
+careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of
+conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit
+of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition
+of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to
+prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the
+liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the
+nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be
+animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of
+our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will
+naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own
+preservation.[1]
+
+It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press,
+though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy
+for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government.
+
+
+[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the
+support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second
+question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there
+being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation
+of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would
+fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with
+so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of
+mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except
+the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not
+dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the
+harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A
+man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present
+from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away
+by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never
+so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him
+by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press,
+therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or
+rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may
+occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come
+to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to
+his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a
+greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their
+governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from
+them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and
+be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where
+men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and
+falsehood.
+
+It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the
+_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented,
+and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational
+creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the
+United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible
+with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of
+religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all
+of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other.
+_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this
+liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as
+yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men,
+being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public
+affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater
+difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour.
+
+It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this
+peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be
+wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any
+degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is
+lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed
+to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must
+disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the
+liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general
+laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they
+possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either
+the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large
+discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them.
+But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty,
+that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We
+may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these
+attempts shall succeed.
+
+
+
+
+THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
+
+
+It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference
+between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may
+not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1]
+Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only
+difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most
+political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one
+constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But,
+though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this
+sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no
+greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and
+characters of particular men.
+
+It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government
+consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular
+instances in history, where the very same government, in different
+hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and
+bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV.
+Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction,
+sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects:
+these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the
+patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the
+throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally
+changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these
+two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost
+without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well
+as domestic.
+
+But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute
+governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one
+of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a
+republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the
+particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really
+no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for
+the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and
+such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the
+other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest
+crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original
+frame and institution.
+
+So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government,
+and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men,
+that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced
+from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us.
+
+The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power
+to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility
+or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in
+a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by
+success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread
+themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though
+the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore,
+most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported
+in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular
+bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means,
+they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a
+perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced
+among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into
+anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was
+the despotic power of the Cæsars. Such are the effects of democracy
+without a representative.
+
+A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power
+of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the
+power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as
+composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The
+Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the
+Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of
+nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority
+which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every
+nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority
+over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it
+receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and
+tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent
+even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the
+humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who
+possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among
+themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough
+to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their
+authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any
+breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government
+promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of
+some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the
+nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state.
+The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another,
+without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin
+and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a
+Polish nobility in every one of these particulars.
+
+It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single
+person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of
+power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other
+parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_
+or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial
+view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will
+discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as
+are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling
+of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too
+general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a
+civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with
+certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a
+_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people
+whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by
+them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no
+other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while
+their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native
+will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships,
+and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment
+of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to
+mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit
+alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money,
+or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an
+election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince,
+than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the
+sovereign.
+
+It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics,
+_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people
+voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY,
+_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit
+of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education
+either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some
+other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that
+character.
+
+It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been
+commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are
+they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this
+observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here
+speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon
+learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing;
+because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the
+few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He
+does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_
+laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts
+of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state
+necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men
+learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in
+such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive
+matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some
+private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial
+governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their
+plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who
+find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject
+provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to
+mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the
+governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more
+expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth
+before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the
+Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true,
+they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but
+Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the
+interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in
+that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would
+plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at
+present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the
+great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read
+of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and
+astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that,
+after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders
+of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to
+the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to
+old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put
+into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant
+wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men
+of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke
+became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be
+observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were
+careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time,
+Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the
+whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or
+populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military
+discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of
+the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we
+learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the
+produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also
+loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern
+times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of
+absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states.
+Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be
+convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good
+measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as
+should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a
+conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same
+purpose.
+
+There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of
+Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those
+eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may
+seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those
+of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and
+that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the
+Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their
+former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of
+this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his
+subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the
+Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no
+distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately
+from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and
+possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his
+commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder
+manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour,
+beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour,
+integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former
+species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake
+off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal
+credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the
+latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will
+encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt
+and conduct them in every undertaking.[3]
+
+Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive;
+though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that
+monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily
+kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they
+cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may
+facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a
+tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them
+indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I
+say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated
+authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such
+governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince
+himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to
+produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every
+respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest
+security to the sovereign as well as to the subject.
+
+Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a
+state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to
+regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity.
+Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any
+commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future
+ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by
+which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check
+on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same
+in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the
+Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of
+government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the
+original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of
+Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous
+republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and
+education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be
+wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on
+account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these
+parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the
+case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and
+tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a
+considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with
+the utmost integrity and wisdom.
+
+The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for
+private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the
+government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity
+or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the
+Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the
+beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance
+between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the
+tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this
+very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during
+part of the season, a _Prætor_ punished capitally for this crime above
+three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of
+this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a
+worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved
+in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much
+admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time
+of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country
+to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the
+earth, merely for the choice of tyrants.
+
+Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost
+zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty
+is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of
+particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to
+human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as
+nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than
+to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard
+to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is
+only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to
+the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue.
+
+But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present.
+There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of
+their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the
+interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall
+always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps
+the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our
+zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the
+foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the
+parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time,
+that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion,
+with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.
+
+Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as
+ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an
+extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public.
+His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in
+domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of
+which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous
+treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of
+maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his
+pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even
+to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and
+disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by
+which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily
+governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed
+every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.
+
+On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run
+as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady,
+and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and
+interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at
+home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these
+blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he
+crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution
+in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has
+transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest
+posterity.
+
+When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each
+party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and
+fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade
+these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the
+accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them
+to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution
+be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our
+neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the
+expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of
+blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these
+eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to
+govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the
+greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of
+tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the
+people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so
+strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original
+principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the
+best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far
+good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the
+British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such
+remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our
+ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say,
+with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we
+are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an
+opportunity of erecting a better in its place.
+
+I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend
+the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of
+ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a
+constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation,
+and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our
+constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and
+apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no
+more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman
+from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public
+affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by
+whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that
+case much less requisite than the patience and submission of
+_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are
+highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to
+hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its
+convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.
+
+I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care
+and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims
+might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might
+still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of
+maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be
+bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And,
+on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the
+supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal
+too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if
+they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution
+into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.
+
+I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present
+controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is
+restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the
+good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal
+character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little
+importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon
+them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5]
+
+
+[1]
+
+     For forms of government let fools contest,
+     Whate'er is best administered is best.
+                            ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.
+
+
+
+[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the
+reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign
+affairs.
+
+[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of
+Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is
+reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been
+better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in
+this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described
+by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were
+preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent
+change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, _De
+exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in
+command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under
+Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62.
+Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was
+of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent
+Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the
+highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His
+grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His
+great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia.
+Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt
+under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators,
+Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being
+desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the
+daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him,
+first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most
+considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty
+by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a
+rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his
+rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the
+seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors;
+and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be
+descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as
+Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander
+married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention
+plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian
+families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most
+noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic,
+and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not
+carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and
+orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their
+family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why
+the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other
+causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that
+Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its
+application to the present case.
+
+[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.
+
+[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed
+at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under
+the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as
+follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been
+more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister,
+who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time,
+amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been
+wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper
+that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish,
+for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been
+drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit
+with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least,
+employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former
+quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more
+thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have
+perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself
+with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be
+adopted by future historians.
+
+Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of
+ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not
+magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances,
+are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such
+virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His
+vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which
+are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with
+frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public:
+his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With
+many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good
+capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more
+worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better
+qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his
+ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public,
+better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad
+precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has
+flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man,
+I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly
+wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote
+for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire
+to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and
+pleasure.
+
+*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.
+
+_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and
+calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same
+moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not
+rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from
+one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane
+sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that
+the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this
+character, a great, and the only great, error in that long
+administration._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
+
+
+Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with
+a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed
+by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own
+sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by
+what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is
+always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to
+support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that
+government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and
+most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular.
+The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless
+subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination.
+But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _prætorian bands_,
+like men, by their opinion.
+
+Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of
+right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the
+general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the
+persuasion, that the particular government which is established is
+equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When
+this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those
+who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any
+government.
+
+Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What
+prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be
+understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their
+ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction
+of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever
+disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always
+found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of
+public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first
+sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the
+human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt,
+without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and
+morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is
+formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where
+men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice
+and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of
+these contradictory appearances.
+
+It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is
+of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property
+the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem
+inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter
+too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to
+property has a great influence in this subject.
+
+Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to
+power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all
+authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles
+which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their
+operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still
+we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone,
+but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned.
+They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original,
+principles of government.
+
+For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of
+particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we
+receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority
+must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to
+produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his
+authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give
+birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the
+greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the
+hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any
+particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy,
+and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same
+observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and
+_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a
+tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a
+single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the
+further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or
+on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and
+virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet
+he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character,
+otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his
+virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.
+
+A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power
+and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where
+any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the
+property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no
+share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that
+order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much
+attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that
+the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original
+constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men
+who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to
+stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with
+that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in
+England.
+
+Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed,
+that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain,
+its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all
+whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as
+absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more
+to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution,
+that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the
+public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the
+House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by
+the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of
+Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to
+receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies,
+this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and
+riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into
+the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either
+influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of
+property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective
+body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at
+present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing
+over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill,
+popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of
+opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total
+alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure
+republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For
+though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite
+unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most
+susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and
+tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be
+pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any
+further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have
+place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party
+amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as
+possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2]
+
+
+[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what
+appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its
+influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very
+limited understanding.
+
+[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present
+political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous
+one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both
+parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely
+bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by
+his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so
+far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend
+that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every
+member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom
+he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if
+their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these
+sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight
+which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of
+language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these
+different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head,
+it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in
+their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their
+language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering
+the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of
+places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to
+have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to
+the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same
+weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our
+domestic affairs?
+
+
+
+
+OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
+
+
+Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity,
+from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his
+further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to
+administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor
+safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the
+vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object
+or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the
+support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies,
+officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy
+counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of
+administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate
+morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have
+no other useful object of their institution.
+
+All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and
+order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for
+the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious
+necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is
+impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of
+justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man
+finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by
+the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more
+frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant
+interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous
+temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.
+
+Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They
+must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose
+peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish
+transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however
+reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word,
+obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of
+justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of
+allegiance.
+
+But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that
+nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of
+obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human
+mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests
+and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They
+are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is
+inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well
+or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that
+the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in
+his administration.
+
+Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the
+cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of
+government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by
+the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens.
+The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not
+only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of
+government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led
+astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest
+in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain
+this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must
+be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity,
+or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government
+is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty
+influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The
+prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his
+society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him
+in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all
+indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the
+power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he
+establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find
+an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit
+soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly
+founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing
+from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod,
+and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives.
+
+But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and
+inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be
+founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected
+that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their
+operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It
+is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began
+during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius
+discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most
+requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most
+sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common
+among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the
+chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became,
+even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually,
+by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit
+sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at
+least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son
+enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to
+maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the
+further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and
+enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his
+administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and
+disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must
+have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the
+case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk
+of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the
+supreme magistrate.
+
+In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or
+secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever
+absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must
+necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which
+confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any
+constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is
+master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be
+permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can
+impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the
+lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is
+commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles
+or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil
+magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert
+other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The
+government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of
+free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several
+members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than
+that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration,
+must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the
+members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned,
+that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority
+must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those
+contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the
+latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps
+one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance,
+which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always
+support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that
+contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt
+to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1]
+
+
+Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving
+any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of
+the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have
+no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this
+interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him,
+notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public
+good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages
+of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no
+security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our
+rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.
+
+It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be
+supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat
+strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in
+_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are
+generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity,
+and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own
+private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon
+mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check
+is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by
+his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns
+to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every
+court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that,
+if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do),
+the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and
+acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public
+interest and liberty.
+
+When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan
+of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among
+several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the
+separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by
+the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its
+operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to
+be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not
+checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing
+but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this
+opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of
+all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern.
+
+How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or
+Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a
+very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so
+distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all
+the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a
+government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great
+is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with
+power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp
+upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as
+far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable.
+
+But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken.
+For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share
+of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so
+great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the
+government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to
+it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in
+fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two
+Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is
+little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the
+executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every
+government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I
+say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the
+Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How
+easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all
+these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and
+choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only
+distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage
+over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the
+king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would
+not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute?
+As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown,
+so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience
+and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to
+maintain themselves alone, without such support.
+
+How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this
+member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since,
+from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it
+demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with
+our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body
+is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of
+Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be
+contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has
+so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and
+disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions
+of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution
+from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we
+please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and
+_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from
+the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation
+of our mixed government.
+
+Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of
+parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the
+country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries,
+and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence,
+beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is
+not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this
+nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the
+proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have
+been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a
+controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the
+victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true
+patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running
+matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the
+influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that
+this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the
+crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament.
+
+All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are
+difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_
+proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases,
+run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_
+doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the
+present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial
+examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person,
+either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or
+less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the
+power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another.
+In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several
+assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their
+operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be
+presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is
+only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration.
+But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it
+possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as
+will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of
+the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many
+advantages attending that species of government.
+
+
+[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_
+and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and
+dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though
+not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear
+contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any
+opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he
+argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to
+their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have
+observed who has been much in companies where political questions have
+been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference,
+every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the
+_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which,
+being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot
+easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to
+liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind
+of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that
+excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of
+doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in
+viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of
+the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown,
+_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts
+t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the
+clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well
+humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would
+naturally lose his temper, and grow violent.
+
+To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my
+opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in
+either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different
+conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party
+are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most
+administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they
+cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident
+on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments
+by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand,
+are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them
+with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think
+themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by
+a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and
+passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless
+mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that
+such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party.
+
+In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood
+on either side, that those who defend the established and popular
+opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while
+their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation,
+in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be
+Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all
+denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only
+oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster,
+Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal
+and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the
+truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the
+conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with
+regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame
+Dacier, l'Abbé de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed
+their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte,
+Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of
+moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious
+treatment of their adversaries.
+
+I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming
+moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation,
+and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in
+that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired
+scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the
+other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect,
+above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover
+himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will
+always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c.
+is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least
+popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d
+M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth,
+they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the
+bounds of decency.
+
+I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote
+upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_,
+where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an
+inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their
+adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far
+and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some
+measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I
+hope, serve to justify me in this opinion.
+
+[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only
+that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal
+of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same
+light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable
+in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to
+be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be
+regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the
+pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular
+and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman
+government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15.
+
+
+
+
+WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO
+A REPUBLIC
+
+
+It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no
+prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning
+any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician
+will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a
+fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell
+the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought
+himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power
+depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it
+impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was
+scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy
+has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before.
+Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an
+important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines
+more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two
+species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems
+not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall
+at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to
+have been mistaken.
+
+Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards
+absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons:
+That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied;
+but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the
+balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is
+evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to
+counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is
+difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures,
+but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than
+the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of £1,000 a year
+apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the
+better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard
+their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of
+£100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may
+create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by
+expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any
+subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his
+riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I
+remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our
+money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary,
+he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his
+lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Cæsar, who afterwards
+became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters
+of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to
+the united property of that opulent republic.
+
+These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of
+the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free
+government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who,
+besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always
+been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed
+in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great,
+will never be able to support itself against that immense property which
+is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a
+moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the
+disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the
+collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and
+navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third
+million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more
+than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom.
+When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation,
+our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and
+prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is
+no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to
+support our free government much longer under these disadvantages.
+
+On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British
+government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by
+specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in
+the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many
+other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it
+greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon
+that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man
+possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that
+of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would
+infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular
+authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much
+greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power
+can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope
+for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his
+fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being
+thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally
+gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has
+always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of
+the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against
+its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to
+hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly
+submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending
+it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and
+projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and
+religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and
+defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and
+multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established
+opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such
+is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes
+doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing
+upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is
+favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans.
+
+It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest,
+yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed
+by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the
+opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of
+learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested
+themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the
+clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines
+have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in
+the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk
+of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those
+magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite
+laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue,
+may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private
+interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break
+all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer
+supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will
+immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the
+_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great
+risk of being entirely lost in this Island.
+
+Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite
+arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary
+convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is
+rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its
+progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long,
+and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just
+beginning to turn towards monarchy.
+
+It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that
+death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body.
+But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be
+inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to
+terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I
+would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in
+almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch
+than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of
+republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any
+fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet.
+There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect
+than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But
+what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be
+established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If
+any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to
+pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we
+have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us,
+that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free
+government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural
+progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its
+present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular
+government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs
+present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a
+case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for
+a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all
+the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a
+violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many
+convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it
+would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the
+beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true
+_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution.
+
+Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the
+danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be
+more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more
+terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political
+controversies.
+
+
+
+
+OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
+
+
+Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the
+first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states,
+who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace,
+happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful
+inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than
+that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but
+the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which
+results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the
+mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure
+to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase
+the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's
+happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace
+and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only
+be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and
+good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never
+arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest
+injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous
+education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must,
+therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and
+must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours,
+when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres,
+Bacchus, Æsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and
+Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes.
+
+As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and
+respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to
+be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly
+contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws
+impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same
+nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each
+other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is
+the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken
+root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many
+centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that
+government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow
+most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be
+not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more
+easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they
+always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the
+steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them.
+
+Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions
+founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the
+contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of
+sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though
+I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed,
+either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a
+government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the
+views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or
+material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and
+most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of
+personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a
+party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that
+principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest
+influence.
+
+Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic
+quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any
+passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The
+NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the
+COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind.
+
+Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the
+smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be
+imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery
+and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most
+inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who
+never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy
+government.
+
+We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes,
+the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three
+hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every
+election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it
+could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not
+spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the
+quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the
+indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this
+foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and
+injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take
+place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions.
+
+Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real
+difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are
+once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the
+persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their
+antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity.
+The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in
+Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to
+the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who
+were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being
+expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and
+the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed
+leagues with the pope against the emperor.
+
+The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the
+_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are
+founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were
+things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the
+Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in
+this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more
+absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a
+sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of
+faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference
+in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party
+accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same
+manner.[1]
+
+_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from
+_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the
+most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such
+as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not
+very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct
+interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering
+that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great
+skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are
+of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual
+motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to
+practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear;
+but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more
+pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles
+and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but
+the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without
+resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments.
+
+There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and
+_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of
+these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our
+public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether
+oppressive and intolerable.
+
+Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle,
+are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary
+and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs.
+Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the
+case with all different political principles, the matter may be more
+easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie
+in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen,
+who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each
+naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions
+of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no
+contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without
+interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious
+controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and
+such fatal divisions?
+
+Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can
+easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men,
+reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass,
+without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in
+that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without
+interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human
+mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as
+it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is
+shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which
+most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of
+opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.
+
+This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the
+origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is
+universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to
+one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other
+more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce
+the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world
+arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous
+and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to
+receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was
+offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and,
+entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired
+an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil
+power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly
+opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world,
+who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder
+that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil
+magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the
+authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power,
+even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps
+_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their
+followers.
+
+And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after
+Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a
+spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human
+society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every
+government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may
+justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the
+priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of
+_interest_.
+
+There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the
+separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has
+contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and
+divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous,
+consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different
+in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they
+are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect,
+without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely
+spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers
+of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions,
+to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain,
+comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and
+science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian
+religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this
+keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred
+and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the
+ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in
+modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the
+most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition.
+
+I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties,
+beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection,
+I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men
+towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over
+them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may
+seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to
+persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never
+saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any
+favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who,
+on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are
+found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest.
+We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close
+and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance
+on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature
+does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from
+spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his
+own.
+
+
+[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on
+the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened
+them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the
+Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's
+opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal
+than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more
+than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other.
+
+[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the
+ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are
+at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans,
+were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well
+as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general,
+these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest
+of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the
+religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a
+century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that
+superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous
+persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand,
+weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita
+Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to
+Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards
+restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual
+caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different
+from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians.
+Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of
+_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and
+bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical
+history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+
+Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one
+would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which
+it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to
+avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of
+our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and
+uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is
+impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among
+persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace
+and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain
+more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous
+spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil
+comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men
+agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come
+to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown,
+to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments
+with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant
+approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of
+PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may
+properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The
+strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the
+particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw
+a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will
+reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty.
+But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties
+themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited
+monarchy.
+
+But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much
+fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely
+ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust
+and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most
+favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally
+engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise
+carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious
+aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to
+be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to
+a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and
+_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government,
+are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by
+interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the
+latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2]
+
+As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the
+world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that
+this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of
+interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our
+thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds
+on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which
+prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be
+enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government.
+Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain,
+that the established clergy, while things are in their natural
+situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary,
+dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can
+never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means
+of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power
+have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as
+the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into
+the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only
+ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that
+he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in
+Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with
+their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing
+such an unusual system of politics.
+
+This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of
+a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The
+_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed
+friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed
+heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But
+if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will
+prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both
+because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and
+because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of
+ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors.
+
+If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great
+rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general
+theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a
+regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that
+period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects
+possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and
+secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong
+to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince
+arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his
+predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this
+principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of
+several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament;
+the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without
+any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his
+enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions.
+Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of
+that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day,
+the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the
+quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the
+balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost
+entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still
+in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate
+habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that
+he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so
+delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most
+conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers
+of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty
+sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on
+both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that
+ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of
+which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined
+most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the
+monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and
+country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of
+circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The
+commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed
+in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them.
+
+The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in
+return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into
+that of the parliament.[4]
+
+Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to
+the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the
+royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government
+reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his
+father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more
+secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_
+and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our
+government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of
+the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that
+history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the
+most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties,
+during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances,
+possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war:
+persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with
+every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we
+ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a
+country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the
+sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature,
+pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5]
+
+When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and
+CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists
+in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_,
+which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the
+universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory.
+Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they
+imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of
+absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited
+power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations.
+But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise
+to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too
+weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression;
+and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal
+for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists,
+but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles,
+when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the
+ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an
+event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British
+liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will
+afford us a true insight into the nature of that party.
+
+In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of
+Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined
+resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or
+to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might
+justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious
+tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a
+court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The
+Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a
+genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British
+government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of
+monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their
+monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory,
+than was in any degree consistent with a limited government.
+
+_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely
+or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that
+which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem
+opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those
+circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not
+fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile
+contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between
+_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A
+TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words,
+to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a
+partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a
+lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to
+the settlement in the Protestant line._[6]
+
+These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were
+accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_
+and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British
+Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at
+any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a
+passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the
+government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty.
+
+Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between
+Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us
+but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long
+obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made
+converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the
+sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are,
+however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all
+their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our
+only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and
+the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the
+opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our
+constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural
+course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7]
+
+
+[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ
+them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one
+party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on
+some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the
+Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were
+denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man,
+defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct,
+regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans;
+_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable
+definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw
+any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing
+these terms.
+
+[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for
+taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are
+commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example,
+from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some
+source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such
+persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves.
+
+[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times
+of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal
+opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so
+immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the
+proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the
+crown.
+
+[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's
+arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and,
+in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that
+of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the
+_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the
+former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and
+Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the
+general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary
+situation of affairs to break it.
+
+[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been
+rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party.
+
+[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the
+real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_,
+and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties,
+like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all
+authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our
+whole history into an enigma.
+
+I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these
+parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the
+conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both
+sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the
+family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with
+vigour the succession of that family?
+
+The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy.
+Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years;
+nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by
+him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the
+throne, but with the person who sat on it.
+
+They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of
+Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason?
+
+The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too
+great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern
+themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less
+can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon
+moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so
+great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of
+_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly
+appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of
+decency?
+
+It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared
+opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in
+conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both?
+Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too
+high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of
+liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high
+principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect
+liberty and toleration.
+
+The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign
+politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been
+most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of
+this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to
+collect them.
+
+It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and
+_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which
+predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_
+loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the
+latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_
+loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant
+line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant
+inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where
+either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was
+none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be
+disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not
+have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to
+bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to
+depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded
+without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps
+dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and
+settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of
+the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the
+means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by
+ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession
+of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the
+security of our liberties with the Whigs.
+
+It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any
+particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a
+whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely
+in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was
+not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that
+attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain
+love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England
+formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt
+the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were
+but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have
+had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience
+is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems
+to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded
+followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by
+_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that
+interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to
+their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party.
+
+Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between
+Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst
+us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be
+confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in
+their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still
+more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or
+learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would
+not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies,
+the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of
+honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a
+reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour,
+denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_.
+
+I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any
+Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word,
+and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs
+and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the
+constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or
+at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the
+succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the
+difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political
+and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution,
+regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs,
+without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the
+clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the
+Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the
+government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the
+highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their
+followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of
+the Tory party in England.
+
+[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the
+public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate
+examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain.
+And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party,
+neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions
+and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These
+mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom.
+
+
+
+
+OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
+
+
+That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown
+into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the
+pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions
+of true religion.
+
+These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of
+a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is
+subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding
+either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill
+health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the
+concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind,
+infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real
+objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice,
+and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to
+whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are
+entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are
+equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances,
+mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd
+or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and
+terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with
+ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition.
+
+But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and
+presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health,
+from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a
+state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused
+conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can
+correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of
+attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible
+regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge
+itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and
+disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of
+fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures,
+being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of
+our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of
+that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the
+inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of
+the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the
+summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and
+even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman
+delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed
+illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride,
+presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore
+the true sources of Enthusiasm.
+
+These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many
+speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few
+reflections concerning their different influence on government and
+society.
+
+My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly
+power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than
+sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear,
+sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in
+such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of
+approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other
+person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have
+made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the
+superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their
+prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to
+render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the
+origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a
+timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares
+not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend
+itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and
+servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all
+religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy
+able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds,
+that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but
+the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the
+authority of the priesthood.
+
+On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been
+free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great
+independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies,
+and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the
+same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and
+are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them.
+The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to
+the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage.
+The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both
+particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and
+will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as
+enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks
+itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any
+human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even
+imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation
+and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies
+and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so
+requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic
+consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character,
+much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on
+any other.
+
+My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion
+is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first
+rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition;
+but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of
+this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by
+opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in
+Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics
+in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded
+on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it
+naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises
+to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of
+Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of
+reason, morality, and prudence.
+
+It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human
+society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust
+themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than
+before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in
+all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in
+sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with
+sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the
+religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which
+may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred
+principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in
+gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable
+to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the
+priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and
+disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions,
+and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her
+acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all
+Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who
+were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners;
+and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of
+_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius
+in China.[1]
+
+My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy
+to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans
+under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all
+ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present
+observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold
+and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of
+liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject,
+and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during
+the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most
+opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their
+political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since
+the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either
+been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that
+is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of
+_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of
+enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in
+defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long
+united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of
+prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit
+of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that
+party.
+
+The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand
+unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of
+sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone
+merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The
+_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to
+superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and
+devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The
+_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate
+devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and,
+in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable
+to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people,
+and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the
+small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French
+nation.
+
+
+[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical
+establishment.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
+
+
+There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned
+world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they
+come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of
+thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most
+remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different
+sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a
+point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as
+divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our
+species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who
+derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage
+and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can
+discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other
+animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the
+talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the
+former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws
+himself into the other extreme.
+
+I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species
+have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their
+fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible
+that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a
+splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to
+make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much
+indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of
+those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more
+advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a
+mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high
+notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally
+endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action
+which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own
+imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable
+moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice
+unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1]
+
+We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the
+expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the
+dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any
+other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and
+what is only verbal, in this controversy.
+
+That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and
+vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident
+that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or
+blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed
+unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity,
+and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real
+things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form
+a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species;
+and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its
+greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one
+is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the
+smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always
+consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that
+is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants
+compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely
+different.
+
+In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison
+between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that
+fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to
+mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not
+limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his
+researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this
+globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider
+the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye
+forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the
+judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence;
+a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and
+intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances;
+improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very
+errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature
+the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to
+a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without
+foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short
+time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a
+single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures!
+And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison
+of the latter.
+
+There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion:
+_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting
+only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a
+new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect
+wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can
+form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in
+himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He
+can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which,
+when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible,
+and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals,
+in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which
+all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short
+of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison
+takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference
+in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even
+of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the
+latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with
+the former can make it appear of little moment.
+
+It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few
+whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a
+contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible
+of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the
+honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any
+particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise
+altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When
+we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very
+uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise
+men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their
+scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our
+species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to
+say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our
+notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who
+was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have
+heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women
+possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering
+that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a
+degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of
+beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty
+in one of our sex.
+
+As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with
+the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of
+the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different
+motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate
+our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of
+comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the
+present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much
+predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some
+philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of
+human nature.[2]
+
+There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man
+denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and
+community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt
+this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his
+doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards
+to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix
+itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the
+ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or
+rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another,
+and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and
+esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be
+to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than
+kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has
+forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a
+different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things
+by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin),
+Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_
+children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like
+reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a
+connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing
+would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or,
+if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity,
+and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing,
+reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you
+admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in
+kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human
+actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in
+its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family,
+children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and
+education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly
+observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their
+family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as
+their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are
+sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your
+ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among
+the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you.
+
+In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those
+philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In
+the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was
+attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship
+and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is
+obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and
+does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend,
+because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.
+
+In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are
+far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been
+represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but
+the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust
+in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable
+action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to
+that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other
+passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous
+action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is
+natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so
+closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions
+approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that
+these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of
+affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some
+degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory
+is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or
+disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in
+driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice
+and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the
+love of virtue.
+
+
+[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men,
+which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point
+of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires
+to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into
+them.
+
+[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay.
+In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by
+several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are
+by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions,
+receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to
+see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument
+and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning
+Virtue.
+
+
+
+
+OF CIVIL LIBERTY
+
+
+Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage,
+and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others,
+contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction
+of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to
+entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many
+general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest
+posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so
+that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science,
+as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we
+can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in
+virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected
+of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or
+principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined
+his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or
+to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings,
+especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely
+defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which
+subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says
+he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with
+several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels.
+If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity,
+but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his
+master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention
+this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding,
+in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the
+world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of
+Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for
+near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can
+possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but
+Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses,
+entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.
+
+Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and
+there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of
+it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it,
+though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of
+state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and
+military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have
+instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.
+
+Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of
+civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages
+of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no
+man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and
+that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all
+probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by
+posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and
+so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients,
+that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further
+changes.
+
+It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences
+arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians,
+notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts
+towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such
+perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty,
+and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been
+observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they
+increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet
+the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since
+been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted
+to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having
+met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a
+century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters,
+and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two
+experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall
+of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular
+ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that
+the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And
+in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in
+our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts,
+or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of
+government established among us.
+
+But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome
+and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer
+arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it
+groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the
+latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began
+to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto,
+Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in
+republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the
+Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and
+seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts
+and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at
+Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.
+
+But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute
+governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any
+established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near
+perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater
+philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans
+were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the
+Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians,
+painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the
+stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English.
+And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art,
+the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of
+society and conversation.
+
+If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own
+country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great
+measure be applied to the British.
+
+          Sed in longum tamen ævum
+     Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_.
+
+The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among
+us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable
+grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still
+alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of
+the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon,
+Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their
+sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in
+the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that
+they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and
+criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably
+improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed,
+that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard
+book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast
+of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed
+promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.
+
+It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish
+but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a
+longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts
+and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens,
+Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England,
+&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments.
+The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam,
+and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a
+double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy
+entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to
+prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the
+foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our
+rivals in commerce as well as in learning.
+
+Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would
+assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is
+something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute
+government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign
+for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly
+insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a
+civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much
+apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign,
+more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any
+accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of
+industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many
+real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an
+imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of
+calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in
+absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because
+it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary
+to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured
+above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the
+considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in
+order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and
+honours are annexed.
+
+Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced,
+or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of
+government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a
+great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic
+management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known
+only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of
+states has also received great improvements within the last century. We
+are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the
+accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of
+that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not
+amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this
+argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not
+assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed
+Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance
+from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it
+might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the
+frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a
+surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and
+force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by
+thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to
+blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious
+tribune.
+
+But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet
+monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards
+perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was
+formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government
+of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and
+constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry
+encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his
+subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have
+been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and
+small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may
+suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or
+tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has
+not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula,
+Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It
+must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have
+approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are
+still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity
+and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to
+overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.
+
+But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable,
+but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in
+monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular
+governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these
+species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses
+which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed
+not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met
+with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and
+intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor,
+especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure
+discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment.
+But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility,
+they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the
+nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their
+interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of
+the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this
+oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The
+only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to
+the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore,
+should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and
+the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through
+ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which
+case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one
+would not appear so considerable as at present.
+
+The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments,
+consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public
+revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable,
+and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the
+public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by
+a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money
+which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn
+from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the
+practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh
+ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but
+as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people
+can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people,
+and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the
+public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of thiss
+remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel
+and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which
+nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the
+present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to
+increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be
+reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public
+impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish
+ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who
+surround us?
+
+
+[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.
+
+[2] Dr. Swift.
+
+
+
+
+OF ELOQUENCE
+
+
+Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as
+represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of
+pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and
+opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in
+different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in
+_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the
+history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and
+politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit,
+and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame,
+friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in
+all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and
+untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding,
+which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much
+more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and
+virtue.
+
+But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be
+observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many
+respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be
+superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our
+refinements, much inferior in eloquence.
+
+In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great
+parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers
+have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of
+an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking.
+Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator;
+and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they
+were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It
+is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators
+in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and
+possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius,
+Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior
+to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome.
+Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman
+orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in
+eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from
+reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only
+exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive.
+Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay,
+even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,_
+says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._
+
+Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular
+government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as
+can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has
+England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who
+have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers;
+but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their
+genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the
+names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but
+neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their
+speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been
+owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents
+for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two
+Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the
+same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the
+preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none
+of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that
+the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the
+sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents
+and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a
+table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with
+such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.
+
+We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men
+flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most
+celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering
+in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on
+in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently
+compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our
+most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of
+several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend
+himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.
+
+Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators,
+may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their
+eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators
+aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm
+speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of
+Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when,
+justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my
+fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those
+heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and
+Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that
+which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the
+crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this
+scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to
+those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to
+brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the
+most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely
+see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and
+indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze
+of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or
+cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and
+sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment
+so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them
+accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated
+conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice
+by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to
+us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give
+an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling
+expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.
+
+Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence
+of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or
+stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures
+which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either
+for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre
+to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.
+
+One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a
+decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all
+times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great
+industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned
+nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems
+requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but
+notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very
+inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all
+other parts of learning.
+
+Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to
+our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever
+reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be
+found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.
+
+_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing
+period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state,
+were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great
+measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of
+the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of
+a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or
+profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all
+lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science,
+declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake,
+in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader
+addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to
+display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict
+laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances
+must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour
+and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and
+eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of
+equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome
+occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what
+opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and
+subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make
+use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to
+plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would
+only labour to make himself ridiculous.
+
+I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and
+intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but
+I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that
+noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from
+either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites
+expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have
+pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form,
+there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But
+to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the
+_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the
+liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of
+debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and
+give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent
+in this nation.
+
+_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing
+to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all
+those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of
+nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be
+accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence,
+and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal.
+It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and
+cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a
+signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring
+justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it
+be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move
+the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know
+that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now,
+banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers
+merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper
+expressions.
+
+Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior
+good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and
+reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or
+elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it
+should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It
+should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The
+ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this
+jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it.
+They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they
+left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they
+were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not
+deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and
+eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow;
+and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience.
+
+Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Cæsar?; yet
+that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of
+Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his
+settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before
+that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn.
+
+Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie
+against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and
+rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of
+his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his
+wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of
+words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined
+than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his
+sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more
+chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its
+success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony,
+exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any
+appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in
+a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the
+orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the
+nearest to perfection.
+
+_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient
+governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often
+guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with
+among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no
+Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It
+would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find
+a Demosthenes?
+
+What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or
+of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of
+reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such
+endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few
+successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation,
+excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more
+sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto
+entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first
+rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very
+satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received
+all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for
+statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of
+these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found
+among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest
+eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as
+Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to
+be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most
+material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example
+would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made
+us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then
+have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and
+philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British
+Archimedeses and Virgils.[1]
+
+It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence
+prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon
+comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of
+the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster
+apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius.
+When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and,
+by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most
+prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every
+passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched
+properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that
+satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the
+adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this
+observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be
+peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated
+for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence
+of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must
+submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever,
+upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator,
+ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and
+erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long
+time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are
+satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is
+defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the
+attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival.
+
+Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and
+passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the
+argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have
+more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our
+mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but
+the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the
+preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded
+models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style
+or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence,
+that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more
+than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or
+common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians,
+and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but,
+when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper
+when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed
+the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former;
+but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and
+sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse,
+and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience.
+
+Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in
+England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had
+some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our
+ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival
+of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their
+defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy
+which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such
+an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer,
+and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there
+seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually
+communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of
+a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire
+him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the
+strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great
+prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who
+repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice
+of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But
+where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker
+must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the
+arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most
+proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from
+his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his
+elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues
+with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion
+as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some
+time when the original impulse is suspended.
+
+I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our
+modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship
+with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material
+defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed
+air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their
+great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all
+order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without
+which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the
+mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public
+discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy,
+without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method
+conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the
+arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more
+thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are
+thrown together in confusion.
+
+
+[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin
+and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear
+thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had
+possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would
+probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet
+reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and
+Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in
+Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral
+sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private
+causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or
+Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there
+appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with
+proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest
+heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to
+imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions
+concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself
+with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or
+the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it
+is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men
+of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes
+of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an
+ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all
+countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders
+produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of
+Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short
+interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient
+eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his
+knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided
+and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of
+concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted
+to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance;
+but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a
+fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all
+subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very
+elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it
+employed on a subject more favourable and engaging.
+
+There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are
+disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of
+that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other
+nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense,
+which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the
+flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_;
+which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing
+but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or
+fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are
+not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms
+of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble
+author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must
+have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter.
+And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have
+abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined
+themselves to plain argument and reasoning.
+
+These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have
+retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able
+to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely
+pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels
+may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly
+acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public
+business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an
+eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this
+opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient,
+the other from modern times.
+
+
+
+
+
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Essays
+
+Author: David Hume
+
+Commentator: Hannaford Bennett
+
+Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org
+
+
+
+
+ESSAYS
+
+By
+
+DAVID HUME
+
+
+
+_With Biographical Introduction_
+
+by
+
+Hannaford Bennett
+
+LONDON
+
+JOHN LONG LTD
+
+
+
+
+Contents
+
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION
+
+OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
+
+OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
+
+THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
+
+OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
+
+OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
+
+OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT
+
+WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR
+TO A REPUBLIC
+
+OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
+
+OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
+
+OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
+
+OF CIVIL LIBERTY
+
+OF ELOQUENCE
+
+
+
+
+Biographical Introduction
+
+
+The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography
+which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he
+calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its
+purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify
+the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a
+remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was
+Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son
+was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711,
+during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that
+his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself
+came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though
+young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and
+educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction.
+He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when
+he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary
+course of education with success"; but "our college education in
+Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further
+than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen
+years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have
+maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she
+considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature.
+Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she
+lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly
+success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his
+meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance.
+
+It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that
+made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At
+first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but
+"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and
+Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume
+remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a
+more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen
+instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to
+Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few
+months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the
+middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any
+profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He
+settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Fl�che in Anjou, and
+"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully
+pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency
+of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every
+object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in
+literature." At La Fl�che Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the
+Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he
+composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to
+himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such
+distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work
+which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he
+was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the
+most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its
+effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three
+years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume
+of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the
+second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon
+made me entirely forget my former disappointments.
+
+In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale,
+who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for
+long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an
+expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his
+secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards
+added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was
+afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom
+Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he
+should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made
+him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly
+figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him
+in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the
+train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial
+occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much
+appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling
+on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These
+years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have
+received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in
+good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach
+a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were
+inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a
+thousand pounds."
+
+While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human
+Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the
+original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new
+edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but
+these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him.
+In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his
+brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his
+sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_
+and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of
+the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not
+shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical,
+philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his
+publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of
+Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to
+him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which
+enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some
+time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his
+_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the
+second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in
+1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a
+twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a
+great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture,
+though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the
+shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural
+History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to
+Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as
+success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility
+which distinguish the Warburtonian school."
+
+Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the
+_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed
+ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the
+promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more
+honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord
+Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views
+about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time.
+In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several
+of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded
+with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French
+society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in
+October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at
+Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary
+honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great
+nobles f�ted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the
+"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At
+the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux
+joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with
+satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these
+flatteries to turn his head.
+
+In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office
+as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this
+period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with
+Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the
+possession of �1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life
+easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for
+the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in
+the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his
+illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_,
+which ends simply in these words:
+
+     "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very
+     little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have,
+     notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a
+     moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the
+     period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I
+     might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same
+     ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I
+     consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off
+     only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of
+     my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional
+     lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is
+     difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present.
+
+     "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather
+     was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I
+     was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of
+     an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but
+     little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my
+     passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never
+     soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My
+     company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as
+     to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure
+     in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased
+     with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men
+     any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never
+     was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I
+     wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious
+     factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted
+     fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one
+     circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots,
+     we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate
+     any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which
+     they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there
+     is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope
+     it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is
+     easily cleared and ascertained."
+
+Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was
+buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill.
+
+                                                HANNAFORD BENNETT
+
+
+
+
+Essays
+
+
+
+
+OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
+
+
+Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which
+makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives
+them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing
+grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good
+offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury
+provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates
+them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People
+of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as
+more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I
+believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not
+rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own
+disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and
+when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any
+misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and
+deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right
+enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great
+pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible
+temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the
+latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be
+transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take
+false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable.
+
+There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much
+resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same
+sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to
+prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a
+poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his
+feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the
+masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction,
+than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A
+polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment;
+rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short,
+delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It
+enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us
+sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind.
+
+I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding
+this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and
+cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be
+remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little
+at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall
+read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall
+keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely
+independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is
+impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place
+his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_
+is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy
+of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy
+by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and
+receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the
+most expensive luxury can afford.
+
+Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of
+delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this
+delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined
+taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the
+compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A
+greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the
+senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the
+temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste
+is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so
+much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a
+composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many
+circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature
+requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment,
+will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a
+new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment
+will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life.
+Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too
+frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that
+sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious.
+
+But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for
+the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to
+those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On
+further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for
+all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders
+the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions.
+
+     Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes,
+     Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.
+
+For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In
+the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of
+the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give
+a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are
+strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw
+off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish
+reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable
+melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited
+to love and friendship.
+
+In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and
+friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us
+indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men.
+You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense
+they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or
+in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one
+man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is
+sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures
+and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and
+finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any
+vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a
+celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or
+watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours;
+but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and
+distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested
+his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the
+company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all
+the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained.
+And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no
+wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and
+undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves
+with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite
+become an elegant passion.
+
+
+[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralit� des Mondes, Soir 6.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
+
+
+Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty
+which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to
+the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the
+king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is
+affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the
+interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of
+affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie
+towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and
+devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as
+mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other
+government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice,
+more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the
+question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar
+privilege?_
+
+The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be
+derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly
+monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not,
+a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government,
+liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that,
+as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with
+liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other
+hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes
+always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that
+of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion
+concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their
+condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his
+subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_,
+both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such
+as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give
+_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the
+magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages
+result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a
+considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen
+pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the
+two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to
+each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the
+magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people
+have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual
+confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in
+monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics.
+
+To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every
+government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures
+of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must
+take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the
+Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty,
+_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a
+celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively
+description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government.
+
+     Et fit aimer son joug � l'Anglois indompt�,
+     Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en libert�.
+                                        HENRIADE, liv. i.
+
+According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government
+under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the
+despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same
+kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable
+to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those
+mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and
+jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful
+tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their
+cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing
+that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a
+family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On
+the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in
+England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its
+own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the
+magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every
+one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be
+deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no
+crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges;
+and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by
+their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and
+violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is
+as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as
+there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome.
+
+These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these
+kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is
+apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not
+careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of
+conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit
+of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition
+of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to
+prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the
+liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the
+nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be
+animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of
+our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will
+naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own
+preservation.[1]
+
+It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press,
+though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy
+for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government.
+
+
+[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the
+support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second
+question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there
+being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation
+of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would
+fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with
+so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of
+mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except
+the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not
+dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the
+harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A
+man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present
+from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away
+by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never
+so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him
+by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press,
+therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or
+rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may
+occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come
+to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to
+his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a
+greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their
+governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from
+them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and
+be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where
+men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and
+falsehood.
+
+It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the
+_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented,
+and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational
+creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the
+United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible
+with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of
+religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all
+of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other.
+_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this
+liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as
+yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men,
+being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public
+affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater
+difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour.
+
+It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this
+peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be
+wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any
+degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is
+lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed
+to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must
+disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the
+liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general
+laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they
+possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either
+the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large
+discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them.
+But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty,
+that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We
+may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these
+attempts shall succeed.
+
+
+
+
+THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
+
+
+It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference
+between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may
+not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1]
+Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only
+difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most
+political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one
+constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But,
+though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this
+sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no
+greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and
+characters of particular men.
+
+It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government
+consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular
+instances in history, where the very same government, in different
+hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and
+bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV.
+Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction,
+sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects:
+these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the
+patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the
+throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally
+changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these
+two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost
+without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well
+as domestic.
+
+But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute
+governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one
+of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a
+republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the
+particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really
+no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for
+the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and
+such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the
+other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest
+crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original
+frame and institution.
+
+So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government,
+and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men,
+that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced
+from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us.
+
+The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power
+to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility
+or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in
+a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by
+success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread
+themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though
+the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore,
+most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported
+in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular
+bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means,
+they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a
+perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced
+among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into
+anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was
+the despotic power of the C�sars. Such are the effects of democracy
+without a representative.
+
+A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power
+of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the
+power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as
+composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The
+Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the
+Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of
+nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority
+which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every
+nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority
+over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it
+receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and
+tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent
+even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the
+humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who
+possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among
+themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough
+to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their
+authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any
+breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government
+promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of
+some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the
+nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state.
+The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another,
+without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin
+and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a
+Polish nobility in every one of these particulars.
+
+It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single
+person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of
+power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other
+parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_
+or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial
+view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will
+discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as
+are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling
+of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too
+general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a
+civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with
+certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a
+_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people
+whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by
+them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no
+other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while
+their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native
+will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships,
+and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment
+of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to
+mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit
+alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money,
+or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an
+election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince,
+than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the
+sovereign.
+
+It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics,
+_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people
+voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY,
+_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit
+of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education
+either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some
+other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that
+character.
+
+It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been
+commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are
+they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this
+observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here
+speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon
+learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing;
+because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the
+few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He
+does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_
+laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts
+of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state
+necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men
+learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in
+such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive
+matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some
+private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial
+governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their
+plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who
+find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject
+provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to
+mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the
+governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more
+expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth
+before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the
+Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true,
+they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but
+Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the
+interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in
+that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would
+plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at
+present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the
+great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read
+of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and
+astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that,
+after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders
+of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to
+the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to
+old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put
+into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant
+wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men
+of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke
+became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be
+observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were
+careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time,
+Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the
+whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or
+populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military
+discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of
+the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we
+learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the
+produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also
+loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern
+times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of
+absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states.
+Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be
+convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good
+measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as
+should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a
+conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same
+purpose.
+
+There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of
+Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those
+eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may
+seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those
+of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and
+that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the
+Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their
+former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of
+this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his
+subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the
+Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no
+distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately
+from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and
+possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his
+commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder
+manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour,
+beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour,
+integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former
+species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake
+off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal
+credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the
+latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will
+encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt
+and conduct them in every undertaking.[3]
+
+Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive;
+though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that
+monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily
+kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they
+cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may
+facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a
+tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them
+indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I
+say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated
+authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such
+governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince
+himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to
+produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every
+respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest
+security to the sovereign as well as to the subject.
+
+Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a
+state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to
+regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity.
+Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any
+commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future
+ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by
+which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check
+on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same
+in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the
+Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of
+government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the
+original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of
+Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous
+republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and
+education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be
+wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on
+account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these
+parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the
+case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and
+tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a
+considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with
+the utmost integrity and wisdom.
+
+The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for
+private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the
+government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity
+or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the
+Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the
+beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance
+between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the
+tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this
+very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during
+part of the season, a _Pr�tor_ punished capitally for this crime above
+three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of
+this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a
+worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved
+in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much
+admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time
+of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country
+to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the
+earth, merely for the choice of tyrants.
+
+Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost
+zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty
+is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of
+particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to
+human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as
+nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than
+to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard
+to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is
+only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to
+the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue.
+
+But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present.
+There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of
+their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the
+interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall
+always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps
+the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our
+zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the
+foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the
+parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time,
+that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion,
+with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.
+
+Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as
+ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an
+extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public.
+His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in
+domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of
+which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous
+treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of
+maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his
+pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even
+to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and
+disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by
+which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily
+governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed
+every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.
+
+On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run
+as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady,
+and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and
+interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at
+home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these
+blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he
+crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution
+in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has
+transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest
+posterity.
+
+When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each
+party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and
+fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade
+these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the
+accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them
+to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution
+be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our
+neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the
+expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of
+blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these
+eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to
+govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the
+greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of
+tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the
+people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so
+strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original
+principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the
+best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far
+good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the
+British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such
+remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our
+ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say,
+with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we
+are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an
+opportunity of erecting a better in its place.
+
+I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend
+the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of
+ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a
+constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation,
+and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our
+constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and
+apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no
+more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman
+from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public
+affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by
+whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that
+case much less requisite than the patience and submission of
+_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are
+highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to
+hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its
+convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.
+
+I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care
+and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims
+might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might
+still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of
+maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be
+bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And,
+on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the
+supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal
+too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if
+they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution
+into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.
+
+I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present
+controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is
+restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the
+good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal
+character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little
+importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon
+them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5]
+
+
+[1]
+
+     For forms of government let fools contest,
+     Whate'er is best administered is best.
+                            ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.
+
+
+
+[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the
+reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign
+affairs.
+
+[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of
+Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is
+reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been
+better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in
+this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described
+by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their [Greek:
+omotimoi] were preserved even after the extending of their conquests and
+the consequent change of their government. Arrian mentions them in
+Darius's time, _De exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of
+the persons in command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of
+the Medes under Xerxes, was of the race of Achm�nes, Heriod. lib. vii.
+cap. 62. Artach�us, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount
+Athos, was of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the
+seven eminent Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus,
+was in the highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him.
+His grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His
+great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia.
+Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt
+under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators,
+Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Gr�c. lib. iv. being
+desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the
+daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him,
+first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most
+considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ari�us, when offered the sovereignty
+by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a
+rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his
+rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the
+seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors;
+and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be
+descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as
+Arrian says, [Greek: en tois prootois Persoon], lib. iii. And when
+Alexander married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his
+intention plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent
+Persian families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the
+most noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was
+despotic, and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but
+was not carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all
+ranks and orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and
+their family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason
+why the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to
+other causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned
+that Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its
+application to the present case.
+
+[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.
+
+[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed
+at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under
+the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as
+follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been
+more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister,
+who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time,
+amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been
+wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper
+that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish,
+for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been
+drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit
+with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least,
+employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former
+quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more
+thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have
+perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself
+with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be
+adopted by future historians.
+
+Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of
+ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not
+magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances,
+are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such
+virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His
+vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which
+are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with
+frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public:
+his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With
+many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good
+capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more
+worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better
+qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his
+ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public,
+better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad
+precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has
+flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man,
+I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly
+wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote
+for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire
+to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and
+pleasure.
+
+*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.
+
+_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and
+calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same
+moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not
+rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from
+one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane
+sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that
+the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this
+character, a great, and the only great, error in that long
+administration._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
+
+
+Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with
+a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed
+by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own
+sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by
+what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is
+always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to
+support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that
+government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and
+most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular.
+The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless
+subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination.
+But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _pr�torian bands_,
+like men, by their opinion.
+
+Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of
+right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the
+general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the
+persuasion, that the particular government which is established is
+equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When
+this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those
+who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any
+government.
+
+Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What
+prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be
+understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their
+ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction
+of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever
+disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always
+found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of
+public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first
+sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the
+human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt,
+without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and
+morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is
+formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where
+men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice
+and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of
+these contradictory appearances.
+
+It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is
+of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property
+the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem
+inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter
+too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to
+property has a great influence in this subject.
+
+Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to
+power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all
+authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles
+which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their
+operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still
+we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone,
+but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned.
+They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original,
+principles of government.
+
+For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of
+particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we
+receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority
+must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to
+produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his
+authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give
+birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the
+greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the
+hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any
+particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy,
+and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same
+observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and
+_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a
+tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a
+single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the
+further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or
+on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and
+virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet
+he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character,
+otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his
+virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.
+
+A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power
+and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where
+any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the
+property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no
+share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that
+order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much
+attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that
+the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original
+constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men
+who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to
+stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with
+that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in
+England.
+
+Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed,
+that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain,
+its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all
+whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as
+absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more
+to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution,
+that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the
+public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the
+House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by
+the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of
+Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to
+receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies,
+this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and
+riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into
+the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either
+influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of
+property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective
+body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at
+present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing
+over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill,
+popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of
+opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total
+alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure
+republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For
+though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite
+unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most
+susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and
+tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be
+pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any
+further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have
+place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party
+amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as
+possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2]
+
+
+[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what
+appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its
+influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very
+limited understanding.
+
+[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present
+political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous
+one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both
+parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely
+bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by
+his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so
+far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend
+that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every
+member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom
+he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if
+their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these
+sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight
+which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of
+language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these
+different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head,
+it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in
+their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their
+language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering
+the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of
+places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to
+have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to
+the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same
+weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our
+domestic affairs?
+
+
+
+
+OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
+
+
+Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity,
+from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his
+further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to
+administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor
+safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the
+vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object
+or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the
+support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies,
+officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy
+counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of
+administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate
+morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have
+no other useful object of their institution.
+
+All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and
+order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for
+the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious
+necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is
+impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of
+justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man
+finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by
+the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more
+frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant
+interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous
+temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.
+
+Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They
+must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose
+peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish
+transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however
+reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word,
+obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of
+justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of
+allegiance.
+
+But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that
+nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of
+obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human
+mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests
+and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They
+are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is
+inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well
+or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that
+the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in
+his administration.
+
+Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the
+cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of
+government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by
+the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens.
+The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not
+only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of
+government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led
+astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest
+in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain
+this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must
+be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity,
+or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government
+is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty
+influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The
+prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his
+society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him
+in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all
+indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the
+power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he
+establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find
+an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit
+soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly
+founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing
+from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod,
+and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives.
+
+But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and
+inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be
+founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected
+that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their
+operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It
+is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began
+during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius
+discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most
+requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most
+sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common
+among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the
+chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became,
+even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually,
+by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit
+sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at
+least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son
+enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to
+maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the
+further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and
+enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his
+administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and
+disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must
+have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the
+case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk
+of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the
+supreme magistrate.
+
+In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or
+secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever
+absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must
+necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which
+confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any
+constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is
+master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be
+permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can
+impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the
+lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is
+commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles
+or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil
+magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert
+other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The
+government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of
+free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several
+members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than
+that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration,
+must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the
+members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned,
+that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority
+must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those
+contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the
+latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps
+one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance,
+which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always
+support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that
+contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt
+to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1]
+
+
+Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving
+any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of
+the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have
+no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this
+interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him,
+notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public
+good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages
+of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no
+security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our
+rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.
+
+It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be
+supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat
+strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in
+_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are
+generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity,
+and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own
+private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon
+mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check
+is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by
+his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns
+to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every
+court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that,
+if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do),
+the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and
+acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public
+interest and liberty.
+
+When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan
+of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among
+several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the
+separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by
+the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its
+operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to
+be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not
+checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing
+but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this
+opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of
+all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern.
+
+How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or
+Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a
+very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so
+distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all
+the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a
+government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great
+is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with
+power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp
+upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as
+far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable.
+
+But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken.
+For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share
+of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so
+great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the
+government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to
+it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in
+fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two
+Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is
+little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the
+executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every
+government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I
+say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the
+Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How
+easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all
+these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and
+choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only
+distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage
+over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the
+king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would
+not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute?
+As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown,
+so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience
+and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to
+maintain themselves alone, without such support.
+
+How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this
+member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since,
+from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it
+demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with
+our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body
+is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of
+Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be
+contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has
+so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and
+disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions
+of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution
+from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we
+please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and
+_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from
+the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation
+of our mixed government.
+
+Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of
+parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the
+country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries,
+and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence,
+beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is
+not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this
+nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the
+proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have
+been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a
+controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the
+victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true
+patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running
+matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the
+influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that
+this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the
+crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament.
+
+All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are
+difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_
+proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases,
+run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_
+doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the
+present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial
+examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person,
+either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or
+less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the
+power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another.
+In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several
+assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their
+operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be
+presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is
+only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration.
+But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it
+possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as
+will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of
+the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many
+advantages attending that species of government.
+
+
+[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_
+and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and
+dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though
+not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear
+contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any
+opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he
+argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to
+their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have
+observed who has been much in companies where political questions have
+been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference,
+every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the
+_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which,
+being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot
+easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to
+liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind
+of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that
+excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of
+doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in
+viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of
+the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown,
+_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts
+t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the
+clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well
+humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would
+naturally lose his temper, and grow violent.
+
+To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my
+opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in
+either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different
+conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party
+are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most
+administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they
+cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident
+on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments
+by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand,
+are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them
+with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think
+themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by
+a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and
+passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless
+mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that
+such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party.
+
+In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood
+on either side, that those who defend the established and popular
+opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while
+their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation,
+in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be
+Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all
+denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only
+oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster,
+Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal
+and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the
+truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the
+conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with
+regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame
+Dacier, l'Abb� de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed
+their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte,
+Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of
+moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious
+treatment of their adversaries.
+
+I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming
+moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation,
+and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in
+that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired
+scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the
+other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect,
+above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover
+himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will
+always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c.
+is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least
+popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d
+M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth,
+they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the
+bounds of decency.
+
+I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote
+upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_,
+where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an
+inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their
+adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far
+and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some
+measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I
+hope, serve to justify me in this opinion.
+
+[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only
+that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal
+of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same
+light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable
+in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to
+be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be
+regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the
+pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular
+and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman
+government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15.
+
+
+
+
+WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO
+A REPUBLIC
+
+
+It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no
+prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning
+any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician
+will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a
+fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell
+the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought
+himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power
+depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it
+impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was
+scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy
+has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before.
+Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an
+important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines
+more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two
+species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems
+not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall
+at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to
+have been mistaken.
+
+Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards
+absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons:
+That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied;
+but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the
+balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is
+evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to
+counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is
+difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures,
+but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than
+the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of �1,000 a year
+apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the
+better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard
+their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of
+�100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may
+create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by
+expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any
+subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his
+riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I
+remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our
+money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary,
+he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his
+lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of C�sar, who afterwards
+became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters
+of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to
+the united property of that opulent republic.
+
+These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of
+the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free
+government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who,
+besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always
+been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed
+in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great,
+will never be able to support itself against that immense property which
+is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a
+moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the
+disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the
+collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and
+navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third
+million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more
+than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom.
+When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation,
+our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and
+prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is
+no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to
+support our free government much longer under these disadvantages.
+
+On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British
+government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by
+specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in
+the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many
+other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it
+greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon
+that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man
+possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that
+of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would
+infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular
+authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much
+greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power
+can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope
+for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his
+fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being
+thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally
+gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has
+always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of
+the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against
+its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to
+hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly
+submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending
+it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and
+projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and
+religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and
+defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and
+multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established
+opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such
+is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes
+doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing
+upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is
+favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans.
+
+It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest,
+yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed
+by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the
+opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of
+learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested
+themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the
+clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines
+have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in
+the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk
+of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those
+magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite
+laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue,
+may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private
+interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break
+all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer
+supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will
+immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the
+_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great
+risk of being entirely lost in this Island.
+
+Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite
+arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary
+convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is
+rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its
+progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long,
+and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just
+beginning to turn towards monarchy.
+
+It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that
+death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body.
+But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be
+inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to
+terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I
+would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in
+almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch
+than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of
+republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any
+fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet.
+There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect
+than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But
+what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be
+established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If
+any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to
+pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we
+have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us,
+that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free
+government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural
+progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its
+present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular
+government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs
+present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a
+case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for
+a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all
+the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a
+violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many
+convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it
+would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the
+beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true
+_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution.
+
+Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the
+danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be
+more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more
+terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political
+controversies.
+
+
+
+
+OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
+
+
+Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the
+first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states,
+who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace,
+happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful
+inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than
+that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but
+the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which
+results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the
+mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure
+to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase
+the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's
+happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace
+and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only
+be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and
+good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never
+arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest
+injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous
+education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must,
+therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and
+must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours,
+when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres,
+Bacchus, �sculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and
+Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes.
+
+As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and
+respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to
+be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly
+contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws
+impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same
+nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each
+other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is
+the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken
+root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many
+centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that
+government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow
+most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be
+not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more
+easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they
+always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the
+steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them.
+
+Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions
+founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the
+contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of
+sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though
+I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed,
+either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a
+government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the
+views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or
+material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and
+most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of
+personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a
+party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that
+principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest
+influence.
+
+Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic
+quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any
+passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The
+NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the
+COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind.
+
+Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the
+smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be
+imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery
+and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most
+inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who
+never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy
+government.
+
+We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes,
+the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three
+hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every
+election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it
+could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not
+spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the
+quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the
+indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this
+foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and
+injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take
+place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions.
+
+Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real
+difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are
+once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the
+persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their
+antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity.
+The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in
+Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to
+the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who
+were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being
+expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and
+the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed
+leagues with the pope against the emperor.
+
+The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the
+_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are
+founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were
+things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the
+Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in
+this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more
+absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a
+sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of
+faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference
+in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party
+accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same
+manner.[1]
+
+_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from
+_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the
+most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such
+as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not
+very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct
+interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering
+that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great
+skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are
+of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual
+motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to
+practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear;
+but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more
+pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles
+and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but
+the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without
+resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments.
+
+There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and
+_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of
+these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our
+public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether
+oppressive and intolerable.
+
+Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle,
+are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary
+and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs.
+Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the
+case with all different political principles, the matter may be more
+easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie
+in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen,
+who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each
+naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions
+of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no
+contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without
+interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious
+controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and
+such fatal divisions?
+
+Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can
+easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men,
+reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass,
+without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in
+that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without
+interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human
+mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as
+it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is
+shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which
+most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of
+opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.
+
+This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the
+origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is
+universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to
+one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other
+more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce
+the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world
+arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous
+and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to
+receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was
+offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and,
+entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired
+an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil
+power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly
+opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world,
+who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder
+that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil
+magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the
+authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power,
+even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps
+_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their
+followers.
+
+And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after
+Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a
+spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human
+society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every
+government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may
+justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the
+priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of
+_interest_.
+
+There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the
+separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has
+contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and
+divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous,
+consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different
+in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they
+are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect,
+without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely
+spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers
+of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions,
+to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain,
+comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and
+science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian
+religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this
+keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred
+and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the
+ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in
+modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the
+most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition.
+
+I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties,
+beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection,
+I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men
+towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over
+them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may
+seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to
+persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never
+saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any
+favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who,
+on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are
+found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest.
+We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close
+and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance
+on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature
+does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from
+spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his
+own.
+
+
+[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on
+the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened
+them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the
+Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's
+opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal
+than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more
+than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other.
+
+[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the
+ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are
+at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans,
+were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well
+as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general,
+these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest
+of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the
+religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a
+century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that
+superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous
+persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand,
+weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita
+Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to
+Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards
+restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual
+caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different
+from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians.
+Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of
+_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and
+bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical
+history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+
+Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one
+would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which
+it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to
+avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of
+our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and
+uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is
+impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among
+persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace
+and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain
+more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous
+spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil
+comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men
+agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come
+to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown,
+to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments
+with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant
+approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of
+PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may
+properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The
+strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the
+particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw
+a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will
+reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty.
+But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties
+themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited
+monarchy.
+
+But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much
+fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely
+ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust
+and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most
+favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally
+engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise
+carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious
+aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to
+be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to
+a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and
+_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government,
+are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by
+interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the
+latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2]
+
+As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the
+world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that
+this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of
+interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our
+thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds
+on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which
+prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be
+enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government.
+Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain,
+that the established clergy, while things are in their natural
+situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary,
+dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can
+never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means
+of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power
+have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as
+the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into
+the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only
+ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that
+he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in
+Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with
+their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing
+such an unusual system of politics.
+
+This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of
+a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The
+_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed
+friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed
+heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But
+if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will
+prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both
+because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and
+because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of
+ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors.
+
+If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great
+rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general
+theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a
+regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that
+period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects
+possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and
+secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong
+to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince
+arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his
+predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this
+principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of
+several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament;
+the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without
+any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his
+enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions.
+Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of
+that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day,
+the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the
+quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the
+balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost
+entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still
+in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate
+habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that
+he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so
+delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most
+conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers
+of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty
+sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on
+both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that
+ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of
+which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined
+most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the
+monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and
+country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of
+circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The
+commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed
+in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them.
+
+The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in
+return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into
+that of the parliament.[4]
+
+Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to
+the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the
+royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government
+reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his
+father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more
+secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_
+and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our
+government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of
+the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that
+history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the
+most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties,
+during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances,
+possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war:
+persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with
+every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we
+ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a
+country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the
+sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature,
+pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5]
+
+When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and
+CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists
+in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_,
+which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the
+universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory.
+Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they
+imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of
+absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited
+power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations.
+But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise
+to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too
+weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression;
+and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal
+for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists,
+but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles,
+when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the
+ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an
+event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British
+liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will
+afford us a true insight into the nature of that party.
+
+In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of
+Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined
+resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or
+to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might
+justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious
+tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a
+court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The
+Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a
+genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British
+government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of
+monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their
+monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory,
+than was in any degree �consistent with a limited government.
+
+_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely
+or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that
+which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem
+opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those
+circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not
+fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile
+contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between
+_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A
+TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words,
+to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a
+partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a
+lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to
+the settlement in the Protestant line._[6]
+
+These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were
+accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_
+and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British
+Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at
+any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a
+passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the
+government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty.
+
+Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between
+Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us
+but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long
+obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made
+converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the
+sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are,
+however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all
+their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our
+only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and
+the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the
+opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our
+constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural
+course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7]
+
+
+[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ
+them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one
+party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on
+some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the
+Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were
+denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man,
+defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct,
+regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans;
+_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable
+definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw
+any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing
+these terms.
+
+[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for
+taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are
+commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example,
+from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some
+source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such
+persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves.
+
+[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times
+of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal
+opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so
+immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the
+proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the
+crown.
+
+[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's
+arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and,
+in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that
+of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the
+_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the
+former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and
+Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the
+general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary
+situation of affairs to break it.
+
+[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been
+rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party.
+
+[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the
+real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_,
+and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties,
+like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all
+authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our
+whole history into an enigma.
+
+I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these
+parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the
+conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both
+sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the
+family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with
+vigour the succession of that family?
+
+The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy.
+Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years;
+nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by
+him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the
+throne, but with the person who sat on it.
+
+They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of
+Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason?
+
+The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too
+great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern
+themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less
+can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon
+moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so
+great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of
+_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly
+appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of
+decency?
+
+It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared
+opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in
+conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both?
+Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too
+high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of
+liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high
+principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect
+liberty and toleration.
+
+The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign
+politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been
+most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of
+this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to
+collect them.
+
+It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and
+_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which
+predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_
+loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the
+latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_
+loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant
+line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant
+inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where
+either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was
+none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be
+disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not
+have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to
+bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to
+depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded
+without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps
+dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and
+settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of
+the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the
+means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by
+ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession
+of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the
+security of our liberties with the Whigs.
+
+It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any
+particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a
+whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely
+in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was
+not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that
+attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain
+love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England
+formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt
+the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were
+but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have
+had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience
+is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems
+to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded
+followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by
+_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that
+interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to
+their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party.
+
+Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between
+Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst
+us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be
+confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in
+their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still
+more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or
+learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would
+not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies,
+the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of
+honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a
+reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour,
+denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_.
+
+I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any
+Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word,
+and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs
+and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the
+constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or
+at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the
+succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the
+difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political
+and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution,
+regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs,
+without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the
+clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the
+Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the
+government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the
+highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their
+followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of
+the Tory party in England.
+
+[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the
+public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate
+examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain.
+And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party,
+neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions
+and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These
+mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom.
+
+
+
+
+OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
+
+
+That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown
+into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the
+pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions
+of true religion.
+
+These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of
+a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is
+subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding
+either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill
+health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the
+concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind,
+infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real
+objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice,
+and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to
+whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are
+entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are
+equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances,
+mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd
+or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and
+terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with
+ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition.
+
+But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and
+presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health,
+from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a
+state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused
+conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can
+correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of
+attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible
+regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge
+itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and
+disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of
+fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures,
+being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of
+our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of
+that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the
+inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of
+the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the
+summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and
+even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman
+delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed
+illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride,
+presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore
+the true sources of Enthusiasm.
+
+These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many
+speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few
+reflections concerning their different influence on government and
+society.
+
+My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly
+power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than
+sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear,
+sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in
+such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of
+approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other
+person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have
+made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the
+superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their
+prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to
+render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the
+origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a
+timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares
+not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend
+itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and
+servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all
+religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy
+able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds,
+that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but
+the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the
+authority of the priesthood.
+
+On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been
+free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great
+independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies,
+and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the
+same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and
+are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them.
+The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to
+the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage.
+The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both
+particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and
+will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as
+enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks
+itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any
+human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even
+imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation
+and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies
+and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so
+requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic
+consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character,
+much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on
+any other.
+
+My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion
+is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first
+rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition;
+but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of
+this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by
+opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in
+Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics
+in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded
+on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it
+naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises
+to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of
+Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of
+reason, morality, and prudence.
+
+It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human
+society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust
+themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than
+before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in
+all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in
+sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with
+sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the
+religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which
+may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred
+principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in
+gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable
+to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the
+priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and
+disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions,
+and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her
+acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all
+Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who
+were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners;
+and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of
+_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius
+in China.[1]
+
+My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy
+to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans
+under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all
+ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present
+observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold
+and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of
+liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject,
+and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during
+the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most
+opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their
+political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since
+the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either
+been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that
+is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of
+_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of
+enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in
+defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long
+united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of
+prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit
+of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that
+party.
+
+The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand
+unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of
+sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone
+merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The
+_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to
+superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and
+devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The
+_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate
+devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and,
+in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable
+to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people,
+and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the
+small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French
+nation.
+
+
+[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical
+establishment.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
+
+
+There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned
+world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they
+come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of
+thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most
+remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different
+sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a
+point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as
+divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our
+species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who
+derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage
+and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can
+discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other
+animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the
+talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the
+former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws
+himself into the other extreme.
+
+I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species
+have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their
+fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible
+that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a
+splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to
+make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much
+indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of
+those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more
+advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a
+mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high
+notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally
+endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action
+which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own
+imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable
+moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice
+unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1]
+
+We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the
+expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the
+dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any
+other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and
+what is only verbal, in this controversy.
+
+That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and
+vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident
+that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or
+blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed
+unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity,
+and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real
+things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form
+a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species;
+and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its
+greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one
+is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the
+smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always
+consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that
+is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants
+compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely
+different.
+
+In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison
+between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that
+fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to
+mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not
+limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his
+researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this
+globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider
+the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye
+forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the
+judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence;
+a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and
+intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances;
+improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very
+errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature
+the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to
+a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without
+foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short
+time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a
+single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures!
+And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison
+of the latter.
+
+There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion:
+_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting
+only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a
+new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect
+wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can
+form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in
+himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He
+can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which,
+when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible,
+and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals,
+in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which
+all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short
+of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison
+takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference
+in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even
+of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the
+latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with
+the former can make it appear of little moment.
+
+It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few
+whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a
+contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible
+of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the
+honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any
+particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise
+altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When
+we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very
+uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise
+men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their
+scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our
+species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to
+say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our
+notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who
+was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have
+heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women
+possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering
+that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a
+degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of
+beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty
+in one of our sex.
+
+As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with
+the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of
+the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different
+motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate
+our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of
+comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the
+present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much
+predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some
+philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of
+human nature.[2]
+
+There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man
+denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and
+community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt
+this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his
+doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards
+to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix
+itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the
+ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or
+rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another,
+and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and
+esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be
+to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than
+kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has
+forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a
+different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things
+by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin),
+Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_
+children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like
+reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a
+connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing
+would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or,
+if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity,
+and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing,
+reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you
+admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in
+kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human
+actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in
+its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family,
+children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and
+education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly
+observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their
+family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as
+their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are
+sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your
+ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among
+the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you.
+
+In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those
+philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In
+the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was
+attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship
+and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is
+obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and
+does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend,
+because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.
+
+In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are
+far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been
+represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but
+the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust
+in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable
+action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to
+that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other
+passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous
+action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is
+natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so
+closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions
+approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that
+these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of
+affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some
+degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory
+is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or
+disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in
+driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice
+and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the
+love of virtue.
+
+
+[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men,
+which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point
+of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires
+to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into
+them.
+
+[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay.
+In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by
+several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are
+by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions,
+receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to
+see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument
+and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning
+Virtue.
+
+
+
+
+OF CIVIL LIBERTY
+
+
+Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage,
+and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others,
+contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction
+of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to
+entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many
+general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest
+posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so
+that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science,
+as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we
+can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in
+virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected
+of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or
+principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined
+his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or
+to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings,
+especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely
+defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which
+subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says
+he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with
+several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels.
+If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity,
+but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his
+master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention
+this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding,
+in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the
+world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of
+Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for
+near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can
+possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the C�sars, but
+Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses,
+entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.
+
+Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and
+there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of
+it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it,
+though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of
+state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and
+military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have
+instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.
+
+Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of
+civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages
+of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no
+man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and
+that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all
+probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by
+posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and
+so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients,
+that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further
+changes.
+
+It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences
+arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians,
+notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts
+towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such
+perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty,
+and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been
+observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they
+increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet
+the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since
+been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted
+to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having
+met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a
+century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters,
+and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two
+experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall
+of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular
+ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that
+the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And
+in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in
+our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts,
+or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of
+government established among us.
+
+But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome
+and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer
+arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it
+groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the
+latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began
+to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto,
+Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in
+republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the
+Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and
+seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts
+and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at
+Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.
+
+But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute
+governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any
+established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near
+perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater
+philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans
+were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the
+Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians,
+painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the
+stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English.
+And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art,
+the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of
+society and conversation.
+
+If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own
+country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great
+measure be applied to the British.
+
+          Sed in longum tamen �vum
+     Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_.
+
+The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among
+us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable
+grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still
+alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of
+the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon,
+Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their
+sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in
+the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that
+they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and
+criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably
+improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed,
+that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard
+book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast
+of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed
+promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.
+
+It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish
+but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a
+longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts
+and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens,
+Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England,
+&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments.
+The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam,
+and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a
+double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy
+entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to
+prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the
+foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our
+rivals in commerce as well as in learning.
+
+Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would
+assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is
+something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute
+government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign
+for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly
+insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a
+civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much
+apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign,
+more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any
+accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of
+industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many
+real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an
+imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of
+calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in
+absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because
+it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary
+to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured
+above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the
+considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in
+order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and
+honours are annexed.
+
+Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced,
+or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of
+government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a
+great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic
+management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known
+only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of
+states has also received great improvements within the last century. We
+are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the
+accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of
+that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not
+amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this
+argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not
+assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed
+Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance
+from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it
+might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the
+frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a
+surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and
+force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by
+thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to
+blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious
+tribune.
+
+But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet
+monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards
+perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was
+formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government
+of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and
+constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry
+encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his
+subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have
+been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and
+small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may
+suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or
+tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has
+not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula,
+Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It
+must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have
+approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are
+still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity
+and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to
+overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.
+
+But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable,
+but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in
+monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular
+governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these
+species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses
+which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed
+not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met
+with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and
+intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor,
+especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure
+discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment.
+But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility,
+they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the
+nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their
+interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of
+the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this
+oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The
+only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to
+the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore,
+should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and
+the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through
+ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which
+case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one
+would not appear so considerable as at present.
+
+The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments,
+consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public
+revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable,
+and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the
+public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by
+a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money
+which any emergence made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn
+from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the
+practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh
+ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but
+as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people
+can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people,
+and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the
+public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of tills
+remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel
+and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which
+nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the
+present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to
+increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be
+reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public
+impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish
+ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who
+surround us?
+
+
+[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.
+
+[2] Dr. Swift.
+
+
+
+
+OF ELOQUENCE
+
+
+Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as
+represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of
+pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and
+opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in
+different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in
+_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the
+history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and
+politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit,
+and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame,
+friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in
+all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and
+untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding,
+which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much
+more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and
+virtue.
+
+But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be
+observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many
+respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be
+superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our
+refinements, much inferior in eloquence.
+
+In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great
+parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers
+have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of
+an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking.
+Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator;
+and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they
+were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It
+is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators
+in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and
+possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, C�lius, Curio, Hortensius,
+C�sar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior
+to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome.
+Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman
+orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in
+eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from
+reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only
+exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive.
+Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay,
+even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avid� et capaces me� aures,_
+says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._
+
+Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular
+government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as
+can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has
+England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who
+have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers;
+but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their
+genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the
+names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but
+neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their
+speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been
+owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents
+for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two
+Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the
+same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the
+preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none
+of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that
+the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the
+sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents
+and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a
+table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with
+such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.
+
+We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men
+flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most
+celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering
+in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on
+in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently
+compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our
+most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of
+several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend
+himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.
+
+Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators,
+may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their
+eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators
+aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm
+speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of
+Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when,
+justifying the unsuccessful battle of Ch�ronea, he breaks out, 'No, my
+fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those
+heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and
+Plat�a.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that
+which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the
+crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this
+scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to
+those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to
+brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the
+most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely
+see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and
+indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze
+of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or
+cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and
+sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment
+so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them
+accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated
+conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice
+by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to
+us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give
+an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling
+expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.
+
+Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence
+of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or
+stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures
+which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either
+for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre
+to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.
+
+One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a
+decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all
+times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great
+industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned
+nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems
+requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but
+notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very
+inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all
+other parts of learning.
+
+Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to
+our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever
+reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be
+found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.
+
+_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing
+period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state,
+were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great
+measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of
+the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of
+a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or
+profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all
+lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science,
+declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake,
+in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader
+addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to
+display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict
+laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances
+must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour
+and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and
+eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of
+equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome
+occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what
+opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and
+subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make
+use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to
+plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would
+only labour to make himself ridiculous.
+
+I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and
+intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but
+I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that
+noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from
+either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites
+expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have
+pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form,
+there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But
+to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the
+_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the
+liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of
+debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and
+give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent
+in this nation.
+
+_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing
+to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all
+those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of
+nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be
+accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence,
+and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal.
+It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and
+cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a
+signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring
+justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it
+be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move
+the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know
+that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now,
+banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers
+merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper
+expressions.
+
+Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior
+good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and
+reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or
+elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it
+should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It
+should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The
+ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this
+jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it.
+They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they
+left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they
+were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not
+deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and
+eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow;
+and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience.
+
+Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius C�sar?; yet
+that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of
+Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his
+settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before
+that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn.
+
+Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie
+against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and
+rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of
+his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his
+wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of
+words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined
+than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his
+sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more
+chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its
+success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony,
+exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any
+appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in
+a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the
+orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the
+nearest to perfection.
+
+_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient
+governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often
+guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with
+among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no
+Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It
+would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find
+a Demosthenes?
+
+What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or
+of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of
+reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such
+endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few
+successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation,
+excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more
+sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto
+entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first
+rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very
+satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received
+all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for
+statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of
+these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found
+among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest
+eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as
+Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to
+be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most
+material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example
+would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made
+us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then
+have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and
+philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British
+Archimedeses and Virgils.[1]
+
+It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence
+prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon
+comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of
+the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster
+apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius.
+When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and,
+by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most
+prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every
+passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched
+properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that
+satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the
+adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this
+observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be
+peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated
+for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence
+of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must
+submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever,
+upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator,
+ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and
+erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long
+time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are
+satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is
+defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the
+attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival.
+
+Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and
+passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the
+argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have
+more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our
+mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but
+the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the
+preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded
+models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style
+or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence,
+that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more
+than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or
+common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians,
+and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but,
+when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper
+when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed
+the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former;
+but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and
+sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse,
+and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience.
+
+Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in
+England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had
+some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our
+ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival
+of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their
+defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy
+which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such
+an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer,
+and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there
+seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually
+communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of
+a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire
+him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the
+strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great
+prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who
+repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice
+of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But
+where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker
+must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the
+arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most
+proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from
+his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his
+elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues
+with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion
+as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some
+time when the original impulse is suspended.
+
+I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our
+modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship
+with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material
+defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed
+air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their
+great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all
+order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without
+which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the
+mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public
+discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy,
+without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method
+conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the
+arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more
+thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are
+thrown together in confusion.
+
+
+[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin
+and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear
+thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had
+possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would
+probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet
+reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and
+Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in
+Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral
+sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private
+causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or
+Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there
+appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with
+proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest
+heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to
+imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions
+concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself
+with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or
+the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it
+is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men
+of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes
+of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an
+ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all
+countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders
+produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of
+Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short
+interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient
+eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his
+knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided
+and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of
+concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted
+to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance;
+but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a
+fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all
+subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very
+elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it
+employed on a subject more favourable and engaging.
+
+There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are
+disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of
+that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other
+nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense,
+which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the
+flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_;
+which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing
+but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or
+fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are
+not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms
+of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble
+author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must
+have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter.
+And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have
+abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined
+themselves to plain argument and reasoning.
+
+These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have
+retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able
+to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely
+pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels
+may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly
+acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public
+business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an
+eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this
+opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient,
+the other from modern times.
+
+
+
+
+
+
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+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Essays
+
+Author: David Hume
+
+Commentator: Hannaford Bennett
+
+Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
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+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ***
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+
+
+Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org
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+
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+
+</pre>
+
+<h1>ESSAYS</h1>
+
+<h3>By</h3>
+
+<h2>DAVID HUME</h2>
+
+
+
+<h4><i>With Biographical Introduction</i></h4>
+
+<h4>by</h4>
+
+<h4>Hannaford Bennett</h4>
+
+<h5>LONDON</h5>
+
+<h5>JOHN LONG LTD</h5>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<p class="caption">Contents</p>
+
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#Biographical_Introduction">BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION">OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS">OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE">THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT">OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT">OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1">OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO">WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR
+TO A REPUBLIC</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL">OF PARTIES IN GENERAL</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN">OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM">OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE">OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY">OF CIVIL LIBERTY</a></p>
+
+<p class="small"><a href="#OF_ELOQUENCE">OF ELOQUENCE</a></p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="Biographical_Introduction" id="Biographical_Introduction"></a>Biographical Introduction</h3>
+
+
+<p>The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography
+which he prefixed to his <i>History of England</i>. <i>My Own Life</i>, as he
+calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its
+purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify
+the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a
+remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was
+Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son
+was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711,
+during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that
+his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself
+came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though
+young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and
+educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction.
+He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when
+he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary
+course of education with success"; but "our college education in
+Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further
+than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen
+years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have
+maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she
+considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature.
+Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she
+lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly
+success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his
+meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance.</p>
+
+<p>It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that
+made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At
+first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but
+"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and
+Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume
+remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a
+more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen
+instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to
+Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few
+months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length&mdash;in the
+middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any
+profession or means of earning a livelihood&mdash;he went over to France. He
+settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flêche in Anjou, and
+"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully
+pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency
+of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every
+object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in
+literature." At La Flêche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the
+Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he
+composed his first book, the <i>Treatise of Human Nature</i>. According to
+himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such
+distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work
+which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he
+was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the
+most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its
+effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three
+years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume
+of <i>Essays, Moral and Political</i>, which was followed in 1742 by the
+second volume. The <i>Essays</i>, he says, were favourably received and soon
+made me entirely forget my former disappointments.</p>
+
+<p>In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale,
+who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for
+long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an
+expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his
+secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards
+added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was
+afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom
+Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he
+should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made
+him one of his <i>aides-de-camp</i>. Thus Hume had to attire his portly
+figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him
+in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the
+train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial
+occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much
+appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling
+on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These
+years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have
+received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in
+good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach
+a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were
+inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a
+thousand pounds."</p>
+
+<p>While Hume was away with General St. Clair his <i>Inquiry Concerning Human
+Understanding</i> was published, but it was not more successful than the
+original <i>Treatise</i> of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new
+edition of <i>Moral and Political Essays</i> met with no better fate, but
+these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him.
+In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his
+brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his
+sister to keep house for him. At this period the <i>Political Discourses</i>
+and the <i>Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals</i> were published. Of
+the <i>Inquiry</i> Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not
+shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings&mdash;historical,
+philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his
+publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of
+Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to
+him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which
+enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some
+time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his
+<i>History of England</i>. The first volume was published in 1754, and the
+second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in
+1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a
+twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a
+great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture,
+though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the
+shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the <i>Natural
+History of Religion</i>, appeared. The book was attacked&mdash;not wholly to
+Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as
+success&mdash;"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility
+which distinguish the Warburtonian school."</p>
+
+<p>Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the
+<i>History</i> until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed
+ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the
+promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more
+honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord
+Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views
+about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time.
+In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several
+of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded
+with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French
+society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in
+October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at
+Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary
+honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great
+nobles fêted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the
+"<i>gros</i> David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At
+the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen <i>entre deux
+joli minois</i>," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with
+satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these
+flatteries to turn his head.</p>
+
+<p>In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office
+as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this
+period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with
+Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the
+possession of £1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life
+easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for
+the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in
+the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his
+illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote <i>My Own Life</i>,
+which ends simply in these words:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very
+little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have,
+notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a
+moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the
+period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I
+might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same
+ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I
+consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off
+only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of
+my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional
+lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is
+difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present.</p>
+
+<p>"To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather
+was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I
+was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of
+an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but
+little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my
+passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never
+soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My
+company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as
+to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure
+in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased
+with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men
+any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never
+was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I
+wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious
+factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted
+fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one
+circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots,
+we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate
+any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which
+they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there
+is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope
+it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is
+easily cleared and ascertained."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was
+buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill.</p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 24em;">HANNAFORD BENNETT</span><br />
+</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3>Essays</h3>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION" id="OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION"></a>OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION</h3>
+
+
+<p>Some people are subject to a certain <i>delicacy</i> of <i>passion</i>, which
+makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives
+them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing
+grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good
+offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury
+provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates
+them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People
+of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as
+more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I
+believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not
+rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own
+disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and
+when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any
+misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and
+deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right
+enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great
+pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible
+temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the
+latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be
+transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take
+false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable.</p>
+
+<p>There is a <i>delicacy</i> of <i>taste</i> observable in some men, which very much
+resembles this <i>delicacy</i> of <i>passion</i>, and produces the same
+sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to
+prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a
+poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his
+feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the
+masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction,
+than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A
+polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment;
+rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short,
+delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It
+enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us
+sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind.</p>
+
+<p>I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding
+this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and
+cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be
+remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little
+at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall
+read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall
+keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely
+independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is
+impossible to be <i>attained</i>; but every wise man will endeavour to place
+his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and <i>that</i>
+is not to be <i>attained</i> so much by any other means as by this delicacy
+of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy
+by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and
+receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the
+most expensive luxury can afford.</p>
+
+<p>Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of
+delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this
+delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined
+taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the
+compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A
+greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the
+senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the
+temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste
+is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so
+much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a
+composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many
+circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature
+requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment,
+will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a
+new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment
+will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life.
+Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too
+frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that
+sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious.</p>
+
+<p>But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for
+the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to
+those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On
+further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for
+all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders
+the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions.</p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In
+the <i>first</i> place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of
+the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give
+a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are
+strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw
+off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish
+reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable
+melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited
+to love and friendship.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>second</i> place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and
+friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us
+indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men.
+You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense
+they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or
+in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one
+man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is
+sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures
+and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and
+finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any
+vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a
+celebrated French<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or
+watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours;
+but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and
+distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested
+his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the
+company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all
+the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained.
+And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no
+wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and
+undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves
+with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite
+become an elegant passion.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralité des Mondes, Soir 6.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS" id="OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS"></a>OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS</h3>
+
+
+<p>Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty
+which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to
+the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the
+king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is
+affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the
+interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of
+affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie
+towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and
+devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as
+mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other
+government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice,
+more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the
+question, <i>How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar
+privilege?</i></p>
+
+<p>The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be
+derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly
+monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not,
+a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government,
+liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that,
+as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with
+liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other
+hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes
+always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that
+of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion
+concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their
+condition, the monarch cannot entertain any <i>jealousy</i> against his
+subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great <i>liberties</i>,
+both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such
+as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give
+<i>jealousy</i> to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the
+magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages
+result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a
+considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen
+pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the
+two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to
+each other in some material circumstances. In the <i>first</i>, the
+magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the <i>second</i>, the people
+have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual
+confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in
+monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics.</p>
+
+<p>To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every
+government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures
+of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must
+take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the
+Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty,
+<i>Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt.</i> This remark a
+celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively
+description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government.</p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Et fit aimer son joug à l'Anglois indompté,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberté.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 15em;">HENRIADE, liv. i.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government
+under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the
+despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same
+kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable
+to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those
+mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and
+jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful
+tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their
+cruelty was chiefly excited by their <i>jealousy</i>, and by their observing
+that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a
+family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On
+the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in
+England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its
+own preservation, to maintain a watchful <i>jealousy</i> over the
+magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every
+one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be
+deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no
+crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges;
+and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by
+their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and
+violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is
+as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as
+there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome.</p>
+
+<p>These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these
+kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is
+apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not
+careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of
+conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit
+of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition
+of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to
+prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the
+liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the
+nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be
+animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of
+our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will
+naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own
+preservation.<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press,
+though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy
+for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential
+to the support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the
+second question, <i>Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,</i>
+there being nothing of greater importance in every state than the
+preservation of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one.
+But I would fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is
+attended with so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the
+common right of mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every
+government except the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be
+fatal. We need not dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as
+followed from the harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and
+Tribunes of Rome. A man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There
+is none present from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is
+not hurried away by the force and energy of action. And should he be
+wrought up to never so seditious a humour, there is no violent
+resolution presented to him by which he can immediately vent his
+passion. The liberty of the press, therefore, however abused, can scarce
+ever excite popular tumults or rebellion. And as to those murmurs or
+secret discontents it may occasion, it is better they should get vent in
+words, that they may come to the knowledge of the magistrate before it
+be too late, in order to his providing a remedy against them. Mankind,
+it is true, have always a greater propension to believe what is said to
+the disadvantage of their governors than the contrary; but this
+inclination is inseparable from them whether they have liberty or not. A
+whisper may fly as quick, and be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it
+will be more pernicious, where men are not accustomed to think freely,
+or distinguish betwixt truth and falsehood.
+</p><p>
+It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the
+<i>people</i> are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented,
+and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational
+creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the
+United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible
+with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of
+religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all
+of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other.
+<i>England</i> has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this
+liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as
+yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men,
+being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public
+affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater
+difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour.
+</p><p>
+It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this
+peculiar privilege of <i>Britain</i> is of a kind that cannot easily be
+wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any
+degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is
+lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed
+to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must
+disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the
+liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general
+laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they
+possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either
+the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large
+discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them.
+But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty,
+that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We
+may conclude that the liberty of <i>Britain</i> is gone for ever when these
+attempts shall succeed.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE" id="THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE"></a>THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE</h3>
+
+
+<p>It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference
+between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may
+not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?<a name="FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only
+difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most
+political disputes would be at an end, and all <i>Zeal</i> for one
+constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But,
+though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this
+sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no
+greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and
+characters of particular men.</p>
+
+<p>It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government
+consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular
+instances in history, where the very same government, in different
+hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and
+bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV.
+Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction,
+sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects:
+these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the
+patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the
+throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally
+changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these
+two sovereigns.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost
+without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well
+as domestic.</p>
+
+<p>But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute
+governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one
+of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a
+republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the
+particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really
+no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for
+the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and
+such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the
+other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest
+crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original
+frame and institution.</p>
+
+<p>So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government,
+and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men,
+that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced
+from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us.</p>
+
+<p>The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power
+to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility
+or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in
+a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by
+success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread
+themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though
+the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore,
+most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported
+in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular
+bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means,
+they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a
+perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced
+among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into
+anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was
+the despotic power of the Cæsars. Such are the effects of democracy
+without a representative.</p>
+
+<p>A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power
+of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the
+power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as
+composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The
+Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the
+Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of
+nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority
+which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every
+nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority
+over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it
+receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and
+tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent
+even <i>a priori</i>. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the
+humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who
+possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among
+themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough
+to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their
+authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any
+breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government
+promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of
+some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the
+nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state.
+The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another,
+without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin
+and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a
+Polish nobility in every one of these particulars.</p>
+
+<p>It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single
+person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of
+power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other
+parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either <i>elective</i>
+or <i>hereditary</i>, and though the former institution may, to a superficial
+view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will
+discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as
+are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling
+of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too
+general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a
+civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with
+certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a
+<i>Foreigner</i> or a <i>Native</i>: the former will be ignorant of the people
+whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by
+them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no
+other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while
+their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native
+will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships,
+and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment
+of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to
+mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit
+alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money,
+or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an
+election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince,
+than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the
+sovereign.</p>
+
+<p>It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics,
+<i>That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people
+voting by their representatives, form the best</i> MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY,
+<i>and</i> DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit
+of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education
+either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some
+other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that
+character.</p>
+
+<p>It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been
+commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are
+they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this
+observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here
+speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon
+learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing;
+because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the
+few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He
+does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his <i>general</i>
+laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all <i>particular</i> acts
+of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state
+necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men
+learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in
+such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive
+matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some
+private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial
+governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their
+plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who
+find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject
+provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to
+mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the
+governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more
+expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth
+before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the
+Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true,
+they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but
+Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the
+interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in
+that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would
+plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at
+present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the
+great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read
+of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and
+astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that,
+after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders
+of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to
+the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to
+old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put
+into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant
+wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men
+of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke
+became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be
+observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were
+careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time,
+Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the
+whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or
+populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military
+discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of
+the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we
+learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the
+produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also
+loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern
+times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of
+absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states.
+Compare the <i>Pais conquis</i> of France with Ireland, and you will be
+convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good
+measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as
+should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a
+conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same
+purpose.</p>
+
+<p>There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of
+Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those
+eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may
+seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those
+of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and
+that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the
+Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their
+former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of
+this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his
+subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the
+Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no
+distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately
+from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and
+possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his
+commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder
+manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour,
+beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour,
+integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former
+species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake
+off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal
+credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the
+latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will
+encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt
+and conduct them in every undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id="FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive;
+though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that
+monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily
+kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they
+cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may
+facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a
+tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them
+indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I
+say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated
+authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such
+governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince
+himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to
+produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every
+respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest
+security to the sovereign as well as to the subject.</p>
+
+<p>Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a
+state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to
+regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity.
+Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any
+commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future
+ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by
+which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check
+on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same
+in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the
+Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of
+government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the
+original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of
+Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous
+republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and
+education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be
+wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on
+account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these
+parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the
+case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and
+tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a
+considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with
+the utmost integrity and wisdom.</p>
+
+<p>The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for
+private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the
+government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity
+or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the
+Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the
+beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance
+between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the
+tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this
+very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during
+part of the season, a <i>Prætor</i> punished capitally for this crime above
+three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of
+this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a
+worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved
+in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much
+admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time
+of the two <i>Triumvirates</i>, when they were tearing their common country
+to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the
+earth, merely for the choice of tyrants.</p>
+
+<p>Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost
+zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty
+is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of
+particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to
+human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as
+nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than
+to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard
+to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is
+only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to
+the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue.</p>
+
+<p>But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present.
+There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of
+their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the
+interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall
+always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps
+the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our
+zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the
+foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the
+parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time,
+that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion,
+with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.</p>
+
+<p>Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as
+ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an
+extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public.
+His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in
+domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of
+which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous
+treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of
+maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his
+pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even
+to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and
+disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by
+which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily
+governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed
+every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run
+as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady,
+and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and
+interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at
+home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these
+blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he
+crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution
+in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has
+transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest
+posterity.</p>
+
+<p>When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each
+party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and
+fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade
+these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the
+accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them
+to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution
+be really <i>that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our
+neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the
+expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of
+blood</i>;<a name="FNanchor_4_6" id="FNanchor_4_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_6" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these
+eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to
+govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the
+greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of
+tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the
+people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so
+strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original
+principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the
+best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far
+good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the
+British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such
+remarkable events as the <i>Revolution</i> and <i>Accession</i>, by which our
+ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say,
+with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we
+are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an
+opportunity of erecting a better in its place.</p>
+
+<p>I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend
+the minister. <i>Is our constitution so excellent?</i> Then a change of
+ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a
+constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation,
+and to prevent all enormities in the administration. <i>Is our
+constitution very bad?</i> Then so extraordinary a jealousy and
+apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no
+more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman
+from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public
+affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by
+whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of <i>patriots</i> is in that
+case much less requisite than the patience and submission of
+<i>philosophers</i>. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are
+highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to
+hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its
+convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.</p>
+
+<p>I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care
+and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims
+might be admitted; at least might be examined. The <i>country party</i> might
+still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of
+maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be
+bad, it is proper to oppose him with a <i>suitable</i> degree of zeal. And,
+on the other hand, the <i>court party</i> may be allowed, upon the
+supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal
+too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if
+they were fighting <i>pro aris et focis</i>, and change a good constitution
+into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.</p>
+
+<p>I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present
+controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is
+restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the
+good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal
+character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little
+importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon
+them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.<a name="FNanchor_5_7" id="FNanchor_5_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_7" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a>
+<br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">For forms of government let fools contest,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Whate'er is best administered is best.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 14em;">ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.</span><br />
+</p>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in
+comparing the reigns of <i>Elizabeth</i> and <i>James</i>, at least with regard to
+foreign affairs.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition
+of Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is
+reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been
+better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in
+this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described
+by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were
+preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent
+change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, <i>De
+exped. Alex.</i> lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in
+command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under
+Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62.
+Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was
+of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent
+Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the
+highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His
+grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His
+great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia.
+Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt
+under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators,
+Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being
+desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the
+daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him,
+first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most
+considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty
+by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a
+rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his
+rule. <i>Id. de exped.</i> lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the
+seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors;
+and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be
+descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as
+Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander
+married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention
+plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian
+families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most
+noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic,
+and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not
+carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and
+orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their
+family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why
+the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other
+causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that
+Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its
+application to the present case.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_6" id="Footnote_4_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_6"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_7" id="Footnote_5_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_7"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here
+pointed at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former
+edition, under the title of</i> 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' <i>It
+was as follows</i>:&mdash;There never was a man whose actions and character have
+been more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present
+minister, who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a
+time, amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what
+has been wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the
+paper that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I
+wish, for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had
+been drawn with such <i>judgment</i> and <i>impartiality</i> as to have some
+credit with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least,
+employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former
+quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more
+thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have
+perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself
+with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be
+adopted by future historians.
+</p><p>
+Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of <i>Great Britain</i>, is a man of
+ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not
+magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances,
+are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such
+virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His
+vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which
+are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with
+frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public:
+his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With
+many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good
+capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more
+worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better
+qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his
+ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public,
+better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad
+precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has
+flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man,
+I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a <i>Briton</i>, I calmly
+wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote
+for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire
+to <i>Houghton-Hall</i>, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and
+pleasure.
+</p><p>
+<i>The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and
+calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same
+moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not
+rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from
+one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane
+sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that
+the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this
+character, a great, and the only great, error in that long
+administration.</i></p>
+<p>[*]Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT" id="OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT"></a>OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT</h3>
+
+
+<p>Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with
+a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed
+by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own
+sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by
+what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is
+always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to
+support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that
+government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and
+most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular.
+The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless
+subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination.
+But he must, at least, have led his <i>mamalukes</i> or <i>prætorian bands</i>,
+like men, by their opinion.</p>
+
+<p>Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of
+right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the
+general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the
+persuasion, that the particular government which is established is
+equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When
+this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those
+who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any
+government.</p>
+
+<p>Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What
+prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be
+understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their
+ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction
+of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever
+disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always
+found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of
+public justice.<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first
+sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the
+human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt,
+without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and
+morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is
+formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where
+men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice
+and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of
+these contradictory appearances.</p>
+
+<p>It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is
+of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property
+the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem
+inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter
+too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to
+property has a great influence in this subject.</p>
+
+<p>Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public <i>interest</i>, of <i>right to
+power</i>, and of <i>right to property</i>, are all governments founded, and all
+authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles
+which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their
+operation; such as <i>self-interest</i>, <i>fear</i>, and <i>affection</i>. But still
+we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone,
+but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned.
+They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original,
+principles of government.</p>
+
+<p>For, <i>first</i>, as to <i>self-interest</i>, by which I mean the expectation of
+particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we
+receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority
+must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to
+produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his
+authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give
+birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the
+greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the
+hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any
+particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy,
+and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same
+observation may be extended to the other two principles of <i>fear</i> and
+<i>affection</i>. No man would have any reason to <i>fear</i> the fury of a
+tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a
+single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the
+further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or
+on the presumed opinion of others. And though <i>affection</i> to wisdom and
+virtue in a <i>sovereign</i> extends very far, and has great influence, yet
+he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character,
+otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his
+virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.</p>
+
+<p>A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power
+and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where
+any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the
+property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no
+share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that
+order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much
+attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that
+the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original
+constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men
+who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to
+stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with
+that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in
+England.</p>
+
+<p>Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed,
+that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain,
+its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all
+whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as
+absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more
+to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution,
+that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the
+public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the
+House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by
+the people, as we may particularly observe of the <i>Tory</i> House of
+Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to
+receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies,
+this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and
+riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into
+the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either
+influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of
+property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective
+body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at
+present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing
+over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill,
+popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of
+opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total
+alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure
+republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For
+though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite
+unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most
+susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and
+tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be
+pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any
+further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have
+place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party
+amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as
+possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give
+it what appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its
+influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very
+limited understanding.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the
+present political controversy with regard to <i>instructions</i>, is a very
+frivolous one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is
+managed by both parties. The country party do not pretend that a member
+is absolutely bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general
+is confined by his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in
+the House, but so far as it is conformable to them. The court party,
+again, do not pretend that the sentiments of the people ought to have no
+weight with every member; much less that he ought to despise the
+sentiments of those whom he represents, and with whom he is more
+particularly connected. And if their sentiments be of weight, why ought
+they not to express these sentiments? The question then is only
+concerning the degrees of weight which ought to be placed on
+instructions. But such is the nature of language, that it is impossible
+for it to express distinctly these different degrees; and if men will
+carry on a controversy on this head, it may well happen that they differ
+in the language, and yet agree in their sentiments; or differ in their
+sentiments, and yet agree in their language. Besides, how is it possible
+to fix these degrees, considering the variety of affairs that come
+before the House, and the variety of places which members represent?
+Ought the instructions of <i>Totness</i> to have the same weight as those of
+London? or instructions with regard to the <i>Convention</i> which respected
+foreign politics to have the same weight as those with regard to the
+<i>Excise</i>, which respected only our domestic affairs?</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT" id="OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT"></a>OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT</h3>
+
+
+<p>Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity,
+from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his
+further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to
+administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor
+safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the
+vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object
+or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the
+support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies,
+officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy
+counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of
+administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate
+morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have
+no other useful object of their institution.</p>
+
+<p>All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and
+order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for
+the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious
+necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is
+impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of
+justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man
+finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by
+the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more
+frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant
+interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous
+temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.</p>
+
+<p>Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They
+must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose
+peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish
+transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however
+reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word,
+obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of
+justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of
+allegiance.</p>
+
+<p>But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that
+nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of
+obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human
+mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests
+and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They
+are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is
+inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well
+or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that
+the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in
+his administration.</p>
+
+<p>Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the
+cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of
+government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by
+the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens.
+The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not
+only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of
+government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led
+astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest
+in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain
+this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must
+be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity,
+or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government
+is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty
+influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The
+prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his
+society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him
+in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all
+indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the
+power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he
+establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find
+an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit
+soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly
+founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing
+from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod,
+and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives.</p>
+
+<p>But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and
+inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be
+founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected
+that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their
+operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It
+is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began
+during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius
+discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most
+requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most
+sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common
+among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the
+chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became,
+even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually,
+by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit
+sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at
+least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son
+enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to
+maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the
+further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and
+enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his
+administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and
+disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must
+have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the
+case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk
+of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the
+supreme magistrate.</p>
+
+<p>In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or
+secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever
+absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must
+necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which
+confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any
+constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is
+master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be
+permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can
+impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the
+lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is
+commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles
+or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil
+magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert
+other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The
+government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of
+free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several
+members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than
+that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration,
+must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the
+members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned,
+that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority
+must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those
+contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the
+latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps
+one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance,
+which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always
+support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that
+contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt
+to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1" id="OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1"></a>OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT<a name="FNanchor_1_10" id="FNanchor_1_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_10" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h3>
+
+
+<p>Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving
+any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of
+the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a <i>knave</i>, and to have
+no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this
+interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him,
+notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public
+good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages
+of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no
+security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our
+rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.</p>
+
+<p>It is, therefore, a just <i>political</i> maxim, <i>that every man must be
+supposed a knave</i>; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat
+strange, that a maxim should be true in <i>politics</i> which is false in
+<i>fact</i>. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are
+generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity,
+and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own
+private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon
+mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check
+is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by
+his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns
+to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every
+court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that,
+if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do),
+the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and
+acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public
+interest and liberty.</p>
+
+<p>When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan
+of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among
+several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the
+separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by
+the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its
+operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to
+be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not
+checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing
+but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this
+opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of
+all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern.</p>
+
+<p>How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or
+Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a
+very regular system of <i>mixed</i> government, where the authority was so
+distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all
+the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a
+government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great
+is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with
+power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp
+upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as
+far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable.</p>
+
+<p>But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken.
+For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share
+of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so
+great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the
+government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to
+it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in
+fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two
+Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is
+little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the
+executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every
+government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I
+say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the
+Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How
+easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all
+these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and
+choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only
+distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage
+over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the
+king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would
+not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute?
+As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown,
+so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience
+and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to
+maintain themselves alone, without such support.</p>
+
+<p>How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this
+member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since,
+from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it
+demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with
+our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body
+is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of
+Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be
+contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has
+so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and
+disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions
+of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution
+from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we
+please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of <i>corruption</i> and
+<i>dependence</i>; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from
+the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation
+of our mixed government.</p>
+
+<p>Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of
+parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the
+country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries,
+and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence,
+beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is
+not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this
+nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the
+proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have
+been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a
+controversy, might possibly remain to the <i>country party</i>, yet the
+victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true
+patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running
+matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too<a name="FNanchor_2_11" id="FNanchor_2_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_11" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> far the
+influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that
+this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the
+crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament.</p>
+
+<p>All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are
+difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find <i>words</i>
+proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases,
+run so gradually into each other, as even to render our <i>sentiments</i>
+doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the
+present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial
+examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person,
+either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or
+less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the
+power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another.
+In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several
+assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their
+operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be
+presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is
+only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration.
+But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it
+possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as
+will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of
+the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many
+advantages attending that species of government.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_10" id="Footnote_1_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_10"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the
+<i>court</i> and <i>country</i> party, that the former are commonly less assuming
+and dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though
+not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear
+contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any
+opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he
+argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to
+their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have
+observed who has been much in companies where political questions have
+been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference,
+every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the
+<i>opposition</i> will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which,
+being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot
+easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to
+liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind
+of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that
+excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the <i>Latin</i> disputes of
+doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in
+viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of
+the parties had the better.'&mdash;<i>'For that matter,'</i> replied the clown,
+<i>'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts
+t'other into a passion.'</i> Nature herself dictated this lesson to the
+clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well
+humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would
+naturally lose his temper, and grow violent.
+</p><p>
+To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my
+opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in
+either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different
+conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party
+are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most
+administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they
+cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident
+on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments
+by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand,
+are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them
+with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think
+themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by
+a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and
+passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless
+mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that
+such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party.
+</p><p>
+In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood
+on either side, that those who defend the established and popular
+opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while
+their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation,
+in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be
+Against them. Consider the behaviour of our <i>Freethinkers</i> of all
+denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only
+oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster,
+Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal
+and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the
+truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the
+conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with
+regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame
+Dacier, l'Abbé de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed
+their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte,
+Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of
+moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious
+treatment of their adversaries.
+</p><p>
+I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming
+moderation of the <i>court</i> party, is entirely confined to conversation,
+and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in
+that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired
+scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the
+other party: nor has the <i>Gazetteer</i> any advantage, in this respect,
+above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover
+himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will
+always betray the opposite qualities. <i>The false accusers accused</i>, &amp;c.
+is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least
+popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L&mdash;d B&mdash;e, L&mdash;d
+M&mdash;t, Mr. L&mdash;n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth,
+they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the
+bounds of decency.
+</p><p>
+I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote
+upon that grand topic of <i>court influence and parliamentary dependence</i>,
+where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an
+inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their
+adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far
+and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some
+measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I
+hope, serve to justify me in this opinion.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_11" id="Footnote_2_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_11"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> By that <i>influence of the crown</i>, which I would justify, I
+mean only that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the
+disposal of the crown. As to private <i>bribery</i>, it may be considered in
+the same light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely
+justifiable in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be
+a spy, or to be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and
+is to be regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems
+the pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the
+regular and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the
+Roman government.&mdash;Lib. vi. cap. 15.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO" id="WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO"></a>WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO A REPUBLIC</h3>
+
+
+
+<p>It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no
+prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning
+any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician
+will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a
+fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell
+the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought
+himself so sure of his general principle, <i>that the balance of power
+depends on that of property</i>, that he ventured to pronounce it
+impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was
+scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy
+has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before.
+Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an
+important question, to wit, <i>Whether the British Government inclines
+more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two
+species of government it will most probably terminate?</i> As there seems
+not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall
+at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to
+have been mistaken.</p>
+
+<p>Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards
+absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons:
+That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied;
+but yet the general maxim, <i>that the balance of the one depends on the
+balance of the other</i>, must be received with several limitations. It is
+evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to
+counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is
+difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures,
+but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than
+the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of £1,000 a year
+apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the
+better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard
+their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of
+£100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may
+create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by
+expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any
+subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his
+riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I
+remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our
+money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary,
+he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his
+lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Cæsar, who afterwards
+became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters
+of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to
+the united property of that opulent republic.</p>
+
+<p>These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of
+the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free
+government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who,
+besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always
+been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed
+in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great,
+will never be able to support itself against that immense property which
+is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a
+moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the
+disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the
+collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and
+navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third
+million:&mdash;an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more
+than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom.
+When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation,
+our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and
+prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is
+no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to
+support our free government much longer under these disadvantages.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British
+government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by
+specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in
+the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many
+other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it
+greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon
+that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man
+possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that
+of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would
+infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular
+authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much
+greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power
+can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope
+for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his
+fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being
+thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally
+gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has
+always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of
+the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against
+its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to
+hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly
+submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending
+it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and
+projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and
+religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and
+defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and
+multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established
+opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such
+is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes
+doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing
+upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is
+favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans.</p>
+
+<p>It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest,
+yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed
+by <i>opinion</i>. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the
+opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of
+learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested
+themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the
+clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines
+have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in
+the world. The mere name of <i>king</i> commands little respect; and to talk
+of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those
+magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite
+laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue,
+may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private
+interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break
+all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer
+supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will
+immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the
+<i>Revolution</i>, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great
+risk of being entirely lost in this Island.</p>
+
+<p>Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite
+arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary
+convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is
+rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its
+progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long,
+and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just
+beginning to turn towards monarchy.</p>
+
+<p>It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that
+death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body.
+But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be
+inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to
+terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I
+would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in
+almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch
+than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of
+republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any
+fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet.
+There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect
+than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But
+what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be
+established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If
+any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to
+pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we
+have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us,
+that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free
+government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural
+progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its
+present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular
+government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs
+present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a
+case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for
+a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all
+the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a
+violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many
+convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it
+would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the
+beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true
+<i>Euthanasia</i> of the British constitution.</p>
+
+<p>Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the
+danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be
+more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more
+terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political
+controversies.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL" id="OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL"></a>OF PARTIES IN GENERAL</h3>
+
+
+<p>Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the
+first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states,
+who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace,
+happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful
+inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than
+that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but
+the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which
+results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the
+mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure
+to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase
+the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's
+happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace
+and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only
+be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and
+good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never
+arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest
+injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous
+education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must,
+therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and
+must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours,
+when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres,
+Bacchus, Æsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and
+Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes.</p>
+
+<p>As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and
+respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to
+be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly
+contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws
+impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same
+nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each
+other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is
+the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken
+root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many
+centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that
+government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow
+most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be
+not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more
+easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they
+always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the
+steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them.</p>
+
+<p>Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions
+founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the
+contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of
+sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though
+I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed,
+either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a
+government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the
+views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or
+material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and
+most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of
+personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a
+party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that
+principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest
+influence.</p>
+
+<p>Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic
+quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any
+passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The
+NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the
+COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the
+smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be
+imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery
+and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most
+inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who
+never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy
+government.</p>
+
+<p>We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes,
+the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three
+hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every
+election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it
+could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not
+spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the
+quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the
+indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this
+foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and
+injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take
+place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real
+difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are
+once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the
+persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their
+antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity.
+The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in
+Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to
+the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who
+were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being
+expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and
+the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed
+leagues with the pope against the emperor.</p>
+
+<p>The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the
+<i>Blacks</i> and <i>Whites</i>, merely on account of their complexion, are
+founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were
+things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the
+Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in
+this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more
+absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a
+sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of
+faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference
+in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party
+accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same
+manner.<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id="FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p><i>Real</i> factions may be divided into those from <i>interest</i>, from
+<i>principle</i>, and from <i>affection</i>. Of all factions, the first are the
+most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such
+as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not
+very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct
+interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering
+that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great
+skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are
+of opinion, that this secret, like the <i>grand elixir</i>, or <i>perpetual
+motion</i>, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to
+practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear;
+but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more
+pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles
+and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but
+the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without
+resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments.</p>
+
+<p>There has been an attempt in England to divide the <i>landed</i> and
+<i>trading</i> part of the nation; but without success. The interests of
+these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our
+public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether
+oppressive and intolerable.</p>
+
+<p>Parties from <i>principle</i>, especially abstract speculative principle,
+are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary
+and unaccountable <i>phenomenon</i> that has yet appeared in human affairs.
+Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the
+case with all different political principles, the matter may be more
+easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie
+in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen,
+who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each
+naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions
+of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no
+contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without
+interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious
+controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and
+such fatal divisions?</p>
+
+<p>Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can
+easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men,
+reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass,
+without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in
+that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without
+interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human
+mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as
+it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is
+shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which
+most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of
+opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.</p>
+
+<p>This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the
+origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is
+universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to
+one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other
+more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce
+the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world
+arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous
+and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to
+receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was
+offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and,
+entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired
+an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil
+power. But the <i>Christian</i> religion arising, while principles directly
+opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world,
+who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder
+that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil
+magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the
+authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power,
+even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps
+<i>in part</i>,<a name="FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their
+followers.</p>
+
+<p>And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after
+Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a
+spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human
+society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every
+government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may
+justly be esteemed factions of <i>principle</i>, but, on the part of the
+priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of
+<i>interest</i>.</p>
+
+<p>There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the
+separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has
+contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and
+divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous,
+consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different
+in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they
+are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect,
+without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely
+spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers
+of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions,
+to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain,
+comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and
+science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian
+religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this
+keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred
+and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the
+ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in
+modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the
+most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition.</p>
+
+<p>I have mentioned parties from <i>affection</i> as a kind of <i>real</i> parties,
+beside those from <i>interest</i> and <i>principle</i>. By parties from affection,
+I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men
+towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over
+them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may
+seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to
+persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never
+saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any
+favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who,
+on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are
+found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest.
+We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close
+and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance
+on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature
+does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from
+spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his
+own.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Besides I do not find that the <i>Whites</i> in Morocco ever
+imposed on the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or
+frightened them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy.
+Nor have the Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a
+man's opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his
+disposal than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to
+do more than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the
+other.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I say <i>in part</i>; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that
+the ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch
+are at present. The laws against external superstition, among the
+Romans, were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews,
+as well as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in
+general, these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the
+conquest of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into
+the religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about
+a century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that
+superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous
+persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand,
+weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius <i>in vita
+Claudii</i>. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to
+Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards
+restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual
+caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different
+from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians.
+Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of
+<i>Christianity</i> were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and
+bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical
+history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN" id="OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN"></a>OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN</h3>
+
+
+<p>Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one
+would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which
+it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to
+avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of
+our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and
+uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is
+impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among
+persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace
+and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain
+more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous
+spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil
+comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men
+agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come
+to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown,
+to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments
+with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant
+approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of
+PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may
+properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.<a name="FNanchor_1_14" id="FNanchor_1_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_14" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The
+strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the
+particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw
+a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will
+reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty.
+But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties
+themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited
+monarchy.</p>
+
+<p>But, besides this difference of <i>Principle</i>, those parties are very much
+fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely
+ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust
+and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most
+favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally
+engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise
+carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious
+aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to
+be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to
+a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus <i>Court</i> and
+<i>Country</i>, which are the genuine offspring of the British government,
+are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by
+interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the
+latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.<a name="FNanchor_2_15" id="FNanchor_2_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_15" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the
+world, priests have been enemies to liberty;<a name="FNanchor_3_16" id="FNanchor_3_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_16" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and, it is certain, that
+this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of
+interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our
+thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds
+on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which
+prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be
+enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government.
+Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain,
+that the established clergy, while things are in their natural
+situation, will always be of the <i>Court</i> party; as, on the contrary,
+dissenters of all kinds will be of the <i>Country</i> party; since they can
+never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means
+of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power
+have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as
+the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into
+the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only
+ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that
+he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in
+Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with
+their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing
+such an unusual system of politics.</p>
+
+<p>This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of
+a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The
+<i>Presbyterian</i> and <i>Calvinistic</i> clergy in Holland, were professed
+friends to the family of Orange; as the <i>Arminians</i>, who were esteemed
+heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But
+if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will
+prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both
+because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and
+because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of
+ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors.</p>
+
+<p>If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great
+rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general
+theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a
+regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that
+period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects
+possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and
+secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong
+to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince
+arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his
+predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this
+principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of
+several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament;
+the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without
+any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his
+enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions.
+Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of
+that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day,
+the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the
+quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the
+balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost
+entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still
+in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate
+habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that
+he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so
+delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most
+conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers
+of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty
+sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on
+both sides, <i>interest</i> had no general influence in this contest; so that
+ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of
+which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined
+most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the
+monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and
+country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of
+circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The
+commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed
+in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them.</p>
+
+<p>The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in
+return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into
+that of the parliament.<a name="FNanchor_4_17" id="FNanchor_4_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_17" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to
+the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the
+royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government
+reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his
+father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more
+secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of <i>Whig</i>
+and <i>Tory</i>, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our
+government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of
+the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that
+history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the
+most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties,
+during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances,
+possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war:
+persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with
+every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we
+ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a
+country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the
+sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature,
+pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.<a name="FNanchor_5_18" id="FNanchor_5_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_18" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and
+CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists
+in the principles of <i>passive obedience</i>, and <i>indefeasible right</i>,
+which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the
+universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory.
+Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they
+imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of
+absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited
+power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations.
+But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise
+to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too
+weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression;
+and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal
+for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists,
+but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles,
+when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the
+ancient government. From these sentiments arose the <i>Revolution</i>, an
+event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British
+liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will
+afford us a true insight into the nature of that party.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>first</i> place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of
+Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined
+resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or
+to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might
+justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious
+tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a
+court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The
+Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a
+genuine <i>court party</i>, such as might be expected in a British
+government; that is, <i>lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of
+monarchy</i>. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their
+monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory,
+than was in any degree consistent with a limited government.</p>
+
+<p><i>Secondly</i>, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely
+or heartily, with the settlement made at the <i>Revolution</i>, or with that
+which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem
+opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those
+circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not
+fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile
+contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between
+<i>passive obedience</i> and the <i>resistance</i> employed at the Revolution. A
+TORY, therefore, since the <i>Revolution</i>, may be defined, in a few words,
+to be a <i>lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a
+partisan of the family of Stuart</i>: <i>as a WHIG may be defined to be a
+lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to
+the settlement in the Protestant line.</i><a name="FNanchor_6_19" id="FNanchor_6_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_19" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were
+accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the <i>Court</i>
+and <i>Country</i> parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British
+Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at
+any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a
+passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the
+government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty.</p>
+
+<p>Some, who will not venture to assert that the <i>real</i> difference between
+Whig and Tory was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, seem inclined to think, that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us
+but <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i>; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long
+obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made
+converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the
+sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are,
+however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all
+their old prejudices; and a proof that <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i> are not our
+only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and
+the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the
+opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our
+constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural
+course, and causes a confusion in our parties.<a name="FNanchor_7_20" id="FNanchor_7_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_20" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_14" id="Footnote_1_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_14"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> These words have become of general use, and therefore I
+shall employ them without intending to express by them an universal
+blame of the one party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may
+no doubt, on some occasions, consult best the interest of the country,
+and the Country party oppose it. In like manner, the <i>Roman</i> parties
+were denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party
+man, defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct,
+regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans;
+<i>pro Sextio</i>. The term of Country party may afford a favourable
+definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw
+any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing
+these terms.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_15" id="Footnote_2_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_15"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any
+motive for taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the
+greatest part are commonly men who associate themselves they know not
+why; from example, from passion, from idleness. But still it is
+requisite there be some source of division, either in principle or
+interest; otherwise such persons would not find parties to which they
+could associate themselves.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_16" id="Footnote_3_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_16"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the
+early times of the English government, the clergy were the great and
+principal opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were
+so immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the
+proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the
+crown.</p></div> <div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_17" id="Footnote_4_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_17"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with
+the King's arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such
+cases, and, in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom
+they called heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were
+Episcopal, the nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things
+concurred to throw the former, without reserve, into the King's party,
+and the latter into that of the Parliament. The <i>Cavaliers</i> being the
+Court party, and the <i>Roundheads</i> the Country party, the union was
+infallible betwixt the former and the established prelacy, and betwixt
+the latter and Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural,
+according to the general principles of politics, that it requires some
+very extraordinary situation of affairs to break it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_18" id="Footnote_5_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_18"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but
+has been rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_19" id="Footnote_6_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_19"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the
+real distinction betwixt <i>Whig</i> and Tory was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>,
+and that ever since they have continued to be mere <i>personal</i> parties,
+like the <i>Guelfs</i> and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all
+authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our
+whole history into an enigma.</p>
+
+<p>I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these
+parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the
+conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both
+sides. Have not the <i>Tories</i> always borne an avowed affection to the
+family of <i>Stuart</i>, and have not their adversaries always opposed with
+vigour the succession of that family?</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Tory</i> principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy.
+Yet the <i>Tories</i> have almost always opposed the court these fifty years;
+nor were they cordial friends to King <i>William</i>, even when employed by
+him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the
+throne, but with the person who sat on it.</p>
+
+<p>They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of
+Queen <i>Anne</i>. But is any one at a loss to find the reason?</p>
+
+<p>The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too
+great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern
+themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less
+can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon
+moderation, could maintain a <i>stoical</i> indifference in a point of so
+great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of
+<i>Hanover</i>? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly
+appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of
+decency?</p>
+
+<p>It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared
+opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in
+conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both?
+Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too
+high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of
+liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high
+principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect
+liberty and toleration.</p>
+
+<p>The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign
+politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. <i>Holland</i> has always been
+most favoured by one, and <i>France</i> by the other. In short, the proofs of
+this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to
+collect them.</p>
+
+<p>It is however remarkable, that though the principles of <i>Whig</i> and
+<i>Tory</i> be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which
+predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A <i>Tory</i>
+loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of <i>Stuart</i>; but the
+latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A <i>Whig</i>
+loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant
+line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant
+inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where
+either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was
+none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be
+disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not
+have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to
+bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to
+depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded
+without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps
+dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and
+settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of
+the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the
+means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by
+ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession
+of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the
+security of our liberties with the Whigs.</p>
+
+<p>It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any
+particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a
+whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely
+in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was
+not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that
+attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain
+love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England
+formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt
+the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were
+but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have
+had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience
+is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems
+to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded
+followers among the <i>mob</i> Men of better sense were guided by
+<i>affection</i>, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that
+interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to
+their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party.</p>
+
+<p>Some who will not venture to assert, that the <i>real</i> difference between
+Whig and Tory, was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, seem inclined to think that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst
+us but <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i>; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be
+confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in
+their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still
+more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or
+learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would
+not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies,
+the name of <i>Old Whig</i> is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of
+honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a
+reproach, call the courtiers the true <i>Tories</i> and, as an honour,
+denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true <i>Whigs</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any
+Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word,
+and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs
+and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the
+constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or
+at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the
+succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the
+difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political
+and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution,
+regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs,
+without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the
+clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the
+Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the
+government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the
+highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their
+followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of
+the Tory party in England.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_20" id="Footnote_7_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_20"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard
+to the public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more
+accurate examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great
+Britain. And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either
+party, neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived
+opinions and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes.
+These mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this
+kingdom.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM" id="OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM"></a>OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM</h3>
+
+
+<p>That <i>the corruption of the best of things produces the worst</i>, is grown
+into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the
+pernicious effects of <i>superstition</i> and <i>enthusiasm</i>, the corruptions
+of true religion.</p>
+
+<p>These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of
+a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is
+subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding
+either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill
+health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the
+concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind,
+infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real
+objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice,
+and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to
+whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are
+entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are
+equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances,
+mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd
+or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and
+terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with
+ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition.</p>
+
+<p>But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and
+presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health,
+from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a
+state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused
+conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can
+correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of
+attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible
+regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge
+itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and
+disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of
+fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures,
+being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of
+our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of
+that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the
+inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of
+the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the
+summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and
+even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman
+delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed
+illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride,
+presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore
+the true sources of Enthusiasm.</p>
+
+<p>These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many
+speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few
+reflections concerning their different influence on government and
+society.</p>
+
+<p>My <i>first</i> reflection is, <i>that superstition is favourable to priestly
+power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than
+sound reason and philosophy.</i> As superstition is founded on fear,
+sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in
+such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of
+approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other
+person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have
+made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the
+superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their
+prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to
+render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the
+origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a
+timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares
+not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend
+itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and
+servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all
+religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy
+able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds,
+that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but
+the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the
+authority of the priesthood.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been
+free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great
+independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies,
+and traditions. The <i>Quakers</i> are the most egregious, though, at the
+same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and
+are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them.
+The <i>Independents</i>, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to
+the <i>Quakers</i> in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage.
+The <i>Presbyterians</i> follow after, at an equal distance, in both
+particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and
+will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as
+enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks
+itself sufficiently qualified to <i>approach</i> the Divinity, without any
+human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even
+imagines itself <i>actually</i> to <i>approach</i> him by the way of contemplation
+and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies
+and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so
+requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic
+consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character,
+much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on
+any other.</p>
+
+<p>My <i>second</i> reflection with regard to these species of false religion
+is, <i>that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first
+rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition;
+but in a little time become more gentle and moderate.</i> The violence of
+this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by
+opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the <i>Anabaptists</i> in
+Germany, the <i>Camisars</i> in France, the <i>Levellers</i>, and other fanatics
+in England, and the <i>Covenanters</i> in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded
+on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it
+naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises
+to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of
+Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of
+reason, morality, and prudence.</p>
+
+<p>It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human
+society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust
+themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than
+before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in
+all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in
+sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with
+sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the
+religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which
+may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred
+principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in
+gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable
+to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the
+priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and
+disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions,
+and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her
+acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all
+Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who
+were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners;
+and the <i>Quakers</i> seem to approach nearly the only regular body of
+<i>Deists</i> in the universe, the <i>literati</i> or the disciples of Confucius
+in China.<a name="FNanchor_1_21" id="FNanchor_1_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_21" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>My <i>third</i> observation on this head is, <i>that superstition is an enemy
+to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it.</i> As superstition groans
+under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all
+ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present
+observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold
+and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of
+liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject,
+and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during
+the civil wars, the <i>Independents</i> and <i>Deists</i>, though the most
+opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their
+political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since
+the origin of <i>Whig</i> and <i>Tory</i>, the leaders of the <i>Whigs</i> have either
+been <i>Deists</i> or professed <i>Latitudinarian</i>s in their principles; that
+is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of
+<i>Christians</i>: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of
+enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in
+defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long
+united the High-Church <i>Tories</i> and the <i>Roman Catholics</i>, in support of
+prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit
+of the <i>Whigs</i> seems of late to have reconciled the <i>Catholics</i> to that
+party.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Molinists</i> and <i>Jansenists</i> in France have a thousand
+unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of
+sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone
+merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The
+<i>Molinists</i>, conducted by the <i>Jesuits</i>, are great friends to
+superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and
+devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The
+<i>Jansenists</i> are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate
+devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and,
+in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable
+to the foregoing reasoning. The <i>Jesuits</i> are the tyrants of the people,
+and the slaves of the court; and the <i>Jansenists</i> preserve alive the
+small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French
+nation.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_21" id="Footnote_1_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_21"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical
+establishment.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE" id="OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE"></a>OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE</h3>
+
+
+<p>There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned
+world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they
+come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of
+thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most
+remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different
+sentiments with regard to the <i>dignity of human nature</i>; which is a
+point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as
+divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our
+species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who
+derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage
+and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can
+discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other
+animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the
+talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the
+former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws
+himself into the other extreme.</p>
+
+<p>I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species
+have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their
+fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible
+that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a
+splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to
+make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much
+indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of
+those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more
+advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a
+mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high
+notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally
+endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action
+which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own
+imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable
+moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice
+unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.<a name="FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the
+expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the
+dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any
+other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and
+what is only verbal, in this controversy.</p>
+
+<p>That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and
+vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident
+that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or
+blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed
+unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity,
+and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real
+things: but when we call any animal <i>great</i> or <i>little</i>, we always form
+a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species;
+and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its
+greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one
+is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the
+smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always
+consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that
+is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants
+compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely
+different.</p>
+
+<p>In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison
+between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that
+fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to
+mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not
+limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his
+researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this
+globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider
+the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye
+forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the
+judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence;
+a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and
+intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances;
+improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very
+errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature
+the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to
+a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without
+foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short
+time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a
+single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures!
+And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison
+of the latter.</p>
+
+<p>There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion:
+<i>First</i>, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting
+only upon the weakness of human nature. And, <i>secondly</i>, By forming a
+new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect
+wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can
+form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in
+himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He
+can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which,
+when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible,
+and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals,
+in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which
+all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short
+of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison
+takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference
+in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even
+of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the
+latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with
+the former can make it appear of little moment.</p>
+
+<p>It is also usual to <i>compare</i> one man with another; and finding very few
+whom we can call <i>wise</i> or <i>virtuous</i>, we are apt to entertain a
+contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible
+of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the
+honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any
+particular degree of those qualities of <i>wisdom</i> and <i>virtue</i>, but arise
+altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When
+we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very
+uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise
+men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their
+scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our
+species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to
+say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our
+notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who
+was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have
+heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women
+possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering
+that we bestow the epithet of <i>beautiful</i> only on such as possess a
+degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of
+beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty
+in one of our sex.</p>
+
+<p>As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to <i>compare</i> it with
+the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of
+the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different
+motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate
+our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of
+comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the
+present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much
+predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some
+philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of
+human nature.<a name="FNanchor_2_23" id="FNanchor_2_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_23" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man
+denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and
+community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt
+this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his
+doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards
+to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix
+itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the
+ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or
+rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another,
+and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and
+esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be
+to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than
+kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has
+forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a
+different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things
+by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin),
+Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. <i>Your</i>
+children are loved only because they are yours: <i>your</i> friend for a like
+reason; and <i>your</i> country engages you only so far as it has a
+connection with <i>yourself</i>. Were the idea of self removed, nothing
+would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or,
+if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity,
+and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing,
+reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you
+admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in
+kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human
+actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in
+its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family,
+children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and
+education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly
+observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their
+family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as
+their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are
+sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your
+ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among
+the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you.</p>
+
+<p>In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those
+philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In
+the <i>first</i> place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was
+attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship
+and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is
+obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and
+does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend,
+because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.</p>
+
+<p>In the <i>second</i> place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are
+far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been
+represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but
+the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust
+in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable
+action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to
+that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other
+passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous
+action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is
+natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so
+closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions
+approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that
+these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of
+affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some
+degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory
+is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or
+disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in
+driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice
+and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the
+love of virtue.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than
+men, which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief
+point of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and
+requires to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled
+into them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_23" id="Footnote_2_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_23"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some
+future Essay. In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved
+beyond question by several great moralists of the present age, that the
+social passions are by far the most powerful of any, and that even all
+the other passions, receive from them their chief force and influence.
+Whoever desires to see this question treated at large, with the greatest
+force of argument and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's
+Enquiry concerning Virtue.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY" id="OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY"></a>OF CIVIL LIBERTY</h3>
+
+
+<p>Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage,
+and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others,
+contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction
+of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to
+entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many
+general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest
+posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so
+that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science,
+as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we
+can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in
+virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected
+of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or
+principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined
+his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or
+to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings,
+especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely
+defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his <i>Prince</i> which
+subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says
+he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with
+several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels.
+If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity,
+but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his
+master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention
+this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding,
+in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the
+world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of
+Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for
+near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can
+possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but
+Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses,
+entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.</p>
+
+<p>Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and
+there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of
+it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it,
+though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of
+state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and
+military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have
+instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.</p>
+
+<p>Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of
+civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages
+of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no
+man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and
+that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all
+probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by
+posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and
+so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients,
+that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further
+changes.</p>
+
+<p>It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences
+arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians,
+notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts
+towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such
+perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty,
+and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been
+observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they
+increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet
+the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since
+been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted
+to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having
+met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a
+century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters,
+and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two
+experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall
+of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular
+ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that
+the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And
+in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers<a name="FNanchor_1_24" id="FNanchor_1_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_24" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in
+our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts,
+or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of
+government established among us.</p>
+
+<p>But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome
+and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer
+arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it
+groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the
+latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began
+to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto,
+Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in
+republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the
+Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and
+seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts
+and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at
+Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.</p>
+
+<p>But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute
+governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any
+established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near
+perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater
+philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans
+were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the
+Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians,
+painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the
+stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English.
+And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art,
+the most useful and agreeable of any, <i>l'Art de Vivre</i>, the art of
+society and conversation.</p>
+
+<p>If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own
+country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great
+measure be applied to the British.</p>
+
+<p>
+<span style="margin-left: 5em;">Sed in longum tamen ævum</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Manserunt, hodieque manent <i>vestigia ruris</i>.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among
+us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable
+grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still
+alive.<a name="FNanchor_2_25" id="FNanchor_2_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_25" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of
+the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon,
+Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their
+sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in
+the great disputes of <i>Religion</i>, <i>Politics</i>, and <i>Philosophy</i>, that
+they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and
+criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably
+improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed,
+that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard
+book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast
+of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed
+promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.</p>
+
+<p>It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish
+but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a
+longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts
+and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens,
+Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England,
+&amp;c., we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments.
+The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam,
+and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a
+double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy
+entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to
+prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the
+foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our
+rivals in commerce as well as in learning.</p>
+
+<p>Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would
+assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is
+something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute
+government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign
+for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly
+insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a
+civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much
+apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign,
+more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any
+accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of
+industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many
+real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an
+imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of
+calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in
+absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because
+it is less <i>honourable</i>. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary
+to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured
+above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the
+considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in
+order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and
+honours are annexed.</p>
+
+<p>Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced,
+or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of
+government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a
+great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic
+management. The <i>balance</i> of power is a secret in politics, fully known
+only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of
+states has also received great improvements within the last century. We
+are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the
+accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of
+that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not
+amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this
+argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not
+assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed
+Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance
+from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it
+might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the
+frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a
+surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and
+force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by
+thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to
+blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious
+tribune.</p>
+
+<p>But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet
+monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards
+perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was
+formerly said in praise of republics alone, <i>that they are a government
+of Laws, not of Men.</i> They are found susceptible of order, method, and
+constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry
+encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his
+subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have
+been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and
+small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may
+suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or
+tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has
+not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula,
+Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It
+must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have
+approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are
+still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity
+and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to
+overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.</p>
+
+<p>But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable,
+but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in
+monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular
+governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these
+species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses
+which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed
+not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met
+with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and
+intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor,
+especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure
+discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment.
+But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility,
+they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the
+nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their
+interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of
+the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this
+oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The
+only gainers by it are the <i>Financiers</i>, a race of men rather odious to
+the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore,
+should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and
+the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through
+ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which
+case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one
+would not appear so considerable as at present.</p>
+
+<p>The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments,
+consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public
+revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable,
+and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the
+public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by
+a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money
+which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn
+from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the
+practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh
+ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but
+as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people
+can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people,
+and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the
+public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of this
+remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel
+and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which
+nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the
+present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to
+increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be
+reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public
+impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish
+ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who
+surround us?</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_24" id="Footnote_1_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_24"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_25" id="Footnote_2_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_25"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dr. Swift.</p></div>
+
+
+
+<hr style="width: 65%;" />
+<h3><a name="OF_ELOQUENCE" id="OF_ELOQUENCE"></a>OF ELOQUENCE</h3>
+
+
+<p>Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as
+represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of
+pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and
+opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in
+different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in
+<i>civil</i> history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the
+history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and
+politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit,
+and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame,
+friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in
+all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and
+untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding,
+which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much
+more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and
+virtue.</p>
+
+<p>But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be
+observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many
+respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be
+superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our
+refinements, much inferior in eloquence.</p>
+
+<p>In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great
+parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers
+have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of
+an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking.
+Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator;
+and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they
+were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It
+is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators
+in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and
+possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius,
+Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior
+to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome.
+Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman
+orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in
+eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from
+reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only
+exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive.
+Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay,
+even with those of Demosthenes. <i>Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,</i>
+says he, <i>et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.</i></p>
+
+<p>Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular
+government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as
+can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has
+England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who
+have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers;
+but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their
+genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the
+names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but
+neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their
+speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been
+owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents
+for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two
+Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the
+same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the
+preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none
+of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that
+the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the
+sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents
+and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a
+table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with
+such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.</p>
+
+<p>We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men
+flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most
+celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering
+in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on
+in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently
+compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our
+most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of
+several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend
+himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.</p>
+
+<p>Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators,
+may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their
+eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators
+aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm
+speakers, to make use of an <i>Apostrophe</i>, like that noble one of
+Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when,
+justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my
+fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the <i>manes</i> of those
+heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and
+Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that
+which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the
+crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this
+scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to
+those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to
+brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the
+most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely
+see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and
+indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze
+of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or
+cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and
+sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment
+so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them
+accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated
+conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice
+by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to
+us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give
+an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling
+expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.</p>
+
+<p>Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence
+of action, observed in the ancient orators. The <i>supplosio pedis</i>, or
+stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures
+which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either
+for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre
+to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.</p>
+
+<p>One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a
+decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all
+times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great
+industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned
+nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems
+requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but
+notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very
+inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all
+other parts of learning.</p>
+
+<p>Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to
+our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever
+reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be
+found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.</p>
+
+<p><i>First</i>, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing
+period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state,
+were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great
+measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of
+the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of
+a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or
+profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all
+lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science,
+declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake,
+in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader
+addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to
+display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict
+laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances
+must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour
+and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and
+eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of
+equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome
+occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what
+opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and
+subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make
+use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to
+plead before the <i>Chancellor</i>, after a month's study of the laws, would
+only labour to make himself ridiculous.</p>
+
+<p>I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and
+intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but
+I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that
+noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from
+either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites
+expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have
+pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the <i>judiciary</i> form,
+there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But
+to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the
+<i>deliberative</i> kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the
+liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of
+debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and
+give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent
+in this nation.</p>
+
+<p><i>Secondly</i>, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing
+to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all
+those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of
+nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be
+accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence,
+and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal.
+It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and
+cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a
+signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring
+justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it
+be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move
+the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know
+that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now,
+banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers
+merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper
+expressions.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior
+good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and
+reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or
+elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it
+should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It
+should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The
+ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this
+jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it.
+They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they
+left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they
+were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not
+deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and
+eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow;
+and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience.</p>
+
+<p>Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Cæsar?; yet
+that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of
+Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his
+settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before
+that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn.</p>
+
+<p>Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie
+against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and
+rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of
+his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his
+wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of
+words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined
+than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his
+sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more
+chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its
+success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony,
+exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any
+appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in
+a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the
+orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the
+nearest to perfection.</p>
+
+<p><i>Thirdly</i>, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient
+governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often
+guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with
+among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no
+Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It
+would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find
+a Demosthenes?</p>
+
+<p>What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or
+of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of
+reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such
+endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few
+successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation,
+excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more
+sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto
+entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first
+rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very
+satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received
+all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for
+statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of
+these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found
+among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest
+eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as
+Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to
+be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most
+material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example
+would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made
+us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then
+have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and
+philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British
+Archimedeses and Virgils.<a name="FNanchor_1_26" id="FNanchor_1_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_26" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence
+prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon
+comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of
+the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster
+apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius.
+When <i>these</i> appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and,
+by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most
+prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every
+passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched
+properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that
+satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the
+adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this
+observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be
+peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated
+for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence
+of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must
+submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever,
+upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator,
+ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and
+erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long
+time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are
+satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is
+defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the
+attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival.</p>
+
+<p>Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and
+passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the
+argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have
+more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our
+mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but
+the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the
+preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded
+models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style
+or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence,
+that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more
+than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or
+common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians,
+and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but,
+when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper
+when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed
+the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former;
+but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and
+sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse,
+and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience.</p>
+
+<p>Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in
+England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had
+some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our
+ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival
+of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their
+defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy
+which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such
+an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer,
+and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there
+seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually
+communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of
+a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire
+him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the
+strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great
+prejudice against <i>set speeches</i>; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who
+repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice
+of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But
+where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker
+must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the
+arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most
+proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from
+his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his
+elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues
+with the same <i>impetus</i> or <i>force</i>, which it has acquired by its motion
+as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some
+time when the original impulse is suspended.</p>
+
+<p>I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our
+modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship
+with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material
+defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed
+air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their
+great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all
+order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without
+which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the
+mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public
+discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy,
+without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method
+conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the
+arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more
+thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are
+thrown together in confusion.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_26" id="Footnote_1_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_26"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I have confessed that there is something accidental in the
+origin and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear
+thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had
+possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would
+probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet
+reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and
+Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in
+Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral
+sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private
+causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or
+Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there
+appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with
+proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest
+heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to
+imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions
+concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself
+with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or
+the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it
+is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men
+of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes
+of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an
+ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all
+countries, <i>That a man of genius is unfit for business.</i> The disorders
+produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of
+Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short
+interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient
+eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his
+knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided
+and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of
+concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted
+to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance;
+but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a
+fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all
+subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very
+elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it
+employed on a subject more favourable and engaging.
+</p><p>
+There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are
+disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of
+that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other
+nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense,
+which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the
+flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly <i>modest</i>;
+which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing
+but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or
+fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are
+not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms
+of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble
+author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must
+have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter.
+And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have
+abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined
+themselves to plain argument and reasoning.
+</p><p>
+These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have
+retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able
+to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely
+pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels
+may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly
+acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public
+business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an
+eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this
+opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient,
+the other from modern times.</p></div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume
+
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+</pre>
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+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/old/36120.txt b/old/36120.txt
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+++ b/old/36120.txt
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Essays
+
+Author: David Hume
+
+Commentator: Hannaford Bennett
+
+Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org
+
+
+
+
+ESSAYS
+
+By
+
+DAVID HUME
+
+
+
+_With Biographical Introduction_
+
+by
+
+Hannaford Bennett
+
+LONDON
+
+JOHN LONG LTD
+
+
+
+
+Contents
+
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION
+
+OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
+
+OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
+
+THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
+
+OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
+
+OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
+
+OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT
+
+WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR
+TO A REPUBLIC
+
+OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
+
+OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
+
+OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
+
+OF CIVIL LIBERTY
+
+OF ELOQUENCE
+
+
+
+
+Biographical Introduction
+
+
+The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography
+which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he
+calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its
+purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify
+the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a
+remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was
+Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son
+was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711,
+during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that
+his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself
+came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though
+young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and
+educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction.
+He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when
+he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary
+course of education with success"; but "our college education in
+Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further
+than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen
+years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have
+maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she
+considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature.
+Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she
+lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly
+success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his
+meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance.
+
+It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that
+made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At
+first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but
+"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and
+Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume
+remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a
+more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen
+instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to
+Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few
+months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the
+middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any
+profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He
+settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Fleche in Anjou, and
+"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully
+pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency
+of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every
+object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in
+literature." At La Fleche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the
+Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he
+composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to
+himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such
+distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work
+which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he
+was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the
+most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its
+effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three
+years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume
+of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the
+second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon
+made me entirely forget my former disappointments.
+
+In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale,
+who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for
+long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an
+expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his
+secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards
+added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was
+afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom
+Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he
+should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made
+him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly
+figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him
+in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the
+train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial
+occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much
+appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling
+on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These
+years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have
+received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in
+good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach
+a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were
+inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a
+thousand pounds."
+
+While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human
+Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the
+original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new
+edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but
+these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him.
+In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his
+brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his
+sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_
+and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of
+the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not
+shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical,
+philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his
+publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of
+Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to
+him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which
+enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some
+time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his
+_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the
+second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in
+1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a
+twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a
+great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture,
+though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the
+shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural
+History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to
+Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as
+success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility
+which distinguish the Warburtonian school."
+
+Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the
+_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed
+ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the
+promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more
+honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord
+Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views
+about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time.
+In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several
+of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded
+with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French
+society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in
+October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at
+Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary
+honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great
+nobles feted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the
+"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At
+the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux
+joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with
+satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these
+flatteries to turn his head.
+
+In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office
+as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this
+period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with
+Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the
+possession of L1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life
+easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for
+the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in
+the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his
+illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_,
+which ends simply in these words:
+
+     "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very
+     little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have,
+     notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a
+     moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the
+     period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I
+     might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same
+     ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I
+     consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off
+     only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of
+     my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional
+     lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is
+     difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present.
+
+     "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather
+     was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I
+     was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of
+     an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but
+     little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my
+     passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never
+     soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My
+     company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as
+     to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure
+     in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased
+     with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men
+     any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never
+     was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I
+     wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious
+     factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted
+     fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one
+     circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots,
+     we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate
+     any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which
+     they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there
+     is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope
+     it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is
+     easily cleared and ascertained."
+
+Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was
+buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill.
+
+                                                HANNAFORD BENNETT
+
+
+
+
+Essays
+
+
+
+
+OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION
+
+
+Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which
+makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives
+them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing
+grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good
+offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury
+provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates
+them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People
+of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as
+more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I
+believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not
+rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own
+disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and
+when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any
+misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and
+deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right
+enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great
+pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible
+temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the
+latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be
+transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take
+false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable.
+
+There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much
+resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same
+sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to
+prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a
+poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his
+feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the
+masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction,
+than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A
+polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment;
+rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short,
+delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It
+enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us
+sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind.
+
+I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding
+this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and
+cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be
+remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little
+at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall
+read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall
+keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely
+independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is
+impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place
+his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_
+is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy
+of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy
+by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and
+receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the
+most expensive luxury can afford.
+
+Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of
+delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this
+delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined
+taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the
+compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A
+greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the
+senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the
+temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste
+is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so
+much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a
+composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many
+circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature
+requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment,
+will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a
+new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment
+will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life.
+Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too
+frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that
+sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious.
+
+But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for
+the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to
+those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On
+further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for
+all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders
+the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions.
+
+     Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes,
+     Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.
+
+For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In
+the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of
+the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give
+a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are
+strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw
+off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish
+reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable
+melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited
+to love and friendship.
+
+In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and
+friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us
+indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men.
+You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense
+they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or
+in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one
+man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is
+sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures
+and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and
+finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any
+vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a
+celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or
+watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours;
+but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and
+distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested
+his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the
+company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all
+the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained.
+And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no
+wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and
+undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves
+with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite
+become an elegant passion.
+
+
+[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralite des Mondes, Soir 6.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS
+
+
+Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty
+which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to
+the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the
+king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is
+affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the
+interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of
+affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie
+towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and
+devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as
+mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other
+government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice,
+more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the
+question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar
+privilege?_
+
+The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be
+derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly
+monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not,
+a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government,
+liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that,
+as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with
+liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other
+hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes
+always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that
+of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion
+concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their
+condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his
+subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_,
+both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such
+as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give
+_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the
+magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages
+result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a
+considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen
+pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the
+two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to
+each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the
+magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people
+have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual
+confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in
+monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics.
+
+To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every
+government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures
+of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must
+take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the
+Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty,
+_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a
+celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively
+description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government.
+
+     Et fit aimer son joug a l'Anglois indompte,
+     Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberte.
+                                        HENRIADE, liv. i.
+
+According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government
+under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the
+despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same
+kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable
+to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those
+mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and
+jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful
+tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their
+cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing
+that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a
+family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On
+the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in
+England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its
+own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the
+magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every
+one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be
+deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no
+crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges;
+and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by
+their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and
+violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is
+as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as
+there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome.
+
+These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these
+kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is
+apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not
+careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of
+conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit
+of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition
+of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to
+prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the
+liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the
+nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be
+animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of
+our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will
+naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own
+preservation.[1]
+
+It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press,
+though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy
+for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government.
+
+
+[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the
+support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second
+question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there
+being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation
+of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would
+fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with
+so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of
+mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except
+the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not
+dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the
+harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A
+man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present
+from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away
+by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never
+so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him
+by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press,
+therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or
+rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may
+occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come
+to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to
+his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a
+greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their
+governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from
+them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and
+be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where
+men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and
+falsehood.
+
+It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the
+_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented,
+and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational
+creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the
+United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible
+with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of
+religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all
+of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other.
+_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this
+liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as
+yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men,
+being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public
+affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater
+difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour.
+
+It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this
+peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be
+wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any
+degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is
+lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed
+to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must
+disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the
+liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general
+laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they
+possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either
+the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large
+discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them.
+But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty,
+that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We
+may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these
+attempts shall succeed.
+
+
+
+
+THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE
+
+
+It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference
+between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may
+not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1]
+Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only
+difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most
+political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one
+constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But,
+though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this
+sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no
+greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and
+characters of particular men.
+
+It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government
+consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular
+instances in history, where the very same government, in different
+hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and
+bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV.
+Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction,
+sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects:
+these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the
+patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the
+throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally
+changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these
+two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost
+without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well
+as domestic.
+
+But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute
+governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one
+of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a
+republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the
+particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really
+no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for
+the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and
+such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the
+other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest
+crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original
+frame and institution.
+
+So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government,
+and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men,
+that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced
+from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us.
+
+The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power
+to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility
+or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in
+a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by
+success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread
+themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though
+the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore,
+most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported
+in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular
+bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means,
+they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a
+perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced
+among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into
+anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was
+the despotic power of the Caesars. Such are the effects of democracy
+without a representative.
+
+A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power
+of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the
+power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as
+composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The
+Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the
+Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of
+nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority
+which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every
+nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority
+over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it
+receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and
+tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent
+even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the
+humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who
+possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among
+themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough
+to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their
+authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any
+breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government
+promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of
+some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the
+nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state.
+The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another,
+without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin
+and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a
+Polish nobility in every one of these particulars.
+
+It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single
+person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of
+power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other
+parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_
+or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial
+view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will
+discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as
+are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling
+of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too
+general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a
+civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with
+certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a
+_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people
+whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by
+them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no
+other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while
+their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native
+will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships,
+and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment
+of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to
+mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit
+alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money,
+or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an
+election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince,
+than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the
+sovereign.
+
+It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics,
+_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people
+voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY,
+_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit
+of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education
+either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some
+other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that
+character.
+
+It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been
+commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are
+they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this
+observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here
+speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon
+learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing;
+because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the
+few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He
+does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_
+laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts
+of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state
+necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men
+learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in
+such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive
+matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some
+private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial
+governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their
+plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who
+find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject
+provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to
+mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the
+governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more
+expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth
+before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the
+Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true,
+they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but
+Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the
+interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in
+that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would
+plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at
+present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the
+great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read
+of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and
+astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that,
+after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders
+of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to
+the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to
+old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put
+into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant
+wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men
+of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke
+became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be
+observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were
+careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time,
+Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the
+whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or
+populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military
+discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of
+the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we
+learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the
+produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also
+loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern
+times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of
+absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states.
+Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be
+convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good
+measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as
+should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a
+conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same
+purpose.
+
+There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of
+Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those
+eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may
+seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those
+of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and
+that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the
+Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their
+former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of
+this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his
+subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the
+Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no
+distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately
+from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and
+possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his
+commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder
+manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour,
+beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour,
+integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former
+species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake
+off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal
+credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the
+latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will
+encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt
+and conduct them in every undertaking.[3]
+
+Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive;
+though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that
+monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily
+kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they
+cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may
+facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a
+tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them
+indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I
+say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated
+authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such
+governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince
+himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to
+produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every
+respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest
+security to the sovereign as well as to the subject.
+
+Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a
+state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to
+regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity.
+Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any
+commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future
+ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by
+which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check
+on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same
+in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the
+Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of
+government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the
+original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of
+Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous
+republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and
+education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be
+wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on
+account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these
+parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the
+case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and
+tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a
+considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with
+the utmost integrity and wisdom.
+
+The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for
+private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the
+government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity
+or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the
+Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the
+beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance
+between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the
+tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this
+very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during
+part of the season, a _Praetor_ punished capitally for this crime above
+three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of
+this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a
+worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved
+in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much
+admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time
+of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country
+to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the
+earth, merely for the choice of tyrants.
+
+Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost
+zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty
+is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of
+particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to
+human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as
+nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than
+to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard
+to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is
+only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to
+the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue.
+
+But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present.
+There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of
+their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the
+interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall
+always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps
+the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our
+zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the
+foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the
+parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time,
+that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion,
+with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.
+
+Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as
+ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an
+extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public.
+His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in
+domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of
+which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous
+treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of
+maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his
+pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even
+to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and
+disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by
+which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily
+governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed
+every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.
+
+On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run
+as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady,
+and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and
+interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at
+home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these
+blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he
+crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution
+in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has
+transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest
+posterity.
+
+When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each
+party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and
+fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade
+these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the
+accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them
+to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution
+be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our
+neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the
+expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of
+blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these
+eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to
+govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the
+greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of
+tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the
+people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so
+strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original
+principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the
+best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far
+good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the
+British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such
+remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our
+ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say,
+with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we
+are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an
+opportunity of erecting a better in its place.
+
+I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend
+the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of
+ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a
+constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation,
+and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our
+constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and
+apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no
+more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman
+from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public
+affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by
+whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that
+case much less requisite than the patience and submission of
+_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are
+highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to
+hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its
+convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.
+
+I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care
+and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims
+might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might
+still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of
+maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be
+bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And,
+on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the
+supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal
+too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if
+they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution
+into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.
+
+I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present
+controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is
+restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the
+good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal
+character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little
+importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon
+them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5]
+
+
+[1]
+
+     For forms of government let fools contest,
+     Whate'er is best administered is best.
+                            ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.
+
+
+
+[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the
+reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign
+affairs.
+
+[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of
+Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is
+reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been
+better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in
+this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described
+by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their [Greek:
+omotimoi] were preserved even after the extending of their conquests and
+the consequent change of their government. Arrian mentions them in
+Darius's time, _De exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of
+the persons in command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of
+the Medes under Xerxes, was of the race of Achmaenes, Heriod. lib. vii.
+cap. 62. Artachaeus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount
+Athos, was of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the
+seven eminent Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus,
+was in the highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him.
+His grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His
+great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia.
+Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt
+under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators,
+Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Graec. lib. iv. being
+desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the
+daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him,
+first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most
+considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariaeus, when offered the sovereignty
+by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a
+rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his
+rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the
+seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors;
+and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be
+descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as
+Arrian says, [Greek: en tois prootois Persoon], lib. iii. And when
+Alexander married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his
+intention plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent
+Persian families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the
+most noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was
+despotic, and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but
+was not carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all
+ranks and orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and
+their family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason
+why the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to
+other causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned
+that Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its
+application to the present case.
+
+[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.
+
+[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed
+at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under
+the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as
+follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been
+more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister,
+who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time,
+amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been
+wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper
+that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish,
+for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been
+drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit
+with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least,
+employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former
+quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more
+thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have
+perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself
+with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be
+adopted by future historians.
+
+Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of
+ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not
+magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances,
+are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such
+virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His
+vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which
+are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with
+frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public:
+his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With
+many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good
+capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more
+worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better
+qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his
+ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public,
+better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad
+precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has
+flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man,
+I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly
+wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote
+for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire
+to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and
+pleasure.
+
+*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.
+
+_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and
+calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same
+moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not
+rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from
+one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane
+sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that
+the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this
+character, a great, and the only great, error in that long
+administration._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT
+
+
+Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with
+a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed
+by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own
+sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by
+what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is
+always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to
+support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that
+government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and
+most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular.
+The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless
+subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination.
+But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _praetorian bands_,
+like men, by their opinion.
+
+Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of
+right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the
+general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the
+persuasion, that the particular government which is established is
+equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When
+this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those
+who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any
+government.
+
+Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What
+prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be
+understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their
+ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction
+of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever
+disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always
+found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of
+public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first
+sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the
+human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt,
+without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and
+morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is
+formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where
+men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice
+and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of
+these contradictory appearances.
+
+It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is
+of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property
+the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem
+inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter
+too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to
+property has a great influence in this subject.
+
+Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to
+power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all
+authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles
+which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their
+operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still
+we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone,
+but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned.
+They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original,
+principles of government.
+
+For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of
+particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we
+receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority
+must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to
+produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his
+authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give
+birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the
+greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the
+hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any
+particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy,
+and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same
+observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and
+_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a
+tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a
+single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the
+further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or
+on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and
+virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet
+he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character,
+otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his
+virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.
+
+A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power
+and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where
+any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the
+property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no
+share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that
+order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much
+attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that
+the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original
+constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men
+who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to
+stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with
+that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in
+England.
+
+Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed,
+that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain,
+its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all
+whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as
+absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more
+to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution,
+that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the
+public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the
+House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by
+the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of
+Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to
+receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies,
+this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and
+riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into
+the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either
+influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of
+property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective
+body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at
+present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing
+over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill,
+popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of
+opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total
+alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure
+republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For
+though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite
+unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most
+susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and
+tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be
+pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any
+further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have
+place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party
+amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as
+possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2]
+
+
+[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what
+appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its
+influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very
+limited understanding.
+
+[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present
+political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous
+one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both
+parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely
+bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by
+his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so
+far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend
+that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every
+member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom
+he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if
+their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these
+sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight
+which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of
+language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these
+different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head,
+it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in
+their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their
+language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering
+the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of
+places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to
+have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to
+the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same
+weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our
+domestic affairs?
+
+
+
+
+OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT
+
+
+Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity,
+from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his
+further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to
+administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor
+safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the
+vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object
+or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the
+support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies,
+officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy
+counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of
+administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate
+morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have
+no other useful object of their institution.
+
+All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and
+order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for
+the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious
+necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is
+impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of
+justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man
+finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by
+the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more
+frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant
+interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous
+temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.
+
+Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They
+must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose
+peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish
+transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however
+reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word,
+obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of
+justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of
+allegiance.
+
+But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that
+nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of
+obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human
+mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests
+and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They
+are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is
+inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well
+or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that
+the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in
+his administration.
+
+Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the
+cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of
+government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by
+the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens.
+The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not
+only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of
+government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led
+astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest
+in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain
+this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must
+be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity,
+or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government
+is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty
+influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The
+prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his
+society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him
+in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all
+indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the
+power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he
+establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find
+an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit
+soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly
+founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing
+from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod,
+and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives.
+
+But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and
+inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be
+founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected
+that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their
+operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It
+is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began
+during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius
+discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most
+requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most
+sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common
+among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the
+chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became,
+even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually,
+by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit
+sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at
+least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son
+enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to
+maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the
+further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and
+enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his
+administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and
+disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must
+have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the
+case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk
+of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the
+supreme magistrate.
+
+In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or
+secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever
+absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must
+necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which
+confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any
+constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is
+master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be
+permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can
+impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the
+lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is
+commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles
+or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil
+magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert
+other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The
+government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of
+free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several
+members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than
+that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration,
+must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the
+members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned,
+that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority
+must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those
+contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the
+latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps
+one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance,
+which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always
+support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that
+contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt
+to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1]
+
+
+Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving
+any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of
+the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have
+no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this
+interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him,
+notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public
+good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages
+of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no
+security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our
+rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.
+
+It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be
+supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat
+strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in
+_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are
+generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity,
+and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own
+private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon
+mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check
+is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by
+his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns
+to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every
+court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that,
+if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do),
+the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and
+acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public
+interest and liberty.
+
+When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan
+of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among
+several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the
+separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by
+the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its
+operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to
+be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not
+checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing
+but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this
+opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of
+all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern.
+
+How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or
+Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a
+very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so
+distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all
+the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a
+government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great
+is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with
+power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp
+upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as
+far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable.
+
+But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken.
+For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share
+of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so
+great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the
+government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to
+it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in
+fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two
+Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is
+little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the
+executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every
+government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I
+say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the
+Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How
+easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all
+these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and
+choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only
+distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage
+over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the
+king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would
+not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute?
+As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown,
+so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience
+and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to
+maintain themselves alone, without such support.
+
+How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this
+member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since,
+from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it
+demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with
+our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body
+is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of
+Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be
+contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has
+so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and
+disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions
+of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution
+from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we
+please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and
+_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from
+the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation
+of our mixed government.
+
+Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of
+parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the
+country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries,
+and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence,
+beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is
+not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this
+nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the
+proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have
+been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a
+controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the
+victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true
+patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running
+matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the
+influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that
+this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the
+crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament.
+
+All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are
+difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_
+proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases,
+run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_
+doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the
+present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial
+examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person,
+either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or
+less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the
+power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another.
+In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several
+assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their
+operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be
+presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is
+only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration.
+But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it
+possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as
+will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of
+the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many
+advantages attending that species of government.
+
+
+[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_
+and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and
+dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though
+not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear
+contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any
+opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he
+argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to
+their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have
+observed who has been much in companies where political questions have
+been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference,
+every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the
+_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which,
+being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot
+easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to
+liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind
+of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that
+excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of
+doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in
+viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of
+the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown,
+_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts
+t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the
+clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well
+humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would
+naturally lose his temper, and grow violent.
+
+To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my
+opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in
+either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different
+conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party
+are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most
+administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they
+cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident
+on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments
+by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand,
+are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them
+with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think
+themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by
+a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and
+passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless
+mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that
+such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party.
+
+In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood
+on either side, that those who defend the established and popular
+opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while
+their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation,
+in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be
+Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all
+denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only
+oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster,
+Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal
+and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the
+truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the
+conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with
+regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame
+Dacier, l'Abbe de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed
+their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte,
+Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of
+moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious
+treatment of their adversaries.
+
+I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming
+moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation,
+and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in
+that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired
+scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the
+other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect,
+above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover
+himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will
+always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c.
+is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least
+popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d
+M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth,
+they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the
+bounds of decency.
+
+I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote
+upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_,
+where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an
+inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their
+adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far
+and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some
+measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I
+hope, serve to justify me in this opinion.
+
+[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only
+that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal
+of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same
+light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable
+in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to
+be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be
+regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the
+pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular
+and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman
+government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15.
+
+
+
+
+WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO
+A REPUBLIC
+
+
+It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no
+prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning
+any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician
+will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a
+fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell
+the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought
+himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power
+depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it
+impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was
+scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy
+has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before.
+Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an
+important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines
+more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two
+species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems
+not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall
+at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to
+have been mistaken.
+
+Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards
+absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons:
+That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied;
+but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the
+balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is
+evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to
+counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is
+difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures,
+but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than
+the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of L1,000 a year
+apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the
+better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard
+their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of
+L100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may
+create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by
+expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any
+subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his
+riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I
+remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our
+money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary,
+he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his
+lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Caesar, who afterwards
+became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters
+of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to
+the united property of that opulent republic.
+
+These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of
+the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free
+government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who,
+besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always
+been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed
+in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great,
+will never be able to support itself against that immense property which
+is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a
+moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the
+disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the
+collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and
+navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third
+million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more
+than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom.
+When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation,
+our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and
+prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is
+no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to
+support our free government much longer under these disadvantages.
+
+On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British
+government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by
+specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in
+the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many
+other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it
+greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon
+that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man
+possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that
+of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would
+infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular
+authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much
+greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power
+can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope
+for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his
+fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being
+thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally
+gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has
+always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of
+the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against
+its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to
+hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly
+submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending
+it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and
+projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and
+religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and
+defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and
+multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established
+opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such
+is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes
+doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing
+upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is
+favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans.
+
+It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest,
+yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed
+by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the
+opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of
+learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested
+themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the
+clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines
+have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in
+the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk
+of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those
+magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite
+laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue,
+may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private
+interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break
+all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer
+supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will
+immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the
+_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great
+risk of being entirely lost in this Island.
+
+Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite
+arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary
+convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is
+rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its
+progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long,
+and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just
+beginning to turn towards monarchy.
+
+It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that
+death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body.
+But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be
+inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to
+terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I
+would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in
+almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch
+than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of
+republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any
+fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet.
+There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect
+than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But
+what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be
+established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If
+any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to
+pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we
+have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us,
+that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free
+government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural
+progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its
+present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular
+government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs
+present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a
+case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for
+a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all
+the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a
+violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many
+convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it
+would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the
+beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true
+_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution.
+
+Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the
+danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be
+more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more
+terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political
+controversies.
+
+
+
+
+OF PARTIES IN GENERAL
+
+
+Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the
+first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states,
+who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace,
+happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful
+inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than
+that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but
+the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which
+results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the
+mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure
+to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase
+the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's
+happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace
+and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only
+be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and
+good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never
+arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest
+injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous
+education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must,
+therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and
+must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours,
+when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres,
+Bacchus, AEsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and
+Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes.
+
+As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and
+respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to
+be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly
+contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws
+impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same
+nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each
+other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is
+the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken
+root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many
+centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that
+government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow
+most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be
+not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more
+easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they
+always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the
+steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them.
+
+Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions
+founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the
+contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of
+sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though
+I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed,
+either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a
+government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the
+views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or
+material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and
+most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of
+personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a
+party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that
+principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest
+influence.
+
+Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic
+quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any
+passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The
+NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the
+COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind.
+
+Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the
+smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be
+imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery
+and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most
+inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who
+never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy
+government.
+
+We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes,
+the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three
+hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every
+election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it
+could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not
+spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the
+quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the
+indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this
+foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and
+injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take
+place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions.
+
+Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real
+difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are
+once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the
+persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their
+antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity.
+The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in
+Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to
+the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who
+were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being
+expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and
+the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed
+leagues with the pope against the emperor.
+
+The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the
+_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are
+founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were
+things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the
+Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in
+this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more
+absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a
+sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of
+faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference
+in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party
+accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same
+manner.[1]
+
+_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from
+_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the
+most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such
+as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not
+very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct
+interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering
+that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great
+skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are
+of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual
+motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to
+practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear;
+but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more
+pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles
+and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but
+the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without
+resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments.
+
+There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and
+_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of
+these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our
+public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether
+oppressive and intolerable.
+
+Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle,
+are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary
+and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs.
+Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the
+case with all different political principles, the matter may be more
+easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie
+in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen,
+who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each
+naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions
+of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no
+contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without
+interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious
+controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and
+such fatal divisions?
+
+Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can
+easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men,
+reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass,
+without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in
+that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without
+interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human
+mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as
+it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is
+shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which
+most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of
+opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.
+
+This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the
+origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is
+universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to
+one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other
+more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce
+the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world
+arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous
+and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to
+receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was
+offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and,
+entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired
+an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil
+power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly
+opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world,
+who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder
+that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil
+magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the
+authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power,
+even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps
+_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their
+followers.
+
+And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after
+Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a
+spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human
+society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every
+government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may
+justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the
+priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of
+_interest_.
+
+There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the
+separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has
+contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and
+divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous,
+consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different
+in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they
+are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect,
+without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely
+spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers
+of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions,
+to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain,
+comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and
+science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian
+religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this
+keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred
+and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the
+ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in
+modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the
+most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition.
+
+I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties,
+beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection,
+I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men
+towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over
+them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may
+seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to
+persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never
+saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any
+favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who,
+on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are
+found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest.
+We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close
+and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance
+on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature
+does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from
+spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his
+own.
+
+
+[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on
+the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened
+them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the
+Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's
+opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal
+than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more
+than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other.
+
+[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the
+ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are
+at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans,
+were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well
+as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general,
+these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest
+of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the
+religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a
+century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that
+superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous
+persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand,
+weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita
+Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to
+Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards
+restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual
+caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different
+from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians.
+Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of
+_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and
+bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical
+history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN
+
+
+Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one
+would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which
+it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to
+avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of
+our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and
+uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is
+impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among
+persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace
+and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain
+more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous
+spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil
+comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men
+agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come
+to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown,
+to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments
+with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant
+approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of
+PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may
+properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The
+strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the
+particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw
+a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will
+reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty.
+But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties
+themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited
+monarchy.
+
+But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much
+fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely
+ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust
+and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most
+favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally
+engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise
+carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious
+aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to
+be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to
+a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and
+_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government,
+are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by
+interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the
+latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2]
+
+As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the
+world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that
+this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of
+interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our
+thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds
+on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which
+prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be
+enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government.
+Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain,
+that the established clergy, while things are in their natural
+situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary,
+dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can
+never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means
+of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power
+have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as
+the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into
+the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only
+ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that
+he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in
+Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with
+their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing
+such an unusual system of politics.
+
+This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of
+a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The
+_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed
+friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed
+heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But
+if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will
+prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both
+because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and
+because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of
+ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors.
+
+If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great
+rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general
+theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a
+regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that
+period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects
+possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and
+secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong
+to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince
+arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his
+predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this
+principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of
+several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament;
+the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without
+any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his
+enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions.
+Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of
+that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day,
+the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the
+quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the
+balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost
+entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still
+in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate
+habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that
+he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so
+delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most
+conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers
+of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty
+sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on
+both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that
+ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of
+which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined
+most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the
+monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and
+country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of
+circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The
+commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed
+in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them.
+
+The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in
+return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into
+that of the parliament.[4]
+
+Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to
+the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the
+royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government
+reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his
+father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more
+secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_
+and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our
+government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of
+the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that
+history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the
+most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties,
+during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances,
+possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war:
+persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with
+every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we
+ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a
+country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the
+sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature,
+pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5]
+
+When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and
+CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists
+in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_,
+which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the
+universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory.
+Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they
+imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of
+absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited
+power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations.
+But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise
+to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too
+weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression;
+and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal
+for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists,
+but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles,
+when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the
+ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an
+event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British
+liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will
+afford us a true insight into the nature of that party.
+
+In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of
+Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined
+resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or
+to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might
+justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious
+tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a
+court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The
+Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a
+genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British
+government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of
+monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their
+monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory,
+than was in any degree |consistent with a limited government.
+
+_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely
+or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that
+which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem
+opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those
+circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not
+fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile
+contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between
+_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A
+TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words,
+to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a
+partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a
+lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to
+the settlement in the Protestant line._[6]
+
+These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were
+accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_
+and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British
+Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at
+any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a
+passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the
+government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty.
+
+Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between
+Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us
+but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long
+obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made
+converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the
+sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are,
+however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all
+their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our
+only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and
+the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the
+opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our
+constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural
+course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7]
+
+
+[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ
+them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one
+party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on
+some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the
+Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were
+denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man,
+defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct,
+regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans;
+_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable
+definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw
+any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing
+these terms.
+
+[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for
+taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are
+commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example,
+from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some
+source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such
+persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves.
+
+[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times
+of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal
+opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so
+immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the
+proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the
+crown.
+
+[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's
+arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and,
+in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called
+heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the
+nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the
+former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that
+of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the
+_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the
+former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and
+Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the
+general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary
+situation of affairs to break it.
+
+[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been
+rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party.
+
+[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the
+real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_,
+and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties,
+like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all
+authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our
+whole history into an enigma.
+
+I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these
+parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the
+conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both
+sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the
+family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with
+vigour the succession of that family?
+
+The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy.
+Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years;
+nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by
+him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the
+throne, but with the person who sat on it.
+
+They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of
+Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason?
+
+The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too
+great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern
+themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less
+can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon
+moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so
+great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of
+_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly
+appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of
+decency?
+
+It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared
+opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in
+conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both?
+Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too
+high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of
+liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high
+principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect
+liberty and toleration.
+
+The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign
+politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been
+most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of
+this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to
+collect them.
+
+It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and
+_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which
+predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_
+loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the
+latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_
+loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant
+line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant
+inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where
+either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was
+none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be
+disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not
+have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to
+bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to
+depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded
+without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps
+dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and
+settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of
+the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the
+means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by
+ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession
+of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the
+security of our liberties with the Whigs.
+
+It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any
+particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a
+whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely
+in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was
+not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that
+attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain
+love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England
+formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt
+the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were
+but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have
+had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience
+is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems
+to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded
+followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by
+_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that
+interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to
+their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party.
+
+Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between
+Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that
+the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to
+their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst
+us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle,
+are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be
+confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in
+their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still
+more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or
+learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would
+not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies,
+the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of
+honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a
+reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour,
+denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_.
+
+I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any
+Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word,
+and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs
+and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the
+constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or
+at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the
+succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the
+difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political
+and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution,
+regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs,
+without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the
+clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the
+Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the
+government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the
+highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their
+followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of
+the Tory party in England.
+
+[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the
+public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate
+examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain.
+And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party,
+neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions
+and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These
+mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom.
+
+
+
+
+OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM
+
+
+That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown
+into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the
+pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions
+of true religion.
+
+These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of
+a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is
+subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding
+either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill
+health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the
+concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind,
+infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real
+objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice,
+and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to
+whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are
+entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are
+equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances,
+mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd
+or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and
+terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with
+ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition.
+
+But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and
+presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health,
+from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a
+state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused
+conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can
+correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of
+attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible
+regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge
+itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and
+disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of
+fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures,
+being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of
+our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of
+that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the
+inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of
+the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the
+summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and
+even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman
+delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed
+illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride,
+presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore
+the true sources of Enthusiasm.
+
+These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many
+speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few
+reflections concerning their different influence on government and
+society.
+
+My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly
+power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than
+sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear,
+sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in
+such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of
+approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other
+person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have
+made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the
+superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their
+prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to
+render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the
+origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a
+timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares
+not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend
+itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and
+servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all
+religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy
+able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds,
+that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but
+the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the
+authority of the priesthood.
+
+On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been
+free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great
+independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies,
+and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the
+same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and
+are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them.
+The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to
+the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage.
+The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both
+particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and
+will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as
+enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks
+itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any
+human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even
+imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation
+and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies
+and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so
+requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic
+consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character,
+much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on
+any other.
+
+My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion
+is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first
+rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition;
+but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of
+this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by
+opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in
+Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics
+in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded
+on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it
+naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises
+to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of
+Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of
+reason, morality, and prudence.
+
+It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human
+society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust
+themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than
+before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in
+all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in
+sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with
+sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the
+religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which
+may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred
+principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in
+gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable
+to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the
+priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and
+disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions,
+and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her
+acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all
+Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who
+were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners;
+and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of
+_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius
+in China.[1]
+
+My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy
+to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans
+under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all
+ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present
+observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold
+and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of
+liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject,
+and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during
+the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most
+opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their
+political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since
+the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either
+been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that
+is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of
+_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of
+enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in
+defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long
+united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of
+prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit
+of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that
+party.
+
+The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand
+unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of
+sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone
+merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The
+_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to
+superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and
+devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The
+_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate
+devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and,
+in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable
+to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people,
+and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the
+small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French
+nation.
+
+
+[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical
+establishment.
+
+
+
+
+OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE
+
+
+There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned
+world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they
+come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of
+thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most
+remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different
+sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a
+point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as
+divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our
+species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who
+derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage
+and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can
+discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other
+animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the
+talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the
+former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws
+himself into the other extreme.
+
+I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species
+have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their
+fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible
+that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a
+splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to
+make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much
+indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of
+those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more
+advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a
+mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high
+notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally
+endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action
+which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own
+imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable
+moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice
+unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1]
+
+We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the
+expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the
+dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any
+other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and
+what is only verbal, in this controversy.
+
+That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and
+vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident
+that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or
+blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed
+unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity,
+and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real
+things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form
+a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species;
+and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its
+greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one
+is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the
+smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always
+consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that
+is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants
+compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely
+different.
+
+In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison
+between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that
+fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to
+mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not
+limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his
+researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this
+globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider
+the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye
+forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the
+judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence;
+a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and
+intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances;
+improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very
+errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature
+the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to
+a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without
+foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short
+time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a
+single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures!
+And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison
+of the latter.
+
+There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion:
+_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting
+only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a
+new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect
+wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can
+form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in
+himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He
+can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which,
+when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible,
+and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals,
+in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which
+all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short
+of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison
+takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference
+in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even
+of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the
+latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with
+the former can make it appear of little moment.
+
+It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few
+whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a
+contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible
+of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the
+honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any
+particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise
+altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When
+we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very
+uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise
+men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their
+scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our
+species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to
+say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our
+notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who
+was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have
+heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women
+possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering
+that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a
+degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of
+beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty
+in one of our sex.
+
+As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with
+the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of
+the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different
+motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate
+our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of
+comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the
+present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much
+predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some
+philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of
+human nature.[2]
+
+There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man
+denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and
+community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt
+this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his
+doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards
+to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix
+itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the
+ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or
+rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another,
+and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and
+esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be
+to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than
+kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has
+forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a
+different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things
+by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin),
+Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_
+children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like
+reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a
+connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing
+would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or,
+if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity,
+and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing,
+reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you
+admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in
+kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human
+actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in
+its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family,
+children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and
+education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly
+observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their
+family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as
+their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are
+sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your
+ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among
+the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you.
+
+In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those
+philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In
+the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was
+attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship
+and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is
+obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and
+does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend,
+because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.
+
+In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are
+far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been
+represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but
+the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust
+in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable
+action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to
+that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other
+passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous
+action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is
+natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so
+closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions
+approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that
+these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of
+affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some
+degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory
+is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or
+disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in
+driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice
+and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the
+love of virtue.
+
+
+[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men,
+which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point
+of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires
+to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into
+them.
+
+[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay.
+In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by
+several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are
+by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions,
+receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to
+see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument
+and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning
+Virtue.
+
+
+
+
+OF CIVIL LIBERTY
+
+
+Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage,
+and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others,
+contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction
+of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to
+entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many
+general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest
+posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so
+that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science,
+as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we
+can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in
+virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected
+of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or
+principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined
+his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or
+to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings,
+especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely
+defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which
+subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says
+he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with
+several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels.
+If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity,
+but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his
+master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention
+this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding,
+in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the
+world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of
+Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for
+near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can
+possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Caesars, but
+Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses,
+entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.
+
+Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and
+there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of
+it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it,
+though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of
+state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and
+military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have
+instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.
+
+Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of
+civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages
+of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no
+man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and
+that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all
+probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by
+posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and
+so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients,
+that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further
+changes.
+
+It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences
+arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians,
+notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts
+towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such
+perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty,
+and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been
+observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they
+increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet
+the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since
+been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted
+to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having
+met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a
+century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters,
+and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two
+experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall
+of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular
+ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that
+the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And
+in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in
+our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts,
+or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of
+government established among us.
+
+But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome
+and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer
+arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it
+groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the
+latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began
+to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto,
+Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in
+republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the
+Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and
+seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts
+and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at
+Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.
+
+But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute
+governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any
+established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near
+perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater
+philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans
+were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the
+Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians,
+painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the
+stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English.
+And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art,
+the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of
+society and conversation.
+
+If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own
+country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great
+measure be applied to the British.
+
+          Sed in longum tamen aevum
+     Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_.
+
+The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among
+us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable
+grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still
+alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of
+the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon,
+Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their
+sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in
+the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that
+they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and
+criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably
+improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed,
+that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard
+book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast
+of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed
+promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.
+
+It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish
+but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a
+longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts
+and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens,
+Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England,
+&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments.
+The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam,
+and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a
+double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy
+entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to
+prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the
+foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our
+rivals in commerce as well as in learning.
+
+Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would
+assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is
+something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute
+government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign
+for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly
+insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a
+civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much
+apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign,
+more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any
+accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of
+industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many
+real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an
+imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of
+calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in
+absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because
+it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary
+to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured
+above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the
+considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in
+order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and
+honours are annexed.
+
+Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced,
+or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of
+government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a
+great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic
+management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known
+only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of
+states has also received great improvements within the last century. We
+are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the
+accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of
+that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not
+amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this
+argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not
+assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed
+Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance
+from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it
+might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the
+frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a
+surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and
+force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by
+thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to
+blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious
+tribune.
+
+But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet
+monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards
+perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was
+formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government
+of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and
+constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry
+encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his
+subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have
+been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and
+small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may
+suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or
+tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has
+not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula,
+Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It
+must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have
+approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are
+still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity
+and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to
+overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.
+
+But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable,
+but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in
+monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular
+governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these
+species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses
+which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed
+not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met
+with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and
+intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor,
+especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure
+discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment.
+But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility,
+they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the
+nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their
+interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of
+the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this
+oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The
+only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to
+the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore,
+should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and
+the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through
+ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which
+case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one
+would not appear so considerable as at present.
+
+The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments,
+consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public
+revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable,
+and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the
+public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by
+a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money
+which any emergence made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn
+from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the
+practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh
+ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but
+as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people
+can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people,
+and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the
+public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of tills
+remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel
+and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which
+nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the
+present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to
+increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be
+reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public
+impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish
+ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who
+surround us?
+
+
+[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.
+
+[2] Dr. Swift.
+
+
+
+
+OF ELOQUENCE
+
+
+Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as
+represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of
+pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and
+opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in
+different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in
+_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the
+history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and
+politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit,
+and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame,
+friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in
+all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and
+untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding,
+which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much
+more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and
+virtue.
+
+But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be
+observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many
+respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be
+superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our
+refinements, much inferior in eloquence.
+
+In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great
+parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers
+have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of
+an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking.
+Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator;
+and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they
+were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It
+is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators
+in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and
+possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Caelius, Curio, Hortensius,
+Caesar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior
+to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome.
+Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman
+orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in
+eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from
+reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only
+exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive.
+Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay,
+even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avidae et capaces meae aures,_
+says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._
+
+Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular
+government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as
+can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has
+England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who
+have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers;
+but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their
+genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the
+names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but
+neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their
+speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been
+owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents
+for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two
+Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the
+same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the
+preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none
+of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that
+the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the
+sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents
+and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a
+table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with
+such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.
+
+We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men
+flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most
+celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering
+in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on
+in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently
+compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our
+most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of
+several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend
+himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.
+
+Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators,
+may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their
+eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators
+aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm
+speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of
+Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when,
+justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chaeronea, he breaks out, 'No, my
+fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those
+heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and
+Plataea.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that
+which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the
+crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this
+scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to
+those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to
+brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the
+most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely
+see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and
+indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze
+of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or
+cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and
+sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment
+so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them
+accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated
+conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice
+by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to
+us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give
+an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling
+expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.
+
+Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence
+of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or
+stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures
+which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either
+for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre
+to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.
+
+One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a
+decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all
+times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great
+industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned
+nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems
+requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but
+notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very
+inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all
+other parts of learning.
+
+Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to
+our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever
+reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be
+found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.
+
+_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing
+period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state,
+were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great
+measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of
+the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of
+a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or
+profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all
+lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science,
+declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake,
+in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader
+addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to
+display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict
+laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances
+must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour
+and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and
+eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of
+equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome
+occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what
+opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and
+subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make
+use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to
+plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would
+only labour to make himself ridiculous.
+
+I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and
+intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but
+I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that
+noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from
+either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites
+expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have
+pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form,
+there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But
+to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the
+_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the
+liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of
+debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and
+give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent
+in this nation.
+
+_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing
+to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all
+those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of
+nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be
+accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence,
+and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal.
+It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and
+cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a
+signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring
+justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it
+be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move
+the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know
+that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now,
+banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers
+merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper
+expressions.
+
+Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior
+good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and
+reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or
+elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it
+should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It
+should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The
+ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this
+jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it.
+They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they
+left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they
+were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not
+deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and
+eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow;
+and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience.
+
+Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Caesar?; yet
+that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of
+Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his
+settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before
+that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn.
+
+Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie
+against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and
+rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of
+his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his
+wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of
+words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined
+than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his
+sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more
+chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its
+success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony,
+exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any
+appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in
+a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the
+orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the
+nearest to perfection.
+
+_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient
+governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often
+guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with
+among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no
+Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It
+would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find
+a Demosthenes?
+
+What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or
+of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of
+reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such
+endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few
+successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation,
+excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more
+sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto
+entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first
+rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very
+satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received
+all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for
+statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of
+these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found
+among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest
+eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as
+Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to
+be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most
+material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example
+would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made
+us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then
+have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and
+philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British
+Archimedeses and Virgils.[1]
+
+It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence
+prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon
+comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of
+the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster
+apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius.
+When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and,
+by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most
+prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every
+passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched
+properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that
+satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the
+adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this
+observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be
+peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated
+for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence
+of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must
+submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever,
+upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator,
+ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and
+erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long
+time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are
+satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is
+defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the
+attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival.
+
+Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and
+passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the
+argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have
+more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our
+mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but
+the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the
+preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded
+models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style
+or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence,
+that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more
+than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or
+common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians,
+and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but,
+when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper
+when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed
+the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former;
+but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and
+sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse,
+and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience.
+
+Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in
+England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had
+some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our
+ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival
+of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their
+defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy
+which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such
+an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer,
+and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there
+seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually
+communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of
+a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire
+him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the
+strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great
+prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who
+repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice
+of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But
+where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker
+must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the
+arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most
+proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from
+his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his
+elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues
+with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion
+as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some
+time when the original impulse is suspended.
+
+I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our
+modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship
+with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material
+defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed
+air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their
+great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all
+order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without
+which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the
+mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public
+discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy,
+without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method
+conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the
+arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more
+thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are
+thrown together in confusion.
+
+
+[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin
+and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear
+thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had
+possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would
+probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet
+reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and
+Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in
+Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral
+sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private
+causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or
+Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there
+appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with
+proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest
+heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to
+imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions
+concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself
+with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or
+the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it
+is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men
+of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes
+of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an
+ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all
+countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders
+produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of
+Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short
+interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient
+eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his
+knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided
+and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of
+concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted
+to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance;
+but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a
+fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all
+subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very
+elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it
+employed on a subject more favourable and engaging.
+
+There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are
+disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of
+that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other
+nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense,
+which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the
+flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_;
+which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing
+but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or
+fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are
+not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms
+of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble
+author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must
+have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter.
+And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have
+abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined
+themselves to plain argument and reasoning.
+
+These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have
+retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able
+to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely
+pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels
+may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly
+acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public
+business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an
+eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this
+opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient,
+the other from modern times.
+
+
+
+
+
+
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