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diff --git a/40022-8.txt b/40022-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ae73c74..0000000 --- a/40022-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10118 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Chivalry, Volume II (of 2), by -Charles Mills - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The History of Chivalry, Volume II (of 2) - Or, Knighthood and Its Times - -Author: Charles Mills - -Release Date: June 17, 2012 [EBook #40022] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, VOL II *** - - - - -Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive.) - - - - - - - - - - The History of Chivalry - or - Knighthood and its times. - - - By CHARLES MILLS, Esqr. - Author of the History of the Crusades - - - IN TWO VOLUMES - - Vol: II. - - - [Illustration: Engraved by A. Le Petit - from a sketch by R. H. Sievier.] - - - London. - Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green. - MDCCCXXV. - - - - -CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. - - - Page - - CHAP. I. STATE OF CHIVALRY IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF - EDWARD THE THIRD. - - Tournaments ... The Round Table ... Order of the Garter ... - Courtesy of Edward ... Prevalence of chivalric taste among all - classes ... English archers ... The Black Prince ... Story of the - king's chivalry ... England regarded as the seat of honour ... - Instance of this ... Chivalric heroes in this reign ... The - gestes and prowesses of Sir Walter Manny ... Chivalric vow of Sir - Walter ... He fights for the love of his lady ... His rescue of - two brother knights ... Instance of his joyous adventurousness - ... His gallantry before Auberoche ... His filial piety ... Story - of chivalric manners ... The gentle disposition of Manny ... His - importance at Edward's court ... His remarkable sagacity ... His - liberality ... His death in 1372 ... Buried in the Charter-House - ... Heroism of Sir James Audley ... His generosity ... Memoir of - Sir John Chandos ... His gallantry to ladies ... Amusing instance - of the pride of knighthood ... The importance of his counsel at - Poictiers ... His exploits in Brittany ... And in Spain ... Is - made a knight banneret ... Quits the Black Prince ... But returns - ... The remarkable generousness of his conduct to Lord Pembroke - ... The last circumstance of his life ... General grief at his - death 1 - - - CHAP. II. PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN GREAT BRITAIN, FROM THE REIGN - OF RICHARD II. TO THAT OF HENRY VIII. - - Complaints of the unchivalric state of Richard's court ... - Influence of chivalry on the national character ... Scottish - chivalry ... Chivalric kindness of Robert Bruce ... Mutual - chivalry between the Scotch and English courts ... French - knights' opinions of Scottish chivalry ... Courtesies between - English and Scottish knights ... Chivalric battle of Otterbourn - ... Hotspur and the Douglas ... A cavaleresque story ... Reign of - Henry IV. ... Chivalric parley between him and the Duke of - Orleans ... Henry's unchivalric conduct at Shrewsbury ... Henry - V. ... Knights of the Bath ... Henry's love of chivalric books - ... His chivalric bearing ... Commencement of the decline of - chivalry ... The civil wars injured chivalry ... Caxton's - lamentation ... He exaggerates the evil ... Many gallant English - knights ... Character of Henry VIII. with reference to chivalry - ... Tournaments in his reign ... Field of the cloth of gold ... - Introduction of Italian literature favoured romance ... - Popularity of chivalric literature ... English knights continued - to break lances for ladies' love ... State of Scottish chivalry - at this period ... James IV. ... Chivalric circumstances at - Flodden Field 64 - - - CHAP. III. THE LAST YEARS OF CHIVALRY IN ENGLAND. - - The chivalric feelings of the nation supported by Spenser ... and - by Sir Philip Sidney ... Allusions to Sidney's life ... - particularly his kindly consideration ... Chivalric politeness of - the age of Elizabeth ... The Earl of Oxford ... Tilts in - Greenwich Park ... Sir Henry Lee ... Chivalry reflected in the - popular amusements ... Change of manners ... Reign of James the - First ... Tournaments ceased on Prince Henry's death ... Life of - Lord Herbert of Cherbury ... Chivalric fame of his family ... His - character ... His inferiority to the knights of yore ... Decline - of chivalric education ... Important change in knighthood by the - parliament of Charles the First ... Application of chivalric - honours to men of civil station ... Knights made in the field ... - Carpet knights ... Knights of the Bath ... Full account of the - ancient ceremonies of creating knights of the Bath 125 - - - CHAP. IV. PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN FRANCE. - - Chivalry in baronial castles ... Chivalry injured by religious - wars ... Beneficial influence of poetry and romance ... Chivalric - brilliancy of the fourteenth century ... Brittany ... Du Guesclin - ... Romantic character of his early years ... His knightly - conduct at Rennes ... Gallantry at Cochetel ... Political - consequences of his chivalry ... He leads an army into Spain ... - And changes the fortunes of that kingdom ... Battle of Navaret - ... Du Guesclin prisoner ... Treatment of him by the Black Prince - ... Ransomed ... Is made Constable of France ... Recovers the - power of the French monarchy ... Companionship in arms between Du - Guesclin and Olivier De Clisson ... Du Guesclin's death before - Randon ... His character ... Decline of chivalry ... Proof of it - ... Little chivalry in the second series of French and English - wars ... Combats of pages ... Further Decay of chivalry ... - Abuses in conferring knighthood ... Burgundy ... Its chivalry ... - The romantic nature of the Burgundian tournaments ... Last gleams - of chivalry in France ... Life of Bayard ... Francis I. ... - Extinction of chivalry 168 - - - CHAP. V. PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN SPAIN. - - General nature of Spanish chivalry ... Religion and heroism ... - Gallantry ... Blending of Spanish and Oriental manners ... Its - beneficial tendencies ... Peculiarities of Spanish chivalry ... - Forms of knighthood ... Various ranks of knights ... Spanish - poetry ... Heroes of chivalry ... Pelayo ... Bernardo del Carpio - ... And incidentally of Charlemagne's expedition into Spain ... - The life of the Cid ... His early ferocious heroism ... Singular - marriage ... Enters the service of King Ferdinand ... The Cid's - chivalric gallantry ... He is knighted ... Death of King - Ferdinand ... The Cid becomes the knight of Sancho, king of - Castile ... Mixture of evil and good in the Cid's character ... - Supports the king in his injustice ... The Cid's romantic heroism - ... Sancho's further injustice opposed by him ... Death of Sancho - ... Instance of the Cid's virtuous boldness ... Character of - Alfonso, successor of Sancho ... Story of his chivalric bearing - ... The Cid's second marriage ... Is banished from Alfonso's - court ... Becomes the ally of the Moors ... But recalled ... Is - banished again ... Singular story of the Cid's unknightly - meanness ... Fortunes of the Cid during his exile ... The Cid's - chivalric nobleness and generosity ... Is recalled by Alfonso ... - The Cid captures Toledo ... and Valentia ... Story of Spanish - manners ... The Cid's unjust conduct to the Moors ... The - unchivalric character of the Cid's wife and daughters ... The Cid - recalled by Alfonso ... The marriages of his daughters ... Basely - treated by their husbands ... Cortez at Toledo to decide the - cause ... Picture of ancient manners ... Death of the Cid ... His - character ... Fate of his good horse ... Spanish chivalry after - his death ... Gallantry of a knight ... The merits of missals - decided by battle ... Passage of arms at Orbigo ... Knights - travel and joust for ladies' love ... Extinction of Spanish - chivalry 230 - - - CHAP. VI. PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN GERMANY AND ITALY. - - Chivalry did not affect the public history of Germany ... Its - influence on Imperial manners ... Intolerance and cruelty of - German knights ... Their harshness to their squires ... Avarice - of the Germans ... Little influence of German chivalry ... A - remarkable exception to this ... A female tournament ... - Maximilian, the only chivalric emperor of Germany ... Joust - between him and a French knight ... Edict of Frederic III. - destroyed chivalry ... CHIVALRY IN ITALY: ... Lombards carried - chivalry thither ... Stories of chivalric gallantry ... But - little martial chivalry in Italy ... Condottieri ... Chivalry in - the north ... Italians excellent armourers but bad knights ... - Chivalry in the south ... Curious circumstances attending - knighthood at Naples ... Mode of creating knights in Italy - generally ... Political use of knighthood ... Chivalric - literature ... Chivalric sports 303 - - - CHAP. VII. ON THE MERITS AND EFFECTS OF CHIVALRY 341 - - - - -THE HISTORY OF CHIVALRY. - - - - -CHAP. I. - -STATE OF CHIVALRY IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE THIRD. - - _Tournaments ... The Round Table ... Order of the Garter ... Courtesy - of Edward ... Prevalence of chivalric Taste among all Classes ... - English Archers ... The Black Prince ... Story of the King's Chivalry - ... England regarded as the Seat of Honour ... Instance of this ... - Chivalric Heroes in this Reign ... The Gestes and Prowesses of Sir - Walter Manny ... Chivalric Vow of Sir Walter ... He fights for the - Love of his Lady ... His Rescue of Two Brother Knights ... Instance of - his joyous Adventurousness ... His Gallantry before Auberoche ... His - filial Piety ... Story of chivalric Manners ... The Gentle Disposition - of Manny ... His Importance at Edward's Court ... His remarkable - Sagacity ... His Liberality ... His Death in 1372 ... Buried in the - Charter-House ... Heroism of Sir James Audley ... His Generosity ... - Memoir of Sir John Chandos ... His Gallantry to Ladies ... Amusing - Instance of the Pride of Knighthood ... The Importance of his Counsel - at Poictiers ... His Exploits in Brittany ... And in Spain ... Is made - a Knight Banneret ... Quits the Black Prince ... But returns ... The - remarkable Generousness of his Conduct to Lord Pembroke ... The last - Circumstance of his Life ... General Grief at his Death._ - - -[Sidenote: Tournaments.] - -The sun of English chivalry reached its meridian in the reign of Edward -III., for the King and the nobles all were knightly, and the image of -their character was reflected in the minds of the people.[1] Tournaments -and jousts, for the amusement and in honour of the ladies, were the -universal fashion of the time. In little more than one year, chivalric -solemnities were held with unparalleled magnificence at Litchfield, Bury, -Guildford, Eltham, Canterbury, and twice at Windsor.[2] The gay character -of Edward and his court was pleasingly displayed in the spring of the year -1359, three years after the battle of Poictiers. A solemn tournament of -three days' duration was proclaimed in London, and the lord mayor, -sheriffs, and aldermen, proposed to keep the field against all comers. The -time arrived, the martial games were held, and all the honor of arms -appeared to be of right due to the officers of the city. The victors then -threw aside their shields and surcoats impressed with the city's bearings, -removed their beavers, and King Edward, the Black Prince, the Princes -Lionel, John, and Edmund, and nineteen noble barons, were recognised.[3] - -[Sidenote: The round table.] - -[Sidenote: Order of the Garter.] - -The round table at Kenilworth already mentioned was not a solitary -instance of the love of romantic grandeur and gallantry among the people -of England. Mortimer kept a round table of knights in Wales professedly in -imitation of Arthur,[4] And afterwards Edward III. endeavoured to realise -the golden imaginations of fable which had assigned one hundred and fifty -knights as the complement of Arthur's chivalry.[5] We are assured that the -round table which Edward established at Windsor in 1344 described a -circumference of six hundred feet: but it is more interesting to know, -that the nobility and knighthood of France, Germany, Spain, and other -countries flocked to England on the invitation of the King, and that the -chivalric bands at Windsor were graced by the presence of Queen Philippa -and three hundred English ladies, who, in honour of the friendly union of -knights, were all arrayed in splendid dresses of one form and fashion, and -looked like the sisters of a military order. Policy was mixed with -chivalric pride in Edward's plan; for he wished to retain in his service -some of the foreign knights who repaired to the tournament at Windsor. But -his intention to strengthen his chivalry was defeated by his rival Philip -of Valois, who established also a round table, to which the cavaliers of -the Continent could more easily repair than to that of Edward.[6] The -knights of France were expressly forbidden by their king to attend the -festivities of the round table at Windsor. The English monarch found, too, -that he could not secure the attachment of stranger knights. That great -chivalric principle, the companionship in weal or woe of men forming one -society, was never regarded by them. Edward's table at Windsor was -surrounded by gay cavaliers, who talked and sang of war and love, and then -merrily returned to their own country full of courtesy to their royal host -for his gallant bearing, but not disposed to renounce the chivalric -associations of their native land. Edward then changed his design, and -wished to establish an order of merit, that so "true nobility, after long -and hazardous adventures, should not enviously be deprived of that honour, -which it hath really deserved, and that active and hardy youth might not -want a spur in the profession of virtue, which is to be esteemed glorious -and eternal."[7] He accordingly assembled the nobility and knighthood of -his realm, and showed them his intention of forming an especial -brotherhood of knights, to be called Knights of the blue Garter, and of -ordaining that a feast should be kept yearly at Windsor, on Saint George's -day. The barons and cavaliers of England joyously agreed to his pleasure; -for they were animated by this encouragement to military feats, and they -saw that great amity and love would grow and increase among them. -Twenty-five of the most valiant men of the kingdom were then chosen.[8] - -The most noble order of Saint George, named the Garter, had, therefore, -its origin in romance, in the wish to restore the chivalric dignity and -splendour of ancient Britain. That view was afterwards blended with -objects of policy which also were soon abandoned, and a fraternity of -companions in arms was established for the promotion of chivalric honour. -But though gallantry did not, as is commonly thought, actually found the -order, yet perhaps it caused the union to receive the last clause of its -title. Froissart describes the passion of Edward for the Countess of -Salisbury, but is altogether silent on the story of her garter, a silence -decisive of the incorrectness of the vulgar tale; for Froissart was -intimately acquainted with the court of the English king, and his -attention was always awake to circumstances of a gallant and romantic -nature. It was quite in the spirit of those days for a band to be regarded -as an excellent symbol of the friendly union which ought to exist between -the knights companions; and if love had not been a chief feature in -chivalry, the order might have been only called the Order of the Band. -But gallantly came in, and claimed some share of chivalric honours. Ages -of fastidious delicacy would have thought of a zone or girdle, but our -simple minded ancestors regarded the garter as the wished for symbol. The -well known motto of the Garter (_Honi soit qui mal y pense_) seems to -apply, as Sir Walter Scott conjectures, to the misrepresentations which -the French monarch might throw out respecting the order of the Garter, as -he had already done concerning the festival of the round table.[9] - -On the collar of the order something should be said. Warton appears to -think that the earliest collar worn by the knights of the Garter was a -duplication of the letter S, in allusion to the initial letter of the fair -lady's name who, he supposes, gave rise to the fraternity of the most -noble order of the Garter. But in truth no evidence exists that originally -the members of the order wore any collar at all as knights of the Garter, -though they certainly wore golden collars in their character of knights -bachelors and knights banneret. - -The favourite badge of the Lancastrian family was the letter S. sometimes -single, and sometimes double, and the golden collar of esses became in -time the general collar of English knights, and the silver collar of esses -was worn by squires. The letter S. was the initial letter of the sentence, -"_Soveigne vous de moy_." This was a very favourite motto in the -fourteenth century, and was afterwards frequently introduced into collars -which were formed of the fleur-de-souvenance, the forget-me-not of modern -times. Whether at any period the golden collar of esses distinguished the -knights of the Garter we know not. The collar worn in the present days, -composed of garters with the image of Saint George dependent thereon, -cannot be traced higher than the reign of Henry VIII. - -The order was founded in honour of God, the Virgin Mary, Saint George the -Martyr, and Saint Edward, king and confessor. The two saints were regarded -as the particular patrons of the knights companions. The person that our -ancestors understood by the name Saint George is a point of doubt. Some -modern writers have called him a sufferer in the persecutions of -Diocletian, and others the flagitious George of Cappadocia, the Arian -successor of Athanasius in the archbishoprick of Alexandria.[10] It is -equally difficult to discover how the saint became invested with military -glory. But, leaving such questions to martyrologists and legend-makers, it -is sufficient for our purpose to observe that a person called Saint George -was in very early ages regarded as the tutelary saint of England, and -became therefore very naturally one of the heads of the new military -order. His brother-protector Saint Edward soon fell from his lofty -station: but at the time concerning which I am writing he was high in -fame, for Edward III. was wont to invoke both him and the other -patron-saint with perfect impartiality; and when he was cutting his way -through a press of knights, one stroke of his sword was accompanied by the -exclamation, "Ha, Saint Edward," and another by the cry, "Ha, Saint -George." - -[Sidenote: Courtesy of Edward.] - -To pursue, however, the general course of the chivalry of our Edward III. -Nothing could be more beautiful than his courtesy on all occasions. It was -particularly shown in his treatment of the hostages of the French king for -the due performance of the treaty of Bretigny. He commanded his officers -to deport themselves to those lords and their company courteously and -favourably; and, accordingly, the French strangers sported without peril -in London at their pleasure, and the great lords went hunting and hawking, -and rode over the country, and visited ladies and damsels, without any -control, so courteous and amiable was the King of England to them.[11] -During all the tournaments that were held in his reign, he permitted his -French, Scotch, and other prisoners, to share in the games, and sometimes -he even furnished them with tourneying harness out of the royal -armoury.[12] - -[Sidenote: Prevalence of chivalric taste among all classes.] - -The taste for chivalry among classes of people apparently little -susceptible of its influence may be learned from the masquerading -tournament of Edward; for knightly games must have been well known to the -citizens of London, or the proclamation would not have been issued, that -the lord mayor, aided by the court of aldermen and the sheriffs, would, on -a certain day, hold a solemn tournament. The same taste was proved some -years before, when the Black Prince entered London, with King John of -France as his prisoner. The outsides of the houses were covered with -hangings, wrought over with battles in tapestry, and the citizens exposed, -in their shops, windows, and balconies, an incredible quantity of bows and -arrows, shields, helmets, corselets, breast and back pieces, coats of -mail, gauntlets, umbraces, swords, spears, battle-axes, armour for horses, -and other armour.[13] It is also curious to notice, that on the evening -preceding Candlemas-day, in the year 1377, one hundred and thirty citizens -of London, for the entertainment of the young prince, Richard, son of the -nation's idol, the Black Prince, rode, disguised as knights, from Newgate -to Kennington, where the court resided, attended with an innumerable -multitude, bearing waxen torches, and playing various instruments of -music.[14] - -As the principal wars of Edward's time were waged with a chivalric people, -the circumstances which surrounded them favoured the developement of the -chivalric qualities of the English character. I shall not repeat the -political events of our glorious contests with France, nor describe, for -the thousandth time, the battles of Cressy and Poictiers: but it may be -mentioned, that the admirable marshalling of Edward's force on the field -of Cressy was a high proof of his chivalric sageness, and mainly -contributed to his victory over the forces of the King of France. - -[Sidenote: English archers.] - -The battles of Cressy and Poictiers, however, were not entirely gained by -the chivalry of England: the bow was a most important weapon in the -English army. It had characterised the Normans, and been mainly -instrumental in winning for them the battle of Hastings. It was afterwards -used by the small landholder, the tenant in soccage, and the general mass -of the people, while the lance was the weapon of the lord and the knight. -The bow was the emblem of freedom, and the pre-eminence of our archers -shows that the political condition of England was superior, in the -fourteenth century, to that of any continental nation.[15] - -The arrow was of the remarkable length of a cloth-yard. The expression in -the old ballad of Chevy-Chase, - - "An arrow of a cloth-yard long - Up to the head drew he," - -marks the usage of our early ancestors; and that sentence of Lear, in -Shakspeare's play, "Draw me a clothier's yard," shows that in the -sixteenth century the national character had not been lost. It was -fostered by every proper means: by royal command archery was practised in -towns on holidays, after church; while coits, cock-fighting, and -amusements with the ball, were strictly prohibited. Other nations drew the -bow with strength of arm, but Englishmen with their whole vigour: they -laid their body in the bow[16], as an old writer has forcibly expressed -the usage; and when in amusement they were exercising their skill, -eleven-score yards was the least distance at which the mark was set up. No -one could better shoot an arrow than a yeoman in the days of Edward III.: -they were the most powerful attendants which our knights could boast of. - - "A yeoman had he, and servants no mo, - At that time, for him lust to ride so; - And he was clad in coat and hood of green. - A sheaf of peacocks' arwes bright and keen - Under his belt he bare full thriftily. - Well coude he dress his takel yemanly. - His arwes drooped not with feathers lowe, - And in his hand he bare a mighty bowe. - A not-hed[17] had he with a brown visage. - Of wood-craft coude he well all the usage. - Upon his arm he bare a gay bracer, - And by his side a sword and a bokeler; - And on that other side a gay dagger, - Harnessed well, and sharp as point of spere; - A Cristofere on his breast of silver shene; - An horn he bare, the baudrick was of green. - A forster was he, soothly as I guess."[18] - -The reader scarcely needs to be informed that the loss of the battle of -Cressy by the French began with the confusion among the Genoese cross-bow -men. The English archers then stepped forth one pace, and, as Froissart -says, let fly their arrows so wholly, and so thick, that it seemed snow -was piercing through heads, arms, and breasts. The French cavaliers rushed -in to slay the Genoese for their cowardice, but the sharp arrows of the -English slew them, and their horses too. The chivalry of the Black Prince -decided the victory: the Earls of Flanders and Alençon broke through his -archers, but deeper they could not penetrate; and in the personal conflict -of the chivalries of the two nations, the English were conquerors.[19] - -At the battle of Poictiers the English archers threw the French cavalry -into confusion, by slaying the unmailed horses. True to say, as Froissart -observes, the archers did their company that day great advantage; for when -the Black Prince descended the hill on which he had posted himself, the -archers were mingled with his chivalry, in true knightly fashion, and shot -so closely together, that none durst come within danger.[20] - -[Sidenote: The Black Prince.] - -The well-known conduct of the Black Prince to his prisoner, King John, -after the battle,--his waiting on him at table, saying that he was not -sufficient to sit at the board with so great a man as the King,--his -riding through London to the Savoy, the French monarch mounted on a white -and superbly-equipped war-horse, while the Prince rode by his side on a -little black palfrey,--all this beautiful deportment proceeded from the -modesty, the self-abasement of true chivalry, and from that kindly -consideration which one knight always showed to his brother in arms.[21] - -There were many circumstances in Edward's wars amply deserving of notice, -as illustrative of national and personal character, but which have been -passed over altogether, or but slightly regarded, by the general -historians of England; some of whom, in their anxiety for chronological -exactness, and others in their desire to make the matter in hand merely -illustrative of a few political principles, have very ingeniously -contrived to strip their subject of all its splendor, interest, and -variety. - -[Sidenote: Story of the king's chivalry.] - -Three years after the battle of Cressy had given the town of Calais to the -English, the Lord Geffray Charney, of France, endeavoured to regain it, by -bribing the governor, Amery de Puy, a Lombard. Edward, hearing of the -treaty, sent for his officer from Calais to Westminster. When the King saw -him, he took him apart, and said, "Thou knowest well I have given thee in -keeping the thing in the world I love best next my wife and children, -namely, the town and castle of Calais; and thou hast sold it to the -Frenchmen; wherefore thou deservest to die." - -Then the Lombard kneeled down, and said, "Noble King, I cry you mercy: it -is true what you say; but, Sir, the bargain may well be broken, for as yet -I have received never a penny." - -The King, who had warmly loved the governor, replied, "Amery, I will that -thou goest forward in thy bargain, and the day that thou appointest to -deliver the town, let me have knowledge thereof before; and on this -condition I forgive thee thy trespass." - -Accordingly Amery returned to Calais, and continued the negotiation with -Lord Geffray Charney. It was finally agreed between them that the -surrender of Calais should take place on the night of the new year; and -the governor, faithful to his allegiance, communicated the progress of the -plot to Edward. The King immediately rode from London to Dover, with three -hundred men-at-arms, and six hundred archers, and, crossing the sea, he -reached Calais in the evening, and secretly lodged his men in the chambers -and towers of the castle. He did not wish to head the emprise himself; and -selecting Sir Walter Manny from his gallant band, as the prowest -chevalier, he told him that he and his son, the Prince, would fight under -his banner. - -When the time for surrendering Calais approached, the Lord Geffray, having -heard from Amery that matters were ripe, advanced from Arras, and sent -before him twelve knights, and an hundred men-at-arms, to take possession -of the castle. Amery admitted them over the bridge of the postern, -receiving, at the same time, a bag containing twenty thousand crowns, the -price of his treachery. He led the soldiers towards the donjon of the -castle; and immediately King Edward and an hundred men, with swords and -axes, furiously poured from it, shouting the war-cry, "Manny, Manny, to -the rescue!" The Frenchmen were panic-struck by this wild sweep of war, -and incontinently yielded themselves prisoners. Edward advanced to the -Boulogne gate, where he found the Lord Geffray, who was anxiously -expecting it to be opened; and his companions were driving away the -tedious moments, by supposing that Amery, like a subtle and suspicious -Lombard, was busy in counting his crowns. - -The cry, "Manny to the rescue!" disturbed their jocularity, and grasping -their swords they saw a band of armed men issuing from the gate. In an -instant the King, the Black Prince, the Staffords, the Suffolks, the -Salisburys, the Beauchamps, the Berkeleys, all the pride and flower of -English chivalry stood before them. The Frenchmen did not decline the -combat; and it was chivalrously maintained till a winter's return of morn. -The English were finally victors. Of the single combats in which the -cavaliers signalised their valiancy, the fiercest occurred between the -King and the Lord Eustace of Rybamount, a strong and hardy knight. Twice -was Edward struck on his knees; but at last Eustace was worsted; and he -yielded his sword to the King, saying, not knowing his royal quality, "Sir -Knight, I yield me your prisoner." - -The King treated his captives like brethren in arms, giving them a noble -entertainment, and sitting at the table with them, while the Prince, the -lords, and the knights of England, acted as attendants. After supper, and -when the tables were removed, the King talked a while with his own -knights, and then conversed with the Frenchmen. He gently reproved the -Lord Geffray of Charney for an enterprise so unworthy of nobility and -knighthood; and then going to Sir Eustace of Rybamont, he said to him, -with all the fine frank joyousness of chivalry, "Sir Eustace, you are the -knight in the world that I have seen most valiantly assail his enemies and -defend himself; and I have never found a knight that ever gave me so much -ado body to body as you have done this day, and therefore I give you the -prize above all the knights of my own court." The King thereupon took from -his head a chaplet of pearls, fair, goodly, and rich, and presented it to -the knight, with the remark, "Sir Eustace, I give you this chaplet, for -the best doer in arms this day of either party, and I desire you to wear -it this year for the love of me. I know that you are fresh and amorous, -and oftentimes among ladies and damsels. Say wheresoever you go that I -gave it you; and I free you from prison, and renounce your ransom. -To-morrow, if it so please you, you shall depart."[22] - -Here chivalry appeared in all its generousness, elegance, and refinement. -How beautifully contrasted is Edward's deportment to Sir Eustace de -Rybamont with his feelings towards Eustace de St. Pierre and his five -fellow-burgesses, three years before, at the surrender of Calais to the -English. Edward had no sympathy with their magnanimous devotion of -themselves to save the lives of their fellow-citizens; no consideration of -knightly mercy softened his mind; and it was only the supplication of his -queen, who was in a state to move the sternest soul to grant her wishes, -that restored his better nature. Before Edward's chivalry, however, be -generally and finally condemned, let it be remembered that his severe -losses of his own men had sorely grieved his mind against the people of -Calais, and that at the commencement of the siege, when the captain of the -town had driven from its gates all the poor and impotent, Edward not only -granted them a free passage through his army, but gave them meat and drink -and money.[23] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: England regarded as the seat of honor.] - -The court of the English king was regarded as the very judgment-seat of -honour; an opinion of which a very curious proof exists. In the year 1350, -a fierce war raged between the Soldan of Babylon and Constantine, King of -Armenia; the former invading the dominions of the Armenian prince with -vast and numerous armies, and the latter endeavouring, by the united -strength of his own subjects, and the Cypriots and Rhodians, to repel the -violence of the heathen invaders, or at least to arrest their progress, -which then began to threaten all Christendom. Among the many great men -who, together with the Christian princes, were engaged in this holy war, -were a Cypriot knight named John de Visconti, a relation of the King of -Cyprus, and a knight of France called Thomas de la Marche, bastard-brother -to John de Valois, the French king. Both these knights held high commands -in the Christian army. From certain information, or from jealousy, John -de Visconti charged the bastard of France with treason; with having -agreed, in consideration of a certain sum of gold to be paid unto him -beforehand, in part of a greater sum to be paid afterwards, to betray the -Christian army to the Turk. Thomas de la Marche, with all the confidence -of virtue, boldly denied the charge; it was repeated, and again flung back -in the accuser's face; opprobrious epithets were interchanged, and a -challenge to mortal combat was given and accepted. The friends of the two -knights, dreading the displeasure of the King of Cyprus and the King of -France, and fearing that the consequences of a duel might be felt among -themselves, compelled John de Visconti and Thomas de la Marche to agree to -stand to the award which should be determined by the confederates in -council. The judgment was, that they should carry letters importing their -cause fully and clearly from the said Christian princes unto King Edward -of England, and to submit themselves to be tried by combat before him, as -the most worthy and honorable prince in all Christendom; they swearing to -remain as perfect friends until that time. - -Soon afterwards, they set sail for England, where they arrived in the -beginning of September, and forthwith presented unto King Edward, in the -names of the kings of Armenia and Cyprus and the rest of the princes and -captains of the Christians, their letters, which contained a narrative of -the whole dispute, and the conclusion, that the matter should be -determined by combat before him as their judge. In the presence of the -King and his court, Sir John de Visconti accused Sir Thomas de la Marche -of his treasonable intent and purpose, challenging to prove it upon his -body, and thereupon flinging down his gauntlet. Sir Thomas boldly took it -up, and accepted the challenge in proof of his innocency. King Edward -having read the letters, and seriously considered the whole matter, -appointed a day for the decision of their quarrel in close field within -the lists at his palace of Westminster. - -On the day appointed they met accordingly, armed at all points, on -horseback, the King, the Prince of Wales, and the whole court of England -being spectators. Presently, upon sound of trumpet, a most gallant combat -commenced between the two stranger knights. Both their spears were broken -into splinters upon each other's shield, yet neither of them was cast from -his saddle. Instantaneously, and, as it were, by mutual consent, they -alighted, and drawing their good swords, renewed the combat on foot, till -having with equal valour and discretion fought a considerable while, both -their weapons became useless, and they were obliged to come to close -grapple, and at length by wrestling both fell locked together, still -contending for the victory. It was gained by Sir Thomas de la Marche, by -means which, though lawful in the duel, would not have been permitted in -the courtly joust and tournament. He had armed the joints of his gauntlet -with sharp pricks of steel called gadlings, and he struck them with such -force and frequency through the small distant bars of his antagonist's -visor, that Visconti was compelled to call for mercy. The King thereupon -threw down his warder, the marshal cried Ho! and the combat ceased. Edward -adjudged the victory to the Frenchman, declaring that the vanquished was -at his mercy, agreeably to the laws of arms.[24] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Chivalric heroes of Edward's time.] - -The court of Edward and his son was as chivalric as that of Arthur, and of -much more interesting contemplation, from the pleasure of finding that the -beauties of the chivalric character were not imaginary. If the Round Table -boasted its Sir Tristram and its Sir Launcelot of the Lake, the order of -the Garter possessed its Sir Walter Manny and its Sir John Chandos, whose -lives were so brilliant and glorious that the golden age of chivalry seems -not like the golden age of nations, a poet's dream. - -[Sidenote: The gestes and prowesses of Sir Walter Manny.] - -[Sidenote: Chivalric vow of Sir Walter.] - -In the suite of Philippa, daughter of the Count of Hainault, when in the -year 1327 she came to England to be married to Edward III., was a -gentleman of baronial rank, named Walter of Manny[25]; and it was not -thought that he lost any quality of his birth by serving at her table as -her carver.[26] He had been educated as a cavalier, and his military -accomplishments were soon noticed by Edward.[27] He was knighted, and the -ceremony was splendid, the dresses being selected from the royal -wardrobe.[28] When the chance of a war with France was freely talked of in -London, and every man's mind was filled with hopes of honor, Sir Walter -vowed before dames and lords of the court, that he would be the first -knight to enter the enemy's territory[29], and win either town or castle, -and do some deeds of arms. He then went to Flanders, and on the defiances -being declared between the French and English nations, he got together -about forty spears, and, by riding through Brabant night and day, he soon -reached Hainault. Mortaigne was, he heard, in the realm of France; and -passing with the utmost speed through the wood of Blaton, he arrived at -the wished for town before the sun arose, and by good chance he found the -wicket of the gate open. Leaving a few of his company to keep the -entrance, he went into the high street with his pennon before him, and -reached the castle. He was then espied by the watch, who blew his horn, -and shouted "Treason, treason!" It would have been the extreme of rashness -for such a little troop as that of Sir Walter to have attempted to storm -the castle. They therefore contented themselves with setting fire to some -houses, and then quitted the town; and thus that noble and gentle knight -Sir Walter Manny performed the vow which he had made to the dames and -lords of England.[30] - -[Sidenote: He fights for the love of his lady.] - -Afterwards, (in the year 1342,) being high in favour with Edward, he was -sent into Brittany, with a proud display of knights and archers, to aid -the Countess of Mountfort, at that time besieged in her castle by the -French. He was not long before he made a sally on the enemy, and with such -effect, that he destroyed all their great engines of assault. The French -knights, not anticipating so bold a measure, lay at some distance from -their machines; but they soon advanced in formidable numbers. The English -and Bretons retreated, however, fairly and easily, though the French -pursued them with infuriate violence. It would not have been knightly for -Sir Walter to have left the field without having right valiantly acquitted -himself; and he exclaimed, "Let me never be beloved by my lady, unless I -have a course with one of these followers."[31] He then set his spear in -its rest, and so did many of his companions. They ran at the first comers. -Then legs were seen turned upwards, knights were taken and rescued, and -many rare deeds of arms were done by both parties. Afterwards the English -slowly retired to the castle, and the French to their tents.[32] - -[Sidenote: His rescue of two brother-knights.] - -Sir Walter, in all his measures of succour to the Countess of Brittany, -showed himself one of the prowest knights of the age; but no act of his -valor was so interesting as his rescue of two brother-knights, whom an -uncourteous cavalier, called Sir Loyes of Spain, had condemned to -death.[33] Sir Walter said to his companions, "It would be great honor for -us if we could deliver out of danger yonder two knights; and even if we -should fail when we put it in adventure, yet King Edward, our master, will -thank us, and so will all other noble men. At least, it shall be said, how -we did our utmost. A man should peril his body to save the lives of two -such valiant knights." - -So generous an emprise was willingly undertaken: the greatest part of his -force attacked the enemy's camp, while Sir Walter himself, with a chosen -band, went round to the quarter where, by the custom of war, the prisoners -were kept. He found there the two knights, and he immediately set them -upon good steeds, which he had brought with him for their use, and, -shaking them by the hand, he made them gallop to a place of -safety.[34]--The object of his expedition into France, namely, the succour -of the Countess of Montfort, being accomplished[35], Sir Walter recrossed -the seas, and went to London. - -[Sidenote: Instance of his joyous adventurousness.] - -In the year 1344 he was dispatched into Gascony with the Earl of Derby and -Lancaster, the Earl of Pembroke, and other noble peers of England, as one -of the marshals of the host. Manny inspired and directed every enterprise. -From the reports of his spies regarding Bergerac, he thought the place was -pregnable. Being one day at dinner with the Earl of Derby, he exclaimed, -with a cup of rich Gascon wine in his hand, "If we were good men-of-arms, -we should drink this evening with the French lords in Bergerac." This bold -and manly sentiment was loudly applauded by his brother-knights: tables -and benches were overthrown in their haste to quit the hall and don their -harness, and in a few moments they bestrode their noble steeds. The Earl -of Derby was right joyous at the sight of the gallant assemblage, and -crying, "Let us ride to our enemies in the name of God and Saint George," -banners were displayed, and the English cavaliers urged their horses to -speed. They soon reached the fortress of Bergerac. The pleasant wish of -Sir Walter was not realised; for night closed upon the combatants, without -their drinking the wines of Gascony together. All the next day was spent, -likewise, in manoeuvres, and in jousts _à l'outrance_, and in the evening -the French men-at-arms stole away from Bergerac. The common people sent -their submissions to the Earl of Derby, who saying, "He that mercy -desireth mercy ought to have," made them swear faith and homage to the -King of England.[36] - -[Sidenote: His gallantry before Auberoche.] - -No circumstance in this war was of more importance than the relief of the -castle of Auberoche, then beleaguered by the French. The Earl of Derby had -with him only three hundred spears, and six hundred archers, the rest of -his force being dispersed over the country. The French could count about -ten or twelve thousand; but the English, undismayed by numbers, thought it -was a great disgrace to abandon their friends in Auberoche. The Earl of -Derby and his knights were then in a wood, two little leagues from -Auberoche; and while waiting for the Earl of Pembroke, they left their -horses to pasture. - -While they were loitering in the fields, in this state of restlessness, -Sir Walter Manny said to his companions, "Let us leap on our horses, and -wend our way under the covert of this wood till we arrive at the side -which joins the Frenchmen's host; and then let us put our spurs into our -horses, and cry our cries. Our enemy will then be at supper, and, not -expecting us, you shall see them so discomfited, that they shall not be -able to preserve any array." A scheme so adventurous was readily embraced: -every man mounted his horse; and the troop coasted the wood till they came -near the French, who were going to supper, and some, indeed, were already -seated at the tables. The scene of festivity was broken up when the -English displayed their banners and pennons, and dashed their spurs into -their horses, and raising the cry, "A Derby, a Derby!" rushed among them, -overthrowing tents and pavilions. When the French recovered from their -astonishment, they mounted their steeds, and rode into the field in -military array; but there they found the English archers ready to receive -them, and those bold yeomen shot so fiercely that they slew many men and -horses. On the other side of the castle there was a noble display of -French chivalry; and the Englishmen, having overcome those who were near -the tents, dashed boldly among them. Many noble deeds of arms were done, -knights were taken and rescued, and the English cause triumphed; for the -knights of the castle had armed themselves, and now issued forth, and -rushed into the thickest of the press. Then the Englishmen entered into -Auberoche; and the Earl of Derby gave a supper to the earls and viscounts -who were prisoners, and to many of the knights and squires, lauding God, -at the same time, that a thousand of his own nation had overcome many -thousands of their enemies, and had rescued the town of Auberoche, and -saved their companions that were within, who, in all likelihood, would -have been taken within two days. - -The next morning, at sunrise, the Earl of Pembroke reached the castle with -his company of three hundred spears, and four thousand archers; and his -personal chivalry was mortified that so fine a deed of knighthood had -been done without him; and he said to the Earl of Derby, "Certainly, -cousin, you have shown me great uncourtesy to fight with our enemies -without me. You sent for me, and might have been sure I would not fail to -come." - -"Fair cousin," quoth the Earl of Derby, "we greatly desired to have had -you with us: we tarried all day till it was far past noon, and when we saw -that you did not come, we did not dare to abide any longer; for if our -enemies had known of our coming, they would have had great advantage over -us, but now we have the advantage over them." The Earl of Pembroke was -well contented with this fair reply, and gallantly fought with his brother -noble during the remainder of the war.[37] - -[Sidenote: His filial piety.] - -We need not describe Sir Walter's feats of arms before La Reole, besieged -by the Earl of Derby; but when the town surrendered, a little circumstance -occurred beautifully illustrative of the character of our knight. His -father had been murdered near that place, as he was making a pilgrimage to -the shrine of St. James, in Spain, and had been buried in a little chapel -in the field which then was without the town of La Reole, but was inclosed -within the walls when the Earl of Derby conquered it. Sir Walter enquired -if there was any one who could show him his father's tomb, offering an -hundred crowns for his knowlege and labour. A man, grey and bent with age, -went to the knight and declared, "Sir, I think I can bring you near the -place where your father was buried." Manny then, in his joy at the -promise, answered, "If your words be true, I will keep covenant, and -more." - -The townsman led him to the place of sepulture; and they found a little -tomb of marble which the servants of the deceased pilgrim had respectfully -lain over him. The old man, pointing to it, exclaimed, "Sir, under that -tomb lies your father." Then the Lord of Manny read the scripture on the -tomb, which was in Latin[38]; and finding that his guide had declared the -truth, he gave him his reward. He afterwards caused the bones of his -father to be taken up, and removed to Valenciennes, in the county of -Hainault. There his obsequies were right sacredly performed: the helmet, -the sword, the gauntlet, the spurs, and the tabard, were hung over his -grave, and as long as the family of Manny lived in that country, sad and -solemn priests yearly chanted masses for his soul.[39] - -[Sidenote: Story of chivalric manners.] - -Sir Walter so manfully defended the castle of Aguillon, that the Duke of -Normandy was compelled to raise the siege. The battle of Cressy had just -been fought, and our knight was anxious to visit his sovereign, Edward. He -fell into communication with a cavalier of Normandy, who was his prisoner, -and demanded of him what money he would pay for his ransom. The knight -answered, he would gladly give three thousand crowns. - -"Well," quoth Sir Walter, "I surely know that you are a kinsman to the -Duke of Normandy, and so warmly beloved by him, that, were I to press you, -I wot in sooth he would gladly pay ten thousand crowns; but I shall deal -otherwise with you. You shall go to the Duke, your lord, upon your faith -and promise, and get a safe-conduct for myself and twenty of my companions -to ride through France to Calais, paying courteously for all our expences; -and if you can procure this from the Duke, or the King, I will willingly -remit your ransom, for I greatly desire to see the King my master. If you -cannot do this, return hither in a month, and consider yourself as my -prisoner." - -The knight was well contented, and went to Paris to the Duke, his lord; -and having obtained the passport, he returned with it to Sir Walter, who -acquitted him of his ransom. Manny commenced his journey, and proceeded -safely till he reached Orleans, where he was seized by the officers of the -King of France and taken to Paris. - -This circumstance was reported to the Duke of Normandy, who went to the -King, his father, and entreated him, for the honour of chivalry, to -release Sir Walter. He was for a long while inexorable, for he wished to -destroy him whom he called his greatest foe; but, at last, good counsel -prevailed with him, and Manny was delivered out of prison. He dined with -the French monarch, who deported himself with knightly generosity. He -entertained the Englishman right nobly, and gave him a distinguished seat -on the dais. He also presented to him jewels to the value of a thousand -florins; which Sir Walter received, only upon the condition of having -liberty to return them, if his master, the King of England, did not -approve of his retaining them; and the French king declared that he spoke -like a noble knight. - -Sir Walter then recommenced his journey, and soon reached Calais. Edward -welcomed him; but when he heard of the presents, he said, "Sir Walter, you -have hitherto truly served us, and shall continue to do so, we trust. -Return the gifts to King Philip; you have no cause to keep them: thank -God! we have enough for ourselves and for you; and we intend to do much -good to you for the service you have rendered us." - -Sir Walter immediately gave those jewels to a cousin of his, named Sir -Mansac, and said, "Ride into France, to the King, and commend me to him, -and say, that I thank him a thousand times for his gift; but as it is not -the pleasure of the King my master that I should keep it, I send it to him -again." - -Sir Mansac, therefore, rode to Paris, and had his royal audience. The King -would not accept the jewels, but pressed them upon the knight, who, less -conscientious than his cousin, thanked His Grace, and was not disposed to -say nay.[40] - -[Sidenote: The gentle disposition of Manny.] - -Sir Walter remained with his sovereign during the memorable siege of -Calais; and when the inhabitants proposed to capitulate, it was his -counsel that swayed with Edward to offer mercy to the town, on the -surrender of six of its chief burgesses, instead of requiring general -submission. Though Eustace de St. Pierre and his noble companions were -saved by the tears and entreaties of Philippa, yet it was that gentle -knight, Sir Walter Manny, who first endeavoured to turn aside the fierce -wrath of the King. "Noble Sir," said he, "refrain your courage. You have -the reputation of nobleness; therefore do not any thing that can blemish -your renown. Every man will say it is great cruelty to put to death such -honest persons, who, from their own noble feelings, to save their -companions, have placed themselves in your power."[41] - -[Sidenote: His importance at Edward's court.] - -Sir Walter lost nothing of Edward's consideration by this contradiction of -his humour. But he continued in such favour, that he was permitted to -marry a lady related to the royal family[42]: he was invested with the -Garter; and was summoned to parliament among the barons of England, from -the twenty-first to the forty-fourth year of Edward's reign.[43] He was -among the English lords who signed the treaty of Bretigny in the year -1360; and I regret that he was one of Edward's council who advised the -sending of succours to the Black Prince, when he was about to assist -Peter the Cruel. It is more pleasing to contemplate our cavalier on the -battle-plain than in the hall of deliberation. He was, to the height, a -sage and imaginative soldier; skilful as well as brave in battle. - -[Sidenote: His remarkable sagacity.] - -When the war between England and France was renewed, in the year 1369, the -Duke of Lancaster (late Earl of Derby) prevented the Duke of Burgundy's -descent upon the English shores, by landing a small army at Calais, and -ravaging the country near Boulogne. The Duke of Burgundy commanded the -heights of Tournehem: the English were in the neighbourhood, and a battle -was daily expected. It was feared, rather than desired, by the English; -for their handful of men were opposed by more than four thousand French -knights. The Duke of Burgundy could not engage without the King's -permission; but the policy of Charles forbad a battle, and the Duke then -desired leave to retire: the King consented. One night, fires were -lighted, and there was an unwonted stir amidst the French camp. Such of -the English as were near it were rouzed from sleep. They awoke the Lord -Robert Namur, who immediately armed himself, and, preceded by a man -bearing his banner, went to the tent of the Duke of Lancaster, who had -been already disturbed. The English lords, one by one, drew about the -Duke, ranging themselves, from the force of habit, fair and softly in -battle-order, without any noise or light, and placing the archers in such -a form as to be ready to receive an attack by the French. No attack was, -however, made; and, after waiting two hours, the Duke consulted with his -lords. It was the sage opinion of Manny that the French had fled, and he -advised Lancaster to pursue them. But the Duke declined this course; for -he said he never could believe that so many valiant men-of-arms and noble -knights would so shamefully depart. As soon as morning arose, it was -discovered, however, that the French camp was deserted; and the Duke of -Lancaster repented that he had not followed the counsel of his experienced -friend. - -[Sidenote: His liberality.] - -Such was Sir Walter Manny; gallant, hardy, adventurous, and sage. -Something still was wanting to the beautiful perfection of his character; -for courtesy to the ladies, and bravery and skill in the field, did not of -themselves constitute the preux chevalier. Liberality was the graceful -ornament of the knightly character; and the charitable annals of the city -of London place this crown on the brow of our noble representative of -English chivalry. - -During a plague in England, in the year 1348, London and its vicinity were -the chief places of suffering; and as no church-yard could contain the -victims, the Bishop of London bought a piece of ground called _No Man's -Land_[44], and consecrated it for burials. In the next year, Sir Walter -Manny materially added to the charities of the bishop; for he purchased, -and caused to be consecrated to the same object, thirteen acres and one -rod of ground adjoining to No Man's Land, and lying in a place called -Spittle Croft, because it belonged to St. Bartholomew's hospital. In the -very year of the purchase, the purpose seemed accomplished, for (according -to certain charters of Edward III. and an inscription on the cross -remaining in Stow's time,) fifty thousand people were buried there. Sir -Walter built a chapel in the cemetery; and, in the year 1371, he founded -an house of Carthusian monks, by the appellation of the Salutation of the -Mother of God, to advance charity, and administer the consolations of -religion.[45] - -[Sidenote: His death in 1372.] - -[Sidenote: Buried in the Charter-house.] - -The last circumstance of his tale shall be told in the fitting strain of -Froissart. "That same season (1372) died the gentle knight, Sir Walter -Manny, in the city of London, whereof all the barons of England were right -sorry, for the truth and good counsel that they had always seen and heard -in him. He was buried, with great solemnity, in the monastery of the -Charter-house, near London; and at the day of his obsequy there were -present the King and all his children, and all the prelates, barons, and -knights of England. His possessions, both in England and beyond the sea, -fell to the Earl of Pembroke, who had married the Lady Anne, his daughter -and heir."[46] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Heroism of Sir James Audley.] - -Among the flower of Edward's chivalry, Sir James Audley must be mentioned; -not, indeed, that a detailed history of his exploits would be interesting; -but there was one series of circumstances in his life honourable to his -name and the chivalric character, and distinct and peculiar from every -thing else in the manners of other ages. - -Immediately before the battle of Poictiers Sir James said to the Black -Prince, "Sir, I have always truly served my Lord your father, and you -also, and I shall do so as long as I live; and, to prove my disposition, I -once made a vow that the first battle wherein either the King, your -father, or any of his sons, should be engaged, I would be one of the first -setters on, or I would die in the endeavour. Therefore, I request your -Grace, in reward for any service that ever I did to the King your father, -or to you, that you would give me licence to depart from you, in order -that I may accomplish my vow." - -The Prince accorded to his desire; and, taking him by the hand, exclaimed, -"Sir James, may God give you this day grace to be the prowest knight of -all my host." - -Audley then departed, and set himself in front of the English battles, -accompanied only by four squires, who had sworn never to desert him. - -He was anticipated in his gallant purpose by the Lord Eustace -Damberticourt, whose chivalry was inspired by the lady Juliana[47], but he -continued in the front of the battle, performing marvels of arms. He lost -no valuable moments in taking prisoners, but when he had disarmed one -adversary he pressed forwards to another. He was severely hurt, both in -the body and in the face; and, at the conclusion of the mêlèe, his four -squires took him out of the battle, and, laying him under a hedge, they -bound up his wounds. - -Edward soon enquired after the fate of his gallant friend; and Sir James, -expressing his joy that his Prince should think of so poor a knight as he -was, called eight of his servants, and made them bear him in a litter to -the royal tent. - -The Prince took him in his arms, and, embracing him with true fraternal -affection, said, "Sir James, I ought greatly to honour you, for your -valiantness this day has passed the renown of us all." - -"Sir," answered the knight, with true chivalric modesty, "you say as it -pleaseth you. I would it were so; but if I have this day advanced myself -to serve you, and to accomplish my vow, no prowess ought to be reputed to -me." - -"Sir James," replied the Prince, "I and all my knights consider you as the -best doer in arms this day; and, in order that you may the better pursue -these wars, I retain you for ever as my knight, with five hundred marks of -yearly revenue." - -[Sidenote: His generosity.] - -Sir James, after expressing his thanks, was taken back to his tent. He -then called the four squires before him, and resigned to them the -Prince's gift, saying, it was to their valiantness that he owed it. The -Prince soon heard of this noble action, and, sending for him, enquired why -he renounced his kindness. Sir James craved pardon for his conduct, but -affirmed he could do no otherwise; for his squires had that day several -times saved his life, and enabled him to accomplish his vow. Edward's -nobleness disdained any feeling of personal offence; and, in generous -emulation of his friend's liberality, he made in his favour a new grant, -more valuable than the former one.[48] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Memoir of Sir John Chandos.] - -[Sidenote: His gallantry to ladies.] - -But of all the bold and protruding characters of the court of Edward III., -none was more distinguished for the greatness and variety of his exploits -than that sage and valiant knight, Sir John Chandos. He was the descendant -of a Norman family, attached to William the Conqueror, and which had been -renowned in every age of its history.[49] While only a squire, he -accompanied Edward III. in his first war in France; and, at the siege of -Cambray, he amazed the prowest knights by the goodly feats of arms done -between him and a squire of Vermandois. At the battle of Vironfosse, -immediately afterwards, he was stationed near the person of his sovereign, -and, for his valour on that occasion, he received knighthood from the -royal sword.[50] Like his friend, Sir Walter Manny, he was gentle, as well -as valiant; and it was Chandos that, with another cavalier, saved the -ladies of the castle of Poys from the brutal assaults of the rabble.[51] -He was in the van, with the Black Prince, at the battle of Cressy; and, at -the battle of Poictiers, he never quitted his side. - -[Sidenote: Amusing instance of the pride of knighthood.] - -On the day that preceded this last great event an amusing proof occurred -of the pride of knighthood, regarding armorial bearings. Sir John Chandos, -on the part of the English, and the Lord of Claremont for the French, had -been reconnoitering the other's forces; and, as they returned to their -respective hosts, they met, and were mutually astonished that each bore -the same armorial emblem. - -The Lord of Claremont exclaimed, "Chandos, how long have you taken on you -to bear my device?" - -"Nay, you bear mine," replied the English knight; "for it is mine as well -as yours." - -"I deny that" observed the Lord of Claremont; "and were it not for the -truce that this day is between us, I would prove immediately that you have -no right to bear my device." - -"Sir," rejoined Chandos, with the calmness of truth and bravery, "you -shall find me to-morrow ready to prove it is mine, as well as yours." - -Claremont passionately closed the conference by saying, "these are common -words of you Englishmen; for you can invent nothing new; but you take for -your own whatever you see handsome belonging to others."[52] - -[Sidenote: The importance of his counsel at Poictiers.] - -At the battle of Poictiers the counsel of Chandos was important to the -fate of the day: for when the English archers had thrown the French into -confusion, he said to the Black Prince, "Sir, take your horse and ride -forth; this day is yours. Let us press forwards to the French king's -battle, for there lies the stress of the matter. I think, verily, by his -valiantness, he will not fly. I trust, by the grace of God and St. -George, that we shall take him; and, Sir, I heard you say that this day I -should see you a good knight." It was this advice which guided the courage -of Edward, and the victory was England's. - -[Sidenote: His exploits in Brittany,] - -Nothing remarkable is related of Chandos for nine years after the battle -of Poictiers. In 1365 he was the hero and counsellor of the Earl of -Mountfort in his war with the Earl of Blois. Mountfort took no measures -which were not of his suggestion, or met not with his judgment. Chandos -was a valiant as well as a sage knight; for at the battle of Auray his -mighty curtal-axe battered many a helm of the French. The fate of this -battle fixed his friend of Mountfort in the dukedom of Britany; and in the -opinion of the French lords, knights, and squires, the victory had been -gained by the skill and high prowess of Chandos.[53] - -[Sidenote: and in Spain.] - -He was seneschal of Aquitain, and of all those countries secured to the -English by the treaty of Bretigny. Together with Sir Thomas Phelton, he -was summoned into Angouleme to advise the Black Prince regarding the -affairs of Spain. The deposed king had arrived at Bourdeaux; and Edward, -resolving to assist him, sought to fortify his determination by the -judgment of his friends. Chandos and his counsel earnestly endeavoured to -change his resolve. When, indeed, no considerations could shake the -purpose of the Black Prince, our knight accompanied him into Spain, his -duties to his liege lord demanding his military service. - -[Sidenote: Is made a knight banneret.] - -Before the battle of Navaret he took the rank and title of knight -banneret. When the sun arose on that memorable day, it was a great beauty -to behold the battles or divisions of the Black Prince's army and their -brilliant harness glittering with its beams. The hostile forces slowly -approached each other. Edward with a brief train of knights ascended a -small hill, and clearly saw their enemy marching straight towards them. -The Prince was then followed by his army; and when they had reached the -other side of the hill they formed themselves in dense array, and each man -buckled on anew his armour and dressed his spear. - -Sir John Chandos advanced in front of the battles with his banner uncased -in his hand. He presented it to the Prince, saying, "Sir, behold, here is -my banner. I require you to display it abroad, and give me leave this day -to raise it, for, Sir, I thank God and you, I possess land and heritage -sufficient to maintain it withal." - -The Prince and King Peter took between their hands the banner, which was -blazoned with a sharp stake gules, on a field argent, and after having -cut off the end to make it square they spread it abroad; and the Prince -delivered it to Chandos, saying, "Sir John, behold your banner, and God -send you joy, and honor, and strength, to preserve it!" - -Chandos bowed, and after thanking the Prince, he went back to his own -company, and said, "Sirs, behold my banner and yours, keep it as your -own." - -They took it and were right joyful thereof, declaring that, by the -pleasure of God and St. George, they would keep and defend it to the -utmost of their power. - -The banner was then placed in the hands of a worthy English squire, called -William Allestry, who bore it that day, and acquitted himself right nobly. - -In that battle, Chandos counselled the Duke of Lancaster as sagely as at -the battle of Poictiers he had counselled Edward. He performed also -wonders in arms, for he was a great and mighty knight, and well formed of -all his limbs; but he adventured himself so far that he was closed in -among his enemies, and at length pressed to the earth. A Spaniard of -gigantic stature fell upon him with dreadful force; but Sir John drew a -knife from his bosom, which he recollected he had about him, and struck -his foeman so fiercely in the back and on the sides, that he wounded him -to death as he lay on him. Sir John turned him over, and rose quickly on -his feet, and his men-at-arms at that time joined him, they having with -much difficulty broken through the press when they saw him felled.[54] - -[Sidenote: Quits the Black Prince;] - -[Sidenote: but returns.] - -Chandos had not succeeded in dissuading the Prince of Wales from his -Spanish war, and he failed also in withdrawing him from the more fatal -project of taxing, beyond usage, his French dominions. Finding him -resolved in his purpose, and not wishing to bear any blame or reproach -about the matter, Sir John took his leave of the Prince, and made his -excuse to go into Normandy to visit the land of St. Saviour le Viscount, -whereof he was lord, for he had not been there for several years. When the -war so fatal to England's power in France broke out, the Black Prince -wrote to Chandos to join him without delay. Sir John immediately went to -Angouleme, and his liege lord joyfully received him. He was made Seneschal -of Poictou at the request of the barons and knights of that country. - -[Sidenote: The remarkable generousness of his conduct to Lord Pembroke.] - -His deeds of arms equalled his former fame; but it was his chivalric -generosity that was most striking, and the circumstances which accompanied -the appearance of that feature of his character are very interesting. He -wished the Earl of Pembroke, who was in garrison at Mortaygne, to -accompany him in an enterprise into the French territory. The Earl was -well content to have ridden forth; but some of the knights of his counsel -broke his purpose, and said, "Sir, you are but young, and your nobleness -is to come; and if you put yourself into the company of Sir John Chandos, -he shall have the reputation and voice of it, for you will be regarded -only as his companion; therefore, Sir, it is better for you, since you are -a great lord, that you perform your enterprises by yourself, and let Sir -John Chandos perform his; for in comparison with your estate, he is but a -knight bachelor." - -The Earl of Pembroke accordingly excused himself; and Sir John Chandos, -unaided by him, went into Anjou, accompanied by three hundred spears of -knights and squires, and two hundred archers. He achieved all his -emprises; and hearing at last that Sir Louis of Sancerre, the Marshal of -France, with a great number of men of war, was at Hay in Touraine, he -wished to cope with him; but as his own force was inadequate to so great -an exploit, he sent word of his intention to the Earl of Pembroke, -desiring him to repair with his soldiers to Chatelterault. - -Chandos the herald took the message; but the Earl by counsel of his -knights again refused. The herald repaired to Sir John at Chatelterault, -and the enterprise was broken up in consequence of the presumption and -pride of the Earl of Pembroke: Chandos gave leave to most of his company -to depart, and he himself went to Poictiers. Some of his men joined the -Earl of Pembroke; who, at the head of three hundred knights and squires, -committed great destruction in Anjou, and returned with immense booty into -Poictou. - -The Frenchmen, thinking it a more easy chevisance to discomfit him than -Sir John Chandos, assembled seven hundred soldiers from all the garrisons -in the country, and Sir Louis of Sancerre took the command. The Earl of -Pembroke heard nothing of the enemy, and not having the vigilance of Sir -John Chandos he took no pains to enquire. The English were one day -reposing in a village called Puirenon, in the territory of Poictou, when -suddenly the Frenchmen came into the town, their spears in their rests, -crying their cry, "Our Lady of Sancerre, for the Marshal of France." The -English were dressing their horses, and preparing their suppers, when they -were thus unexpectedly assailed. Several were killed, all the plunder was -retaken, many prisoners were made, and the Earl of Pembroke and some of -his knights and archers saved themselves in a preceptory of the Templars. -The Frenchmen assaulted it gallantly, and it was as gallantly defended, -till night put an end to the assault. - -The English were so severely straitened for provisions, that they knew -they must speedily surrender, unless Chandos came to their succour. A -squire, who professed to know the country, offered to go to Sir John, and -he accordingly left the fortress when the French had retired to rest. But -he soon lost his road, and did not recover it till morning. - -At day-break the French renewed their assaults, and mounted the walls with -pavesses to defend their heads from the missiles of the English. The Earl -of Pembroke and his little band fought so bravely, from morning until -noon, that the French were obliged to desist, and to resort to the -uncavalierlike mode of worsting their gallant foes by sending to the -neighbouring villages for pikes and mattocks, that they might undermine -and break down the wall. - -Then the Earl of Pembroke called a squire to him, and said, "Friend, take -my courser, and issue out at the back postern, and ride straight to -Poictiers, and show Sir John Chandos the state and danger we are in; and -recommend me to him by this token," added the Earl, taking a ring from his -finger: "deliver it to him, for Sir John knows it well." - -The squire took the ring, and immediately mounting his courser, fled -through the postern, thinking he should achieve great honor if he could -reach Sir John Chandos. - -The first squire having lost so much time in the confusion of the night -did not arrive at Poictiers till nine in the morning. He found Sir John at -mass; and, in consequence of the importance of his message, he disturbed -his devotions. - -Chandos's feelings had been severely offended by the pride and presumption -of the Earl of Pembroke, and he was in no great haste to relieve him. He -heard the mass out. The tables were then arranged for the noon repast. - -The servants, among whom the message of the squire had been bruited, -enquired of Sir John if he would go to dinner. He replied, "Yes; if it -were ready." - -He went into the hall, and knights and squires brought him water. While he -was washing, the second squire from the Earl of Pembroke, pale, weary, and -travel-soiled, entered the hall, and knelt before him, and took the ring -out of his purse, and said, "Right dear Sir, the Earl of Pembroke -recommends himself to you by this token, and heartily desires your -assistance in relieving him from his present danger at Puirenon." - -Chandos took the ring; but instead of calling his friends to arm, he -coldly observed, that it would be difficult to assist the Earl if the -affair were such as the squire had represented it. "Let us go to dinner," -said he; and accordingly the knights sat down. - -The first course was eaten in silence, for Chandos was thoughtful, and the -minds of his friends were not idle. - -In the middle of the second course, when the generous wine of France had -roused his better nature, he started from a reverie, and with a smile of -pride and generousness exclaimed, "Sirs, the Earl of Pembroke is a noble -man, and of great lineage: he is son of my natural lord the King of -England, for he hath married his daughter, and in every thing he is -companion to the Earl of Cambridge. He hath required me to come, to him, -and I ought to consent to his desire." - -Then thrusting the table from him, and rising to the full height of his -fine martial figure, he cried, "Gallant knights, I will ride to Puirenon." - -This noble and generous resolve found an echo in the heart of every one -that was present. The trumpets sounded, the knights hastily donned their -armour, and saddled the first horses they could meet with; and in a few -moments the court-yard glittered with more than two hundred spears. They -rode apace towards Puirenon; but news of their approach reached the -vigilant French in sufficient time for them to abandon the siege, and -effect their retreat with their prisoners and booty. - -The Earl of Pembroke soon found that the terror of the name of Chandos had -scared the foe, and he proposed to his companions to ride towards -Poictiers and meet their deliverers. They accordingly left the village in -a right pleasant mood, some on foot, others on horses, and many a gallant -steed carried double that day. They had not ridden a league before they -met Sir John Chandos and his company, who much to their regret heard of -the retreat of the French. The two parties rode in company for the space -of three leagues, holding merry converse on deeds of arms. They then -departed, Chandos returning to Poictiers, and the Earl of Pembroke to -Mortaygne.[55] - -[Sidenote: The last curious circumstances of his life.] - -Our knight's career of glory approached its close. By the treachery of a -monk, the abbey of St. Salvyn, seven leagues from Poictiers, fell into the -possession of the French, who all that year, 1371, had been harassing the -English territories. Chandos was deeply mortified at the loss of the -abbey, it being within the scope of his seneschalship. To recover it by -chivalric skill, or to bring his enemies to fair and manly battle, seemed -equally impossible, and his high spirit was wounded at these insults to -his military abilities. On the last day of December he made an -unsuccessful attempt to recover the abbey; and when he returned to the -town of Chauvigny, he dismissed two-thirds of his troops, knights of -Poictou and England. Sir Thomas Percy, with thirty spears, had his leave -to go in quest of adventures. His own mind was too ill at rest for him to -indulge in mere chivalric exercises; and after he had wished them good -speed he went back into the house full of melancholy thoughts. He would -not retire to rest though the night was far advanced; but he remained in -the kitchen warming himself by the fire, his servants endeavouring by -their jests and tales to banish his uneasiness. - -Before daylight a man with the haste and anxiety of the bearer of news of -import came into the house. - -"The Frenchmen are riding abroad," said he to Sir John. - -"How knowest thou that?" - -"I left St. Salvyn with them," was the answer. - -"Which way did they ride?" demanded Chandos. - -"Their exact course I wot not," replied his informant; "but I saw them on -the high road to Poictiers." - -"What Frenchmen?" required Sir John. - -"Sir Louis of St. Julian, and Carnot the Breton." - -"Well," quoth Chandos, "I care not: I have no mind to ride forth to-night: -it may happen that they may be encountered, though I am not there." - -The conversation closed here, but Chandos could not dismiss the subject -from his mind. He mused upon what he had heard, and hope gradually broke -through the gloom of his disappointment. - -He then told his knights he would ride to Poictiers, and they joyfully -caparisoned their horses. - -Chandos and forty spears left Chauvigny before daylight, and getting into -the Frenchmen's course, they soon overtook them near the bridge of Lusac. -They were on foot, preparing to attack Sir Thomas Percy and his little -band, who had posted themselves on the other side of the bridge. - -Before the Frenchmen and Bretons had arranged their plan of assault, they -heard the trampling of Chandos's war-horses, and turning round they saw -his dreadful banner displayed. He approached within three furlongs of the -bridge and had a parley with them. He reproached them for their robberies -and acts of violence in the country whereof he was seneschal. - -"It is more than a year and a half," he continued, "that I have set all my -aim to find and encounter you, and now, I thank God, I see you and speak -to you. It shall soon be known who is prowest, you or I. You have often -vaunted your desire to meet me; now you may see me before you.--I am John -Chandos: regard me well," he thundered in their ears, his countenance -darkening as he spoke. - -At that moment an English squire was struck to the earth by the lance of a -Breton. The generous nature of Chandos was rouzed at this ungallant act; -and, in a tone of mingled expostulation and reproof, he cried to his own -company, "Sirs, how is it that you suffer this squire thus to be slain? A -foot, a foot!" - -He dismounted, and so did all his band, and they advanced against the -French. His banner, with the escutcheon above his arms, was carried before -him, and some of his men-at-arms surrounded it. Chandos missed his steps, -for the ground was slippery from the hoar-frost of the morning, and in his -impatience for battle he entangled his feet in the folds of his surcoat. -He fell just as he reached his enemy; and as he was rising, the lance of a -French squire entered his flesh, under the left eye, between the nose and -the forehead. Chandos could not see to ward off the stroke; for, some -years before, he had lost the sight of that eye, while hunting the hart in -the country round Bourdeaux: unhappily, too, his helmet was without the -defence of its vizor. - -He fell upon the earth, and rolled over two or three times, from the pain -of the wound, but he never spoke again. - -The French endeavoured to seize him; but his uncle, Sir Edward Clifford, -bestrode the body, and defended it so valorously, that soon none dared to -approach him. - -[Sidenote: Grief at his death.] - -The barons and knights of Poictou were conquerors, and when the confusion -was hushed, they flocked round their outstretched friend and seneschal. -They wept, they wrung their hands, they tore their hair, and gave way to -every violent expression of grief. They called him the flower of chivalry, -and lamented the hour when the lance was forged which had brought him into -peril of death. - -He heard and understood them well, but was unable to reply. His servants -then unarmed him; and, laying him upon a pavesse, or large shield, they -bore him gently to the neighbouring fortress of Mortimer. - -He died on the following day; and a cavalier more courteous, and more -worthily adorned with noble virtues and high qualities, never adorned the -English chivalry. He was, in sooth, as gallant a knight as ever laid lance -in rest. - -The Prince of Wales, the Earl of Cambridge, the Earl of Pembroke, and, -indeed, all the English barons and knights then in Guienne, lamented his -fate, as the loss of all the English dominions in France; and many right -noble and valiant knights of France mourned the death of a generous foe, -and they wished he had been made prisoner; for they said he was so sage -and imaginative that he would have planned a peace between the two -nations.[56] - -Chandos was never married. All the estates which he had won by his valour -went to his three sisters. - - - - -CHAP. II. - -PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN GREAT BRITAIN, - -FROM THE REIGN OF RICHARD II. TO THAT OF HENRY VIII. - - _Complaints of the unchivalric State of Richard's Court ... Influence - of Chivalry on the national Character ... Scottish Chivalry ... - Chivalric Kindness of Robert Bruce ... Mutual Chivalry between the - Scotch and English Courts ... French Knights' Opinions of Scottish - Chivalry ... Courtesies between English and Scottish Knights ... - Chivalric Battle of Otterbourn ... Hotspur and the Douglas ... A - cavaleresque Story ... Reign of Henry IV. ... Chivalric Parley between - him and the Duke of Orleans ... Henry's unchivalric Conduct at - Shrewsbury ... Henry V. ... Knights of the Bath ... Henry's Love of - chivalric Books ... His chivalric Bearing ... Commencement of the - Decline of Chivalry ... The Civil Wars injured Chivalry ... Caxton's - Lamentation ... He exaggerates the Evil ... Many gallant English - Knights ... Character of Henry VIII. with Reference to Chivalry ... - Tournaments in his Reign ... Field of the Cloth of Gold ... - Introduction of Italian Literature favoured Romance ... Popularity of - Chivalric Literature ... English Knights continued to break Lances for - Ladies' Love ... State of Scottish Chivalry at this Period ... James - IV. ... Chivalric Circumstances at Flodden Field._ - - -In the reign of Richard II. the splendor of England's chivalry was -clouded. That monarch had neither spirit nor ambition to recover the -possessions which had been wrested from the crown during the illness of -his father, the Black Prince, and the imbecility of his grandfather, -Edward III.; for though the war with France nominally continued, yet he -gave few occasions for his knights to break their lances with the French. -Not that England enjoyed a state of perfect peace, but the wars in France -and Portugal had no brilliant results, for the English knights were no -longer guided by the sageness of Chandos, or the gallantry of Prince -Edward. - -[Sidenote: Complaints of the unchivalric state of Richard's court.] - -England was menaced with invasion by Charles VI. of France; but the -project died away, and nothing gave greater offence to the people than the -want of spirit in the court, in not revenging itself for the insult. A -comparison was immediately instituted between the present and the -preceding reign. Where were those great enterprises, it was asked, which -distinguished the days of King Edward III.? where could be found the -valiant men who had fought with the Prince, his son? In those days England -was feared, and was reputed as possessing the flower of Christian -chivalry; but now no man speaks of her, now there are no wars but such as -are made on poor men's purses, and thereto every one is inclined.[57] - -[Sidenote: Influence of chivalry on the national character.] - -The expensive wars of England with France were productive of mighty -consequences to the English constitution. An application for redress of -grievances always met the demand of supplies, and public liberty -benefitted by the costly ambition of the crown. The wars did not spring -from chivalry, and we cannot, therefore, ascribe to that bright source any -general political advantages which resulted from them: but chivalry gave -the tone to the manner in which they were waged; hers were all the -humanities of the contest; hers was, at least, half the distinction (for -we must remember the bow was as formidable as the lance) of establishing -the glory of the country; of giving her that proud character for martial -prowess, which has outlived her brief and feeble tenure of the territorial -consequences of victory. - -Richard II. did not emulate the martial fame of his father. His neglect of -the warriors of the former reign was not among the slightest causes of -that disaffection which ultimately ruined him. One of the public -grievances, as stated to the throne by the House of Commons, was that the -chivalry of the country had been discountenanced and disgraced, and that -the growth of vice had consequently increased.[58] - -Richard was a voluptuous prince; the splendour of chivalry hung over his -court; his tilts and tournaments were unusually magnificent; but the -martial and, therefore, the chief spring of knighthood was wanting. A -warlike sovereign could have found rich materials among his people for -ambitious enterprises. The increasing wealth of the nation, arising from -its improving commerce, displayed itself in luxuries; and the aspiring -commonalty imitated the chivalric courtesies of the great. It marks the -state of manners, that the splendid tapestries of the citizens represented -the martial achievements of Edward III.[59] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Scottish chivalry.] - -The names of the Douglas and the Percy were so highly distinguished in the -fourteenth century, that the reign of Richard II. is a fit place for some -notices of northern chivalry. The battle of Bannockburn proved that, in -gallantry and generosity, the essentials of knighthood, the Scots were as -noble as the cavaliers of the south; and there was a fine wildness of -imagination among the people which was suitable to the romantic genius of -chivalry.[60] But those of Scotland's heroes whose lives are known to us -were patriots rather than cavaliers, the circumstances of the times in -which they lived inflaming them with different passions than those which -knighthood could inspire. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric kindness of Robert Bruce.] - -Sometimes, however, the stern virtues of patriotism were graced and -softened by chivalric courtesy. Perhaps the most pleasing instance of this -occurred in the conduct of Robert Bruce, in the year 1317, when he was -assisting his brother, Edward Bruce, to subjugate Ireland; and I will not -injure the story by telling it in any other way than in the simple and -beautiful strain of the poet: - - "The king has heard a woman cry, - He asked, what that was in hy?[61] - It is the layndar[62], Sir, said ane, - That her child-ill[63] right now has ta'en, - And must leave now behind us here, - Therefore she makes an evil cheer.[64] - The king said, "Certes, it were pity - That she in that point left should be, - For certes, I trow there is no man - That he no will rue[65] a woman than." - His hosts all then arrested he, - And gert a tent soon stintit[66] be; - And gert her gang in hastily, - And other women to be her by. - While she was delivered he bade, - And syne forth on his ways rade. - And how she forth should carried be, - Or he forth fure[67] ordained he. - This was a full great courtesy, - That swilk a king and so mighty, - Gert his men dwell on this manner, - But for a poor lavender."[68] - The Bruce, book xi. l. 270. - -At the court of the Scottish kings, knighthood was always regarded as a -distinction worthy of the highest ambition. Its objects were the same as -in other countries,--the defence of the church, protection of the -helpless, and generosity to woman. The form of the chivalric oath has been -preserved, and it presents us with a curious picture of ancient manners: - - 1. I shall fortify and defend the Christian religion to the uttermost - of my power. - - 2. I shall be loyal and true to my sovereign lord the king; to all - orders of chivalry, and to the noble office of arms. - - 3. I shall fortify and defend justice at my power; and that without - favour or enmity. - - 4. I shall never flee from my sovereign lord the king; nor from his - lieutenants, in time of affray or battle. - - 5. I shall defend my native land from all aliens and strangers. - - 6. I shall defend the just action and quarrel of all ladies of honour, - of all true and friendless widows, of orphans, and of maidens of good - fame. - - 7. I shall do diligence, wheresoever I hear that there are any - murderers, traitors, or masterful robbers, who oppress the king's - lieges and poor people, to bring them to the law at my power. - - 8. I shall maintain and uphold the noble state of chivalry, with - horse, armour, and other knightly habiliments, and shall help and - succour those of the same order, at my power, if they have need. - - 9. I shall enquire and seek to have the knowledge and understanding of - all the articles and points contained in the book of chivalry. All - these promises to observe, keep, and fulfil, I oblige myself: so help - me God by my own hand, and by God himself.[69] - -[Sidenote: Mutual chivalry between the Scotch and English courts.] - -Chivalric honours formed sometimes a bond of connection between the -Scottish and the English sovereigns. When Prince Henry (afterwards King -Henry II.) arrived at the age of sixteen years, his father Geoffry sent -him through England with a numerous and splendid retinue into Scotland, to -receive the honour of knighthood from his mother's uncle, King David. The -ceremony was performed with great pomp, in the midst of a prodigious -concourse of the English, Scottish, and Norman nobility; and the Prince -spent about eight months in the court of Scotland, perfecting himself in -military exercises.[70] - -A few years afterwards chivalric honors were conferred by Henry II. of -England upon Malcolm II. But the granting of knighthood was not regarded -as a matter of mere courtesy. When the kings met at Carlisle, in 1158, the -previous cession of the northern provinces by Malcolm to Henry gave rise -to such heats and feuds, that the Scottish monarch departed without -receiving the honour he desired. In the next year, however, Henry, by -excellent address, persuaded Malcolm to accompany him to France for the -recovery of Tholouse, which he claimed as part of the inheritance of -Eleanor his queen; and the honor which Henry had refused in the last year -to give him at Carlisle, he now conferred upon him at Tours in France, in -the course of his return from the Tholouse expedition.[71] - -In 1249 when King Alexander III. repaired from Scotland to York to be -married to the Princess Margaret, daughter of Henry III. of England, the -ceremonies of chivalry preceded those of marriage. Alexander received the -ensigns of knighthood from the King of England on Christmas day, and the -hand of his bride on the following morning.[72] Tournaments were -occasionally held at the Scottish court, and strangers were courteously -received.[73] Knights from Scotland are frequently mentioned in the old -chronicles as having won the prize in the chivalric festivals in France -and England. In the wars of the Scots with Edward III. no circumstances of -a character peculiarly knightly can be selected; and in the intervals of -truce chivalry could not, as in the wars between England and France, give -the guise of friendship to occasional intercourse. In the year 1341, a -time of peace, Edward passed some time in Scotland. Tournaments and jousts -formed the occupation of the strangers and the natives; but neither party -regarded the gentle rules of the tourney, and two Scottish knights and one -English knight were killed.[74] - -[Sidenote: French knights' opinions of Scottish chivalry.] - -Nothing could contribute more powerfully to the advancement of chivalry in -the north than the frequent intercourse between the Scots and the French. -The latter people, however, would not always acknowlege the chivalric -character of their allies. In the year 1385, a troop of French knights -joined the Scottish king; and they soon were grieved that they had ever -left their own country. They complained to their leader Sir John of -Vienne of their unhappy lot. They had no tapestried halls and goodly -castles as in France; and instead of soft beds their couches were as hard -as the ground. - -Sir John was a true son of chivalry; and he said to them, "Sirs, it -behoves us to suffer a little, and to speak fair since we are in the -perils of war. Let us take in cheerfulness that which we find. We cannot -always be at Paris, Dijon, Beaune, or at Chalons. It behoveth them that -live in the world thinking to have honour, to suffer poverty as well as to -enjoy wealth." - -The reader of English history remembers that Richard II. invaded Scotland; -that at the same time the Scots ravaged Cumberland and Westmorland; and -that each army boasted that the destruction it had committed was fully as -dreadful as the havoc made by the other. It is more curious to notice the -trait of manners which general historians have altogether omitted, that -when the French knights returned home, they complained that they had never -passed through so painful an enterprise. Not that they regarded the -perilous mêlée, but it was because they returned without horse or harness, -poor and feeble. They wished that the French king, would unite with the -English king, and go into Scotland and destroy that realm for ever. The -Scots were an evil people, traitors, and altogether foolish in feats of -war.[75] - -English knights always more rejoiced when the trumpet summoned them to -France than to Scotland. The rich wines, the fine country, the superior -chivalry of the French were preferred before the poverty and bleakness of -the north. When the English knights went to Scotland they were obliged to -carry provisions with them; and also horses' shoes and harness, the -country not furnishing iron or leather.[76] - -[Sidenote: Courtesies between English and Scottish knights.] - -The wars between England and Scotland, though fierce and sanguinary, -admitted the display of the liberal feelings of chivalry. "Englishmen on -the one party, and Scots on the other," says Froissart, "are good men of -war; for when they meet there is a hard fight without sparing. There is -no pause between them as long as spears, swords, axes, or daggers will -endure. When one party hath obtained the victory, they then glorify so in -their deeds of arms and are so joyful, that such as are taken are ransomed -ere they go out of the field; so that shortly each of them is so content -with the other, that at their departing they will say courteously, God -thank you."[77] - -[Sidenote: Chivalric battle of Otterbourn, 21st July, 1388.] - -These remarks of Froissart, so interesting because so characteristic of -manners, prelude the most chivalric battle that ever was fought between -Scotland and England. Other battles were decided either by the bow or by -that general military skill which was not peculiar to chivalry; but the -battle of Otterbourn was a knightly mêlée, and was as truly chivalric as -an encounter of cavaliers in the tournament. In the reign of Richard II. -of England, and a few years after the circumstances in his time already -alluded to, the Scots commanded by James Earl Douglas, taking advantage of -the troubles between the King and his parliament, poured upon the south. -When they were sated with plunder and destruction, they rested at -Newcastle, near the English force which the Earl of Northumberland and -other border-chieftains had hastily levied. - -[Sidenote: Hotspur and the Douglas.] - -The Earl's two sons were young and lusty knights, and ever foremost at the -barriers to skirmish. Many proper feats of arms were done and achieved. -The fighting was hand to hand. The noblest encounter was that which -occurred between the Earl Douglas and Sir Henry Percy, surnamed -Hotspur.[78] The Scot won the pennon of his foeman; and in the triumph of -his victory he exclaimed that he would carry it to Scotland, and set it on -high on his castle of Dalkeith, that it might be seen afar off. - -Percy indignantly replied, that Douglas should not pass the border without -being met in a manner which would give him no cause for boasting. - -With equal spirit the Earl Douglas invited him that night to his lodging -to seek for his pennon. - -The Scots then retired, and kept careful watch, lest the taunts of their -leader should urge the Englishmen to make an attack. Percy's spirit burned -to efface his reproach, but he was counselled into calmness. - -The Scots then dislodged, seemingly resolved to return with all haste to -their own country. But Otterbourn arrested their steps. The castle -resisted the assault; and the capture of it would have been of such little -value to them that most of the Scotch knights wished that the enterprise -should be abandoned. - -Douglas commanded, however, that the assault should be persevered in, and -he was entirely influenced by his chivalric feelings. He contended that -the very difficulty of the enterprise was the reason of undertaking it; -and he wished not to be too far from Sir Henry Percy, lest that gallant -knight should not be able to do his devoir in redeeming his pledge of -winning the pennon of his arms again. - -Hotspur was not altogether that impatient spirit which poetry has -described him. He longed, indeed, to follow the Douglas, and redeem his -badge of honor; but the sage knights of the country, and such as were well -expert in arms, spoke against his opinion, and said to him, "Sir, there -fortuneth in war oftentimes many losses. If the Earl of Douglas has won -your pennon, he bought it dear, for he came to the gate to seek it, and -was well beaten: another day you shall win as much of him and more. Sir, -we say this because we know well that all the power of Scotland is abroad -in the fields; and if we issue forth and are not strong enough to fight -with them, (and perchance they have made this skirmish with us to draw us -out of the town,) they may soon enclose us, and do with us what they will. -It is better to lose a pennon than two or three hundred knights and -squires, and put all the country to adventure." - -By such words as these Hotspur and his brother were refrained from their -purpose; for like sage and imaginative knights they would do nothing -against counsel. - -Soon afterwards it was discovered that the whole amount of the Scottish -force did not exceed three thousand men. Hotspur's heart leapt for joy at -the prospect of glory which this news opened to him; and, like a true son -of chivalry, he cried to his friends; "Sirs, let us spring upon our -horses, for by the faith I owe unto God, and to my lord my father, I will -go and seek my pennon, and dislodge the Scots this same night." - -Incontinently knights and squires donned their helms and cuirasses, and -vaulted on their war-steeds. They rode more than apace to Otterbourn, and -reached the Scottish camp by night. They far outnumbered their foemen, but -the numerical was not the physical strength, for the English were -forespent with travel, while the Scots were fresh and well rested. - -The hostile banners waved in the night-breeze, and the bright moon, which -had been more wont to look upon the loves than the wars of chivalry, -lighted up the Scottish camp. A battle ensued of as valiant a character as -any recorded in the pages of history; for there was neither knight nor -squire but that did his devoir and fought hand to hand. The English dashed -upon their foemen with such spirit, that their charge would have been -irresistible, if Douglas, who was of great heart and high of enterprise, -had not taken his axe in both his hands, and supported his retreating -band. At length he was encountered by three spears at once, and borne -perforce to the earth. One of his companions, a gallant knight, and a -chaplain who fought on that occasion like a valiant man of arms with a -good axe in his hands, skirmished about the Earl as he lay, and kept the -press from him.[79] - -When it was known that Douglas had fallen, some of his knights ran with -breathless anxiety to the spot and asked him how he sped. "Right evil, -cousins," quoth the Earl; "but, thank God, very few of my ancestors have -died in their beds. But I require you to avenge my death, for I feel my -heart fainting within me. Raise my banner, but do not declare my case to -any one; for my enemies would rejoice, and my friends be discomforted, to -hear that I had been wounded to death." - -In a moment the proud ensign of his chivalry waved once again over the -Scottish knights, and each gallant man-at-arms cheered his companion's -heart by crying the war-cry of the Douglas. The Percys were made -prisoners, Hotspur[80] by the Earl Montgomery, and Sir Ralph by Sir John -Maxwell. Finally, the Scottish chivalry prevailed, and they remained -masters of the field.[81] - -Nothing could be more gallant than the demeanor of the Scots. They wished -to take alive Thomas Felton, an English squire, whose valour excited their -admiration; but, like a true hero, he submitted to be slain rather than to -be vanquished. - -The Scots, when the Englishmen yielded, were courteous, and set them to -their ransom; and every man said to his prisoner, "Sir, go and unarm you, -and take your ease;" and they lived together as if they had been brethren. - -[Sidenote: A chivalric story.] - -Among the circumstances connected with the battle, none is more -interesting than this:--When the fate of the night was decided, Sir -Matthew Redman, an Englishman, and governor of Berwick, spurred his horse -from the field, but was hotly pursued by the Scottish knight, Sir James -Lindsay, and he could not escape, for his panting charger fell under him. -Lindsay dismounted, and the two knights fought well and chivalrously, the -Scotsman with his axe (the favorite weapon of the nation), and the English -knight with his sword. The axe prevailed, and Redman surrendered himself, -rescue or no rescue. He wished to go to Newcastle, and his master (for -such, as we have often seen, was the title of a knight who held another -captive,) permitted him to depart, on his pledging his word of chivalry, -that within three weeks he would meet him at Edinburgh. The knights then -separated; but as Lindsay was returning to the Scottish host, priding -himself on his success, he was surrounded by the Bishop of Durham and a -numerous troop. Some hours before, they had marched purposely to the -succour of Percy; but the clangour of the mêlée had terrified them into a -retreat. They possessed sufficient bravery, however, to take a single and -battle-worn knight. He was led to Newcastle, where he met Sir Matthew -Redman; and these two gallant cavaliers dined right merrily together, and, -after quaffing many a cup of rich wine, to the honour and health of their -mistresses, they arranged with the bishop the conditions of each other's -liberation.[82] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Reign of Henry IV. Chivalric parley between him and the Duke of -Orleans.] - -The reign of Henry IV. of England was not altogether void of chivalric -interest. While Duke of Lancaster he had chosen Louis, Duke of Orleans, -for his brother in chivalry. Each had promised to the other that they -would live in the warmest affection of true friendship. Each vowed to be a -friend and well-wisher to the friends and well-wishers of the other, and -an enemy to his enemies, as became the honour and reputation of both; and -that at all times, and in all places, they would by words and deeds assist -each other in the defence of his person, honour, and estate. These -chivalric engagements between the two Dukes had been made known to the -world in an instrument called a letter of alliance, dated the 17th of -June, 1396. - -The friendship lasted during the remainder of the reign of Richard II.; -but the deposition of that monarch was so odious a circumstance, in the -eyes of the court of France, the daughter of whose sovereign Richard had -married, that although no open rupture of the existing truce between the -two nations took place, yet many high-spirited French noblemen made -private war upon the English king. - -The Duke of Orleans, his sworn brother in arms, challenged Henry IV. to -meet him at any place he chose in France, each of them being accompanied -by one hundred knights and squires, of name and arms without reproach, and -to combat together till one of the parties should surrender. - -Henry declined the challenge, alleging, as his reasons, the public truce -between the two countries, to which the Duke of Orleans was a party, and -the particular treaty of alliance between themselves. That treaty, -however, he now annulled, and threw aside thenceforth all love and -affection towards the Duke. He declared that it would be unworthy of his -high rank to accept the challenge of any one of inferior dignity to -himself, nor had any of his royal progenitors ever employed his arms with -one hundred or more persons, in such a cause: but whenever he should think -it convenient to visit his possessions on the French side of the sea, -accompanied by such numbers of persons as he thought proper, the Duke of -Orleans might assemble as many persons as he should judge expedient, to -acquire honour in the accomplishing of all his courageous desires; and he -should not depart without being satisfied in a combat between themselves; -which mode of terminating their dispute was preferable to any other that -might occasion the effusion of more Christian blood. - -The Duke of Orleans replied that the public truce had been violated by -Henry himself, when he made war upon Richard the ally of France. With -respect to the articles of friendship between themselves, the allies of -the king of France had been excepted from their provisions, and therefore -either party was left to his choice of conduct regarding the deportment of -the other to any of their allies. On the subject of a remark of Henry that -no knight of whatever rank he might be, ought to request a deed of arms, -until he should have returned any articles of alliance that might exist -between himself and the challenged person, Louis satirically enquired -whether Henry had rendered to his lord, King Richard, the oath of fidelity -he had made to him, before he had proceeded in the manner he had done -against his person. The Duke insinuated that Richard's death had been -compassed by Henry, and then enquired how the King could suffer that noble -lady, the Queen of England, to return to France so desolate after the -death of her husband, despoiled of her portion and dower. The man who -sought to gain honour was always the defender and guardian of the rights -of widows and damsels of virtuous life, such as the niece of the Duke of -Orleans was known to lead; and as he was so nearly related to her, -acquitting himself towards God and towards her as a relation, he replied, -that to avoid effusion of blood he would cheerfully meet him in single -combat. - -In reply to this letter Henry observed, that when public affairs had -called him from France to England, Louis had promised him aid, and that -therefore the Duke could not in justice comment on the late revolution: -but that with respect to Richard personally, he, Henry, now king, denied -most warmly and solemnly that his death had been occasioned by his order -or consent. He declared it to be false, and said it would be false each -time that Louis uttered it; and this he was ready to prove, through the -grace of God, in personal combat. He repelled the charge of cruelty to -Isabella; contending that, on the contrary, he had ever shown kindness and -friendship to her, and wishing that Louis had never acted with greater -rigour, unkindness, or cruelty towards any lady or damsel than he had done -to her. - -But the proposed combat never took place; nor can it be inferred that -either party was very sincere in his challenge, for the ambassadors of -Henry at the court of France often complained of the conduct of Louis, but -Louis never reiterated his challenge, and no satisfaction was rendered, -the King and council waiving the matter entirely, and coldly stating that -they would always continue firm to the engagements which they had made -with England.[83] - -[Sidenote: Henry's unchivalric conduct at Shrewsbury.] - -In another event, the most important event of his reign, the conduct of -Henry was most decidedly unchivalric. When at the battle of Shrewsbury -(July 21. 1403,) the banners advanced, and the air was rent with the -war-cries "Saint George!" and "Esperance Percy!" the archers on either -side drew their tough bow-strings with such murderous energy, that the -several lines of knights and men-at-arms with difficulty maintained their -ground. - -In this moment of peril, when the stoutest hearts quailed, the gallant -Hotspur, and Archibald Earl Douglas[84], with a small band of brothers in -arms, started from their host, and throwing their warlike shields before -them, rushed, amidst an iron shower, into the very centre, the best -defended part, of the royal army. Their battle-axes and good swords made -fearful havoc among the King's guards, the standard of England was trodden -under foot, and the Earl of Stafford and that "dear and true industrious -friend" of the King, Sir Robert Blunt, who were armed in the royal guise, -were slain.[85] Hotspur sought in vain for the King; for when His Grace -observed the Percies sweeping across the field, he had followed the -prudent counsel of the Earl of Dunbar, and changing his armour for that of -a common knight, he repaired to another part of the plain. - -The Prince of Wales displayed more bravery than his father, and he was -wounded while maintaining his position. - -Hotspur now formed his little band into a dense array, and endeavoured to -retire to his line of knights. But while he was fighting with all the -courage of his high chivalry, a random arrow brought him to the earth. His -death was almost instantaneous; and the event was viewed through either -army with the various feelings of joy and woe. He had been the inspiring -soul of his own host, and his fall was the signal for their dispersion. - -The character of courage can scarcely be denied to Henry IV., but it was -not graced by any of the lofty daring of chivalry. An Edward would have -braved the fiercest danger, he would never have thrown aside the insignia -of his rank, and clothing some noble friends in the royal habiliments have -left them to perish in his stead. The conduct of Henry might have been -royal, but it certainly was not chivalric.[86] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Henry V.] - -[Sidenote: Knights of the Bath.] - -The glories of chivalry seemed to be revived in the reign of Harry -Monmouth. His coronation was accompanied by a large creation of a class of -knights, whose peculiar nature I have not yet expressed. In early ages of -English history there seems to have been two descriptions of cavaliers, -the Knights of the Sword, and the Knights of the Bath. The former were -made both in times of war and peace, the latter only at coronations, royal -marriages, and other festive occasions. The dubbing with the sword was the -simple ceremony of creating knights of the one class; but most of the -forms of chivalry were used in the investiture of those of the other: and -as the Bath was a very remarkable part of the ceremony, and the -exhortation to the performance of chivalric duties was delivered to the -knight while he was in it, the knights so created were reputed knights of -the Bath. - -The Knights of the Sword, or Knights Bachelors, were created by the -sheriffs of counties, by virtue of letters from the king commanding his -officers to knight those persons, who, in consequence of their landed -estates, were worthy of the honour; but when the other class was to be -enlarged, the king selected a certain number of the young nobility and -gentry, and he himself assisted at the ceremony. - -Knights of the Bath always took precedence of knights bachelors; and as -the superiority of knights of the Garter was shown by the circumstance, -that on the installation of a knight there was a creation of knights of -the Bath, so on any other occasion when knights of the Bath were made, -there was, in honor of the circumstance, a creation of knights of the -Sword. - -The exact time when this distinction was first made between knights of the -Bath and knights of the Sword has eluded the investigation of antiquaries, -nor does it deserve a lengthened enquiry. It may be marked in the reign of -Henry IV.[87], and was probably of earlier origin; and at the coronation -of his son this feature of our ancient manners was fully displayed. - -The King, with a noble and numerous train of lords spiritual and temporal, -left his palace at Kingston-upon-Thames, and rode at a soft pace towards -London. He was met and greeted by a countless throng of earls, barons, -knights, squires, and other men of landed estate and consideration; and as -he approached the city, a solemn procession of its clergy, and a gorgeous -train of its merchants and tradesmen, hailed his approach. The King was -conducted with every mark of honour to the Tower, where about fifty -gallant young gentlemen of noble birth were waiting in expectation of -receiving the honour of knighthood from the King, on occasion of the -august ceremony of his coronation. The sovereign feasted his lords in the -Tower; and these young candidates for chivalry, in testimony that they -should not be compellable at any future time to perform the like service -in the habit of esquires, served up the dishes at this royal festival -according to the usage of chivalry in England; and immediately after the -entertainment they retired to an apartment where dukes, earls, barons, and -honourable knights, as their counsellors or directors, instructed them -upon their behaviour, when they should become knights of the venerable -order of the Bath. - -The young candidates, according to custom, went into the baths prepared -severally for them, performing their vigils and the other rites and -exercises of chivalric practice. Much of the night was passed in watching -and prayer, the rest they slept away in rich golden beds. They arose on -the first appearance of the next morning's dawn; and, after giving their -beds to the domestic servants of the King's household, as their customary -fee, they proceeded to hear mass. Their devotions concluded, they clad -themselves in rich silk mantles, to whose left shoulders were attached a -double cordon or strings of white silk, from which white tassels were -pendent. This addition to the mantle was not regarded as a decoration, but -a badge of gentle shame, which the knight was obliged to wear until some -high emprise had been achieved by him. The proud calls of his knighthood -were remissible, however, by his lady-love; for a fair and noble damsel -could remove this stigma from his shoulder, at her own sweet will; for -there were no limits to woman's power in the glorious days of -chivalry.[88] - -The young soldiers mounted noble war-steeds and rode to the gate of the -royal palace, where, dismounting, each of them was supported by two -knights, and conducted with all proper marks of honour and respect into -the presence of the King, who, sitting in royal magnificence, the throne -being surrounded with the great officers of state, promoted them severally -to the honour of knighthood. A great festival was then given in their -honour, and they were permitted to sit down in their rich silk mantles in -the King's presence; but they were not allowed to taste any part of the -entertainment; for it was a feature in the simple manners of our -ancestors, that new made knights like new made wives ought to be -scrupulously modest and abstemious.[89] - -After the royal feast was done, the young cavaliers, divesting themselves -of their mantles, put on rich robes ornamented with ensigns of dependence -on the King. The next day, when the King rode to Westminster in much state -and solemn order, all these young knights whom he had just honoured with -the order of chivalry preceded him, riding with noble chevisance through -the middle of the city; and so splendid was their appearance that the -spectators (observes the old chronicler) seemed inebriated with joy.[90] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Henry's love of chivalric books.] - -It is a pleasing and convincing proof of the chivalric spirit of Harry -Monmouth, that he commanded Lydgate to translate into English the -Destruction of Troy, in order that the public mind might be restored to -its ancient military tone. He wished that the remembrance of the valiant -dead should live, that the worthiness and prowess of the old chivalry and -true knighthood should be remembered again.[91] Accordingly, the youth of -England were on fire, and honour's thought reigned solely in the breast of -every man. - - "They sell the pasture now to buy the horse; - Following the mirror of all Christian kings, - With winged heels, as English Mercuries. - For now sits Expectation in the air, - And hides a sword, from heels unto the point, - With crowns imperial, crowns and coronets, - Promis'd to Harry and his followers."[92] - -[Sidenote: His chivalric bearing.] - -Certainly the march to Calais (after the taking of Harfleur) was never -exceeded in heroic bravery by any imaginary exploit in romance. The -attenuated condition of his army forbad all immediate prosecution of his -ambitious aspirations for the French crown; but a direct return to England -did not accord with his high and courageous spirit; and, treating the soil -of France as if it were his own, he resolved to march to Calais. He -professed neither desire nor fear to meet his enemies; and he pursued his -march with firm and grave steps, openly declaring to the French heralds -the destination of his course. Political objects were suspended, but he -secretly wished to raise the chivalric character of his people; and he had -numbers and vigour yet remaining to have a joust to the utterance with his -enemies. As at Poictiers so at Agincourt, the yeomen divided with the -knights of England the glory of the conquest: but the battle of Agincourt -was in itself more heroic, for the English themselves were the assailants, -instead of, as in the former battle, waiting the attack. - -Henry's disdain of the wish of having more men from England,--his noble -cry, "Banners, advance!" when his few thousands were ranged against all -the proud chivalry of France,--his rendering himself conspicuous by his -crown, his armour, and his splendid tunic,--his knighting some brave Welsh -soldiers, his personal defenders, even as they lay expiring;--these -circumstances, vouched for, as they are, by the most faithful chroniclers, -apparently belong to the romance rather than to the history of chivalry. - -After the battle he was as courteous[93] to his noble prisoners as the -Black Prince had been on a similar occasion; and there was something very -beautiful in his not permitting his battered helmet, with its royal crown, -to be exhibited, during the customary show at his public entrance into -London.[94] - -[Sidenote: Commencement of the decline of chivalry.] - -Henry V. was the last of our chivalric kings. Though he revived the fame -of Edward III. and the Black Prince, yet immediately after his reign the -glories of English chivalry began to wane. - -In our subsequent wars in France, indeed, there were among our nobility -many knightly spirits,--the Warwicks, the Talbots, the Suffolks, the -Salisburys, all worthy to have been the paladins of Charlemagne, the -knights of Arthur's Round Table. But they went not with the character of -the age; they opposed, rather than reflected it. Chivalry was no longer a -national feature in our wars when there was no sovereign to fan the flame. - -[Sidenote: The civil wars.] - -[Sidenote: Caxton's lamentation.] - -Henry VI. was a devotee, and Edward IV. a voluptuary. The civil wars in -England operated as fatally upon the noble order of knighthood as the -civil wars in France had done in that country. In those contests, far -fiercer than national hostilities, there was a ruthlessness of spirit that -mocked the gentle influences of chivalry. Accordingly it was asked, in the -time of Edward IV., "How many knights are there now in England that have -the use and exercise of a knight? that is to say, that he knoweth his -horse, and his horse him, ready to a point to have all things that -belongeth to a knight; a horse that is according and broken after its -kind, his armour and harness meet and fitting."[95] "I would," continues -the father of English printing, "it pleased our sovereign lord that twice -or thrice in a year he would cry jousts of peace, to the end that every -knight should have horse and harness, and also the use and craft of a -knight; and also to tourney, one against one, or two against two, and the -best to have a prize, a diamond or jewel. The exercises of chivalry are -not used and honoured as they were in ancient time, when the noble acts of -the knights of England that used chivalry were renowned through the -universal world. O ye knights of England, where is the custom and usage of -noble chivalry? What do ye now but go to the bains and play at dice? Alas! -what do ye but sleep and take ease, and are all disordered from chivalry? -Leave this, leave it, and read the noble volumes of St. Graal, of -Launcelot, of Tristrem, of Galaod, of Perceval, of Perceforest, of Gawayn, -and many more. There shall ye see manhood, courtesy, and gentilness."[96] - -To this testimony of the decline of chivalry must be added the important -fact that in 1439 people petitioned parliament for liberty to commute by -a pecuniary fine the obligation to receive knighthood. This change of -manners did not occur, as is generally supposed, in consequence of the use -of gunpowder; for during the civil wars in England artillery was seldom -and but partially used in the field, and, except at the great battle of -Tewkesbury, in the year 1471, that arm of power had no effect on the -general issue of battles. The cavalry and infantry were arranged in the -old system: the lance was the weapon of those of gentle birth, while the -bow and the bill were used by people of inferior state. Comines, who wrote -about the close of the fifteenth century, says, that the archers formed -the main strength of a battle.[97] - -[Sidenote: He exaggerates the evil.] - -Though the civil wars had injured, they had not altogether destroyed the -spirit of chivalry. There was yet enough of it remaining among the people -to have borne its old shape and appearance, if England had once more been -possessed of a Black Prince or a Harry Monmouth. But we had no such -sovereign; and the increasing use of gunpowder effectually prevented the -return of chivalric customs in battle. The feelings of a nation are -reflected in its literature; and we find that the taste of the English -people was altogether in favour of romances and histories of chivalry, as -Caxton's various publications prove. The declamation of Caxton against the -degeneracy of the age, which has been already cited, must not be -interpreted literally in all its points. Romance writers, like moralists, -had before praised the past at the expence of the present times. So early -as the thirteenth century, Thomas of Erceldoune, called the Rhymer, had -bewailed the depravity of his contemporaries, and had likened the -degeneracy of his age to the change which the approaching winter must -produce upon the appearance of the fields and groves. - - "This semly somers day, - In winter it is nought sen: - This greves (groves), waxen al gray, - That in her time were grene; - So dos this world I say, - Y wis and nought at wene; - The gode bene al oway, - That our elders have bene - To abide."[98] - -Caxton's mind was full of the high interest of chivalry, and it was very -natural of him to lament that the same enthusiasm did not warm the hearts -of others. But he must have considered the feelings of chivalry as -dormant, and not extinct, or he would never have addressed the public in -the manner he did at the close of his preface to his edition of the -romances relating to Arthur and the knights of the Round Table. He printed -the work, he says, "to the intent that noble men may see and learn the -noble acts of chivalry, the gentle and virtuous deeds that some knights -used in those days, by which they came to honour, and how they that were -vicious were punished, and oft put to shame and rebuke, humbly beseeching -all noble lords and ladies, with all other estates of what estate or -degree they be of, that shall see and read in this said book and work, -that they take the good and honest acts in their remembrance, and to -follow the same. Wherein they shall find many joyous and pleasant -histories, and many noble and renowned acts of humanity, gentleness, and -chivalry. For herein may be seen noble chivalry, courtesy, humanity, -friendliness, hardiness, love, friendship, cowardice, murder, hate, -virtue, and sin. Do after the good and leave the evil, and it shall bring -you to good fame and renommée." - -[Sidenote: Many gallant English knights.] - -His question, how many knights of England were there in England that had -the use and exercise of chivalry, could have been answered by many -accomplished cavaliers. The King, at the very time when Caxton wrote, was -giving licences to his subjects to progress into foreign countries, and -perform feats of arms; and foreign princes, barons, and knights, came into -England, under royal protection, to grace our tilts and tournaments.[99] -Every marriage, and other interesting circumstances in the lives of the -nobility, was celebrated by knightly shows in honour of arms and of the -ladies. - -[Sidenote: Character of Henry VIII. with reference to chivalry.] - -The forms of chivalry appeared more splendid than before, as chivalry -approached its downfall. Henry VII., the least warlike of our sovereigns, -created knights with remarkable brilliancy of ceremony; and the jousts and -tournaments in the days of his son and successor would have graced the -best ages of chivalry. But Henry VIII. had none of the virtues of a true -knight, and his conduct to his wives was any thing but chivalric.[100] He -displayed his great strength and activity of person in the tournament, -because that amusement was one of English custom, but he would as readily -have engaged in any other exercise more strictly gymnastic. He affected, -however, to joust from true feelings of knighthood; for he used on these -occasions to wear on his head a lady's sleeve full of diamonds. He was as -famous for his tournaments as Edward III. had been for his battles. In -many of the early years of his reign he was perpetually breaking spears, -or fighting at barriers with a two-handed sword, and to his rank, if not -to his skill, the prize was generally adjudged. But his skill was -sometimes undoubted; for, like the knights of old, he occasionally fought -in disguise[101], and yet conquered; and he encountered, with similar -success, men of other countries who, for various reasons of affairs or -pleasure, travelled to England. - -The jousts and tournaments in the days of Henry VIII. are extremely -interesting, as reflecting a state of manners different from those of -earlier times. Tournaments were no longer simple representations of -chivalry, but splendid pageants were united to them. - -[Sidenote: Tournaments in his reign.] - -In June, 1512 a solemn tournament was kept at Greenwich, the King and Sir -Charles Brandon undertaking to abide all comers. To this goodly show the -ladies were the first that approached, dressed in white and red silk, and -seated upon horses, the colours of whose trappings corresponded with those -of the ladies' dresses. A fountain curiously made of russet satin, having -eight mouths spouting water, then followed. Within this piece of splendour -and ingenuity sat a knight armed at all points. The next person in the -procession was a lady covered with black silk dropped with fine silver, -riding on a courser barded in a similar manner. A knight in a horse-litter -then followed. When the fountain arrived at the tilting ground, the ladies -rode round the lists, and so did the fountain, and the knight within the -litter. Two goodly coursers caparisoned for the jousts then were -introduced. The two knights left the fountain and the litter and mounted -them, the surprised spectators beholding the King and Sir Charles Brandon. - -The challenge to all comers was then proclaimed by the heralds; and while -the trumpets were sounding all the inspiring notes of chivalry, at one end -of the lists entered Sir Thomas Knevet in a castle of coal black, and over -the castle was written 'The dolorous Castle.' The Earl of Essex, the Lord -Howard, and other knights splendidly attired, then pricked into the -lists, and with Sir Thomas encountered the King and Sir Charles Brandon. -The details of the tournament have not been recorded; the chronicler -contenting himself with observing, that the King broke most spears, and -that the prize fell to his lot.[102] - -Henry displayed his joy at the birth of his son, Prince Arthur, by a -solemn tournament. The court removed from Richmond to Westminster. The -King himself determined to tourney, and he selected four knights to aid -him. He styled himself "Cure Loial," the Lord William Earl of Devonshire -was called "Bon Voloire," Sir Thomas Knevet, "Bon Espoir," and Sir Edward -Nevill chose for his tourneying name "Valiant Desire." These four noble -spirits were called "Les quatre chevaliers de la forrest Salvigne." Their -names were written upon a goodly table, which was suspended from a tree, -curiously wrought, the knights engaging to run at the tilt against all -comers. Accordingly, by the prescribed time, a court in the palace was -prepared for the games, and the Queen and her ladies were conducted to a -gallery richly hung inside with cloth of gold, and on the outside with -cloth of arras. A pageant preceded the sports of chivalry. It is -described as representing a forest, with rocks, hills, and vales, with -trees, herbs, and flowers, made of green velvet, damask and silk. Six men -clad as foresters stood at different parts; and in the midst of the forest -was a castle apparently made of gold, and before the gate sat a gentleman -splendidly apparelled, weaving a garland of roses for the prize. The -spectators imagined that the pageant was drawn into the court by a lion -and an antelope, who were led by men in the guise of savages. When the -pageant rested before the Queen, the foresters blew their horns, and from -different parts of the forest the four knights issued armed at all points -and mounted on their war-steeds. Each knight carried his lance, a plume of -feathers surmounted his crest, and his name was embroidered on the bases -of gold which covered his horse. At the moment of these knights starting -from the forest, and the court resounding with the noise of drums and -trumpets, the Earl of Essex, the Lord Thomas Howard, and many other -nobles, entered the court, and then the jousts commenced. But who deserved -best that day the historian has not mentioned. The next afternoon the -Queen repaired to her gallery; and instead of the King and his aids being -introduced in a pageant, they entered the court under splendid pavilions -of cloths of gold and velvet. On the other side of the lists Sir Charles -Brandon entered in the guise of a recluse or religious person, his horse -being also caparisoned in the simplest form. No drum or other sound of -minstrelsy ushered his approach; but he slowly and silently advanced to -the Queen, and presented to her a writing, whose effect was, that if she -pleased he would tourney in her presence, but if it suited her not, he -would depart as he came. The Queen smiled and bowed assent; and Sir -Charles, retiring to one end of the lists, threw aside the disguise of his -splendid armour. The young Henry Guilford, enclosed in a device or a -pageant made like a castle or turret, then approached the Queen, and -obtained her leave to engage in the tilt. Next appeared the Marquis Dorset -and Sir Thomas Bullen, like two pilgrims from Saint James, in tabards of -black velvet, with palmers' hats on their helmets, with long Jacobs' -staves in their hands, their horse-trappings of black velvet, the harness -of men and steeds being set with scallop shells of fine gold and strips of -black velvet, every strip being also adorned with golden scallop shells. -Next came the Lord Henry of Buckingham, Sir Giles Capell, and many other -knights. The sports then commenced, and as on the preceding day the King -won the prize. In the evening the ambassadors and the nobility supped with -the royal family, and after the banquet the King with the Queen and lords -and ladies entered the white-hall of the palace. Songs, dancing, and -minstrels, succeeded, and in the midst of the merriment the King retired -unseen. Soon afterwards the trumpets at the end of the hall began to -sound, and a pageant upon wheels was brought in. A gentleman richly -attired descended from it, and approaching the Queen in a supplicatory -attitude, told her that in a garden of pleasure there was an arbour of -gold wherein were lords and ladies much desirous to show pastime to the -Queen and court, if they might be permitted so to do. The Queen replied, -that she was very desirous to see them and their pastime. A cloth of arras -was therefore drawn from the front of the pageant, and rich -representations of nature saluted the eye. Six ladies, dressed with more -bravery than the dull chronicler can describe, were seen in the arbour, -supported by the King and five gallant knights. The whole scene appeared -one blaze of gold. After the applause which this splendour elicited had -subsided, the lords and ladies descended from the pageant, the minstrels -sounded their music of gaiety, and the whole court mixed in the dance. And -the people, too, had their amusement; for some portion of the simplicity -of ancient times remained, and royalty was not thought to lose any thing -of its dignity by being presented to the public eye. The pageant was -conveyed to the end of the palace, there to tarry till the dances were -finished, and so to have received the lords and ladies again; but suddenly -the rude and joyous people ran to it, and tore and rent and spoilt it; and -the Lord Steward and his officers, seeing that they could not drive them -away without a conflict and disturbance, suffered the pageant to be -destroyed.[103] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Field of the cloth of gold.] - -The field of the cloth of gold has been so often described in works of -ready access, that I should not be warranted in attempting to picture -again its gay and sparkling scene. But some of its circumstances have not -been sufficiently noticed; and they are so expressive of the chivalric -feelings of the time that a history of chivalry would be imperfect without -a description of them. - -The whole ceremonial of the meeting between Henry VIII. and Francis I. was -regulated by Cardinal Wolsey, - - "One certes, that promised no element - In such a business." - -And the principle which guided this right reverend cardinal of York was -political subtlety, and not knightly liberality. The English sojourned at -Guisnes, the French at Ardres. On the morning of the first royal -interview, the two kings and their numerous followers left their -respective pavilions at the signal of a gun fired at Guisnes, and returned -from Ardres. They slowly measured the way to the intermediate plain in the -silence of apprehension; for the cardinal's ungenerous suspicions had -spread through either host. Once each party halted, expecting an attack; -and when the noise which occasioned the alarm died away, the procession -recommenced its course, confident that the fears of the other side were -greater than their own. The kings met, and so anxious were they to display -their feelings of friendship that they embraced on horseback. They then -dismounted, and having renewed their caresses, they went into a pavilion -of golden cloth; nor did they separate till dinner and familiar -conversation had frozen the etiquette imposed on their manners by the -cardinal. - -The next morning the two Queens interchanged visits, and spent some hours -in dancing and other amusements. These interchanges of courtesies warmed -the minds of the two sovereigns to chivalric generousness. One morning -Francis rode to Guisnes with scarcely any attendance. He walked through -the English guard, who drew back in astonishment, and he did not stop -till he reached the chamber where his brother-monarch lay asleep. Francis -soon awoke him; and Henry, immediately comprehending his motives, -declared, in the spirit and language of chivalry, that he yielded himself -his prisoner, and plighted his faith. He then threw round Francis's neck a -collar of great value, and Francis gave him a bracelet of superior worth, -each king entreating the other to wear the gift for his sake. The two -monarchs then became brothers in arms; and with twelve companions -undertook to deliver all persons at jousts, tourney, and barriers. - -The chivalric exercises continued for five days, in the presence of the -two queens and the nobility of England and France. French and English -knights were the only part of the chivalry of Europe who answered the -challenge: for chivalry could not then, as in former days, smooth down -personal heats and feuds; and therefore no subject of the wide extended -empire of Charles V. appeared on the field of the cloth of gold. The only -weapons used were spears; but they were impelled with such vigour, as to -be so often broken, that the spectators' eyes were scared with splinters. -Each day the challengers varied their harness and devices, and each day -the two kings ran together so valiantly that the beholders had great -joy.[104] - - "Each following day - Became the last day's master, till the next - Made former wonders it's. * * * - * * * * * * * The two kings, - Equal in lustre, were now best, now worst, - As presence did present them; him in eye, - Still him in praise: and, being present both, - 'Twas said, they saw but one; and no discerner - Durst wag his tongue in censure. When these suns - (For so they phrase 'em) by their heralds challenged - The noble spirits to arms, they did perform - Beyond thought's compass; that former fabulous story, - Being now seen possible enough, got credit, - That Bevis was believed."[105] - -[Sidenote: Introduction of Italian literature favoured romance.] - -There was a considerable portion of chivalry among the nobility of Henry -VIII. In some respects, however, it partook more of the romance of the -Troubadour than the genuine character of knighthood: for the tale that -Lord Surrey travelled from court to court proclaiming the peerless beauty -of his lady-love, and challenging all gainsayers to a joust _à l'outrance_ -is totally void of truth[106]; and it only appears that his Lordship -fostered for the fair Geraldine a sentimental affection without distinct -views. It was altogether a poet's dream; and the Italian muse, who was at -that time worshipped in England, favoured such fond imaginings. - -[Sidenote: Popularity of chivalric literature.] - -Much of the literature of the time was chivalric. Every noble spirit loved -the Knight's Tale of Chaucer. The French and Spanish stories of warriors -and dames were transfused into English; as was the fine Chronicle of -Froissart by Lord Berners at the command of the King; and the vigorous, -rich, and picturesque style of our language in those days was admirably -adapted for a history of the most brilliant age of knighthood. That the -spirit of chivalry was not extinct in the reign of Henry VIII. is evident -from this work of Lord Berners, for the ordinary diction of the day was -used; and it was to the full as expressive of the gallantry and grace of -the olden time as the original work itself. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric education of nobility.] - -The education of our English gentry was nearly as chivalric then as at any -previous period of our history. Boys were sent to school to learn to read -at four years of age. At six they were taught languages and the first -principles of manners: from ten to twelve dancing and music were added to -their accomplishments, and politeness was particularly encouraged. At -fourteen they were initiated into the sports of the field which prepared -them for the ruder exercise of arms. At sixteen they were taught to joust, -to fight at the barriers, to manage the war-horse, to assail castles, to -support the weight of armour, and to contend in feats of arms with their -companions. And there their education terminated.[107] When they went to -battle they demeaned themselves worthy of their education. - -[Sidenote: English knights continued to break lances for ladies' love.] - -In all the military expeditions of the English on the Continent, the -soldiers of either army were continually challenging each other to break a -lance for their ladies' sake. Sir John Wallop, in his march with a British -army to Landrecy, in the year 1543, went to the town of Terouenne, and, -recollecting that the commandant was an old acquaintance, he addressed him -in the true spirit of chivalry, that if there were any gentlemen under his -charge willing to break a lance for their ladies' sake, six gentlemen -should be sent from the English army to meet them. The challenge was -accepted, the jousts were held, and, after this fine old chivalric mode of -displaying his friendship, Sir John Wallop held on his course to -Landrecy.[108] - -[Sidenote: State of Scottish chivalry at this period.] - -[Sidenote: James IV.] - -The early part of the sixteenth century forms a very interesting æra of -British chivalry; for it introduces to our notice James IV. of Scotland, a -hero both of knighthood and romance. He was as expert and graceful in -tournaments and jousts as any cavalier who was the theme of history or -poetry. On occasion of his marriage with Margaret of England, his -chivalric shows were splendid beyond example. He was wont to personate -King Arthur, or to take the title and appearance of an imaginary -creature, called the Savage Knight. His tilt-yards reflected the glories -of the last king of the Britons, and the knights of the Round Table, or -represented a wild and romantic country, with Highlanders clad in savage -dresses guarding the barriers. Like a knight of the bye-gone time, he was -a pilgrim as well as a soldier, and we will hope, for the purity of -earlier days of chivalry, that his heroic predecessors did not often, like -himself, turn aside from their pious peregrinations to wander amidst the -bowers of castles, with ladies fair. - -The romantic gallantry of his disposition was so well known, that cooler -politicians used it to the purposes of their ambition. The French king, -Louis XII., was abandoned by most of his allies, and was anxious to renew -the ancient alliance of France with Scotland: yet England and Scotland -were at that time at peace, and the two countries appeared to be united in -friendship by the marriage of James with Margaret, the King of England's -sister. But Louis knew the character of the man whose aid he required, and -he played upon it with admirable dexterity. In 1504, he sent, as his -ambassador to the Scottish court, Bernard Stuart, Lord of Aubigny, one of -the most distinguished cavaliers of France. This envoy admirably supported -the objects of his master: he soon won the affections of James, and his -discourses on wars and tournaments disposed the King to love the chivalric -French. - -A few years afterwards Louis, still continuing to play on his chivalric -feelings, made his wife, Anne of Britanny, choose James for her knight and -champion, to protect her from all her enemies. The idea of winning by this -scheme the Scottish King to the purposes of France originated with Andrew -Forman, Bishop of Moray, the Scottish ambassador at Paris, who, to promote -his own aggrandisement, would have sacrificed king and country.[109] The -agent of the scheme was La Motte, the French ambassador at Edinburgh, who -was as skilful as his martial predecessor, the Lord of Aubigny, in -flattering James to his ruin. He presented him letters from the French -Queen, wherein, taking the style of a high-born damsel in distress, she -termed him her knight, and, assuring him she had suffered much blame in -defence of his honor, she beseeched him to advance but three steps into -the English territory with his army, for the sake of his mistress. These -letters were accompanied by a present of 14,000 crowns, and a ring from -her own finger.[110] The chivalry and vanity of James were rouzed by -these appeals, and he became the willing tool of French ambition. - -The circumstances which succeeded his allying himself with France fall not -within my province to detail. The battle of Flodden Field was their crown -and conclusion; and although there was nothing chivalric in the battle -itself, yet a few matters which preceded it come within my subject. -Indeed, in the times regarding which I am writing, chivalry was no longer -a national distinction, and therefore cannot be marked in public affairs; -its lights fell only upon a few individuals. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric circumstances at Flodden.] - -On the fifth of September, the Earl of Surrey[111], who commanded the -English forces, dispatched a herald from Alnwick to the Scottish camp, -offering James battle on a particular day, (Friday, the 9th of September, -1513,) and James, like a gallant knight, accepted the challenge. He then -removed his camp from Ford[112], and took a strong position on the ridge -of Flodden hill, "one of the last and lowest eminences detached from the -ridge of Cheviot." On the sixth the English reached Wooller-haugh, a place -within three miles of the Scottish camp, and, observing the admirable -position of the foe, the Earl of Surrey formed a scheme which, he hoped, -would make them relinquish their advantage. Knowing the King's undaunted -courage, and high sense of honour, he wrote a letter, subscribed by -himself and all the great men in his army, reproaching him for having -changed his ground, after he had accepted the offer of battle, and -challenging him to descend, like a brave and honourable prince, into the -spacious vale of Millfield, that lay between the two armies, and there -decide the quarrel on fair and equal terms.[113] This scheme failed; for -James was not at that moment so ridiculously romantic as to forego an -advantage which his skill had obtained; and he only replied that he should -expect the English on the day appointed for battle. Surrey would have been -mad to have attacked him in his present position; and he, therefore, on -the morning of the 8th of September, formed his army into marching order, -crossed the Till near Wooller, progressed towards Berwick, and rested at -Barmore wood. The Scottish nobles apprehended that it was the intention of -the English to plunder the fertile country of the Merse; and they -therefore importuned James to march to the defence of his own dominions: -but the King declined, alleging that his honour was engaged to remain in -his present station until the morrow, which was the appointed time for -battle. On that morrow Surrey directed his course to the Tweed; but, -suddenly changing his line of march, he repassed the Till at the bridge of -Twissel. Before the army had entirely passed, Robert Borthwick, the -commander of James's artillery, entreated the permission of his sovereign -to destroy the bridge, and thus break the enemy's force; but the King gave -a stern denial, declaring that he wished to have all his enemies before -him, and to fight them fairly.[114] By this fatal folly James lost all the -advantages of his position; for the English formed behind him, and Flodden -was open and accessible to them. If personal bravery, independent of -sageness, had been the character of a knight, James deserved all chivalric -honours; for, disdaining the counsel to behold the battle afar off, he -mingled boldly in the thickest of the press. The field was won by the -English archers; but James did not live to repent the enthusiasm of his -chivalry, which had cost his country so much blood, for he was killed -within a lance's length of Lord Surrey. The romantic chivalry of James was -deeply injurious to Scotland. She had, in his reign, attained a -considerable eminence of national prosperity, but the defeat at Flodden -hurled her from her station. The country was "left a prey to foreign -influence and intrigue, which continued till it ceased to form a separate -kingdom: her finances were exhausted, her leaders corrupted, her dignity -degraded, her commerce and her agriculture neglected."[115] - - - - -CHAP. III. - -THE LAST YEARS OF CHIVALRY IN ENGLAND. - - _The Chivalric Feelings of the Nation supported by Spenser ... and by - Sir Philip Sidney ... Allusions to Sidney's Life ... particularly his - kindly Consideration ... Chivalric Politeness of the Age of Elizabeth - ... The Earl of Oxford ... Tilts in Greenwich Park ... Sir Henry Lee - ... Chivalry reflected in the popular Amusements ... Change of Manners - ... Reign of James the First ... Tournaments ceased, on Prince Henry's - Death ... Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury ... Chivalric Fame of his - Family ... His Character ... His Inferiority to the Knights of yore - ... Decline of Chivalric Education ... Important Change in Knighthood - by the Parliament of Charles the First ... Application of Chivalric - Honors to Men of civil Station ... Knights made in the Field ... - Carpet Knights ... Knights of the Bath ... Full Account of the Ancient - Ceremonies of creating Knights of the Bath._ - - -[Sidenote: The chivalric feelings of the nation supported by Spenser,] - -The reigns of Edward VI. and Mary present nothing to our purpose; but the -Elizabethan age is fraught with interest. Our continued intercourse with -Italy promoted anew the love for romance and allegory which religious -controversy had for some years been gradually stifling. Though classical -literature had revived in Italy, the muse of chivalry was most fondly -worshipped, and the mind delighted to wander amidst the enchanted garden -of Armida. Our well-travelled ancestors brought home with them the love -for romantic poetry and allegory; and Spenser's genius, influenced by the -prevailing taste of his day, chose Ariosto for his model, and painted the -wild adventures of heroes and ladies. Chivalry was the supposed perfection -of man's moral nature; and the English poet, therefore, described the -chief private virtues exemplified in the conduct of knights: it being his -wish, as he expressed his mind to Sir Walter Raleigh, to fashion a -gentleman or noble person in valorous and gentle discipline. His principal -hero, he in whom the image of a brave knight was perfected in the twelve -moral virtues, was King Arthur; and the poet freely used the circumstances -and sentiments in the romances relating to that British hero, and also the -other popular tales of chivalry. - -[Sidenote: and Sir Philip Sidney.] - -If poetry nourished the love of valorous knighthood, learning was equally -its friend; and when Spenser addressed Sidney as the noble and virtuous -gentleman, and most worthy of all titles of learning and chivalry, he -spoke the feeling of his age, that the accomplishments of the mind were -best displayed in martial demeanour. At the birth of Sidney, as Ben -Jonson says, all the muses met. In reading the Arcadia, it is impossible -to separate the author from the work, or to think that he has not poured -forth all those imaginings of his fancy which his heart had marked for its -own. He has pourtrayed knights and damsels valiant and gentle, placing all -their fond aspirations of happiness in a rural life, and despising the -pageantry of courts for the deep harmonies of nature. But Sidney's mind -was chivalric as well as romantic; and he was so fond of reverting to the -fabled ages of his country, that it was his intention to turn all the -stories of the Arcadia into the admired legends of Arthur and his -knights.[116] To modern taste the Arcadia of Sir Philip Sidney presents no -charms: yet, by a singular contradiction, the author, who was the -personification of his book, is regarded as the model of perfection. - - "The plume of war! with early laurels crown'd, - The lover's myrtle, and the poet's bay."[117] - -The popularity, however, of the Arcadia, in the Elizabethan age[118], and -the high reputation of the author, showed the sympathy of the world in -those days for the romance of chivalry. - -[Sidenote: Allusions to his life.] - -The few circumstances in the brief life of Sidney are too well known for -me to be justified in detailing them: but I may remind my readers that he -was born at Penshurst in Kent, in the year 1544; that he was accomplished -in literature and chivalry by study and travel; that he was a courtier of -Elizabeth, and yet could oppose her dearest fancies, if they were hostile -to the interests of his country; that his opposition to her projected -union with Anjou was spirited and well reasoned; that his love for his -sister and his wife was the softening grace of that desire for chivalric -valour which carried him with his uncle the Earl of Leicester to the -plains of Flanders, in the year 1586; and when he received his mortal -wound before the town of Zutphen, that he resigned a cup of water to the -poor soldier whose lot he thought was more distressing than his own. His -courage, his gallantry, and grace were his best known qualities, and -those for which England and, indeed, Europe, lamented his death. His -funeral in St. Paul's was a national one, the first instance in our -history of honours of that description; and for many months afterwards not -an individual in the court or city appeared in public, except in a garment -of black:--in such high account were chivalric virtues held in the days of -Elizabeth. - -[Sidenote: Particularly his kindly consideration.] - -One feature of his character but little noticed by modern writers was very -remarkable in those days, and will be better valued now than it was then. -All who enjoyed the hospitality of Penshurst were equal in the -consideration of the host: there were no odious distinctions of rank or -fortune; "the dishes did not grow coarser as they receded from the head of -the table," and no huge salt-cellar divided the noble from the ignoble -guests.[119] - -[Sidenote: Chivalric politeness of the age of Elizabeth.] - -[Sidenote: The Earl of Oxford.] - -The polite gracefulness of Sidney was not rare in his time; and there was -not a courtier, who, if placed in similar circumstances to those of Sir -Walter Raleigh, that would not have cast his handsome plush cloak in the -mire to serve for the Queen, as a foot-cloth. Tournaments as well masks -were the amusements of the age. The prize was always delivered by -Elizabeth who never thought that age could deprive her of the privileges -of beauty. Edward Vere Earl of Oxford was more skilful in these manly -exercises of chivalry than all the other courtiers, even than Sidney, who, -like a magnanimous knight, was eloquent in his praise. - - "Having this day my horse, my hand, my lance, - Guided so well that I obtained the prize, - Both by the judgment of the English eyes, - And of some sent from that sweet en'my France: - Horsemen my skill in horsemanship advance, - Townsfolks my strength; a daintier judge applies - His praise to sleight, which from good use doth rise: - Some lucky wits impute it but to chance, - Others, because of both sides I do take - My blood from them who did excel in this, - Think nature me a man of arms did make. - How far they shoot awry! The true cause is, - STELLA look'd on, and from her heavenly face - Sent forth the beams which made so fair my race." - Astrophel and Stella, st. 41. - -The friendship of Sidney for him for awhile was the only circumstance -which we know to his honour, and it implies the possession of virtuous -qualities in the Earl. A considerable portion of coxcombry belonged to -most of Elizabeth's courtiers; and the noble Lord in question was -distinguished according to Stow, for introducing into this country -embroidered and perfumed gloves. - -[Sidenote: Tilts in Greenwich Park.] - -The Queen's band of gentlemen-pensioners formed a perfect illustration of -the chivalric principle of the dignity of obedience, for it was the -highest ambition of the nobility to be enrolled among them. Their tilts in -Greenwich Park would have done honour to the brightest days of chivalry. -But still more select were the knights-tilters, a fraternity founded on -the gallant resolve of Sir Henry Lee to appear in the royal tilt-yard on -the anniversary of the Queen's birth in honour of Her Majesty. Some of -these knights were preux chevaliers indeed. The Queen's glove accidentally -dropped from her hand during a tournament, and the Earl of Cumberland had -the good fortune to recover it. Fancying herself some dame of chivalry, -she desired the Earl to retain it; and he with a gallant spirit, regarding -it as the favour of a lady, had it set in diamonds, and always wore it on -festival occasions in the high crowned hats which had superseded the -helmet. For so polite was the court of Elizabeth, that - - 'Ne any there doth brave or valiant seem, - Unless that same gay mistress' badge he wear.'[120] - -[Sidenote: Sir Henry Lee.] - -From 1571 to 1590 Sir Henry Lee was the Queen's champion; and being then -worn down with age and infirmity, he resigned his office to the Earl of -Cumberland. The ceremony is admirably expressive of the romantic feeling -of the time and the vanity of Elizabeth. It was partly a mask and partly a -chivalric show. On the 17th of November, 1590, Sir Henry Lee and the Earl, -having performed their services in arms, presented themselves to the Queen -at the foot of the stairs under her gallery-window in the tilt-yard, -Westminster, where Her Majesty was seated, surrounded by the French -ambassador, her ladies, and the chief nobility. Soft music then saluted -the ears of the Queen, and one of the royal singers chaunted these lines: - - "My golden locks time hath to silver turn'd, - (Oh time too swift, and swiftness never ceasing!) - My youth 'gainst age, and age at youth hath spurn'd; - But spurn'd in vain, youth waneth by increasing: - Beauty, strength, and youth, flowers fading been, - Duty, faith, and love, are roots, and evergreen. - - "My helmet now shall make a hive for bees; - And lovers' songs shall turn to holy psalms: - A man at arms must now sit on his knees, - And feed on prayers that are old age's alms. - And so from court to cottage I depart: - My saint is sure of mine unspotted heart. - - "And when I sadly sit in homely cell, - I'll teach my swains this carol for a song: - 'Blest be the hearts that think my sovereign well: - Curs'd be the souls that think to do her wrong.' - Goddess! vouchsafe this aged man his right, - To be your beadsman now that was your knight." - -A pageant of a temple of the vestal virgins rose out of the earth. Certain -rich gifts were taken from the altar by the attending virgins, and with a -votive tablet, inscribed "To Eliza," was presented to the Queen. Sir Henry -Lee offered his armour before a crowned pillar at the temple-gate, and -then presented the Earl of Cumberland to the Queen, humbly beseeching her -to accept him as her knight to continue the yearly exercises. Her Majesty -having accepted this offer, the aged knight armed the Earl and mounted him -on his horse. He threw over his own person a gown of black velvet, and -covered his head in lieu of a helmet with a bonnet of the country -fashion.[121] - -[Sidenote: Chivalry reflected in the popular amusements.] - -The popular amusements of England corresponded with those of the court. "I -remember at Mile-end-Green, when I lay at Clement's Inn, I was Sir Dagonet -in Arthur's show," is the avowal of Master Shallow; and thus while -tournaments were held by the court and nobility, other classes of society -diverted themselves with scenic representations of the ancient chivalry. -The recreations of the common people at Christmas and bridals, an author -of the time assures us, consisted in hearing minstrels sing or recite -stories of old times, as the tale of Sir Topas, the Reportes of Bevis of -Southampton, Guy of Warwick, Adam Bell, and Clymme of the Clough, and -other old romances or historical rhymes. And in another place the same -author speaks of companies that were desirous to hear of old adventures, -and valiances of noble knights in times past.[122] The domestic amusements -of the age are thus enumerated by Burton: "The ordinary recreations which -we have in winter are cards, tables and dice, shovel-board, chess-play, -the philosopher's game, small trunks, balliards, music, masks, singing, -dancing, ule games, catches, purposes, questions; _merry tales of errant -knights_, kings, queens, lovers, lords, ladies, giants, dwarfs, thieves, -fairies, goblins, friars, witches, and the rest."[123] - -[Sidenote: Change of manners.] - -In one respect, however, manners underwent a great and distinct change. In -a former chapter, it was mentioned that the Italians invented the long and -pointed sword; and it seems from many scattered allusions to customs in -works of continental history, that it gradually superseded the use of the -broader weapons of knighthood. In Elizabeth's reign the foreign or Italian -rapier was a very favorite weapon. "Sword-and-buckler fight begins to grow -out of use," is the lament of a character in an old comedy. "I am sorry -for it. I shall never see good manhood again. If it be once gone, this -poking fight of rapier and dagger will come up, then a tall man, and a -good sword-and-buckler man will be spitted like a cat or rabbit."[124] The -allusions to this state of manners are more marked and numerous in Ben -Jonson's "Every Man in his Humour," but with that comedy my readers are of -course familiar. - -[Sidenote: Reign of James I.] - -[Sidenote: Tournaments ceased on Prince Henry's death.] - -For some of the early years of James I, tournaments divided with masks the -favour of the court. As soon as Prince Henry reached his sixteenth year, -he put himself forth in a more heroic manner than was usual with princes -of his time, by tiltings, barriers, and other exercises on horseback, the -martial discipline of gentle peace.[125] After his death chivalric sports -fell quite out of fashion. - - "Shields and swords - Cobwebb'd and rusty; not a helm affords - A spark of lustre, which were wont to give - Light to the world, and make the nation live."[126] - -This was the lamentation of Ben Jonson; and another poet thus describes, -in the person of Britannia, the feelings of the nation: - - "Alas! who now shall grace my tournaments, - Or honour me with deeds of chivalry? - What shall become of all my merriments, - My ceremonies, shows of heraldry, - And other rites?"[127] - -Military exercises being entirely disused, the mask, with its enchantments -of music, poetry, painting, and dancing, was the only amusement of the -court and nobility. - -[Sidenote: Life of Lord Cherbury.] - -And now in these last days of chivalry in England a very singular -character appeared upon the scene. This was Edward Herbert, afterwards -Lord Herbert of Cherbury, who was born at Eaton, in Shropshire, in the -year 1581. His family were of the class of gentry, and had for many years -executed various royal offices of military trust. His grandfather was a -staunch royalist in the days of Edward VI., and Queen Mary; and he gained -fortune, as well as fame: for it appears that his share of plunder in the -wars in the north, and of the forfeited estates of rebels, was the -foundation of the family wealth. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric fame of his family.] - -The valour of the Herberts rivalled that of the romantic heroes of -chivalry. Edward has proudly reverted to his great-great grandfather, Sir -Richard Herbert of Colebrook, as an incomparable hero, who twice passed -through a great army of northern men alone, with his pole-axe in his hand, -and returned without any mortal hurt. The courage which had been formerly -displayed in the battle-field was, as times degenerated, reserved for -private wrongs, and the patriot sank into the duellist. At the close of -his life, Edward recollected, with pleasure, that one of his brothers had -carried with him to the grave the scars of twenty-four wounds, many of -them the results of private brawls. Another brother was gentleman of the -King's chamber, and the famous master of the revels; and he, too, had -given several proofs of his courage in duels. - -The infancy of Edward was so sickly that his friends did not think fit to -teach him his alphabet till he was seven years old. He would have us -believe, however, that he was wise though not early schooled; for when an -infant he understood what was said by others, yet he forebore to speak, -lest he should utter something that was imperfect or impertinent. When he -began to talk, one of the first enquiries he made was how he had come into -the world. He told his nurse, keeper, and others, that he found himself -here indeed, but from what cause or beginning, or by what means, he could -not imagine. The nurse stared, and other people wondered at this -precocious wisdom; and when he reflected upon the matter in after life he -was happy in the thought, that as he found himself in possession of this -life, without knowing any thing of the pangs and throes his mother -suffered, when doubtless they no less afflicted him than her, so he hoped -that his soul would pass to a better life than this, without being -sensible of the anguish his body would feel in death.[128] - -He won the acquaintance of the learned languages, and other branches of -juvenile literature, with great ease; and when at the age of twelve he -was sent to Oxford, he tells us that he disputed at his first coming in -logic, and made in Greek the exercises required in his college oftener -than in Latin. He married at the age of fifteen, and then applied himself -more vigorously than ever to study, particularly the continental -languages: but to fence and to ride the great horse were his principal -ambition, for such were the exercises in which the chivalry of his time -were educated,--and he aspired to fame in every pursuit. From the same -feeling of vanity that urged him to publish his deistical dogmas, he -complacently says of himself that no man understood the use of his weapon -better than himself, or had more dexterously availed himself thereof on -all occasions.[129] - -In the year 1600, he removed with his wife and mother from -Montgomery-castle (the seat of his ancestors) to London, and, prompted by -curiosity rather than ambition, he went to court; and as it was the manner -of those times for all men to kneel down before the Queen, he was likewise -upon his knees in the Presence Chamber, when she passed by to the chapel -at Whitehall. As soon as she saw him, she stopped, and, swearing her usual -oath, demanded, "Who is this?" Upon being made acquainted with his name -and circumstances, the Queen looked attentively upon him, and again -giving emphasis to her feelings by an oath, she said that it was a pity he -was married so young, and thereupon gave him her hand twice to kiss, both -times patting him on the cheek. He was made knight of the Bath by James -I.; and with his usual vanity declares that his person was amazingly -commended by the lords and ladies who attended the ceremony. The most -handsome lady of the court pledged her honour for his, and then the -strings of silk and gold were taken from his arm. These strings, as I have -already mentioned, were worn by all the knights till they had achieved -some high deed of arms, or till some lady of honour took them off, and -fastened them on her sleeve, saying that she would answer her friend would -prove a good knight. Like all other knights of the Bath he swore to do -justice to the uttermost of his power, particularly to ladies and -gentlewomen wronged in their honour, if they demanded assistance. - -Soon after this circumstance, he was wearied both of literary and domestic -pursuits, and he resolved to travel in foreign countries. His skill in -fencing was now to be brought into play; for he tells us that in France, -in his time, there was scarcely any man thought worthy regard who had not -killed another in a duel.[130] He went to Paris, and was hospitably -entertained at the neighbouring castle of Merlon, by Henry de Montmorenci, -second son of the great Constable Anne de Montmorenci. - -An occasion for exercising his fantastic chivalry soon presented itself. A -French cavalier snatched a riband from the bonnet of a young lady, and -fastened it to his own hat-band. He refused to return it, and the injured -damsel asked the English knight to get it restored to her. He accordingly -advanced to the Frenchman, courteously, with his hat in his hand, and -desired him to restore the riband. Meeting only with a rude denial, he -replied he would make him restore it by force. The Frenchman ran away; but -finding himself closely pursued, he turned round to the young lady, and -was about to restore her the top-knot, when Sir Edward seized his arm, and -said to her, "It was I that gave it."--"Pardon me," quoth she, "it is he -that gives it me." Sir Edward observed, "I will not contradict you; but if -he presumes to say that I did not constrain him to give it, I will fight -with him." No reply was made, and the French gentleman conducted the lady -back to the castle. Sir Edward was very anxious for a duel, but none took -place; and he was obliged to please his conscience with the reflection, -that he had acted agreeably to the oath which he took when inaugurated a -knight of the Bath.[131] - -On three other occasions, he sported his chivalry in the cause of the -ladies; but the stories of these affairs are poor and uninteresting after -his most delectable behaviour in the Montmorenci garden. - -For many years Sir Edward lived in the court or the camp, in France or -England, seldom visiting his wife in Montgomeryshire, and more frequently -busied in private brawls (but his challenges never ripened into duels) -than engaged in philosophical meditation. - -In the year 1614, while he was in the service of the Prince of Orange, a -trumpeter came from the hostile (the Spanish) army to his with a -challenge,--that if any cavalier would fight a single combat for the sake -of his mistress, a Spanish knight would meet him. The Prince allowed Sir -Edward to accept the challenge. Accordingly a trumpeter was sent to the -Spanish army with the answer, that if the challenger were a knight without -reproach, Sir Edward Herbert would answer him with such weapons as they -should agree upon. But before this herald could deliver his charge, -another Spanish trumpeter reached the camp of the Prince of Orange, -declaring that the challenge had been given without the consent of the -Marquis of Spinola (the commander), who would not permit it. This appeared -strange to the Prince and Sir Edward; and on their thinking that the -Spaniards might object to the duel taking place in the camp of the -challenged, as it was originally proposed, Sir Edward resolved to go to -the enemy, and give him his choice of place. He accordingly went; but -Spinola would not suffer the duel to be fought. A noble entertainment -greeted the Englishman, the Marquis condescending to present to his guest -the best of the meat which his carver offered to himself. He expressed no -anger that the challenges had been given; for he politely asked his guest -of what disease Sir Francis Vere had died. Sir Edward told him, because he -had nothing to do. Spinola replied, in allusion to the idleness of the -campaign, "And it is enough to kill a General;" and thus impliedly -excused any impatient sallies of his young soldiers. - -Sir Henry Wotton, the ambassador of the King of England, having mediated a -peace between the Prince of Orange and the Spaniards, our knight proceeded -on his travels through Germany and Italy. He complimented a nun upon her -singing, while all the other Englishmen present were delighted into -silence: but he was always ready to speak as well as to fight for the -honour of the knighthood of the Bath. "Die whensoever you will," said he -to the young lady, "you need change neither voice nor face to be an -angel!" These words, he assures us, were fatal, for she died shortly -afterwards. - -He went to Florence, and was more pleased with a nail, which was at one -end iron and the other gold, than by all the glories of painting and -sculpture with which the Etrurian Athens was then fresh and redolent. He -sojourned for some time at Rome, but hastily left the city when the Pope -was about to bless him. This refusal of an old man's benediction proceeded -from the vanity of his character. Though perfectly indifferent to -Christianity, when he entered Rome he ostentatiously said to the master of -the English college, that he came not to the city to study controversies, -but to view its antiquities; and if, without scandal to the religion in -which he had been born and educated, he might take this liberty, he would -gladly spend some time there. A decorous submission to the usages of Rome -would not have gained him the world's talk; and, therefore, he hastily -quitted the Consistory when the blessing was about to be given, knowing -that such a bold act of contempt on the religion of the place would be -bruited every where. - -The remainder of his adventures on the Continent is not worthy of record. -He returned to England; and, in 1616, he was sent to France as the English -ambassador. Previously to his setting off, he engaged to fight a duel, -though the day fixed for the circumstance was Sunday; but when he arrived -at Paris on a Saturday night, he refused to accept an invitation of the -Spanish ambassador for an interview the next morning, because Sunday was a -day, which, as he alleged, he wholly gave to devotion. The spirit of -duelling was far more powerful in his mind than the love of conformity to -religious decencies; but it cost him nothing; indeed, it only aggrandised -his importance to decline the visit of the Spanish ambassador on a Sunday. -He remained some time in France, maintaining the honour of his country on -all occasions; particularly with reference to the mighty question, -whether his coachman, or that of the Spanish ambassador, should take -precedence. - -Sir Edward was instructed by his court to mediate between Louis XIII. and -his Protestant subjects; but, instead of conducting the affair with -coolness and political sagacity, he quarrelled with Luines, the minister -of the French king. Complaints of his conduct were sent to England, and he -was recalled. The death of the offended statesman happened soon -afterwards, and Herbert was again dispatched to France. - -The next remarkable event in his life was the publication of his book "_De -Veritate_," whose object it was to show the all-sufficiency of natural -religion. But he, who denied the necessity of a revelation to the human -race, of matters concerning their eternal salvation, fancied that Heaven -expressly revealed to him its will that his book should be published. Such -are the inconsistencies of infidelity! - - "A godless regent trembling at a star!" - -His amusing auto-biography ends with an account of a noise from heaven, -when he prayed for a sign of the Divine will, whether or not he should -print his book. - -Not many other circumstances of his life are on record. He was raised to -the Irish peerage in 1625, and, afterwards, was created an English baron, -by the title of Lord Herbert of Cherbury, in Shropshire. He published -another Latin work, in support of the cause of infidelity, and then gave -to the world his History of the Reign of Henry VIII.; a book which has -been always characterised, by writers who have never read a line of it, as -a master-piece of historic biography; and if gross partiality for his -hero, profound ignorance of human nature, imperfect acquaintance with his -subject, and a pedantic style, constitute the excellence of -memoir-writing, Lord Herbert is an author of the first class. - -Though he had been raised to the peerage by the Stuarts, yet in the days -of Charles I. we find him on the side of the parliament. Montgomery-castle -was demolished by the King's troops, and the parliament made him a -pecuniary compensation. He removed to London, died in 1648, and was buried -in St. Giles's. - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -[Sidenote: His inferiority to the knights of yore.] - -Such was Lord Herbert of Cherbury. His life may be placed in opposition -to, rather than in harmony with, the heroes of early chivalric times. He -had their courage, it is true, but he had none of their dignity and -nobleness, none of their manly grace; and there was a fantastic trifling -in his conduct, which their elevated natures would have scorned. He was no -Christian knight: the superstition of the Chandos's and Mannys, gross as -it was, is not so offensive to the moral sense as the craft and subtlety -of Lord Cherbury's intellect, which refined Christianity into deism. We -can admire the heroes of the days of Edward III., placing their swords' -points on the Gospels, and vowing to defend the truth to the utterance; -but how absurd was the fanaticism, and contemptible the vanity, of him who -expected that Heaven would declare its will that he should deliver to the -world the vain chimeras of his imagination! - -[Sidenote: Decline of chivalric education.] - -The history of English chivalry is now fast drawing to a close. We may -mark the state of the system of chivalric education in the castles of the -nobility. Every great lord, as his ancestors had been, was still attended -by several of the inferior nobility and gentry, and such service was not -accounted dishonourable. The boys were, as of old, called pages, though -perhaps the age for this title somewhat stepped beyond the ancient limit. - -But this was not the only change in that class of the chivalry of England. -In former days pages had been the attendants of the great in the -amusements of the chace and the baronial hall; and had sometimes shared, -with the squire, the more perilous duties of the battle-plain. In the -course of time, as the frame of society became more settled, the arts of -peace smoothed the stern fierceness of chivalry, and the page was the -honorary servant of the lord or his lady, in the proud ceremonial of -nobility, and never mixed in war. He continued to be a person of gentle -birth, and his dress was splendid; circumstances extremely favourable to -that singular state of manners which permitted a woman, without any loss -of her good name, to follow him she admired in the disguise of a gentle -page, and gradually to win his affections by the deep devotion of her -love. Poetry may have adorned such instances of passion, for the subject -is full of interest and pathos; but the poets in the best days of English -verse so frequently copied from the world around them, that we cannot but -believe they drew also in this instance from nature. This form of manners -was romantic; but it certainly was not chivalric: for in pure days of -chivalry the knights, and not the damsels, were the wooers.--But every -thing was changed or degraded. - -The general state of the page in the last days of chivalry may be -collected from one of the dramas of Ben Jonson, where Lovel, a complete -gentleman, a soldier, and a scholar, is desirous to take as his page the -son of Lord Frampul, who was disguised as the host of the Light Heart Inn -at Barnet: - - "_Lov._ A fine child! - You will not part with him, mine host? - "_Host._ Who told you - I would not. - "_Lov._ I but ask you. - "_Host._ And I answer, - To whom? for what? - "_Lov._ To me, to be my page. - "_Host._ I know no mischief yet the child hath done, - To deserve such a destiny. - "_Lov._ Why? - "_Host._ * * * * * * - Trust me I had rather - Take a fair halter, wash my hands, and hang him - Myself, make a clean riddance of him, than---- - "_Lov._ What? - "_Host._ Than damn him to that desperate course of life. - "_Lov._ Call you that desperate, which by a line - Of institution, from our ancestors, - Hath been derived down to us, and received - In a succession, for the noblest way - Of breeding up our youth, in letters, arms, - Fair mien, discourses, civil exercise, - And all the blazon of a gentleman? - Where can he learn to vault, to ride, to fence, - To move his body gracefuller, to speak - His language purer, or to tune his mind - Or manners, more to the harmony of nature, - Than in these nurseries of nobility? - "_Host._ Ay that was when the nursery's self was noble. - And only virtue made it, not the market, - That titles were not vented at the drum, - Or common outcry, goodness gave the greatness, - And greatness worship: every house became - An academy of honour, and those parts - We see departed, in the practice now, - Quite from the institution."[132] - -Something must be abated from this censure, for the speaker was a -disappointed man, and therefore querulous. But whatever might have been -the education of the page, the character itself was lost in the political -convulsions in the time of Charles I. So many of the old institutions of -England were then destroyed, that we need not be surprised that the one -should not escape, which had long survived its purpose and occasion. At -the restoration of the monarchy the ancient court-ceremonial was revived, -and therefore the page was a royal officer: but he is scarcely ever -mentioned in the subsequent private history of the country; and his duties -at the court were altogether personal though gentilitial, and had no -reference at all to military affairs. - -The military features of chivalry had been rudely marred in the wars -between the houses of York and Lancaster, and by the days of James I. not -a lineament remained. The graceful sports of chivalry had been sustained -by the bold and vigorous Henry VIII., and romance could not but be -pleasing to a maiden queen. With Prince Henry the tournament died. -Mightier questions than those which knighthood could resolve were before -the world; and there was nothing in the bearing of the friends of Charles -I., misnamed Cavaliers, to which the character of chivalric can be -applied. - -[Sidenote: Important change in knighthood by parliament of Charles I.] - -The reign of Charles I. is, however, in one respect a memorable epoch in -the history of English knighthood. By the ancient constitution, as we saw -in the last chapter, the King had the power of compelling his vassals to -be knighted. In all ages, however, whether of the high power, or the -decline of chivalry, many persons, considering the duties and charges of -the honour, had been wont to commute it by a fine; and this custom had -often whetted the avarice of monarchs. Elizabeth was the last of our -sovereigns who enriched her exchequer by receiving these commutations. -Charles I. endeavoured to augment his revenue by similar means; but the -spirit of the age was hostile to his claim; and, certainly, as the -military system had changed, it was absurd and unjust that the burden -should survive the benefit of the ancient system. The people triumphed, -and Charles conceded a prerogative which was only known as a means of -public oppression. By a statute passed in the sixteenth year of his reign -(cap. 20.) the right of compelling men to receive knighthood was -abolished. - -[Sidenote: Application of chivalric honours to men of civil station.] - -One branch of English chivalry, namely, knighthood as connected with -property, knighthood as the external symbol of feudalism, was thus put an -end to. But knighthood still continued as an honourable distinction. In -this, the most interesting part of the subject, a great change had taken -place: but it is impossible to mark the exact time of its occurring. We -only know that even in the time of the Lancastrian princes knights could -not, of their own free will, add new members to the order of chivalry, and -that link of honourable equality, which used to bind all men of gentle -birth in one state, was broken. The whole power of creating knights was -usurped by the crown. The first step, which apparently led to this -usurpation, was made even in the purest age of chivalry, the reign of our -Edward III.: for at that time civil merit was rewarded by chivalric -distinctions. The judges of the courts of law were dignified with -knighthood.[133] - -In the subsequent reigns of the Lancastrian princes, it seems to have been -regarded as a well established custom, that men who deserved highly of the -commonwealth should be honoured with some title above the state of a -simple gentleman. Chivalry, as the great fountain of honour, was again -resorted to, and the title of esquire was drawn forth. It was then applied -to sheriffs of counties, serjeants-at-law, and other men of station; and -afterwards courtesy added it to the names of the eldest sons of peers, of -knights, and many others. The honour, like the rest of the chivalric -honours, was personal, not hereditary, and in strictness could be enjoyed -only by virtue of creation, or as a dignity appurtenant to an office. The -mode of creation was copied from the investiture of a knight. The person -who was to be admitted into the squirehood of the country knelt before his -sovereign, who, placing a silver collar of scollop shells mixed with esses -round his neck, cried, "Arise, Sir Esquire, and may God make thee a good -man."[134] - -[Sidenote: Knights made in the field.] - -This right of conferring chivalric honours upon persons of civil station -was exercised by the sovereigns only, and it furnished the pretence of -their assuming the right of judging upon what occasions it should be -conferred on men whose profession was war. The custom of creating knights -in the field of battle by the general in command prevailed in England so -late as the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Robert, the second son of Sir Henry -Sidney, and brother of the famous Sir Philip, was knighted by Leicester, -for his chivalric deportment at the battle of Zutphen. Essex, while -commanding in Spain and Ireland, distributed chivalric honours with such -profusion, that the Queen, who was always jealous of her power, made his -conduct, on this subject, the matter of one of the articles of accusation -against him. - -[Sidenote: Carpet knights.] - -Knighthood, when conferred in the field, was ever held as a very -honourable distinction. When men, who were undistinguished by valour[135], -were raised to chivalric rank, they were called Carpet Knights, as we are -taught by the old ceremonials; and society always used the expression -contemptuously, as we learn from our dramatists, who are as good witnesses -for the customs of their times as romancers had been for those of earlier -days. "He is knight, dubbed with unhacked rapier, and on carpet -consideration," is the character which Sir Toby Belch gives of his friend -Sir Andrew Aguecheek. In a passage of surpassing beauty Fletcher has -described the characters of the chivalric and the carpet knight. - - "Oh the brave dames - Of warlike Genoa! They had eyes to see - The inward man, and only from his worth, - Courage, and conquests, the blind archer knew - To head his shafts, or light his quenched torch; - They were proof against him else! No carpet knight - That spent his youth in groves or pleasant bowers, - Or stretching on a couch his lazy limbs, - Sung to his lute such soft and pleasing notes - As Ovid nor Anacreon ever knew, - Could work on them, nor once bewitch'd their sense; - Though he came so perfum'd, as he had robb'd - Sabea or Arabia of their wealth, - And stor'd it in one suit."[136] - -The order of knighthood was indeed wretchedly degraded in the days of -James I., if we can allow any truth to the remarks of Osborne. "At this -time the honour of knighthood, which antiquity reserved sacred, as the -cheapest and readiest jewel to present virtue with, was promiscuously laid -on any head belonging to the yeomanry (made addle through pride, and a -contempt of their ancestors' pedigree,) that had but a court friend, or -money to purchase the favour of the meanest, able to bring him into an -outward room when the King, the fountain of honour, came down, and was -uninterrupted by other business; in which case, it was then usual for him -to grant a commission for the chamberlain, or some other lord to do it." - -[Sidenote: Knights of the Bath.] - -The carpet, or ordinary knights, must not be confounded with knights of -the Bath, though both classes were knights of peace. Knights of the Bath -had always precedence of knights-bachelors, without any regard to dates of -creation. The knights of the Bath were men of rank and station, or -distinguished for military qualities. They were created by our sovereign -at their coronations, or on other great occasions, from the time of Henry -V., when I last adverted to the subject, to so late a period as the reign -of Charles II., who before he was crowned created sixty-eight knights of -the Bath. When queens were sovereigns a commission was granted to a -nobleman to create knights; and the commission of Queen Elizabeth to the -Earl of Arundel is so rich in thought, and dignified in style, that I -cannot resist the pleasure of transcribing it. After the usual -salutations, "To all men," the Queen declares as follows: "Whereas, we, -minding to proceed to the solemnity of our coronation in such and like -honourable sort as in the coronation of our progenitors hath been -accustomed, and as to our estate and dignity appertaineth, have, both for -the more adornment of the feast of our said coronation, and for the -nobility of blood, good service, and other good qualities, of many our -servants and other subjects, resolved to call certain of them to the order -of knighthood. We let you wete, that for the special trust and confidence -which we have reposed in our right trusty and right well-beloved cousin -and counsellor, Henry Earl of Arundel, Lord Steward of our household, we -have appointed, and by these presents do appoint and authorise him for us, -and in our name, and by our authority, not only to do and exercise every -thing and things to be done and exercised in our behalf, for the full -making of those knights of the Bath, whom we have caused to be specially -called for that purpose, but also to make and ordain such and so many -other persons knights, within the time of two days next ensuing the date -hereof, as by us shall be named, or by himself shall be thought meet, so -that he exceed not in the whole the number of thirty," &c.[137] - -[Sidenote: Full account of the ancient ceremonies of creating them.] - -The ceremonies of creating those knights furnishes us with such an -accurate picture of the manners of our ancestors, that, though I have -touched upon the subject before, I shall, without apology, describe its -minutest features. When an esquire came to court to receive the order of -knighthood, in time of peace, after the custom of England, he was -worshipfully received by the officers of the court, the steward, or -chamberlain, if they were at the palace, or else by the marshals and -ushers. Two esquires, sage, and well nourished in courtesy, and expert in -deeds of knighthood, were assigned as his teachers and governors. If he -arrived in the morning, he was to serve the King with water at dinner, or -else to place a dish of the first course upon the table; and this was his -farewell to his personal duties of esquire. His governors then led him to -his chamber, where he remained alone till the evening, when they sent a -barber to him, who prepared his bath. Water was not yet put into it, but -the esquire was, who sat, wrapped in white cloths and mantles, while his -beard was shaved, and his head rounded. All this being done, the governors -went to the King, and said to him, "Most mighty Prince, our Sovereign -Lord, it waxeth nigh unto the even, and our master is ready in the bath." -The King then commanded his chamberlain to take into the chamber of him -who was to be made knight the prowest and wisest knights about the court, -in order that they might instruct and counsel the esquire, touching the -order of knighthood. - -The chamberlain, preceded by minstrels singing and dancing, and -accompanied by the chosen cavaliers, went to the door of the esquire's -room. When the governors heard the sound of minstrelsy, they stripped -their master, and left him naked in the bath. The music ceased, and the -chamberlain and his knights entered the room. After paying much worship -and courtesy to each other, he to whom precedence was allowed advanced to -the bath, and, kneeling down, whispered these words in the ear of the -esquire: "Right dear brother, may this order bring great honour and -worship unto you; and I pray that Almighty God may give you the praise of -all knighthood. Lo! this is the order: Be ye strong in the faith of Holy -Church, relieve widows and oppressed maidens, give every one his own, and, -above all things, love and dread God. Superior to all other earthly -objects, love the King, thy sovereign lord; him and his right defend unto -thy power, and put him in worship." - -When the esquire was thus advised, the knight-counsellor took in his hand -water from the bath, and threw it gently on the shoulder of his young -friend. The other knights counselled and bathed him in a similar manner, -and then, with the first knight, left the chamber. The governors took the -esquire out of the bath, and laid him on a bed "to dry." When the process -of drying was finished, he was taken out of bed, and clothed warmly; and -there was thrown over him a cope of black russet, with long sleeves, and -the hood, like that of a hermit, sewn on the cope. The barber had the bath -for his fee, and the operation of shaving was paid for separately, -agreeably to the estate of the esquire; and if there was any dispute about -the sum, the King's Majesty's judgment was looked to. - -A joyous company of knights, with squires dancing, and minstrels singing, -entered the room, and with light pace and gay deportment led their friend -into the chapel. There they were refreshed with wines, spices, and -sweatmeats; and the knights-counsellors, being thanked by the esquire for -their great labour and worship, departed. The governors, the officers of -arms, and the waits, remained in the chapel with the esquire. It was his -duty to pass the night in prayer to Almighty God that he might worthily -receive the honour, and discharge all the offices of knighthood. A taper -of wax was always burning before him. - -When the morning dawned a priest entered the chapel, and the more solemn -duties of religion were proceeded with. Shriving, matins, the mass, and -the communion, were performed, the esquire, during the principal -ceremonies of the sacrament, holding the taper in his hand, with a penny -stuck in the wax, near the light; and, finally, he offered them to the -priest, the taper to the honour of God, and the penny to the honour of him -that should make him a knight. His governors then took him from the -chapel, and laid him in his bed, divesting him of his hermit's weeds. - -After some time for refreshment had been allowed him, the governors went -to the King, and said, "Most victorious Prince, our master shall awake -when it so pleaseth Your Majesty." The King accordingly commanded the -party of knights, esquires, and minstrels, to go into the chamber of the -esquire, and awake him. They went, and said to him, "Sir, good day: it is -time to arise." The governors raised him in his bed: the most worthy and -the most sage knight presented him his shirt, the next cavalier in -consideration gave him his breeches, the third his doublet, the fourth his -robe of red taffata, lined with white sarcenet; and, when he was thus -partially clothed, two others lifted him out of bed. Two donned his hose, -which were of black silk, or of black cloth, with soles of leather, two -others buttoned his sleeves, another bound round him a girdle of plain -white leather, an inch broad. The combing of the head, and putting on the -coif, were each performed by a knight. Another gentle cavalier also gave -him his mantle of red tartayn, crossed with white on the breast, and -fastened with a lace of white silk, from which depended a pair of white -gloves. How his white-feathered white hat got upon his head I know not; -for the grave ceremonial is altogether silent about the matter. - -The dressing being concluded, the esquire was placed on horseback, and led -by the knights into the hall of the King, preceded by a young gentle -esquire, also on horseback, and carrying by its point a sword, in a white -scabbard, with gilt spurs hanging upon the cross hilt. The marshal of -England assisted the candidate for knighthood to alight, and led him into -the hall, where he sat at the head of the second table, surrounded by his -counselling knights, his sword-bearer, and governors. The King, on -entering the hall, demanded the sword and the spurs, and they were given -to him by the chamberlain. The King gave the right spur to one of the -noblest peers about him, commanding that lord to place it on the right -heel of the esquire. The lord knelt on one knee, and, taking the esquire -by the right leg, put the foot upon his knee, and not only affixed the -spur to the heel, but made a cross upon the knee of the esquire, and -kissed it. Another lord attached the left spur to the left foot with -similar ceremonies. The King then, out of the meekness of his high might, -girt the sword round the esquire. The esquire raised his arms, and the -King, throwing his arms round the neck of the esquire, smote the esquire -on the shoulder with his right hand, kissing him at the same time, and -saying, "Be ye a good knight." - -The new-made knight was then conducted by his counselling knights into the -chapel, upon whose high altar he laid his sword, offering it to God and -Holy Church, most devoutly beseeching Heaven, that he might always -worthily demean himself in the order. He then took a sup of wine and left -the chapel, at whose door his spurs were taken off by the master-cook, who -received them for his fee; and in the fine style of old English bluntness -reminded him, that "if he ever acted unworthily of his knighthood, it -would be his duty, with the knife with which he dressed the meats, to -strike away his spurs, and that thus by the customs of chivalry he would -lose his worship." The new-made knight went into the hall, and sat at -table with his compeers; but it did not deport with his modesty to eat in -their presence, and his abashment kept him from turning his eyes hither -and thither. He left the table after the King arose, and went to his -chamber with a great multitude of knights, squires, and minstrels, -rejoicing, singing, and dancing. - -Alone in his chamber, and the door closed, the knight, wearied by this -time with ceremony and fasting, ate and drank merrily. He then doffed much -of his array, which was distributed among the officers of the household, -and put on a robe of blue with the white lace of silk hanging on the -shoulder, similar to that which was worn in the days of Henry V.; for -however degenerated the world might have become, they could not for -shame's sake despise all the forms of chivalry. The ceremony, of -inauguration concluded by expressions of thanks and courtesy. The knight -went to the King, and kneeling before him, said, "Most dread and most -mighty Prince, I gratefully salute you for the worship which you have so -courteously given to me." The governors thus addressed the knight: -"Worshipful Sir, by the King's command we have served you, and that -command fulfilled to our power; and what we have done in our service -against your reverence we pray you of your grace to pardon us. -Furthermore, by the custom of the King's court, we require of you robes -and fees becoming the rank of King's squires, who are fellows to the -knights of other lands."[138] - - - - -CHAP. IV. - -PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN FRANCE. - - _Chivalry in Baronial Castles ... Chivalry injured by Religious Wars - ... Beneficial Influence of Poetry and Romance ... Chivalric - Brilliancy of the Fourteenth Century ... Brittany ... Du Guesclin ... - Romantic Character of his early Years ... His knightly conduct at - Rennes ... Gallantry at Cochetel ... Political Consequences of his - Chivalry ... He leads an Army into Spain ... And Changes the Fortunes - of that Kingdom ... Battle of Navaret ... Du Guesclin Prisoner ... - Treatment of him by the Black Prince ... Ransomed ... Is made - Constable of France ... Recovers the Power of the French Monarchy ... - Companionship in Arms between Du Guesclin and Olivier De Clisson ... - Du Guesclin's Death before Randon ... His Character ... Decline of - Chivalry ... Proof of it ... Little Chivalry in the Second Series of - French and English Wars ... Combats of Pages ... Further Decay of - Chivalry ... Abuses in conferring Knighthood ... Burgundy ... Its - Chivalry ... The Romantic Nature of the Burgundian Tournaments ... - Last Gleams of Chivalry in France ... Life of Bayard ... Francis I. - ... Extinction of Chivalry._ - - -[Sidenote: Chivalry in baronial castles.] - -The high rank of France among the civilised states of Europe in the middle -ages decides the country to which our attention should be next directed -in tracing the history of chivalry. Every French baron graced his nobility -by the honour of knighthood, and was surrounded by a band of cavaliers. -Kings, and even queens, had a certain number of knights who composed their -court and accepted their pay; and the conferring of royal honours upon -other men than possessors of mere wealth or rank had a powerful effect in -promoting the virtues, whatever they might be, of the times. Merit was not -considered, as a landed estate, to be altogether hereditary, and the -personal nature of chivalry became a check upon the exclusiveness of -aristocratical pride.[139] - -The moral influence of the chivalric code in supporting justice and -diffusing gentleness of manners is not very perceptible in the early ages -of France; for the chroniclers of those times chiefly mark the general -political circumstances of the decline of the house of Charlemagne, the -establishing of a feudal aristocracy, and the rise of a new monarchy by -the spirit and ambition of Hugh Capet. - -[Sidenote: Chivalry injured by religious wars.] - -In the eleventh century chivalry became a distinguishing feature in the -national character of France, for the crusades began at that time; and -France, above all other countries of the west, was influenced by their -spirit. As every knight vowed to support the church, he readily enough -became a soldier in those wars which the clergy declared were essential to -the well-being of religion. The Holy Land presented a noble field for the -display of his virtue: his love of adventures might be gratified by his -long and toilsome journey thither; and if the shores of Palestine drank -his blood, he gained a crown of martyrdom instead of a victor's laurel. - -[Sidenote: Beneficial influence of poetry and romance.] - -The sword of the cavalier was too often drawn by the church; and in the -persecution of the Albigenses the knighthood of France forgot all the -generous liberality and mercy of their order. But although the crusades -against ferocious Turks and erring Christians took from chivalry much of -its gracefulness and beauty, yet a restoring power was found in that love -for poetry and romance which for some ages had been spreading itself over -the world. Human nature, in Europe, appears to have been sunk to the -lowest possible degree of depression at the time when the Roman empire was -in its last days of decay. We corrupt our admiration of classical ages -into a superstitious idolatry, when we affirm that the revival of the -energies of the human intellect took place in consequence of the -discovery of a few Greek and Latin manuscripts. The storm from the north -in earlier times was the greatest moral blessing which mankind had ever -known. It swept away those institutions which were no longer sustained by -virtue and genius; and the settlement of the Gothic kingdoms was the -commencement of the new glories of the world. The successors of the Romans -were not entirely occupied in the fierce struggles of ambition. A new -intellect was impressed upon Europe, wild as nature before it is tamed -into artificial society, but rich, vigorous, and beautiful. As the new -states of the West took a firm and enduring shape, as the tendency of -human nature to improvement gradually became visible, intellectual talent -was more and more esteemed. If in the twelfth century the plains of Europe -were covered with armed knights, the castles were filled with poets who -sang the joys both of war and love; and although the brave gestes of -Charlemagne and his paladins against the Saracens were the theme of many a -minstrel's lay, and tended to promote religious wars, yet the same -romantic rhymers described the other duties of the chivalric character, -and set knightly gentleness and gallantry at the highest pitch of -chivalric virtue. That from their own viciousness, or in base compliance -with their lords' passions, they were often gross in their descriptions -and depraved in their morality, are circumstances sufficiently true; but -still the general tendency of the poetry and romance of the chivalric ages -was to improve the manners of the time. To right the oppressed, to succour -woman in distress, formed the burden of many an ancient song; and when -chaunted to the minstrel's harp in a baronial hall, it won the mind of the -feudal noble from those deeds of blood which the superstitious declared -were the only duties of a knight. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric brilliancy of the fourteenth century.] - -The amusements of chivalry aided romance in sleeking o'er the rugged looks -of war; for tournaments became more and more the national amusement as the -world escaped from the darkness of barbarism. The crusades closed with the -thirteenth century; and in the succeeding age that fine spirit of -chivalry, which the expeditions to Palestine had checked, shone with -unclouded brilliancy. When the plains of France were one vast tilting -ground for the French and English knights, stern fanaticism did not draw -the sword. In the crusades, romantic aspirations after woman's smiles -seldom inspired the hero's chivalry, but in the wars of Edward III. in -France, every cavalier fought for the honour of his lady-mistress as well -as for the ambition of his King. In those days that great principle of -chivalry, the companionship of knights, was fully felt as an influential -motive to action. Therefore the cavalier was courteous to his foe: he -waited the leisure, and saluted the other, before he placed his spear in -its rest: he did not demand of his captive a ransom more heavy than his -estate could well furnish; and in no case did he inflict cruelties beyond -the necessary pains of war. The display of chivalry was as brilliant as -its spirit was noble; and it was a great beauty to behold banners and -standards waving in the wind, horses barded, and knights and squires -richly armed. But as I collected in a former chapter the most striking -circumstances regarding the chivalry of those times, I shall pass on to -the next interesting page in knightly story. - -[Sidenote: Brittany.] - -It contains the life of a hero, whose chivalric courage materially -influenced the fortunes of the French monarchy. He sprung, too, from a -country that was full of romantic associations. When the Saxons had -achieved the conquest of England, many of the subjugated people crossed -the sea to France, and settled in Britanny: so numerous, indeed, was the -colony, that the historians of that province people it entirely from -England.[140] The ancient language of this island was certainly spoken in -Armorica; and all our history and romance were known and cherished there -as well and as fondly as in Wales and Cornwall, the other receptacles of -oppressed Britons. In after ages both the French and English chevaliers -turned their eyes to Brittany with respect and veneration, as the -preserver of the fame of Arthur, and of the knights of the Round Table, -whose history was a chief source of romantic fiction. - -[Sidenote: Du Guesclin.] - -And now, in the fourteenth century, a cavalier appeared who was worthy to -have broken a lance with - - "Uther's son, - Begirt with British and Armorick knights!" - -[Sidenote: Romantic character of his early years.] - -Bertrand du Guesclin, a Breton, of gentle rather than noble family, was a -knight in whom the love of military glory burnt with a pure and bright -flame. He was born at the chateau of De la Motte de Broen, near Rennes, in -Brittany, in the year 1320. Nature had so little graced his personal -exterior, that even to the partial eye of a mother he seemed rather a -clown than a gentleman. Some tinge of melancholy in his nature was -mistaken for ill-tempered gloom, and his disposition to taciturnity was -fostered by neglect and contempt. He grew rude, violent, and morose; and -his parents would not entertain the notion of educating him for -knighthood, the wonted distinction of the eldest son of a gentleman. But -the disposition of Bertrand's mind was invincible; and he encouraged it by -practising with energy and perseverance all the boyish exercises which -were the faithful mirrors of war; he practised them, too, in opposition to -the will of his father, who never failed to chastise him when he witnessed -any display of his nature's bent. He appeared as an unknown knight at a -tournament at Rennes, and won the palm of victory from a regularly -educated cavalier. The path of military glory now lay before him. Soon -afterwards he entered the service of Charles of Blois, who knighted him; -and he speedily distinguished himself by several chivalric circumstances. - -[Sidenote: His knightly conduct at Rennes.] - -The town of Rennes was blockaded by the Duke of Lancaster with such -ability, that a surrender at discretion was looked for by the English. In -full confidence of success, Lancaster vowed that he would not quit the -place until he was its master. In this embarrassing conjuncture, one of -the citizens offered to pass through the camp of the enemy, to deceive -the Duke by false intelligence, and, finally, to apprize Charles of Blois -of the danger which hung over the place. With great skill and firmness he -performed his promise. He repaired to the camp of the Duke, and painted -with affected _naïveté_ the distress of the besieged, who founded, he -said, their only hope of safety on the succour of a French troop that was -expected in two days. The tale was credited; and while the duke, hastily -collecting his choicest knights, rode at speed to meet the rescue, the -townsman of Rennes, from his simple unwarlike appearance, was allowed at -his free will to pass through the camp. At some distance from the English -station he encountered Bertrand du Guesclin, and described the position of -affairs. In a moment, the valiant Breton knight formed and executed his -resolve: he waved his pennon, and many hardy soldiers pressed around him. -They dashed into the English camp; and, after displaying the power of -their chivalry, they seized large stores of provisions, and proudly -marched with them into the famished town of Rennes. - -Soon afterwards, the wearied and mortified English returned to their camp. -Surprised at the destruction which had been committed in his absence, the -Duke enquired the cause; and was told that the name of the knight who had -executed so bold a measure was Du Guesclin. Lancaster, like a gallant -cavalier, could admire boldness even in a foeman, and he sent a herald -into the town requesting that he might behold the man who had so -singularly distinguished himself. - -Accordingly, on the next morning, Du Guesclin went to the enemy's camp, -his personal safety being secure under the word of English chivalry. He -was conducted into the tent of the Duke, who received him with perfect -courtesy, which the knight answered, by assuring him, that he was at his -command in all things that did not militate against the service of his own -chief. - -The Duke then demanded the name of his lord, and Du Guesclin replied, -Charles of Blois, to whom by right appertained the duchy of Brittany. - -An English knight observed, "_Messire Bertrand, avant que ce vous dites se -termine arrive, il en couterâ cent mille têtes_." - -"_Eh bien_," answered Du Guesclin, "_qu'on en tue tant qu'on voudra, ceux -qui demeureront auront la robe des autres_." - -This repartee amused the Duke, who, pleased at the martial frankness of Du -Guesclin, wished to engage him in his service. But he declined all his -offers; and after jousting with a knight who thought little of his -valiancy, he returned to Rennes. - -The winter approached; a season more terrible to those without than to -those within the walls. Du Guesclin repulsed every assault; and Lancaster -would have retired, if his honour had not been pledged to take the town. -Du Guesclin's ingenuity assisted him in this exigency. It was agreed that -Lancaster should enter Rennes armed, his standards should be planted on -the walls, and after this satisfaction of his conscience he should raise -the siege. The treaty was faithfully executed. The Duke entered Rennes, -remained there some hours, and then quitted it; hardly, however, had he -left the gate when the citizens contemptuously cast his standards into the -ditch. This indignity wounded him deeply; but being an honourable observer -of his word, he would not betray his resentment, or permit his army to -avenge this insult to their leader and their nation.[141] - -[Sidenote: Gallantry at Cochetel.] - -Du Guesclin soon afterwards entered the service of John, King of France, -with a considerable band of Breton knights and squires, whom the fame of -his chivalry had drawn to his standard. He remained a royal knight till -the death of the King in 1364, and then became a soldier of his -successor, Charles V. Before the coronation of that monarch, Du Guesclin -proved himself worthy of being his cavalier, by a circumstance which -entitled him also to national gratitude. The authority of the French, in -Normandy, was disputed by some lords of that duchy, who were aided by the -English and the Navarrese. The troops of Navarre encountered the French -near Cochetel; but instead of maintaining their position on a hill, they -descended into the plain, deceived by a feigned retreat of Du Guesclin. -Then it was that the Breton ranged his men-at-arms; and their inequality -in number to the foe was more than supplied by the reflection with which -Du Guesclin animated them, that it behoved the chivalry of France to -ornament with laurel the crown of their new sovereign. - -Only one circumstance of the battle merits description; and, indeed, it is -the only intelligible one in the mêlée of the knights. Thirty Gascon -gentlemen had united themselves in strict fraternity of enterprise and -peril to take prisoner John de Grailly, the commander of the Navarrese. -Accordingly, when the fight began they advanced with serried shields into -the thickest of the press. They were beaten back; but they soon renewed -the charge, and their prowess at length prevailed: for the Navarrese -knights had not formed themselves into a band for the defence of their -commander, and his person was therefore imperfectly protected. His capture -decided the fate of the day. The battle of Cochetel is remarkable, not -only as gracing a new King but as animating the courage of the French, -which had been dispirited by repeated defeats during the two preceding -reigns.[142] - -In the same year Du Guesclin, by permission of his sovereign, aided his -former friend, Charles de Blois, in establishing his rights over Brittany. -The opponent of Charles was John de Mountfort, and a destructive war had -been seemingly closed by the peace of Landes. But the Countess of -Penthievre, the wife of Charles, disdained any compromise of her rights, -and her tears and reproaches induced him to cancel the treaty. The war was -renewed; the English siding with De Mountfort, and the French with -Charles. The battle of Auray decided the cause. Charles of Blois was -slain; and in his last moments he lamented that his ambition had been -fatal to so many brave men. Du Guesclin was made prisoner by a squire of -Sir John Chandos, the commander of De Mountfort's troops[143]: but he -scarcely felt the pain of imprisonment, so courteously did the English -knight deport himself. - -[Sidenote: Political consequences of his chivalry.] - -Such was the state of Du Guesclin when Europe once again became a scene of -chivalry; and its fortunes were as much influenced by his gallant spirit, -as, a few years before, they had been swayed by those knights who had -assailed and defended the French crown. The peace of Bretigny had -terminated the contest between France and England, and the interesting -point of political consideration was Spain. A long course of oppression -and tyranny had alienated from Peter, King of Castile, the affections of -his people, and stigmatised his name with the epithet, Cruel. His -murdering his nobility and his brothers would have passed unnoticed out of -Spain; but he imbrued his hands in the blood of his wife, Blanche of -Bourbon, and she was sister of the French Queen. The indignation of -Charles V. of France was roused at this last crime; and the chivalric -gallantry of his court loudly echoed his feelings. An army and a leader -both were wanting; for most of the knighthood of France had been slain in -the late wars. At that moment Du Guesclin was regarded by the court of -France as the great stay of knighthood; and his love of military -adventures, and his aspirations for high emprises, seconded the wish of -the King, that he would revenge the death of his sister. These military -qualities of chivalry formed the character of Du Guesclin; for he who had -been rudely stamped by nature, who little regarded lovers' lays and -ladies' bowers, could scarcely sympathise with the gallantry of the court -of France. But for the heroism of Du Guesclin the enterprise would have -perished in its bud. France was covered with soldiers, the disbanded -mercenaries of the late wars. Charles V. regarded them with suspicious -eyes; his power was not adequate to annihilate them, or even to punish -them for their violation of his subjects' peace; and, skilful prince as he -was, he made no attempt to remove them peaceably from his states. It was -only to a real genius in war that they would submit; and Du Guesclin, -above all other men of his age, was capable of guiding their martial -energies. The King ransomed him from Chandos for one hundred thousand -franks[144], and invested him with the command of the enterprise. Du -Guesclin met the mercenaries at the table of carousal, and the occasion of -festivity was a favourable one for communicating his scheme. I cannot -believe, with some writers, that the unchivalric conduct of Peter -stimulated the heroism of these adventures. Among them, indeed, were many -soldiers of fortune, generous and noble minded; and such men would -sympathise with virtue: but most of them were mere military ruffians, who -defied, and were the disgrace of, the law. The promise of two hundred -thousand livres from the King of France was the lure for their -enterprising themselves, and I need not dwell upon their hope of common -military plunder. It is amusing to observe how fondly superstition clings -about the heart of man; for these daring marauders declared that they -could not cross the Alps till they had received absolution from the Pope -for their former sins. Du Guesclin promised to procure it; and then the -joyousness of the soldier resumed its ascendancy, and they cried, that -they had more confidence in him than in all the bishops of France or at -Avignon. - -[Sidenote: He leads an army into Spain,] - -[Sidenote: and changes the fortunes of that kingdom.] - -Towards that city of Italian prelates they repaired, after having been -admitted into the presence of the French King. They astonished the legate -of the terrified Pope by declaring that they wanted absolution, and two -hundred thousand livres. With these opposite demands His Holiness -prudently complied; and Du Guesclin crossed the Pyrenees, his soldiers -being now called the White Companions, from their wearing on their -shoulders a white cross, to testify that they had taken up arms only to -abolish Judaism, and put down Peter, who was the supposed supporter of -it.[145] Du Guesclin was accompanied into Spain by many noble Spaniards, -whom the cruelties of Peter had, some while before, banished from their -own country. Among them was Henry of Trastamarra, the son of Leonora de -Guzman, the mistress of Peter's father. The hopes of Castile were now -directed to Henry; for any defect in the legitimacy of his title was amply -supplied by his talents and virtues. Du Guesclin supported the general -feeling of the time: he drove the King from the throne, and seated Henry -upon it. - -The deposed monarch fled to Corunna, embarked, with his three daughters, -on board the first ship which the shadow of his former power enabled him -to command, and sailed to Bayonne. He knew that the Black Prince was in -Bourdeaux, and he hastened to lay before him his wrongs. Edward, hearing -of his purpose, and resolving to do him honour, issued out of the city, -accompanied by divers knights and squires, and went and met the King, and -did him great reverence, both in word and deed. After the Prince had well -feasted him, they rode together to Bourdeaux, Edward, like a courteous -knight, giving his friend the right, or side of honour. When they reached -the city, the King was conducted to a fair chamber, ready apparelled for -him; and, after changing his soiled dress for a robe of splendour, he went -to the Princess and the ladies, who received him right courteously.[146] - -But few entreaties were necessary, before Edward promised the best -exertions of his chivalry to restore him to his throne. The rights of -legitimacy were his pretext; for he said that "it was not fit a bastard -should hold a realm in heritage, and put his brother, the rightful -inheritor of the land, out of his own realm; the which things all kings -and kings' sons should in nowise suffer, nor consent to, for it was a -great prejudice against the state royal." The Prince, as Froissart says, -was then in the lusty flower of his youth; and he was never weary nor well -satisfied with war, since the first beginning that he bore arms, but ever -intended to achieve high deeds of chivalry.[147] "The people of Spain," -observes Froissart in another place, "had great marvel of the Prince's -intention, and there was much communing thereof. Some said the Prince took -on him the enterprise for pride and presumption, and was, in a manner, -angry of the honour that Sir Bertrand of Du Guesclin had gotten, in -conquering of the realm of Castile, in the name of King Henry, who was by -him made king."[148] And if the principles of human nature and chivalry -should still leave any doubt on our minds regarding Edward's motives, his -treatment of Du Guesclin, when the noble Breton became his prisoner, would -remove any obscurity. - -His council in vain endeavoured to dissuade him from his purpose, though -these good and sage imaginative lords pleaded well the cause of justice. -"Sir," they said, "ye have heard it observed, divers times, he that -embraceth too much holdeth the weaklier. It is for a truth that ye are one -of the Princes of the world most praised, honoured, and redoubted, and -hold on this side of the sea great lands and seigniories, thanked be God, -in good rest and peace. There is no king, near nor far, who at this time -dares to displease you; so renowned are you of good chivalry, grace, and -good fortune. You ought, therefore, by reason, to be content with what you -have, and seek not to get any enemies. Sir, we say not this for evil. We -know well that the King, Don Peter of Castile, who is now driven out of -his realm, is a man of high mind, right cruel, and full of evil -conditions; for by him have been done many evil deeds in the realm of -Castile; and he hath caused many a valiant man to lose his head, and -brought cruelly to an end, without any manner of reason; and so by his -villain deeds he is now put out of his realm: and also, besides all this, -he is enemy to the church, and cursed by our holy father, the Pope. He is -reputed, and hath been a great season, a tyrant; and, without tittle of -reason, hath always grieved and made war with his neighbours, the King of -Arragon and the King of Navarre, and would have disinherited them by -puissance; and also, as the bruit runneth throughout his realm, how he -causeth to die his wife, your cousin, daughter to the Duke of Bourbon. -Wherefore, Sir, you ought to think and consider that all this that he now -suffers are rods and strokes of God sent to chastise him, and to give -example to all other Christian kings and princes, to beware that they do -not as he hath done." - -Such were the counsels of the Gascon and English knights who attended -Edward; but his resolution was formed, and he prepared for war. He drew -from the White Companies those of his valiant liegemen, who, for want of -other chevisance, had joined Du Guesclin; and, in England, when his -purpose was bruited, all the youthful chivalry was on fire to join the -hero of Cressy and Poictiers. - -[Sidenote: Battle of Navaret, April 3. 1367.] - -[Sidenote: Du Guesclin prisoner.] - -He commenced his march with thirty thousand soldiers. It was winter when -they passed through the valley of Roncesvalles; and, while the snow drove -in their faces, they cheered their spirits by singing the songs in which -the minstrel-muse had celebrated the deeds of Charlemagne's paladins. At -Pampeluna their distressful march was relieved by the King of Navarre, -whose aid they had purchased; and the Prince of Wales proceeded to -Castile. The battle of Navaret decided the contest. The common people of -Spain, who composed the first ranks of Henry, fought so bravely with their -slings, that the Englishmen were sorely troubled; but Edward's archers -drew their bows right yeomanly, and soon checked their fury. Henry had on -his side more than a hundred thousand men in harness, from Castile, -Portugal, and other states; and well and chivalrously did they sustain his -cause. The better-appointed force of Edward gradually prevailed, though -King Henry's troops fought to the bravest point; for, as they had placed -him on the throne, they felt their honour engaged to fight for him to the -utterance. The battle, in all its press and din, was fought between the -troops of Du Guesclin and those of Sir John Chandos. The noble Breton was -taken prisoner, and the English remained masters of the field. Don Pedro -was restored to his throne, and Edward somewhat redeemed his previous -conduct, by inducing the King to grant a general pardon and amnesty. The -ingratitude of Pedro was the consequence of the Black Prince's exertions -in his favour; and I need not dwell upon such a natural circumstance.[149] - -To furnish his troops with those arrears of pay which Peter should have -satisfied, Edward was obliged to tax the possessions of the English in -France. Between the people of England and the French there had been -long-enduring jealousies: there was no community of ideas and manners -between them; and the principle of obedience more naturally rested on a -French than on an English sovereign. The demeanour of the Black Prince was -not that of a courteous and gentle knight: his haughtiness lost him many -friends; and his impolicy of giving all the offices of state in Gascony -and Acquitain to Englishmen was bitterly complained of, and resented by -the lords of those countries, who had perilled themselves, to the loss of -their estates, in his cause. - -On the other hand, the English were not backward in reproaching the -Gascons. Certain knights of England once told the Black Prince, that he -little knew the mind of these people, nor how proud they were. "They do -not love us, and never did," continued these counsellors. "Sir, remember -ye not how highly and greatly they bore themselves against you in the city -of Bourdeaux, when King John of France was first carried thither? They -said then, and maintained plainly, that by them only ye attained to -achieve the taking of the King; and that right well appeared, for you were -in great treaty with them for the space of four months, ere they would -consent that the French king; should be carried into England. First, it -behoved you to satisfy their minds, to keep them in love."[150] Edward's -attempt at taxation exasperated the angry feelings of his subjects, and -was the great and immediate cause of their revolt to the French King. - -[Sidenote: Treatment of him by the Black Prince.] - -Edward detained Du Guesclin in prison longer than was consistent with the -feelings of generosity, which were wont to warm the breast of a gentle -knight. Yet Edward could state the reciprocal duties of conqueror and -captive with accuracy; that the former ought not to exact too high a sum, -and that the latter should not attempt to escape without paying his -ransom. A cavalier, using the freedom of a festive hour, commented on this -observation, by saying, that the world was blaming him for his severity -towards one of his prisoners. Edward's sense of honour was touched by this -remark, and he summoned Du Guesclin to his presence. The hero appeared -before him, dressed in his coarse prison garment; and in reply to some -unknightly merriment of the Prince on the rudeness of his appearance, he -said, that it remained with the pleasure of the conqueror when he should -be better clothed; that for some time he had had only rats and mice for -his companions, and, as he added with affecting simplicity, "even to the -songs of the birds I have been a stranger." - -[Sidenote: Ransomed.] - -Edward offered him freedom on condition of his swearing not to war in -favour of France or of Henry of Trastamarra, the candidate for the Spanish -throne. Du Guesclin could not consistently with honour comply with these -conditions; and Edward, stung by the recollection that the world had -impeached his bravery and generousness, declared that, to show he dreaded -no man, Du Guesclin should be restored to his liberty on paying a proper -ransom. The noble Breton then required to be released on his parole, in -order that he might fetch the necessary sum. Edward, touched by his -spirited demeanour, resumed all his generous and chivalric feelings, and -declared that Du Guesclin should name his own ransom; and instead of -fixing it at ten thousand or twenty thousand livres, the captive hero -proudly mentioned sixty thousand florins. The Prince was astonished at his -apparent presumption, and asked him by what means he could pay so large a -sum. "The Kings of France and Castile," he replied, "are my friends, and -will never fail me in a case of necessity. I know a hundred knights of -Brittany who would sell their possessions for my liberation; and there is -not a woman sitting at her distaff in France who would not labour with her -own hands to redeem me from yours." Du Guesclin was then liberated on his -parole of honour, and people gazed with curiosity and respect upon a man -who had so noble a sense of his own dignity.[151] - -[Sidenote: Is made constable of France.] - -This liberation took place in the year 1368, and the Breton immediately -entered into the service of Henry of Trastamarra. Peter had renewed his -cruelties when the Black Prince seated him on the throne, and his tyranny -again provoked the Castilians to rebellion. The power of Henry slowly -rose, and as soon as Du Guesclin and his Gascons took the field, he once -more became king. Soon afterwards our knight was recalled by Charles V. to -France, and placed at the head of his chivalry by the title of Constable. -He entered Paris amidst general acclamations, the people saluting him with -cries which hitherto had been appropriated to kings. He went to court, -where the King, in the presence of his nobles, declared, that he chose him -to command his armies, and therefore gave him the sword of Constable. Du -Guesclin then, with the modesty of a true knight, implored his sovereign -to honour with this dignity some one who was more worthy of it than -himself. But Charles declared that there was not a knight in France who -did not acknowledge the superior worship of Du Guesclin, and therefore he -commanded him to accept the office. Du Guesclin yielded; but fearing the -courtiers of Paris more than his country's enemies, he entreated the King -not to credit any tales which might be circulated to his prejudice, -without first hearing his defence.[152] - -[Sidenote: Recovers the power of the French monarchy.] - -[Sidenote: Companionship in arms between Du Guesclin and Olivier de -Clisson.] - -Du Guesclin now began to achieve the high emprise of re-annexing to the -crown of France those provinces which the gallantry of the Black Prince -had wrested from it. Charles could not give him many troops; but the noble -knight sold his estates in order to raise men-at-arms, and his wife -parted with the ornaments becoming her station, in order to purchase -lances and harness. He was soon surrounded by four thousand soldiers. They -were chiefly levied in Normandy, and their rendezvous was Caen. Du -Guesclin threw an air of chivalry over his emprise, for he introduced the -usage of fraternity of arms. He chose for his own brother, Olivier de -Clisson, or Du Guesclin, a knight whose name is mentioned with honour in -all the great battles of the time. These two Breton cavaliers signed at -Pontoison the act of their fraternity, whereby they engaged to defend the -estate, life, and honour of each other.[153] - -Du Guesclin then fell upon the English at Pontvelain with the force of -thunder: most of them were taken prisoners; and Sir Robert Knowles, their -leader, fled to Brittany, and concealed his head for shame, during the -rest of his life in the castle of Derval.[154] The Black Prince was then -at Bourdeaux, enfeebled by sickness: he had wasted his constitution in the -peninsular war; for the climate of Spain was not so favourable to the -health of Englishmen in those days as it has been found in later times. -Instead of being able to gird on his armour and display his chivalry, -Edward had scarcely strength to follow the counsel of his leeches to -return to England. He left the Duke of Lancaster to preserve the English -dominion in France from total ruin. - -The year 1371 was a blank in the chivalric history of Du Guesclin, but the -following spring he continued his attempt to subjugate Poictou. Many -cities were sacked; and the abhorrence with which the cruelties of Olivier -de Clisson were regarded by his own army may warrant the conjecture that -inhumanity was not general. At the close of 1372, Poictou was entirely -subdued. In the next year, Du Guesclin continued his conquests, and -Guienne became the subject of his victories. The Duke of Lancaster was the -successor of the power, but not of the chivalry, of the Black Prince; and -De Mountfort, whom Edward sent to France as the opponent of Du Guesclin, -not only recovered nothing, but lost much of Brittany; and thus, by the -genius and fortune of one chivalric hero, all the bright visions of glory -created in the fervid imaginations of our Edwards were blighted, and -France recovered her station among the high powers of Europe. - -[Sidenote: Du Gueslin's death before Randan.] - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -Du Guesclin continued in the service of Charles. The last years of his -life it is impossible to describe, so contradictory are his biographers. -Some declare that the calumnies of Parisian courtiers deprived him of the -favour of Charles, and that he lost his office of Constable. However this -may have been, it is certain that in the year 1380 he commanded the -French troops in Auvergne, and went to lay siege to Randan, a little -fortress some leagues from Mendes, in the Govandau, between the sources of -the Lot and the Alleir. The place, until then so little known, immediately -became famous, in French history, for the loss which France sustained -before its walls of one of her prowest knights. Du Guesclin, who, -according to the wont of chivalry, had vowed not to sheath his sword while -an enemy's lance was raised, pressed the siege with vigour, when he was -attacked by a malady which was soon found to be mortal. He beheld the -approach of death with Christian intrepidity, and he died while exhorting -the knights around his bed to the duties of devotion to God, loyalty to -the King, and mercy to those who were the objects of war. It was his wish -to be buried at Dinan, in Brittany, but the King commanded the abbey of -St. Denys to be the place[155]; and in kindness and gratitude, he was -anxious that a lamp should always hang over the tomb, in order that -posterity might never lose remembrance of his great deeds.[156] The -epitaph, on account of its simplicity, deserves mention. "Ici gist noble -homme Messire Bertrand du Guesclin, Comte de Longueville, et Connétable de -France, qui trepassa au chastel neuf de Randan en Gisaudan, en la -Sénéchaussée de Beauncaire, le 13 jour de Juillet, 1380. Priez Dieu pour -lui."[157] - -Such was the life of a simple Breton gentleman, who with no advantage of -birth, no powerful patronage, but with only his good sword to speed him, -raised himself to the highest rank in the French nation, and his was one -of the numerous instances in the middle ages where the personal merit of -chivalry was of more avail than the hereditary right of aristocracy. In -many of the essentials of knighthood, in lofty daring, sageness, and -generosity, he was as preux a cavalier as the English Chandos' and Mannys; -but there was none of that gallant grace over this darling of French -chivalry, which distinguished the heroes of Edward III. He was so sensible -of his own personal plainness, that he never cultivated the pleasing -amenities of chivalry; but his modesty did not pass unrewarded[158]: for -the ladies of Brittany were so deeply read in the romances of their -country, that they loved only men who were famous for martial deeds. Du -Guesclin was twice married: of the first of his wives nothing is on -record; the other is said to have been a woman of beauty, fortune and wit. -She was an heiress in Brittany, and Charles of Blois promoted the union, -hoping to attach him to his court. Her reputation as a prophetess was -extensive, and her prediction of his success in a particular battle being -verified, her vanity became interested in his fate. She had her days of -good and of evil fortune, and if historians have written his annals -faithfully, Bertrand often repented, both as a soldier and a husband, when -he did not regard her councils.[159] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Decline of chivalry.] - -[Sidenote: Proof of it.] - -The history of France after these circumstances was the struggle between -the ruling powers and the people regarding the right of taxation. The -civil wars that devastated France and Flanders, in consequence of this -dispute, bore none of the character of chivalry; for monarchical and -aristocratical haughtiness disdained to consider as their companions in -arms those whom they called the raskal-rout, the base-born rabble. It was -only wars of ambition that were graced and softened by chivalric -generosity; and therefore all was blood, and horror, and confusion, when -the houses of Orleans and Burgundy distracted France with their feuds. The -pages of Monstrelet, the chronicler of the events to which I have alluded, -form a gloomy contrast to the splendid scenes of Froissart. The field, -indeed, continues to gleam with lances, and banners and pennons wave in -the wind, but the spirit of honour and courtesy no longer hung over -them,--and the prostrate soldier sued for mercy in vain. Knights were -created before and after battles: tournaments, jousts, and other splendid -shows were held; and as the essence of chivalry decayed its splendour -seemed to brighten. An affair in Liege, in the year 1408, will show the -manner of warfare when chivalry was on the wane. John Duke of Burgundy, -John of Bavaria, the lords of Hainault and Orange, and other princes, -appeared in arms to succour the Bishop of Liege, brother-in-law of the -Duke of Bavaria, whom the Liegeois had expelled from the city. Instead of -following the counsel of the new bishop and his father the Lord de -Pier-vves, of remaining within the walls, and wearing out the enemy by a -defensive war, the Liegeois, when the bells of the city announced break of -day, left their fortifications, resolved to give battle to the -well-appointed lines of Burgundy. Their numbers were fifty thousand; but -except some pieces of artillery, five or six hundred men armed like -cavalry, and a few score of stipendiary English archers, they were the -disorderly population of the city. Their confidence of success was exalted -to madness; and when the hour of battle arrived, they would not suffer -their nominal leader, the Lord Pier-vves, to take any means of prudence. -It is curious to mark the difference of character in the two parties. -There was a wild frantic kind of courage in the Liegeois, inspired by the -consideration, that they were fighting for their lives and liberties. -Their foemen had no such deep-seated enthusiasm: they moved to battle as -sportively as to a joust; while their commanders were gaily exhorting -their men-at-arms to behave themselves gallantly against the enemy, a rude -and ignorant people who had rebelled against their lord, and who -confidently trusted in their superior numbers for success. "If the -warriors of Burgundy," (concluded the martial orators) "will dash into -career with knight-like courage victory will be theirs, and they will gain -everlasting honour." - -The cannon of the Liegeois did not check the advance of the chivalry; and -though the burghers endured well and courageously the close encounter, yet -the prudence of their General was verified, that they could oppose no -effectual resistance to the nobles and gentlemen trained to war, and armed -in proof. After an hour's struggle, the line of the Liegeois being charged -in rear by a detachment of horse, six thousand of them quitted the ranks, -and fled towards a village distant half a league from the field of battle. -The cavalry charged them several times, beating down and slaying them -without mercy. The main body of the Liegeois was yet unsubdued; and for -half an hour the noise of the war-cries was dreadful; the Burgundians and -Hainaulters shouting, under their banners, "Our Lady for Burgundy!" "Our -Lady for Hainault!" and the Liegeois ringing the air with the cry, "St. -Lambert for Pier-vves!" The detachment of horse returned, and fell upon -the rear of the Liegeois, and pierced it through: a great slaughter was -made, for none were admitted to ransom. Near the banner of the Duke of -Burgundy, where the conflict raged with most fierceness, the Lord of -Pierre-vves and his two sons (one was the new bishop) fell, and no -consideration for their chivalry or religious profession saved them from -death. The coolness of the Duke of Burgundy excites the praise of the -historian; and no apology is thought necessary for his conduct, when on -being asked, after the defeat, if they should cease from slaying the -Liegeois he replied, "Let them all die together; let no prisoners be made; -let none be admitted to ransom."[160] - -Such was the spirit in which war was conducted where the humanising -influence of chivalry was unfelt; and I shall not attempt to detail the -more horrid crimes of the sacking of towns. - -[Sidenote: Little chivalry in the second great series of French and -English wars.] - -In the short war between France and England in the reign of our Henry V., -nothing peculiarly chivalric can be marked in the conduct of the French. -The great second series of our wars with France, though not characterised -by knightly splendour, is not without knightly interest. France could -seldom boast of braver cavaliers than Dunois, Lahire, and the chevalier -Poton de Saintrailles. During the memorable siege of Orleans at the -request of the English the festivities of Christmas suspended the horrors -of war, and the nativity of the Saviour was commemorated by the sound of -martial music. Talbot, Suffolk, and other ornaments of English chivalry, -made presents of fruits to the accomplished Dunois, who vied with their -courtesy by presenting to Suffolk some black plush he wished for as a -lining for his dress in the then winter season. The high-spirited knights -of one side challenged the prowest knights of the other, as their -predecessors in chivalry had done. It is observable, however, that these -jousts were not held in honour of the ladies, but the challenge always -declared, that if there were in the other host a knight so generous and -loving of his country as to be willing to combat in her defence, he was -invited to present himself. - -[Sidenote: Combats of Pages.] - -History has preserved to us one circumstance, which is interesting, -because it marks the change of manners in the attendants on the cavaliers. -We have seen that in early times each knight had his squire, who gave arms -to his lord, and frequently mingled in the battle himself. The knight, -now, had only his page, who buckled on his armour, and rendered similar -acts of personal service; and, instead of generous emulation of the -enterprises of cavaliers, a mock combat was held between the striplings of -the two armies. Each party had its leader, and its standard. Their shields -were made of osier twigs, and their javelins were blunted. On the first -day the advantage was with the French, but on the second, the English -youths bore away the standard of their antagonists, and the reputation of -victory was theirs.[161] - -[Sidenote: Further decay of chivalry.] - -After this national contest chivalry continued to decline in France. The -civil wars had left that country one universal scene of vice and misrule, -and the people looked to the King for some measure of protection. So -exhausted were the nobility by their wars with England, that they -declared their want of power to lead into the field the customary number -of knights; and they therefore prayed a remission of military duty. -Charles willingly granted this petition; and no opposition was made to his -establishing a force which he might either use against the barons -themselves or the nation's enemies. The importance of mercenaries had been -extending itself ever since the reign of Philip Augustus, when they were -first introduced; for the old levies of feudatories and vassals had in -France as in England been found insufficient for the great purposes of -war. But the new bands of stipendiary adventurers were never a very -important branch of the French military force, for the kings could not pay -for many; and these hired soldiers were commonly infantry or lightly armed -horse, who could not contend in the battle-field with mail-clad knights -and squires. National feelings favoured the constitutional levy; and the -kings endeavoured to render the country's chivalry of sufficient service -by enlarging the time of their attendance. St. Louis increased the period -of military duty from forty days to two months, and Philip the Fair -doubled the time determined by St. Louis. - -[Sidenote: Abuses in conferring knighthood.] - -Such was the state of affairs in France, when, in the year 1444, Charles -established fifteen companies of cavalry. Each company consisted of one -hundred lances, and each of these men-at-arms had his archers, a coutiller -or soldier, whose weapon of offence resembled a knife rather than a sword, -and his personal attendant the page. Every one of these followers served -on horseback, and the whole force amounted to nine thousand cavalry. This -was intended to be a permanent establishment; and it was understood that -the soldiers should be paid out of the state finances, and should not like -the mercenaries of former times subsist by plunder. These companies of -ordonnance have ever been regarded as the foundation of the French -standing army. Here, then, closes the public military history of chivalry -in France. The new soldiers were stipendiaries, not cavaliers: they were -not educated for chivalry: they had not passed through the ranks of page -and squire; and not being necessarily gentlemen by name or arms, their -deeds could not be similar to those which sprang from the oath of the -cavalier. This new military force caused the feudatories of the crown no -longer to bring their vassals with them to war, except in certain extreme -cases, where the arriere ban was summoned, and then the appearance was but -a faint picture of the ancient chivalry. Thus the usage of banners and -pennons ceased, and with them the great distinctions of bannerets and -knights, because those titles no longer conferred honour and -command.[162] The title of knight lost its military character; and, -instead of being bestowed with religious solemnities, after a long and -painful education, it was often given to very young men without any -martial training whatever, when they first stepped from their father's -castles into the busy scenes of life. There was another circumstance which -sullied the glory of knighthood;--I mean the bestowing of its title upon -persons who were not of the military class. The exact time when this -innovation upon chivalry took place it is impossible to ascertain, and I -wish not to weary my readers with profitless antiquarian researches. -Knights of the law, as distinguished from those of arms, were known in the -thirteenth century; and when once the clergy, who exercised the judicial -functions, began to assume military titles, (which they did from their -spirit of engrossing every thing that was honourable,) the matter soon -grew into a custom: the lawyers claimed the privilege of wearing gold, and -in every point asserted the equality of the law, with the chivalry of a -country.[163] By degrees the title of knighthood began to be applied to -men distinguished for their learning or talents, or who for less -honourable causes were favoured by the King. This application of chivalric -honours to persons who were not within the order of chivalry was viewed -with a jealous and malignant eye by the military knights, who were not -satisfied with the consideration in which they were held when other -classes of society copied their titles, and shone by the reflection of -martial glory. Their fierce minds felt no respectful sympathy for the -literary and intellectual awarders of justice, and they wished that the -lance of the knight-errant should continue to be the only refuge of the -injured. In effect the title of knight became of little estimation, and in -the history of France, through the fifteenth century, we seldom read of -the conferring of the order of chivalry upon soldiers in the field of -battle. - -Chivalry thus decayed in France, before gunpowder became the chief -instrument of death. Though artillery had been known so early as the -battle of Cressy, it did not immediately come into general use. During the -last half of the fourteenth century, the French used it in sieges, and -sometimes in the field. But still, when Charles VII. established the -companies of ordonnance already mentioned, the strength of the army was -cavalry. Soon afterwards the French armies began to consist of infantry; -for the soldiers of France were mercenaries, and they were drawn from -Switzerland, a country which from its poverty and mountain-form could not -boast of many knights and plumed steeds. - -While chivalry was losing its martial vigour in the French monarchy, some -of the nobility of France preserved it in their castles in all its -stateliness and grace. But the records of those times are so faint and -imperfect, that any thing beyond the mere circumstance of their general -chivalry cannot be learned. - -[Sidenote: Burgundy.] - -[Sidenote: Its chivalry.] - -The annals of Burgundy are somewhat more satisfactory. The Dukes of -Burgundy became sovereigns of Flanders, and impressed on that country a -character of chivalry and romance. Tournaments, jousts, and other knightly -shows, graced the wealth of the Flemish cities, at the time when the -commercial cities of Italy were distinguished for classic elegance and -taste. The court of the Dukes of Burgundy was so high in fame for the -lofty daring and gallant grace of chivalric emprise, that when -Constantinople fell under the Moslem yoke, the hearts of the noble -Burgundian knights glowed with the bold and pious desire of recovering the -metropolis of eastern Christendom. The desire perished, for it was not -supported by the other powers of Europe; and Burgundy, deprived of its -hope of leading the lances of the West, in a cause so well worthy of -them, is only interesting in the history of chivalry for its gracefulness -and splendour. To present the reader with detailed statements of all its -martial games would be tedious and unprofitable; but one of them possesses -considerable interest, as displaying a very singular state of manners, and -proving that the romances, and tales of chivalry, were often realised. - -[Sidenote: The romance of Burgundian tournaments.] - -In the year 1468, the sister of Edward IV. of England married Charles Duke -of Burgundy. The banquets and balls which testified the general joy were -varied by a martial exercise, called the Passage of the Tree of Gold. It -was held in the market-place at Bruges, which, on that occasion, exchanged -its wonted appearance for one of chivalric gaiety. The ground was unpaved, -and sanded like a royal tilt-yard; and galleries were erected around for -the reception of the nobles and dames of Burgundy and the wealthy -merchants of Flanders. A door, at one end of the lists, painted with a -tree of gold, was defended by the Bastard of Burgundy, who jousted with -such cavaliers as, by the permission of the ladies, were allowed to -deliver the knight of the Tree of Gold of his emprise. According to the -humour of the times, many knights appeared in fantastic disguises. One -knight, though, lusty and young, approached the lists in a litter, and -presented every mark of feebleness and age. He requested leave to joust -for that once only, and declared that he would then retire to some -peaceful cell, and forget, in devotion and penitence, the vain delights of -war. - -At another time, the dames and damsels were informed that a noble knight, -who wished to joust, was without the lists; but that he would not present -himself to the ladies of Burgundy until they perfectly knew his tale. All -his life he had loved a lady of Sclavonia; and although she had not -altogether accepted him as her servant, yet she had encouraged him to -hope. His mental sufferings for her love deserved compassion; but she, -forgetting that feminine virtue, and continuing her pride, had not treated -his devotion as it merited; and he, therefore, for the nine months which -preceded his appearance at Bruges, had lived among rocks and mountains, a -prey to melancholy. When, however, the lady heard of this unquestionable -proof of his passion, she repented of her ingratitude, and had sent to him -a damsel-errant, who was now his guide. She had beguiled the tedious way -to Bruges by telling him that the pleasures of love could only be reached -by labours, desires, and sufferings; that pain gave a zest to enjoyment, -and that the greatest offence against love was despair. The lady had bade -him hope; the damsel-errant had counselled him to go upon some chivalric -quest, in order to dissipate his melancholy; and she had promised to -accompany him, in order to deliver the tale of his adventures to his -lady-mistress. - -The dames and maidens of Burgundy accorded permission to this zealous -servant of love to attempt the emprise of the Passage of the Tree of Gold. -He was preceded into the lists by three men, dressed like Moors, and a -lady followed, mounted on a white palfrey, and dressed, as the people -thought, like a damsel-errant. She led the knight, who bestrode a cheval -de lance, and afterwards came four nobles, clad in the habits of -Sclavonia, with the words "Le Chevalier Esclave" worked on their robes. He -jousted with a knight who supplied the place of the Bastard of Burgundy, -but with what degree of gallantry history is silent.[164] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Last gleams of chivalry in France.] - -[Sidenote: Life of Bayard.] - -I now return to France, whose chivalry, even in the last days of its -existence, is interesting; for if ever the bright glory of one man could -have changed the manners of his age, the knight without fear and without -reproach would have revived the chivalric fame of his country. Pierre -Terrail, or Du Terrail, known under the name of Bayard, was born in the -year 1476, at the chateau of Bayard, in Dauphiny. His family was of -ancient and noble race, and boasted that their ancestors had fought at the -battles of Cressy and Poictiers. His own father had been so severely -wounded in the service of his country, that he quitted the army before the -usual time for retiring. He passed the evening of his life in Dauphiny, -occupied in the education of his children, of whom Peter was the only one -that aspired to military glory. His wishes were grateful to his father; -and his uncle, the Bishop of Grenoble, promised to introduce him to the -Duke of Savoy. In his paternal home Peter Bayard had learned some of the -duties of the page of early chivalric times: like him he ministered to his -father and his guests at table; and he had acquired admirable skill in -horsemanship. The Bishop took the youth to Chambery, the then residence of -the Duke, and by the grace of manner with which he attended his uncle at -the dinner-table, and by a fine display of horsemanship, the Duke regarded -him with kindness, and placed him in his service. Bayard was then about -thirteen years old. Not many months afterwards he became an attendant of -the King of France; for the Duke of Savoy, preferring Bayard's interests -to his own, wished to advance his fortunes. Charles VIII. put him into -the household of the Signeur de Ligny, where he remained till he was -seventeen years old, when he was called into the class of the gentlemen of -the royal court. Besides acquiring the military exercises of his time, he -graced his imagination with fairy and romantic tales: he was a knight in -spirit and purpose, and he now aspired to gain the favour of the ladies by -the prowess of his chivalry. A very few days after he had quitted his -office of page, he broke a lance in a joust with one of the most -distinguished cavaliers of the day, and his fame was bruited over all -France. He remained all his life, in the service of the French kings. The -theatre of his exertions was Italy; but, as a very able pen has lately -traced the revolutions of that interesting country[165], I need not follow -him through all his chevisance. - -Such matters as display the points of his personal character, and show the -remaining chivalric features of the time, come, however, within my -province. In 1501, he alone sustained on a narrow bridge the efforts of -two hundred cavaliers, who attacked him. It was then that he obtained from -the King a device having for its emblem a porcupine, with the words -"_Vires agminis unus habet_." At the taking of Brescia, he received a -dangerous wound, and he remained awhile in a private house. When he was -about to depart, his hostess wished to present him with two thousand -pistoles for the gratitude she felt at his having preserved her honour and -her fortune; and he accepted the money only for the purpose of giving it -to her daughters, as their marriage-portions. So highly was he esteemed, -that Chabannes, a marshal of France, and Humbercourt, and D'Aubigny, -general officers, all of higher rank and older service than Bayard, fought -under his orders. Yet he never rose to high commands. His greatest dignity -was that of lieutenant-general of Dauphiny. - -But the most amusingly characteristic story of Bayard regards his -gallantry. When he was page to the Duke of Savoy, he loved one of the -attendants of the Duchess; but the passion either was not mutual, or was -not graced with any character of romance, for a few years afterwards the -damsel married the Seigneur de Fleuxas. Bayard met her at the house of the -widow of his first master, the Duke of Savoy. During supper, the lady of -Fleuxas praised the chivalry in tournaments of her early admirer in such -high terms, that he blushed for very modesty; and she added, that as he -was now residing with a family who had been the first to cherish him, it -would be great blame in him, if he did not prove himself as gallant a -knight as he had done before. The answer of Bayard was that of a polite -cavalier; for he requested her to tell him what he could do that would -please the good and honourable assembly, his Lady of Savoy, and, above all -the rest, her fair self. She advised him to hold a tournament. "Truly," -replied Bayard, "it shall be done as you wish. You are the first lady -whose beauty and grace attracted my heart. I know that my salutations of -you can only be those of courtesy, for I should lose my labour were I to -solicit your love, and I would rather die than accomplish your dishonour." -He then prayed her to give him one of her sleeves, for he said that he -should have need of it in the approaching tournament. The lady accordingly -took it from her dress, and he attached it to his.[166] - -The martial pastime was held, and after the supper which succeeded, it was -enquired to whom should the prizes (the sleeve and a ruby) be given. The -knights, the ladies, and even those who had tourneyed with him, accorded -it to Bayard. But he declared that the honour was not his; but that if he -had done any thing well, Madame de Fleuxas was the cause, for she had -given him her sleeve. He, therefore, prayed that she might be permitted to -act according to her judgment and prudence. The Seigneur de Fleuxas knew -too well the noble character of Bayard to feel any jealousy at this -compliment to his wife, but with the other judges of the tournament he -immediately went to her and related the matter. She was delighted at -Bayard's gallantry, and declared that as he had done her the honour to -avow that her sleeve had made him gain the prize, she would preserve it -all her life for the sake of his love. The ruby she gave to the cavalier, -who had next distinguished himself to Bayard. - -And thus lived the knight without fear and without reproach, till the -retreat of the French out of Italy in 1524, when he was fatally wounded by -a stone discharged from an harquebouze. He fell from his horse, crying, -"Jesus, my Saviour, I am dead." He kissed the cross-handle of his sword; -and there being no chaplain present, he confessed himself to his esquire, -who then, by the knight's command, placed him against a tree, with his -face turned towards the enemy; "because," said Bayard, "as I have never -yet turned my back to the foe, I will not begin to do so in my last -moments." He charged his esquire to tell the King that the only regret he -felt at quitting life was the being deprived of the power of serving him -any further. The Constable of Bourbon, as he was pursuing the French, -found him in this state, and assured him that he pitied his lot. But -Bayard replied, "It is not I who stand in need of pity, but you who are -carrying arms against your King, your country, and your oath." The news -that he was mortally wounded quickly spread, and excited the deepest grief -in the minds of both armies, for he was a valiant soldier and a generous -foe. After a while he was removed to a tent and placed on a bed. He was -shriven by a priest, and soon afterwards died, as, with true Christian -piety, he was imploring his God and his Saviour to pardon his sins, and to -show him mercy rather than justice.[167] He was buried at a convent of -Minims, half a league from Grenoble, the principal town of his native -country. - -[Sidenote: Francis I.] - -During some of the last years of his life, his fine and chivalric spirit -found a kindred soul in Francis I., who, it is remarkable, was the only -French sovereign graced with any share of the character of chivalry. For, -while the Plantagenets of England had shone as brilliantly by chivalric as -by regal splendour, the Capetian princes of France could not present a -king that displayed any powers beyond the ordinary qualities of royalty. -The valiancy, the liberality, the fine, open, and manly countenance, and -the lofty form of the King, were altogether those of one of Charlemagne's -paladins. His imagination was coloured with the gay and lively tints of -romance, and so fondly did he dwell upon the fabulous glories of old, that -in many a sportive moment he arrayed himself in the guise of the antique -cavalier. But here our panegyric must cease; for no preux knight would, -like Francis, have pledged his solemn word to observe a treaty, and -immediately afterwards have violated it. However unkingly and unknightly -Charles V. might have deported himself in treating Francis in prison with -severity, and although the terms of the treaty of Madrid were such as no -noble victor would have imposed, still the obligation of the pledge of -Francis's word should have been felt as sacred. A noble cavalier, a -Chandos or Du Guesclin, would have disdained to obtain his liberty by -signing a treaty which he intended to break as soon as he should leave his -prison. "All is lost, Madam, except our honour," as the French King wrote -to his mother after the battle of Pavia: a generous, chivalric expression; -and scarcely could it have been expected that he was the man who would -have thrown away that honour. - -The last faint gleam, however, of the sun of military chivalry in France -fell upon Bayard and his sovereign, Francis; for after the battle of -Marignan, in 1515, when they fought together against the Swiss, the King -was, at his own request, knighted by the cavalier without fear and without -reproach. After giving the accolade, Bayard addressed his sword, -"Certainly, my good sword, you shall hereafter be honoured as a most -precious relic, and never shall be drawn except against Turks, Moors, and -Saracens." He then twice leaped up for joy, and plunged his trusty weapon -into its sheath.[168] - -Soon after the days of Francis I. the title of knighthood became an empty -name: it was preserved as the decoration of nobility and lawyers; and, -from respect to the ancient glories of their nation, kings received it at -their baptism.[169] Montluc, that man of blood, was the last French -soldier who received it in the field of battle. The accolade was given to -him by the Duke d'Anguien, after the engagement of Cérisolles, in 1544. - -[Sidenote: Abolition of tournaments.] - -[Sidenote: Extinction of chivalry.] - -The amusements of chivalry were soon abolished. The accidental death of -Henry II. in a tournament[170], in the year 1559, did much to indispose -the minds of the people from chivalric sports; and when in the following -year Prince Henry de Bourbon Montpensier was killed, in consequence of his -horse falling under him, while careering round the lists, tournaments -ceased for ever; and with their abolition, as Voltaire says, the ancient -spirit of chivalry expired in France; for that country, after the death of -Henry II., was plunged in fanaticism, and desolated by the wars of -religion. The spirit did not survive the forms of chivalry; for the -intercourse with Italy introduced into France new opinions and feelings. -Machiavelian politics banished the open, manly demeanour of chivalry; and -the most disgusting profligacy equally distinguished the ladies. It is -amusing to observe that, long after the extinction of chivalry in France, -the apparent homage and devotion of chivalric love still continued, -although it was no longer sustained by virtue. Love, sublimed into -idolatry, breathes in every page of the heroic romances which succeeded -the romances of chivalry, and reflect the feelings of the nation; and so -late as the reign of Louis XIV. a ruffled and well-powdered French -General, whose soul was not illumined by a single gleam of the character -of a preux chevalier, would fancy himself the very pink of sentiment, and -sigh at the feet of his mistress, - - "Pour meriter ton coeur, pour plaire a vos beaux yeux, - J'ai fait la guerre aux rois, je l'aurois fait aux dieux." - - - - -CHAP. V. - -PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN SPAIN. - - _General Nature of Spanish Chivalry ... Religion and Heroism ... - Gallantry ... Blending of Spanish and Oriental Manners ... Its - beneficial Tendencies ... Peculiarities of Spanish Chivalry ... Forms - of Knighthood ... Various Ranks of Knights ... Spanish Poetry ... - Heroes of Chivalry ... Pelayo ... Bernardo del Carpio ... And - incidentally of Charlemagne's Expedition into Spain ... The Life of - the Cid ... His early ferocious Heroism ... His singular Marriage ... - Enters the Service of King Ferdinand ... The Cid's Chivalric Gallantry - ... He is knighted ... Death of King Ferdinand ... The Cid becomes the - Knight of Sancho, King of Castile ... Mixture of Evil and Good in the - Cid's Character ... Supports the King in his Injustice. ... The Cid's - romantic Heroism ... Sancho's further Injustice opposed by him ... - Death of Sancho ... Instance of the Cid's virtuous Boldness ... - Character of Alfonso, Successor of Sancho ... Story of his chivalric - Bearing ... The Cid's second Marriage ... Is banished from Alfonso's - Court ... Becomes the Ally of the Moors. ... But recalled ... Is - banished again ... Singular Story of the Cid's unknightly Meanness ... - Fortunes of the Cid during his Exile ... The Cid's chivalric Nobleness - and Generosity ... Is recalled by Alfonso ... The Cid captures Toledo - ... and Valentia ... Story of Spanish Manners ... The Cid's unjust - Conduct to the Moors ... The unchivalric Character of the Cid's Wife - and Daughters ... The Cid recalled by Alfonso ... The Marriages of his - Daughters ... Basely treated by their Husbands ... Cortez at Toledo to - decide the Cause ... Picture of ancient Manners ... Death of the Cid - ... His Character ... Fate of his good Horse ... Spanish Chivalry - after his Death ... Gallantry of a Knight ... The Merits of Missals - decided by Battle ... Passage of Arms at Orbigo ... Knights travel and - joust for Ladies' Love ... Extinction of Spanish Chivalry._ - - -[Sidenote: General nature of Spanish chivalry.] - -Spanish chivalry awakens the most splendid and romantic associations of -the mind. Europe, with her active courage,--her jealousy of honour,--her -superior religion;--Asia, with her proud and lofty deportment,--her fervid -and sublimated imagination, and the magnificent ceremonial of her -pomp,--formed the knight of Spain; and, in consequence of this influence -of Orientalism on his character, he represents the stateliness of chivalry -as perfectly as the English cavalier its adventurousness, and the French -its gaiety. - -[Sidenote: Religion and heroism.] - -There was an interesting blending of religious enthusiasm and romantic -heroism in the Spaniard. His warm and creative imagination transformed the -patron-saint of his country into a knight. He always saw St. James at his -side, mounted on a stately white horse, and fighting the battles of -Christianity and Spain; and, as if these chivalric exploits were not -sufficient, he represented him as the professed and powerful champion of -distressed damsels; for he supposed that this celestial ally had freed the -nation from paying the annual tribute of a hundred Christian virgins to -their infidel enemies.[171] - -[Sidenote: Gallantry.] - -Spain, too, appears to our fancy as the very land of chivalric love,--of -love which was bred amidst difficulties and dangers, where the -undistinguishable throng of "hopes and fears that kindle hope" gave a more -imaginative cast to the feelings than can be known in the more settled -frame of modern society. There was not only the feudal baron violating the -laws of courtesy, as in other countries, but bands of Moors were careering -over the plains, who did not think that woman was an object utterly -unworthy of a perilous quest. Here, then, all the beautiful romance of -knight-errantry might be realised; and in the breast of the rescued damsel -love would spring from gratitude. - -[Sidenote: Blending of Spanish and Oriental manners.] - -The germs of chivalry existed in the minds of the Visigoths, who overthrew -the dominion of the Romans in Spain. Military investiture, respect for -women, and the sports of hawking and hunting, were the new circumstances -in Spanish character and manners: but in the times of those wretched -barbarians, the Visigoths, it is in vain to search for the perfect -developement of the chivalric character. Chivalry appears only in few and -fitful gleams in those dark times; and her golden light did not shine in -full and bright display till the days of the Arabians; and, throughout -their long reign of seven centuries, it had a very remarkable effect on -circumstances and characters. As its glory was personal, chivalry abated -much of the fierceness of a religious or a national war; for the cavalier -could admire, even in an enemy, qualities which it was his own pride and -ambition to possess. - -The nations met in the graceful encounter of the tournament, as well as in -the more perilous battle-field; and the interchange of chivalric -courtesies, when the image of war was exhibited, could not but mitigate -the ferocity of real hostilities. At the Moorish or Christian festivals, a -gallant soldier of the opposite religion would appear, and challenge the -bravest of his adversaries to maintain the superiority of his nation and -faith; and in maintaining that cause the cavaleresque deportment of the -combatants was admired, when the avowed object of their encounter was -forgotten; for the object of the assembly was amusement; and the eye and -fancy were addressed in these gentle exercises and proofs of arms.[172] - -[Sidenote: Its beneficial tendencies.] - -The people of the two religions insensibly mingled, and each adopted -something of the thoughts and manners of the other. If the Christian -taught the Moors to use the lance of courtesy, the Christian learnt from -the Moors to throw the cane, which was afterwards such a favourite Spanish -amusement. From them, too, the knights of Spain adopted the javelin, and -used it instead of the lance. They were wont to hurl it as forcibly as any -Asiatic or Grecian heroes could have done; for a greater defence than what -was afforded by mail and a quilted jacket was required to resist the -stroke.[173] - -The poets who lived in the chivalric days of Spain invariably gave the -moral and personal costume of chivalry to the Arabian as often as to the -European. Thus Calaynos, the Moor[174], is as much celebrated in the -romances of Spain as the Cid himself; and it was the general confession -that the knights of Granada were gentlemen although Moors.[175] This -amalgamation of character formed the basis of those unions between the -Arabians and the Spaniards which are so frequently recorded in the history -of the Peninsula, and which strike the reader as incredible. It has been -thought for the glory of the nation to represent the struggle as of -ceaseless duration for seven long centuries, and too fierce to allow of -the sheathing of the sword: but these alliances were so common, that Spain -often presented the appearance of a number of petty states, each -attempting to draw the others into its vortex, rather than the general -cause of the Cross warring with the Crescent. Independently of these -alliances there was scarcely a Christian cavalier of fame who did not in -the course of his military career wield his good sword in the ranks of the -Musulmans. - -Among the blessings which sprang from this free intercourse, religious -toleration was not the least valuable one. Spain, which in later times has -been so remarkable for the cruelties of its bigotry, was in early days the -only country of Europe where religious liberty could breathe. Since the -Moors and Christians often treated each other as separate powers, mutual -toleration ensued, and this liberal feeling in the minds of the Christians -extended itself beyond the pale of their Moorish subjects and allies. The -fathers of the Reformation were the Albigenses, many of whom were -sheltered by the kings of Arragon, while their brethren were persecuted to -death in France. No church, save that of England, was in such continued -opposition to the papacy as the Spanish; and in every great dispute it -espoused the cause of the heretics, as the assertors of the liberty of the -human will were always called. - -The humanities of chivalry were not limited to toleration or mercy, to the -mosque or the field of battle, but Moors and Christians often lived in the -same town, and commingled social charities. Friendships were formed, and, -maugre the declamation of bigots, dearer affections attached the two -nations. The knight was in consequence of the obligations of his chivalry -the friend of the distressed; and when beauty pleaded, his heart forbad -him from enquiring in what religion the damsel had been educated. The -passion of love in the breast of the Spanish cavalier was not more fervid -or intense than in the breast of the cavalier of any other country. If the -Spaniard be considered as a Goth by birth, and an Arab by education, still -his natural and artificial circumstances formed but the same character of -passion; for both the Goth and the Arab adored as well as loved their -mistress, and regarded her as a divinity as well as an object of -affection. - -[Sidenote: Peculiarities of Spanish chivalry.] - -There was a gravity, perhaps a jealousy, both qualities of Oriental -origin, about the conduct of the Spanish knight, which were foreign to the -nature of the chivalry of other countries. The expression of his feelings -was unlike theirs. Bold metaphors, rich and varied imagery and glowing -sentiments, are mixed with the simple developement of passion; and these -orientalisms of his verse are not the elaborate and artificial ornaments -with which fiction dresses up her image of passion: but as the mind of the -Spaniard had been trained by the Arab, it became natural to him to nourish -his affection in the splendid dreamings of the East. If he borrowed ideas -and fancies from the Moor, it must be remembered that he likewise freely -communicated the character of his own system. In no Mohammedan country -was woman so high in moral rank as in Spain. The Musulman woman was not -passion's object, but, like the lady in chivalry, she was the origin of -honour; for she sat in the tournament as the judge of valour, and the -Moorish knight received the guerdon of triumph from her hands. Asiatic -jealousy abated something of its nature and its forms in Spain; for there -woman mingled with man in social intercourse, and her beauties were not -always shrouded by a veil.[176] - -[Sidenote: Forms of knighthood.] - -The forms of chivalric initiation in Spain were similar to those in other -countries. The bath--confession--vigil in a church--mass--the spurs--the -girding with the sword--the accolade,--these were the chief ceremonies. -The knight by his oath expressed willingness to die either for the defence -of his law, or of his king or country.[177] The sword was then ungirt from -him by some person of honour, who by so doing was supposed to become his -padrino, or godfather in chivalry, and to confirm the knighthood thus -bestowed. No circumstances could ever justify the cavalier in bearing arms -against his padrino. He was, on the contrary, to defend him by his sword -and his counsel to the utmost of his ability, and to be every thing to -him, as a _man_ was to his lord in feudal relation. - -These were the ancient ceremonies; but they were simplified in subsequent -times. The mere dubbing was then held sufficient; and, by a law of -Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1476, it was ordained that it should be at the -pleasure of the King to use the old forms or not, and that the dignity of -knighthood should be equally illustrious if they were omitted. - -[Sidenote: Various ranks of knights.] - -The highest class of knights in Spain was formed of the Knights of the -Spur, the Cavalleros de Espuela d'Orada. They were always hidalgos, or -gentlemen of birth of three descents. Kings' sons were of this class of -knighthood; and no one was crowned till he had been invested with the -order.[178] - -Among the privileges of a knight of the Golden Spur, it is curious to -notice that no person could sit at table with him except one of his own -rank; no one of an inferior order was permitted to deny the infallibility -of his opinion, and to contradict him: and for offences against the state, -a knight of this class was to be beheaded, and not put to death in the -vulgar mode. - -The circumstances in his conduct which were punishable with degradation -are interesting, as descriptive of Spanish manners. It was thought -necessary to forbid him from stealing the arms of another knight, from -selling his own, or losing them at play, or giving them to courtezans. The -punishment of degradation, as consequent on the admission of improper -persons into the order, is intelligible and just: his girdle and -spur-leathers were also to be cut, if he exercised any trade; except, -indeed, in captivity, when he was kindly permitted to support his life by -the best means of his ingenuity.[179] - -The other class of knights was formed of cavalleros Armados, who enjoyed -most of the privileges of nobility. A knight of this rank was free from -the payment of taxes and tribute; and so were the knights of the Golden -Spur, not, however, as knights, but as hidalgos. The cavalleros d'Armados -were always made by the king's own hand; but the right of creating -cavalleros d'Espuela d'Orada existed in the will of every cavalier of the -order, though it was usually exercised only by the king. - -These were the two bodies in which the chivalry of Spain was arranged. The -title of Cavallero was also given to every man who was a soldier, in -consequence of holding his lands by a military and feudal tenure; but he -was not, from that circumstance, necessarily a knight. Regarding chivalry -as an order of merit, the cavalleros d'Espuela d'Orada and the cavalleros -d'Armados were the only true chivalric knights in Spain. - -There were some interesting circumstances in Spanish chivalry. Thus, in -Catalonia, besides the squire who bore his shield and lance, each knight -was attended by an armed man, whose title was, Companion of the Knight, -and who was considered as a gentleman that followed the art of chivalry. -He was also attached to the knight by feudal relations; for the knight was -compelled to grant him land, or rent, in fealty. A knight who was entitled -to be attended by this companion was a knight by creation, a miles vero; -and he who had not received the order of chivalry, although an hidalgo, -was considered as a knight minor, whom, indeed, chivalry would have -disowned, but that his birth, rank, and fortune, made him a part of the -military state.[180] - -It is curious to notice that, by the general laws of Spanish chivalry, it -was usual for every knight to embrace a newly-made knight the first time -he met him, in honour of faith and love; and it was contrary to those laws -for one knight to affront another, unless he should first send his -defiance or publication of that breach of the bond of companionship. - -[Sidenote: Spanish poetry.] - -The pillars of Spanish chivalry were of the same quality and character as -those of other countries. Spain had her military orders, her institutions -of Calatrava, Saint James, and Alcantara; while the militia of the Temple -and the friars of the Hospital were richer in possessions in Spain than in -any country of the West. She had, also, her ballads and romances, in prose -and verse, descriptive of the wars and loves of chivalry: but I cannot -discover, with some writers, that the chivalric muse sung either a sweeter -or a higher strain in Spain than in France or England. Her minstrelsy, -indeed, was peculiar, and so was her national character. On one side, -longings for patriotic independence, and consequent hatred of the Moors; -on the other, the loves and friendships of humanity, unaffected by -difference of religion or country. The Troubadour chaunted his lays of -love and war in Spain; and his appeals found a ready way to the heart in -Arragon; for of that part of the Peninsula the Provençal was the -vernacular dialect. - -[Sidenote: Heroes of chivalry.] - -[Sidenote: Pelayo.] - -Spain is rich in her heroes, both of romance and chivalry. The Spaniard -will not acknowledge that the Moor was, for a moment, left in tranquil -possession of his conquest; and he points to a hero, named Pelayo, as -collecting the remnants of the Christians in the mountains of Asturias, -immediately after the general triumph of the Moorish arms. He resisted the -Moors till his three hundred followers dwindled to thirty. His enemies -then left him to perish, for hitherto his food had only been honey, found -in the crevices of the rocks. But, in after times, the folly of this -disdain was seen; for these thirty men were the nucleus round which the -scattered Spaniards collected.[181] - -[Sidenote: Bernardo del Carpio.] - -Truth does not cast many gleams on Bernardo del Carpio, the next in time -and rank of Spanish knights. If we may credit the historians of his -country, it was he who nourished, in the Asturias, the plant of national -liberty; for when Alfonso the Chaste would have made the land over which -he ruled part of the dominions of Charlemagne, the nobility, headed by -Bernardo, repelled the invader, and annihilated the French peerage at -Fontarabbia. Much of this, perhaps the whole, is the mere dreaming of -national pride, not deserving regard: but when I find mingled with the -story the assertion that Bernardo gained the alliance of some of the -Moors, and that, in after parts of his life, he fought also under Moorish -banners, I accept these circumstances as valuable, and consider them as -indications of general principles and manners, whoever may be the hero of -the tale. - -[Sidenote: Charlemagne's expedition into Spain.] - -Of the far-famed expedition of Charlemagne into Spain, little or nothing -is known, though some French writers have defined the extent of his -dominion in that country with the precision with which the political -changes of modern times can be traced. Tradition, song, and history, unite -in proving that he went into Catalonia and Arragon; but it does not seem -that he established any government in those countries; and his march was -rather the wild adventure of a knight than the grave purpose of kingly -ambition. The Spaniards, as we have seen, claim the honour of defeating -him in the valley of Ronscesvalles; but the Arabs also assert their title -to the same feat of chivalry: and, still further to embarrass the matter, -it has been contended, with equal plausibility, that the French under -Charlemagne were worsted by the Navarrese and people of Acquitain; and -thus that the French of the Adour and the Garonne defeated the French of -the Seine. The land between the Ebro and the Pyrenees, and called the -Spanish March, was governed, some centuries before the twelfth, by the -counts of Barcelona, who owned the feudal sovereignty of the kings of -France. This territorial acquisition has been generally referred to the -sword of Charlemagne, not, however, on sound historical proof, but rather -from the practice of monkish chroniclers, of honouring that emperor with -all the deeds of arms which could not accurately be ascribed to any other -warrior. - -[Sidenote: The life of the Cid.] - -In the life of Count Fernan Gonsalez fiction and fact are blended beyond -all power of extrication; and we must descend to the eleventh century for -a genuine picture of the Spanish cavalier. No one is dearer to the proud -recollections of a Spaniard than the Cid Rodrigo Diaz de Bivar: for it was -by the valour of his arms that the momentous question of superiority -between the two great powers in the Peninsula was decided as every -Christian and Spanish heart could have wished. The honour of his chivalry -is bright and pure; for to swear by his knighthood, affé de Rodrigo, is -still the most solemn form of a Spaniard's asseveration. - -The marriage of Don Diego Laynez, a Castilian gentleman, and Donna Teresa -Rodriguez, daughter of a count and governor of Asturias, was followed in -the year 1026 by the birth of a son at Burgos, who was called Rodrigo -Diaz, and of Bivar, from the conquest made by his father of a town two -leagues north of Burgos; but he was more generally designated as the Cid, -from the Asiatic title, Es Sayd, (my Lord,) which five Moorish emirs whom -he conquered gave him, and which his king confirmed.[182] Indeed, from the -number of his victories over the Moors, he emphatically merited this -title. - -[Sidenote: His early ferocious heroism.] - -While yet a youth he gave an earnest of his martial and ferocious -disposition. His father had been insulted by a blow from Count Don Gomez, -Lord of Gormaz, but he was unable, from old age and infirmities, to take -vengeance, and he mourned in solitude and dishonour. Rodrigo, in order to -restore peace to his father's mind, defied and fought the mighty man of -arms: he slew him, and returned to his home with the head of the -vanquished hanging at his saddle-bow. His father was seated at table with -dinner, untasted, before him. Rodrigo presented to him the head, which he -called the herb that would restore his father's appetite. The old man -embraced his son, and, placing him at the head of his table, declared that -he alone was worthy of being at the head of the house of Layn Calvo. His -father soon afterwards died. Rodrigo next distinguished himself by beating -back an invasion of five Moorish emirs who had fearfully ravaged the -country; and instead of treating them with severity, he gave them liberty, -receiving their submission and tribute.[183] - -[Sidenote: His singular marriage.] - -The Cid's affair with Gomez was productive of an interesting circumstance, -and illustrative of the manners of that remote and singular period. -Ximena, the daughter of the Count, required of Don Ferdinand, King of -Castile, the strange boon of Rodrigo of Bivar in marriage, alleging as her -reason that his possessions would one day be greater than those of any man -in the Castilian dominions. She declared that the power of pardon rested -in her breast; and, like other amatory enthusiasts, she gave a colouring -of religion to her wishes, by urging that the marriage would be for the -service of God. The King consented, and summoned the Cid to his court; -who, on receiving the message, incontinently dighted himself full -gallantly, and, accompanied by many knights and other armed peers in -festival guise, he repaired to the King at Valentia. Ferdinand received -him with so much honour as to excite the envy of the courtiers. The -purpose of the summons was communicated, and Rodrigo had no difficulty in -consenting to marry the lady whose father he had killed. The marriage was -celebrated; and the satisfaction of the King is peculiarly marked, for he -made him large grants of land, being aware of his military prowess, and -thinking that by this marriage he had secured his allegiance.[184] The Cid -took his bride home, and, commending her to the kindest care of his -mother, he went towards the Moorish frontier; for, in order to give a zest -to his marital pleasures, he had vowed not to solace himself with Ximena's -love till he had won five battles in the field. - -[Sidenote: Enters the service of King Ferdinand.] - -He was soon called to be the champion of his king; for a quarrel between -Don Ferdinand and his brother Don Ramirio, King of Arragon, regarding the -city of Caldhorra, was to be decided by arms. The Cid and the other -champion, Don Martin Gonzales, entered the lists, and the judges placed -them in such situations that the sun and wind favoured neither. They -careered so fiercely against each other that their lances broke, but in -the closer encounter of swords the Cid prevailed: he slew his adversary; -and the judges declared that the city of Caldhorra belonged to Don -Ferdinand. - -[Sidenote: The Cid's chivalric gallantry.] - -This victory was rewarded by the gratitude of the King, and the envy of -the courtiers; and the latter, in the bitterness of their rage, -endeavoured to plot with the Moorish emirs, the subjects of the Cid, for -his destruction. But the Moors not only disdained the alliance, but -revealed the meditated treason to their lord. Many of the conspirators -were banished; but regarding one person the chivalric gallantry of the -conqueror prevailed over his just resentment. The wife of the Count Don -Garcia prayed for the pardon of her lord: she fell at the knees of the -Cid, but he would not listen to her until she rose. She requested him to -command the Moorish emir, into whose country she and her husband were -sentenced to be banished, to treat them with mildness and benevolence. -The Cid spoke according to her will; and the King of Cordova, for the love -he bore that hero, treated them kindly, and gave Cabra to Garcia as a -habitation. As far as Garcia was concerned this kindness was misplaced; -for he made war upon his benefactor, the King of Cordova, till the Cid -went and punished him. The circumstances attending this punishment will be -told in a subsequent and very interesting part of our hero's life. - -The Cid then assisted his sovereign in wresting Viseu, Lamego, and other -cities from the Moors. There were no circumstances of his valour so -remarkable as the cruel vengeance of Ferdinand on a man taken at Viseu, -who had slain King Don Alfonso, his wife's father. He cut off the foot -which had prest down the armatost, or instrument by means of which the -cross-bow wag charged, he lopt off the hands which had held the bow and -fitted the quarrel, and plucked out the eyes which had taken the mark. The -archers then made a butt of the living trunk.[185] Thus, whatever might -have been the influence of chivalry on the mind of the Cid, it certainly -had not tempered the ferocity of his Gothic sovereign. - -[Sidenote: He is knighted.] - -Coimbra was one of the new conquests, and in that city Rodrigo was -knighted. The ceremony was performed in the church of Saint Mary, which -had once been the great mosque of Coimbra. The King girded on the sword -and gave him the kiss, but not the blow, for the Cid needed no -remembrancer of his duties. The ladies were his honourable attendants on -this august occasion. The Queen gave him his horse, and the Infanta, Donna -Urraca, fastened on his spurs. His names, Rodrigo Diaz, were now -compressed into Ruydiez, agreeably to a frequent custom at investiture, -which in so many respects was similar to baptism. By permission of the -King he then exercised the privileges of his new rank by knighting nine -noble squires. By this time the vow of the Cid was performed, and he -retired awhile from the court to the society of his wife. - -[Sidenote: Death of King Ferdinand.] - -[Sidenote: The Cid becomes the knight of Sancho, King of Castile.] - -Ferdinand soon afterwards died, having, contrary to the principles of the -nation's constitution, divided his kingdom among his children. This -breaking up the interests of the Gothic monarchy was most unwise; for the -Goths were a fierce race, and in the cause of ambition brother had shed -brother's blood.[186] The Cid went into the service of Don Sancho, King -of Castile, the eldest son of the late sovereign; and in all his wars, -whether with Christians or Musulmans, he deported himself after his wonted -manner: and his great feats of arms won so entirely the heart of the King -that he made him his campeador, or officer whose duty it was to mark the -place for the encampment of the host. - -[Sidenote: Mixture of evil and good in the Cid's character.] - -[Sidenote: Supports the King in his injustice.] - -Sancho expressed his purpose of possessing himself of what he chose to -consider his inheritance,--the whole kingdom of his late father. His -iniquitous design was manfully opposed by one of his counsellors, who -nobly declared that there was not a man in the world who would advise him -to break the command of his father, and the vow which he had made to him. -Sancho then turned to the Cid, stating to him, singularly enough, that he -solicited his advice, for his father had charged him upon pain of his -curse not to act without his judgment. The Cid replied, that it would ill -behove him to counsel his sovereign to contradict the will of the late -King. Sancho rejoined, with admirable casuistry, that he did not think he -was breaking his oath to his father, for he had always denied the justice -of the partition, and the oath alluded to had been forcibly extorted. The -Cid found the King was resolute in his purpose; and in the conflict of -duties which the circumstances gave rise to, his martial spirit overcame -his virtue, and he determined to continue his soldier. - -[Sidenote: The Cid's romantic heroism.] - -He prevailed upon Sancho, however, not to pass into the territory of Don -Garcia, his brother, King of Gallicia, unless he obtained the love and -licence of his brother, Don Alfonso, King of Leon. Numerous battles were -fought, without, however, wearing any chivalric feature, and therefore not -within my purpose to describe. In all of them the green pennon of the Cid -floated conspicuously and triumphantly; and his achievements were so far -beyond mortal comparison, that he was called the fortunate Cid--he of good -fortune--he that was born in a happy hour. On one occasion Sancho was -taken prisoner, but he was rescued by the Cid; and the circumstances are -illustrative of the romantic character of the age. Thirteen knights were -bearing the King away, when the Cid alone and lanceless, for he had -shivered his weapon in the battle, galloped after them. He cried to them, -"Knights, give me my Lord, and I will restore yours to you." They -scornfully bade him avoid contending with them, or they would make him -prisoner too. "Give me but a lance, and, single as I am, I will rescue my -Lord from all of ye," was the heroic rejoinder of the Cid; adding, with -increased energy and confidence, "By God's help, I will do it." The -chivalric request could not be denied by cavaliers, and they gave him a -lance. But such was the spirit and force with which he attacked them, that -he slew eleven of the thirteen: on the two survivors he had mercy; and -thus he rescued his King.[187] - -[Sidenote: Sancho's further injustice opposed by the Cid.] - -Don Sancho became king both of Gallicia and Leon, confining his brother -Garcia in irons as if he had been a traitor, and compelling Alfonso to -seek for brotherly affection among the Moors. He robbed also his sister, -Donna Elvira. Still his ambition was not satisfied; the little town of -Zamora, belonging to his sister, Donna Urraca, was wanting to fill the -measure of his desires. He dispatched the Cid to her on the painful office -of requiring Zamora for a price or in exchange, and of communicating the -King's purpose of seizing it by force in case she did not accede to his -wishes. The great men of Zamora dissuaded the Infanta from surrendering -the place: their courageous spirits declared that they would rather eat -their mules and their horses, yea, their very wives and children; and the -danger of yielding was shadowed out to her in that dark proverbial manner -in which the Spaniards often conveyed their wisdom. "He who besieges you -on the rock," they said, "will soon drive you from the plain." - -The Cid returned to the King with the answer which this counsel dictated. -Sancho, in his anger at the failure of the embassy, reproached his -campeador with unskilful management of his task; for his conscience told -him that he who, like the Cid, had been bred up in the same house with -Urraca, must have felt some compunctions at requiring her to give up the -right of her inheritance. The campeador did not defend himself by stating -that he had discharged his duty as an advocate for the King's purposes; he -only declared that he had discharged faithfully his bidding as a true -vassal; but he added, that he would not bear arms against the Infanta, nor -against Zamora, because of the days that were past.[188] - -[Sidenote: Death of Sancho.] - -[Sidenote: Instance of the Cid's virtuous boldness.] - -Incensed at this opposition to his authority, Sancho banished his faithful -campeador, who joined King Alfonso in the Moorish territories, with twelve -hundred horse and foot, knights and squires, all men of approved worship. -Alarmed at this defection of his bravest cavaliers, the counsellors of -Sancho advised him to revoke his edict: it was revoked: the campeador -returned, but he would not bear arms against the Infanta nor Zamora, -because of the days that were past. The King attacked the town, and lost -his life in the attempt. There were circumstances about his death that -impeached both his brother Alfonso and his sister Urraca. The Castilians -murmured their suspicions; but when Alfonso came to be crowned, the Cid -was the only man of sufficient virtue and spirit to decline doing homage. -Much astonishment was expressed in the countenances of the courtiers and -prelates, who had already kissed the hands of Alfonso; and when he was -called on by the sovereign-elect to perform his acknowledgment, he boldly -declared, that all who were then present suspected that by his counsel the -King, Don Sancho, had come by his death, "and therefore I say," he -continued, "unless you clear yourself of this, as by right you should do, -I will never kiss your hand, nor receive you for my lord." - -The King expressed his pleasure at these sentiments, and swore to God and -to St. Mary that he never slew his brother nor took counsel for his death; -neither did his death please him, though Sancho had taken his kingdom from -him. Alfonso then desired his courtiers to describe the means by which he -might clear himself. They replied, that he and twelve of his knights, as -his compurgators, must take that oath in the church of St. Gadra, at -Burgos. Accordingly, the King and his knights repaired to Burgos, in -whose church of St. Gadra mass was celebrated before the royal family, the -nobility, and the people. The King then took a conspicuous station near -the altar. The Cid left his place, and, opening the Gospels, he laid the -book upon the altar. The King placed his hand upon the volume; and the Cid -said to him, with a seriousness of manner approaching to sternness, while -the people attended with the intensest curiosity, "King Don Alfonso, you -appear in this place to swear on the subject of your brother's death. You -swear that you neither slew him, nor took counsel for his death: say now, -you and these hidalgos, your friends and compurgators, if ye swear this?" -And the King and his knights answered, "Yea, we swear it." The Cid -continued, "If you knew of this matter, or commanded that it should be -performed, may your fate be similar to that of your brother. May you die -by the hand of a villain, in whom you trust; one who is not a hidalgo; one -who is not a Castilian, but a foreigner." The King and his knights cried, -"Amen." But Alfonso's colour faded; and the Cid, marking this sign of -guilt, repeated the oath to him. The King assented, but again his -countenance paled. A third time did the Cid press him, for the laws of -Castile allowed this reiteration; and once more did the King's language -and countenance contradict each other. But the compurgation was now -completed, and the Cid was compelled to do homage.[189] - -[Sidenote: Character of Alfonso, successor of Sancho.] - -[Sidenote: Story of his chivalric bearing.] - -Alfonso is a very interesting character among the kings and knights of -Spain. Whatever participation he might have had in his brother's death, -such foul conduct did not sully his general dealings. Justice was so -admirably administered in Castile, that the people expressed their joy in -the beautiful sentence,--that if a woman were to travel alone through his -dominions, bearing gold and silver in her hand, no one would interrupt her -path, whether in the desert or the peopled country. He was the friend of -the distressed, the supporter of the weak, the strength of the nation. In -his conduct to Alimayon, the Moorish King of Toledo, we may find displayed -in a very interesting manner the frank dealing, the ingenuousness, the -noble confidence, the honour of a cavalier, beautifully coloured with -romantic thought. Alfonso was allied with Alimayon, that mighty sovereign -of the Moors; but the treaty, instead of being the free union of two equal -and independent authorities, had been extorted from Alfonso, when the -chance of war had thrown him into Alimayon's power. It was, of course, -obligatory on the honour and faith of Alfonso; and though he respected -his ally, his chivalric pride whispered the wish that his friendship had -been obtained by some other mode. In the second year of his reign, Alfonso -marched towards Toledo, hearing that the territories of Alimayon had been -invaded by the King of Cordova. He made no proclamation of his purpose, -and Alimayon, not assured of his motives, sent messengers to him, -reminding him of their alliance. The King detained the messengers. He then -pursued his course to Olias; and the King of Cordova, divining his -purpose, broke up his encampment before Toledo, and fled. Alfonso left his -army at Olias, and, accompanied only by five knights and Alimayon's -messengers, he rode to Toledo. He was met and greeted by his -brother-sovereign, who kissed his shoulder, and thanked him for his truth -in coming to his deliverance, and for remembering their mutual oath. The -Moorish people expressed by their songs and atabals the love which the -Christians bore their lord; but the Castilians severely blamed Alfonso for -his implicit faith in the honour of a Moor. Alimayon returned with Alfonso -next day to the Christian camp. An entertainment, worthy of the splendour -of chivalry, was furnished forth: but while the kings were at table -Alimayon was astonished at seeing some armed knights gradually surrounding -the tent. His brother-sovereign bade him suspend his curiosity till the -conclusion of the feast: the Moor did so; and Alfonso then reminded him -that their alliance had been formed when he was in his power at Toledo, -but now, as Alimayon was in his power, he required an exoneration of that -oath and covenant. Alimayon could not but comply; and agreeably to the -form, both Moorish and Christian, acquitted him of his promise, in -expressions thrice repeated. Alfonso then called for the book of the -Gospels, and said to him, "Now that you are in my power, I swear and -promise to you, never to fight against you nor against your son, but to -aid you against all the world. The oath which I formerly made was forced -from me, and therefore not obligatory on my conscience and conduct: but I -cannot violate the present oath, for I make it now that you are in my -hands, and I can treat you as I please." The alliance was then settled on -a firmer basis than ever; and Alfonso, after making the King of Cordova -feel the might of his power, took his course to Castile.[190] - -[Sidenote: The Cid's second marriage.] - -[Sidenote: Is banished from Alfonso's court.] - -[Sidenote: Becomes the ally of the Moors;] - -Return we now to our Cid. His wife Ximena was dead; and Alfonso, in order -to attach him to his person, married him to his own niece, also a Ximena. -The marriage was celebrated on the 19th of July, in the year 1074. For -some years the achievements of the Cid were confined to the duties which -were imposed on him as King's champion. Questions of territory between -Alfonso and the Moors were generally decided by single combat, and the Cid -was always victorious. These circumstances should have cemented the -friendship of the King and his campeador: but the courtiers, by their -well-weaved plots, succeeded in driving into banishment their most -formidable rival in the affections of the sovereign. The Cid took refuge -with the Moorish King of Saragossa, and continued in that part of Spain -for some years the subject and soldier of the Moors, fighting their -battles against the Christians; but always showing mercy to the -vanquished. Mercy, indeed, to those whom he conquered in the field was a -prevailing feature of his character, which he displayed without regard to -religious peculiarities: for in his previous battles in the cause of -Alfonso he had often released his prisoners unransomed. - -[Sidenote: but recalled.] - -[Sidenote: Is banished again.] - -The Moors from Africa invaded Spain. In the extremity of his distress, -Alfonso recalled the Cid, who soon drove back the enemy. For a -considerable time that leader enjoyed the gratitude of his sovereign, and -was the soul of the Christian army; and then circumstances arose which his -enemies ingeniously perverted to his injury. Alfonso was gone into -Andalusia against the Moors, unaccompanied by the Cid, whom sickness -detained at home. He recovered, however, in time to meet and repel a -Moorish invasion on the other side; and he retaliated on them as far as -Toledo, whose king complained to Alfonso of the campeador's violation of -the oath and covenant between them. Alfonso was astonished and displeased; -and suffering his mind to be influenced by the suggestions of the -Ricos-omes, all his hatred of the Cid returned in its pristine force. He -saw nothing in him now but the avenger of Don Sancho's death. He summoned -him to Burgos; but the Cid replied he would meet him between that town and -Bivar. They accordingly met, and the campeador would have kissed his hand -in homage; but the King repulsed him, angrily saying, "Ruydiez, quit my -land." The Cid instantly pricked his mule to another piece of ground, and -replied, "I am now, Sir, upon my own land, and not upon yours." The King -then commanded him to depart from his states forthwith, not even allowing -him thirty days' time, the usual licence of the hidalgos. - -The moment of his banishment was not an unhappy one, for it was then that -he discovered his strength; many knights and other valiant men-of-arms -resolving, with his cousin-german, Alvar Fañez, to accompany him through -desert and peopled country, and spend their wealth, and garments, and -horses in his service. But the joyous exultation of this consciousness of -power was soon checked by the grief of quitting his own home;--the -deserted hall, the perches without hawks upon them, the porch without its -seats, no cloaks hanging down the walls:--all these signs of desolation -brought tears into his eyes, and he exclaimed, "My enemies have done -this:" but soon recovering his Christian resignation, he cried, "God be -praised for all things." He passed through Burgos, where the people could -not receive him, for the King had prohibited them to do so; and he whose -sword had been girt on in a happy hour, was condemned to pitch his tents -upon the sands. - -[Sidenote: Singular story of the Cid's unknightly meanness.] - -The chivalric history of the Cid is now varied by a circumstance which has -not its parallel in the life of any other cavalier on record. He was -deeply distressed for present money, and he obtained some by means not -recommended in any code of knighthood. He filled two chests with sand, and -persuaded two Jews, who had confidence in his honour, that their contents -were gold. He had been accustomed to sell to these men his Moorish spoils, -and he demanded on the present security the sum of six hundred marks. The -money was delivered. The negociation was conducted on the part of the Cid -by his friend, Martin Antolinez, who received a handsome present from the -Jews; but the Cid, the noble-minded lofty cavalier, was the author of this -unknightly piece of craft; and he consoled his conscience by the -reflection that he acted more from necessity than inclination, and that in -time he would redeem all. In order to avoid detection, he made the Jews -promise not to open the chests for a year, but to retain them only as a -security. - -One little trait of the Cid's coolness and cunning must be noticed. The -Jews, in their joy at the excellence of the bargain, were disposed to -generosity, and offered the Cid a red skin, Moorish and honourable. The -Cid accepted it, telling his friends he would consider it as a gift, if -they had bought it; otherwise, they should add its value to the loan.[191] - -[Sidenote: Fortunes of the Cid during his exile.] - -The Cid then went to Cardina; and, after bidding farewell to his wife and -children, he quitted gentle Castile, and went into the Moorish territory. -He battled with the Moors and vanquished them, sparing, however, those -who were the allies of Alfonso. In particular, he won a great victory over -them in a sally which he made from the castle of Alcocer, wherein he was -besieged by them. The Cid of Bivar was known by his green pennon and gilt -saddle. He charged his standard-bearer, Pero Bermuez, not to venture -forward before he commanded. The circumstances of the battle are described -in the translation of the old poem of the Cid with astonishing spirit:-- - - "The gates were then thrown open, and forth at once they rush'd, - The out-posts of the Moorish host back to the camp were push'd: - The camp was all in tumult; and there was such a thunder, - Of cymbals and of drums, as if earth would cleave, in sunder. - There you might see the Moors arming themselves in haste, - And the two main battles how they were forming fast, - Horsemen and footmen mixt, a countless troop, and vast. - The Moors are moving forward, the battle soon must join. - 'My men stand here in order, rang'd upon a line! - Let not a man move from his rank before I give the sign.' - Pero Bermuez heard the word, but he could not refrain: - He held the banner in his hand, he gave his horse the rein; - 'You see yon foremost squadron there, the thickest of the foes, - Noble Cid, God be your aid, for there your banner goes! - Let him that serves and honours it show the duty that he owes.' - Earnestly the Cid called out, 'For heaven's sake be still!' - Bermuez cried, 'I cannot hold;' so eager was his will. - He spurr'd his horse, and drove him on amidst the Moorish rout; - They strove to win the banner, and compast him about. - Had not his armour been so true, he had lost either life or limb: - The Cid called out again, 'For heaven's sake succour him!' - Their shields before their breasts, forth at once they go; - Their lances in the rest, levell'd fair and low; - Their banners and their crests waving in a row; - Their heads all stooping down towards the saddle-bow. - The Cid was in the midst, his shout was heard afar, - 'I am Rui Diaz, the champion of Bivar: - Strike among them, gentlemen, for sweet mercy's sake.' - There where Bermuez fought amidst the foe, they brake - Three hundred banner'd knights: it was a gallant show. - Three hundred Moors they kill'd--a man with every blow: - When they wheel'd and turn'd, as many more lay slain, - You might see them raise their lances and level them again. - There you might see the breast-plates, how they were cleft in twain, - And many a Moorish shield lie shatter'd on the plain; - The pennons that were white, mark'd with a crimson stain; - The horses running wild whose riders had been slain. - The Christians call upon Saint James, the Moors upon Mahound. - There were thirteen hundred of them slain on a little spot of - ground."[192] - -His victory over the Moors presented the Cid with a fair occasion of -propitiating Alfonso. He accordingly dispatched Alvar Fañez into Castile -with a gift to the King of thirty Moorish horses, which was accepted. -Alfonso did not show present honour to the Cid, but he expressed his joy -at the victory; and relieved from all penalties those who had joined him, -and those who should be induced to follow his fortunes.[193] These were -joyful news to the Cid and his host; and the faithful messenger brought -also such tidings of their families, that, as men as well as Castilians, -they were right joyful. - -[Sidenote: The Cid's chivalric nobleness and generosity.] - -On every occasion the Cid showed a generous indifference to his own share -of the spoil; and whatever country he left, both men and women wept, and -the prayers of the people went before him, so high was his reputation for -acts of individual clemency. Once he invaded a Moorish territory with -which Raymond Berenger, Count of Barcelona, was in alliance. The Count and -his Frenchmen harnessed themselves in their gay attire, resolved to -recover the spoil of the Cid. But he who was born in a happy hour smiled -at the vain splendour of the French cavaliers; and while his men were -placing their plain Gallician saddles on their horses, he assured them, -that for one of their enemy whom they should slay, three would leap from -their horses in terror. Berenger's force was defeated: he himself was -taken prisoner; and of the spoil the most precious part was his good -sword, Colada. - -The subsequent circumstances will recall to the reader's mind the -chivalric bearing of the Black Prince and Henry V. Berenger was conducted -to the tent of his vanquisher, and a repast was set before them; but he -refused all refreshment, though my Cid courteously invited him. The next -day a very splendid entertainment was set forth; but the Count preserved -his pride and sullenness, or only broke forth into expressions of contempt -and self-reproach that he had been beaten by a set of ragged fellows. My -Cid did not reply to this uncourtesy, but continued to urge him to partake -of the repast, and not lament the chance of war. But Berenger abandoned -himself to unmanly despondency, and desired to be left alone to die. For -three days he continued in this abject state; and he was only roused from -it by the noble offer of the Cid to give liberty to him and any two of his -knights. The Cid, however, was good humouredly resolved not to part from -him, unless he partook of his hospitality. "If you do not eat heartily, -Count, you and I shall not part yet." They then cemented their kindness -and gratitude by good cheer, and the Count was permitted to take his -leave: but as he rode away he frequently reverted his eyes to know if the -Cid were pursuing him, for his own ignoble soul could not credit the -generosity of his vanquisher.[194] - -[Sidenote: Is recalled by Alfonso.] - -Increased admiration of the Cid's military talents, and the death by -treachery of one of his bravest officers, induced Alfonso to wish for a -reconciliation with his faithful campeador. It was effected; but not till -the Cid had induced the King to stipulate that no hidalgo should be -banished in future without a lawful hearing of his cause, and the old -licence of thirty days. On another great matter he was also the friend of -the public good; for he induced the King to consent to preserve the -privileges of towns, and not to impose taxes on them contrary to their -customs. Alfonso even conceded the liberty of armed resistance to his -acts, if ever they should contradict his solemn engagements. - -[Sidenote: The Cid captures Toledo,] - -The Cid's happiness was soon alloyed by the death of his son Rodrigo; a -young man whose military spirit was so fine and gallant, that the -Christians regarded him as the hope of Spain. The Cid was speedily called -from private cares and sorrows to a more important undertaking than any he -had been ever engaged in. He headed the Christian troops against Toledo; -and those troops embraced not only the flower of Spanish chivalry, but -many knights from France, Italy, and Germany; so important to the general -fate of religion and arms was the capture of Toledo considered. We may -lament, with many an admirer of Spanish chivalry, that the memory of their -gallant deeds has not been handed down to us, and censure the ancient -chroniclers for wronging such worthy knights. We only know that Toledo was -captured by the Cid on the 25th of May, in the year 1085. - -Among many subsequent military achievements of the campeador I shall -select only his engagement with his old foe, Raymond Berenger, Count of -Barcelona, who had hastily taken up arms to assist a Moorish prince, also -an enemy of the Cid. If the Cid had dreaded numbers he would have -yielded: if he had regarded the established reputation of knights, he -would have partaken of the general terror, for the French were esteemed -the best knights in the world, and the best appointed; and fame proceeded -to ascribe to Berenger's the chivalric virtues of courage and skill in no -ordinary degree. But the exhortations of the Cid and his very presence -animated the troops to heroism; and when the moment of battle, fixed by -his own admirable skill, arrived, the event, as usual, proved that he had -been born in a happy hour. Berenger and his chief officers fell into his -hands: he showed them great courtesy; and released them on their ransom, -and their promise on their knighthood never to appear in arms against him -again.[195] - -[Sidenote: and Valentia.] - -The capture of Valentia was the next and most important circumstance in -the Cid's career. The fame of his exploits had drawn to his standard a -thousand knights of lineage, five hundred and fifty other horsemen, and of -foot-soldiers a thousand. I shall not detail the events of the nine -months' siege of Valentia; for the picture does not vary in any of its -colours and shades from the scenes of blood, and horror, and desolation, -in other wars. - -[Sidenote: Story of Spanish manners.] - -There is one circumstance, however, of a different character, and -pleasingly illustrative of ancient manners. Among the hosts of the Cid -was an Asturian hidalgo, named Martin Paleaz, who was better known for his -personal strength than his chivalric courage. The Cid resolved to shame -him into bravery; and he seized as a fitting occasion a day when Martin -had concealed himself while his brother-knights were tourneying with the -Moors. When the dinner-hour arrived, Martin Paleaz, not suspecting that -the Cid had discovered his baseness, washed his hands with the other -knights, and would have taken his place at the common table; but the Cid -grasped his hand, and telling him that neither of them was worthy to sit -with such valorous knights as those who were now before them, he led him -to his own high table where it was his general custom to sit, and dine -alone; Alvar Fañez, Pero Bermuez, and knights of equal renown, sitting at -other high tables, while the rest of the knights reclined upon estrados -with tables before them. There was no equality of knighthood, therefore, -among the cavaliers of Spain as in the Celtic nations. There was no Round -Table, generously dispensing with the inequalities of rank. It was a -subject of honourable ambition with the knights of the Cid to be -pronounced worthy of sitting at the table with Alvar Fañez and his -companions; and the simple Martin Paleaz plumed himself on his superior -honours. - -The next day the Christian knights held a joust to the utterance with the -Moors; and the Cid was pleased by observing that Martin Paleaz was so much -elated that he did not, as usual, quit the field when the lances met in -rude shock. The Cid, on returning to his lodging, not only placed his -gallant friend by his side, but invited him to eat out of his own dish; -adding, that he had deserved better that day than yesterday. This -expression revealed the whole matter to Paleaz: he now saw that the Cid -had discovered all the artifices of his cowardice, and that he had placed -him by his side at table to disgrace, and not to honour him; thinking that -such a recreant was not fit to sit with other knights. These reflections -of shame kindled in him a spark of courage; and he now resolved to deport -himself like a gallant cavalier. In several subsequent battles with the -Moors he fought so bravely that they marvelled, and enquired whence that -devil had come. The Cid rewarded him with his friendship, and also the -distinction of sitting at the table with Alvar Fañez and other true -knights.[196] - -[Sidenote: The Cid's unjust conduct to the Moors.] - -The Cid became lord of Valencia, reserving, however, the feudal and -absolute sovereignty to King Alfonso. He made many arrangements with the -Moors, to the credit of his ingenuity, rather than of his honour; for he -violated them all as soon as his purposes were accomplished. Finally, he -permitted the conquered to live in the adjoining town and suburb of -Alcudia; to have their own law administered by their own cadis and -alguazils; to enjoy two mosques, one in the city, and the other in the -suburb, the Moors paying to the Cid a tenth part of their produce, as the -price of his concessions. The campeador was a banished man from gentle -Castile, when he took Valencia, the malignity of his enemies having again -wrought upon the jealous temper of Alfonso: but his victories once more -reconciled him to the King, who accepted from him a noble present of -horses, saddled and bridled, each with a bright sword hanging from the -saddle-bow. His wife and daughters now joined him at Valencia; and it is -curious to notice, as a point in his character, that his first expression -of joy was to run a career on his good horse Bavieca, who performed his -exercises so beautifully, that the people marvelled, and he became famous -over all Spain. - -[Sidenote: The unchivalric character of the Cid's wife and daughters.] - -The Cid mistook the character of his wife and daughters; for he thought -that the martial spirit of chivalry animated them as well as himself: -howbeit, in truth, they were attached to the gentler duties of life. A -Moorish host came from Africa to contest with him his right to Valencia; -and, in order to entertain Ximena and her damsels, he placed them in a -lofty tower, whence they might view, without danger, the bloody strife. -But, unlike the women in other chivalric countries, they turned pale, and -trembled at the scene; and the Cid removed them, though their presence was -important; for the courage of his troops was animated to fury when they -thought that ladies were witnessing their feats of arms.[197] - -[Sidenote: The Cid recalled by Alfonso.] - -New presents were made to Alfonso of the spoils taken on this occasion; -and the King and his campeador were formally and publicly reconciled. The -Cid humbled himself with oriental prostrations; for many parts of Moorish -manners were copied by the Spaniards. They had not met for some years; and -time had laid his wrinkling hand on the brow of the Cid. But Alfonso was -more particularly struck with the appearance of his beard, which had grown -to a marvellous length.[198] - -[Sidenote: The marriages of his daughters.] - -[Sidenote: Basely treated by their husbands.] - -The Cid was now at a height of power never reached by any subject; and his -wealth attracted the admiration of men of nobler birth. The Infantes of -Carrion solicited the hands of his daughters: the alliance was favoured by -the King; and the Cid and Ximena, though they liked not the character of -the young nobles, yielded to his importunities, and the marriages were -solemnized. These marriages were an abundant source of infelicity; and he -whose good fortune had generally warranted his popular title,--he that was -born in a happy hour,--repented of having yielded to the King's -suggestions. The Infantes were men of base and cowardly minds, and totally -unable to maintain a noble port in the house of the Cid, where courage and -martial exercises gave the tone to manners. Mortified personal pride took -refuge in the pride of birth; and the Infantes chose to imagine that they -had sullied their nobility by allying themselves with the family of the -Cid: but they did not consider that they had violated the chivalry of -their rank when they insulted, and even beat their wives, leaving them in -a wood, apparently dead. The ladies were found by a relation, and the Cid -became acquainted with the story. He appealed to the King, who appointed a -cortez at Toledo, to judge the matter; and weighty indeed must it have -been thought, for the present was but the third cortez which had been -held during the reign of Alfonso. - -[Sidenote: Cortez at Toledo to decide the cause.] - -To Toledo, accordingly, all parties repaired. The Cid had with him the -best and bravest knights, a gallant array, whose tents on the hills round -the city were so numerous that the Cid's attendants seemed like a host, -rather than a common guard of honour. The hall of the palace of Galiana, -the place of assemblage of the cortez, had its walls hung with cloths of -gold, and estrados, with carpets, were placed on the ground. At the upper -end was the King's chair, the ancient seat of the kings of Toledo; and -round it were rich and noble estrados for the chief lords of the cortez. -Near the chair of the King the Cid caused, the day before the meeting, an -ivory seat to be placed, which he had won in Valencia, it having belonged -to the kings of that city. A number of his esquires, with their swords -hanging from their necks, guarded the seat, till their lord should come -and take possession of it. - -[Sidenote: Picture of ancient manners.] - -The next morning the King, after hearing mass, repaired to the palace of -Galiana, with the Infantes of Carrion, and the counts and ricos-omes of -the cortez. The ivory seat excited the envy of Count Garcia, the ancient -rival of the Cid; and the chief esquire was ready by arms to repel his -sneers and sarcasms, till the King prevented the progress of the contest, -by declaring that his campeador had won the seat right honourably; that -never had any vassal sent to his lord such gifts as he had done; and that -if any one were envious, let him achieve equal feats of honour, and the -King would seat him next the throne. - -The Cid now entered the hall, accompanied by a hundred of his choicest -knights. They were apparelled both for courtesy and war. To the eye of the -court their garments were only fine skins of ermine, and the usual cloak -of the nation; but underneath they wore hauberks of well-tempered mail, -and swords sweet and sharp in the edge. The dress of the campeador himself -would have surprised Raymond Berenger, Count of Barcelona, and his mocking -Frenchmen. His hose was of fine cloth, his shoes were richly worked: his -body was clad in the finest linen, and a red skin, all curiously worked -with gold and silver. His coif was of scarlet and gold; but the beard, of -which he was so conscious, was bound by a cord, in sign of mourning and -woe. - -Most of the assembly rose to greet him; and the King offered him a share -of his own seat. But the Cid replied, that it would better become him to -be at his feet, for he owed his fame and fortune to the goodness of the -King and his brother and father; and it was not fit for him that received -bounty to sit with him who dispensed it. The King then commanded him to -place himself on the ivory seat, for that he had won it like a good man. -This he did, and the hundred knights surrounded their lord. - -The purpose of the cortez was declared by the King, and two noble counts -were sworn alcaldes, to judge rightly and truly between the campeador and -the Infantes of Carrion, according to the law of Castile and Leon. The Cid -then demanded that his two good swords, Colada and Tizona, should be -restored to him. He had given them into the keeping of the Infantes of -Carrion, that they might honour his daughters with them, and serve their -king. But when they left his daughters in the oak-forest of Corpes, they -renounced his love, and as they were no longer his sons-in-law, they ought -to render him back the swords. The alcaldes deliberated upon this demand, -and decreed that the swords should be restored. The Infantes delivered -them to the King, pleased with the moderation of the Cid's demand. Alfonso -drew the swords, and the whole court shone with their brightness. Their -hilts were made of solid gold, and all the knights present marvelled. The -Cid received them from the King; and, smiling, even from the strongest of -his heart's affections, he laid them upon his knees, and called them the -best swords in Spain, and grieved that the Infantes of Carrion had kept -them hungry, and had not fed them with flesh as they had been wont to be -fed with. He delivered them to the care of Alvar Fañez, and Pero Bermuez, -who solicited the honourable charge. - -The Cid then demanded a restoration of the treasure which he had given to -the Infantes on occasion of his daughters' marriages. This demand was -faintly resisted by the argument, that it had been spent in the King's -service. The Cid judiciously took advantage of the admission, that the -treasure had been received, and then fairly enough contended that it -touched not him, if the Infantes had expended money for the King; and so -Alfonso himself judged the matter; and the alcaldes decreed the -restitution of the treasure. - -To carry this ordinance into effect the court was adjourned; and when it -re-assembled the Cid rose from his ivory seat, and recapitulating the -circumstances of the marriages, and not sparing the King for his share in -them, he demanded of the Infantes the reasons of their conduct: he -declared he would not let them depart without mortal defiance. He added, -laying his hand upon his beard, (his usual sign of wrath,) that if the -King and the cortez would not right him he would do justice to himself; -he would follow them to Carrion; he would take them by the throat, and -carry them prisoners to his daughters at Valencia, where they should do -penance for their offences, and be fed with the food which they deserved. - -The King mildly remarked, that in promoting the marriages he had acted -according to the request of the Infantes themselves, and he saw that much -of the dishonour touched himself. To the storm of passion with which the -Cid had concluded his address, the King firmly replied that the cause was -before the cortez, and that the alcaldes would pass a righteous sentence. - -The Cid recovered his serenity, and kissing the King's hand, returned to -his ivory seat. - -After a brief pause he rose, and thanking the King for his compassion for -his and his daughters' dishonour, he defied the Infantes to mortal combat. - -The King called upon them to reply; and they boldly excused their leaving -their wives: for the daughters of Ruy Diaz of Bivar were not worthy of -alliance with men who were the best hidalgos in all Castile. Regarding the -acts of personal cruelty and unchivalric deportment, they said nothing. -They denied the necessity of doing battle upon such a matter with any one. -Count Don Garcia then began to lead the Infantes from the court, and -exclaimed, as he passed the Cid, "Let us leave him, sitting like a -bridegroom in his ivory chair, and thinking that his beard will frighten -us." - -The campeador stroked his chin, and sternly demanded what the Count had to -do with his beard. "Thanks be to God," he added, "never son of woman hath -taken me by it; never son of Moor or of Christian hath plucked it as I did -yours in your castle of Cabra, Count, when I took your castle of Cabra, -and took you by the beard: there was not a boy of the host who did not -pull it."--"The hair which I plucked has not, methinks, grown again," he -added with a look of bitterest scorn. - -To this cruel sarcasm Garcia could only answer by the low scurrility of -desiring the Cid to go back to his own country, and take toll for his -mills as he used to do. - -This insult was scarcely to be tolerated. The knights of the Cid grasped -their swords, and looked at each other with fierce countenances; but their -respect for the command of their lord, not to act till he bade them, kept -them silent. The Cid himself forgot his own injunctions, and reproached -his former standard-bearer, Pero Bermuez, for not taking up his cause. -That valiant knight, dashing aside some personal insults with which the -Cid had mingled his censure, folded his cloak round his arm, and fiercely -striding to the Count Garcia, felled him to the ground. - -Immediately the court was a scene of wild uproar; swords were drawn, and -no respect for the presence of the King could quell the fray. At length -the passions exhausted themselves, and the court resumed its sittings. -Alfonso declared that he would defend the rights of all parties, and -advised Garcia and his friends to support their cause by courtesy and -reason, and not to revile the Cid. The cause was proceeded with; and the -King with the alcaldes finally decreed that the Infantes, and their uncle -Count Suero Gonzales, who had abetted them in their dishonour to the -ladies, should do battle with three of the Cid's people, and acquit -themselves if it were in their power. - -The battle accordingly was fought, and the champions of the Cid were -victors, agreeably to the decision of the twelve true men appointed as -judges, and the consenting voice of the King and people. The Infantes of -Carrion and their uncle were declared traitors. The family itself sunk -into disgrace; a worthy punishment, as the Spanish writers declare, of -them who dishonour and desert fair lady.[199] - -These circumstances were considered of equal force with a canonical -dissolution of marriage; and the daughters of the Cid were shortly -afterwards united to the Infantes of Navarre and Arragon, men of far more -power and rank than their former lords. Valencia witnessed the present, as -it had the former nuptials. Bull-fights, throwing at the target, and -throwing the cane, were some of the amusements of the Christians, and the -joculars were right nobly rewarded. The Moors, also, were animated and -sincere in their rejoicings; and the spectators were pleasingly distracted -between the Christian and the Moorish games. For eight days the rejoicings -lasted: each day the people were feasted, and each day they all ate out of -silver. - -[Sidenote: Death of the Cid.] - -These were the last circumstances of importance in the life of the Cid. -Five years afterwards, on the 29th of May, 1099, he died at Valencia. -Romance writers have endeavoured to adorn his closing scene; but I cannot -select from their works any thing that is either beautiful or probable. - -[Sidenote: His character.] - -In one of those historical works which have done honour to the literature -of our age, much praise is bestowed upon the Cid, Ruy Diaz, for his -frankness, honour, and magnanimity.[200] But, in truth, to very little of -this commendation is our hero's fame entitled. His conduct to the poor -Jews of Burgos will not be urged as a proof of his free and noble dealing, -of that frank sincerity which interests us in contemplating the worthies -of chivalric times; and as for his honour, that sacred possession of a -knight, he pledged it often to the Moors of Valencia, and violated it to -gratify his objects as a conqueror. Look at him in the cortez: observe his -coolness, his deliberation, his gradual statement of his demands. Here was -the calculating man of vengeance, not the gay, the wild cavalier throwing -down his gauntlet, and displaying his whole soul in one burst of generous -passion. There is a sternness about the Cid which repels our gaze. His -mind was not enriched by Arabic learning, and grateful to his teachers; -nor was it softened by recollections of Arabian loves: and when I see him -pitying his sword that it had not received the food it deserved, I can -scarcely allow him a station among the heroes of chivalry, those brilliant -spirits; for I recognise nothing but the barbarism of the Goth, infuriated -by the vengeful spirit of the Moor. Let the Cid, however, have his due -praise. Several instances of his generosity to prisoners have been given. -His treatment of the Moors of Valencia, after he had once settled the -government, was noble. He suffered no difference of religion to affect his -paternal regards to his people; and thence it happened that Moors and -Christians dwelt together under his mild sway with such accord that the -union seemed the long result of ages. One of those Moors gave him the -following praise, with which I shall conclude my remarks on his character: -"The Cid, Ruy Diaz," said he, "was the man in the world who had the -bravest heart, and he was the best knight at arms, and the man who best -maintained his law; and in the word which he hath promised he never fails; -and he is the man in the world who is the best friend to his friend, and -to his enemy he is the mortalest foe among all Christians; and to the -vanquished he is full of mercy and compassion; and full thoughtful and -wise in whatever thing he doeth; and his countenance is such that no man -seeth him for the first time without conceiving great fear." - -[Sidenote: Fate of his good horse.] - -As a horse was part and parcel of a knight, I cannot take leave of the Cid -without saying a few words regarding his steed Bavieca. After the death of -his master no one was permitted to bestride that good horse. Gil Diaz, a -valiant knight, and companion of the Cid, took him in charge, feeding him -and leading him to water with his own hand. Bavieca lived two years and a -half after the death of his master the Cid; and when he died Gil Diaz -buried him before the gate of the monastery at Valencia, in the public -place, and planted two elms upon the grave, the one at his head, and the -other at his feet. - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Spanish chivalry after his death.] - -[Sidenote: The merits of missals decided by battle.] - -I have already alluded to the mighty influence of the Cid on the political -history of Spain,--his decision of the great question of Christian or -Mohammedan superiority. After his death the impulse which he had given to -the Spanish power was kept alive; the Moors never recovered themselves -from the prowess of his knighthood, and, finally, they were driven from -the Peninsula. It was only when the general Christian cause was the -weakest, that the Spanish government, and people, who were occasionally -conquerors, extended the humanities of chivalry to the Moors. But when the -Crescent waned, this mild aspect was changed; for revenge and all the -baleful passions of victory swept away the gentle graces of the cavalier, -and intolerance and cruelty rose with the increasing power of the -Christians. Concessions of liberty of conscience were made to the Moors, -but the treaties were broken, apparently that mockery might embitter pain. -The Moors and Christians did not deport themselves to each other with -chivalric courtesy; and history gives no warrant to the romantic stories -of any magnanimity or grandeur of soul illuminating the last years of the -Arabs in Spain.[201] Among the Christians themselves, indeed, the -chivalric character was sustained in all its vigour and gracefulness. -Ecclesiastical history furnishes us with a very amusing instance of its -influence. When Alphonso IX., about the year 1214, had expelled the Moors -from Toledo, he endeavoured to establish the Roman missal in the place of -St. Isidore's. But the people clung to their old ideas, and resisted the -innovation. Those were not the days of theological argument; but the -sword was the only means of deciding disputes and of determining truth. -Each party chose a doughty knight, and commended to his chivalry the cause -of a missal. The two champions met in the lists; the two parties ranged -themselves in the surrounding galleries, and to the joy of the Spaniards -the champion of St. Isidore was victorious.[202] - -[Sidenote: Gallantry of a knight.] - -But the gallantry of the Spaniards is the most interesting subject of -regard. James II., King of Arragon, decreed that every man, whether a -knight or another, who should be in company with a noble lady, might pass -safe and unmolested, unless he were guilty of murder.[203] In the minds of -Spanish knights, religion and love were ever blended; and he who, thinking -of his mistress, took for his motto the words, "Sin vos, y sin Dios y mi," -(without thee, I am without God, and without myself,) was not thought -guilty of impiety. In romantic gallantry the Spaniard was a very perfect -knight. Garcia Perez de Vargas, who lived in the thirteenth century, was a -splendid exemplar of Spanish chivalry. His valour excited the envy of men -of nobler birth, who displayed the meanness of their spirit in questioning -his title to bear arms. He once withstood the Moors, while those of more -ancient heraldry quailed. When he had discomfited the foe, he returned to -his host, and striking his battered shield, remarked to his envious rival, -in a tone of justifiable sarcasm, "You are right in wishing to deprive me -of my coat of arms, for I expose it to too great dangers. It would be far -safer in your hands; for so prudent a knight as yourself would take very -excellent care of it."[204] Garcia was such a doughty knight, that his -very presence terrified the Moors. He and a companion were once suddenly -met by a party of seven of their turbaned foes. His friend took flight, -but Perez closed his vizor, and couched his lance. The Moors declined a -battle. Perez reached the camp: his conduct met with its guerdon; but he -had too much chivalric kindness warming his heart to answer the demand, -who it was that had forsaken him in so perilous a moment. There was -another circumstance in this affair which marks the gallantry of our -knight. While his martial demeanour was keeping the Moors at bay he found -that his scarf had fallen from his shoulder. He calmly turned his horse's -head, recovered his mistress's favour, and then pursued his course to the -camp, the Moors being still afraid to attack him.[205] - -[Sidenote: Passage of arms at Orbigo.] - -On the first day of the year 1434, while the Spanish court was holding its -festivities at Medina del Campo, a noble knight, named Sueno de Quinones, -presented himself before the King (John II.) with a train of nine -cavaliers gallantly arrayed, whose lofty demeanour and armorial ensigns -showed that they prided themselves on the perfect purity of their -Christian descent. The King smiled graciously on the strangers; and -learning from his attendants that they had come to court in order to -address his power, he waved his hand in sign of permission for them to -speak. A herald, whom they had brought with them, stepped in front, and in -the name of Sueno de Quinones spoke thus: "It is just and reasonable that -any one who has been so long in imprisonment as I have been should desire -his liberty; and, as your vassal and subject, I appear before you to -state, that I have been long bound in service to a noble lady; and, as is -well known, through heralds, not only in this country but through foreign -lands, every Thursday I am obliged to wear a chain of iron round my neck. -But, with the aid of the Apostle James, I have discovered a means of -liberation. I and my nine noble friends propose, during the fifteen days -that precede and the fifteen days that follow the festival of that Saint, -to break three hundred lances, with Milan points[206], in the following -manner: Three lances with every knight who shall pass this way on his road -to the shrine of the Saint. Armour and weapons will be provided in ample -store for such cavaliers as shall travel only in palmer's weeds. All noble -ladies who shall be on their pilgrimage unattended by a chivalric escort -must be contented to lose their right-hand glove till a knight shall -recover it by the valour of his arm." - -When the herald concluded, the King and his council conferred together, -and they soon agreed that the laws of chivalry obliged them to consent to -the accomplishing of this emprise of arms. When the royal permission was -proclaimed by the heralds, Sueno got a noble knight to take off his -helmet, and thus, bareheaded, approached the throne, and humbly thanked -the King. He afterwards retired with his nine friends; and having -exchanged their heavy armour for silken dresses of festivity, they -returned to the hall and joined the dance. - -Six months were to elapse before the valiant and amorous Sueno de Quinones -could be delivered from his shackle; and all that time was spent by him -and his friends in exercising themselves to the use of the lance, and in -providing stores of harness and lances for such knights as would joust -with them. The place that was arranged for the contest was the bridge -Orbigo, six hours' ride from Leon, and three from Astorga. The marble -effigies of a herald was set-up in the road; and by the label in its right -hand travellers were acquainted that they had reached the passage of arms. -The lists were erected in a beautiful plain formed by nature in a -neighbouring wood. Tents for banqueting and repose were raised, and amply -furnished by the liberality of Sueno. One tent was admirable for the -beauty of its decorations, and more so for its purpose. It contained seven -noble ladies, who, at the request of the mother of Sueno, devoted -themselves to attend upon such of the knights as should be wounded in the -joust. At the time appointed, Sueno de Quinones appeared in the lists with -his nine companions, all arrayed in the most splendid tourneying harness, -the enamoured knight himself bearing round his neck the chain of his -mistress, with the motto, which his friends also wore on some part of -their armour, "Il faut délibérer." Many stranger knights jousted with him, -and his success was generally distinguished. - -The fair penitents to the shrine of the saint were stopped; and such as -were of noble birth were asked by the King's herald to deliver their -gloves. The pride and prerogatives of the sex were offended at this -demand: the ladies resisted, as much as words and looks of high disdain -could resist, the representative of the King; but they yielded with grace -and pleasure, when they were asked to surrender their gloves in the name -of the laws of chivalry, of those laws which had been made under their -auspices, and for their benefit. There was no lack of knights to peril -themselves for the recovery of these gloves in the listed plain; and if -the champions of the dames were ever worsted by the hardier sons of -chivalry, the gallantry of the judges of the tournament would not permit -the ladies to suffer from any want of skill or good fortune in their -chosen knights. When the thirty days had expired, it appeared that -sixty-eight knights had entered the lists against Sueno de Quinones; and -in seven hundred and twenty-seven encounters only sixty-six lances had -been broken;--a chivalric phrase, expressive either of the actual -shivering of lances, or of men being thrown out of their saddles. The -judges of the tournament, however, declared, that although the number of -lances broken was not equal to the undertaking, yet as such a partial -performance of the conditions of the passage at arms had not been the -fault of Sueno de Quinones, they commanded the king at arms to take the -chain from his neck, and to declare that the emprise had been achieved: -accordingly the chain was removed, and the delivered knight entered Leon -in triumph.[207] - -[Sidenote: Knights travel and joust for ladies' love.] - -The knights of Spain were, indeed, on every occasion gallant as well as -brave. When the heralds of France and England crossed the Pyrenees to -proclaim the tournaments, which were to be held in honour of woman's -beauty, there was no lack of Spanish cavaliers to obey the sound, and -assert the charms of the dark-eyed maidens of their land. This was their -wont during all the ages of chivalry; and so late as the fifteenth century -one of them travelled so far as England by command of his mistress, and -for her sake wished to run a course with sharp spears. His dress confirmed -his challenge; for he wore round his arm a kerchief of pleasance, with -which his lady-love had graced him before he set out on his perilous quest -of honour.[208] This historical fact is very important, as proving that -the writers of Spanish tales, in describing the deep devotion of Spanish -love, the fidelity which no time nor absence could shake, drew their -pictures from no imaginary originals. The romancers shadowed forth the -manners of their nation, like the good-humoured satirist, Cervantes, who, -while ridiculing the absurdities of knight-errantry, as displayed in works -of fiction, never forgot the seriousness approaching to solemnity, the -perfect courtesy, the loftiness, and the generosity of the Castilian -gentleman. - -While the knights of England were admiring the gallantry of the Spanish -cavalier, who appeared among them to render himself worthy the smiles of -his lady-love, another knight of Spain, named Sir John de Merlo, or Melo, -left his native land to add new honours to his shield. He repaired to the -court of Philip, Duke of Burgundy, which was then held at Arras, and -proclaiming that he wished to joust, in order to win that high fame which -was the guerdon of chivalry, he sounded his challenge for any noble knight -to break three lances with him. It was not long before that proved and -renowned cavalier, Peter de Bauffremont, Lord of Chargny, answered the -challenge, prevailing, in return, on the Spaniard to consent to tourney -with him on foot with battle-axes, swords, and daggers. The two noble -knights then appeared in the lists of the market-place at Arras, which had -been fashioned into a tilting ground. The Duke of Burgundy sat as judge of -the lists; and he was surrounded by the Dukes of Bourbon and of Gueldres, -the Counts of Rochemont, of Vendome, d'Estampes, and, indeed, the chiefest -nobility of his states. The Spanish knight entered then the lists, -followed by four noble cavaliers of Burgundy, whom the Duke had appointed -to do him honourable service. One of them bore on the end of a lance a -small banner emblazoned with his arms. The other knights carried his -lances, and thus, without more pomp, he courteously made his obeisance to -the Duke of Burgundy, and retired from his presence by the way he had -entered on the left hand of His Grace. After a pause extended beyond the -wonted time, in order to raise the expectations of the spectators into -anxiety, the Lord of Chargny pressed his bounding steed into the lists. He -was grandly accompanied by three Burgundian lords, and the English Earl of -Suffolk, all bearing his lances. Behind him were four coursers, richly -caparisoned with his arms and devices, with pages covered with robes of -wrought silver; and the procession was closed by the greater part of the -knights and squires of the Duke of Burgundy's household. The Lord of -Chargny gracefully bent his body while his proud steed was performing its -caracoles, and he then retired through a gate opposite to that of the -Spanish knight. At the signal of the Duke the trumpets sounded to horse, -the knights pricked forth, the herald's cry resounded, "Faites vos -devoirs, preux chevaliers;" and the career of the gallant warriors -deserved the noblest meed; for they tilted with their lances with such -admirable skill, that though their weapons shivered, neither cavalier was -hurt. The second and the third courses were ran with similar chivalric -bearing, and the morning's amusement closed. - -On the next day the Duke of Burgundy, followed by all his chivalry, -repaired to the market-place of Arras, in order to witness the second -series of these martial games. The Lord of Chargny, as the challenger, -appeared first; and it was full an hour before Sir John de Merlo entered -the lists: for the Spaniard resolved to retort the delay which the Lord of -Chargny had made on the preceding morning. The king-at-arms, called Golden -Fleece, proclaimed, in three different parts of the lists, that all who -had not been otherwise ordered should retire to the galleries, or without -the rails; and that no one should give any hinderance to the two -champions, under pain of being punished, by the Duke of Burgundy, with -death. The knights then advanced from their respective pavilions, wielding -their battle-axes. They were armed in proof; but the Spanish knight, with -more than the wonted boldness of chivalry, wore his vizor raised. They -rushed upon each other with impetuous daring, and exchanged many mighty -blows; but the Lord of Chargny was sore displeased that his adversary did -not close his vizor. After they had well proved their valour, the Duke of -Burgundy threw down his warder, and the jousting ceased. But the noble -knights themselves exclaimed against so early a termination of their -chivalric sports; particularly the Spaniard, who declared, as the reason -for his anger, that he had travelled at a great expence, and with much -fatigue by sea and land, from a far country, to acquire honour and renown. -But the Duke remained firm, only soothing his denial by complimenting him -on the honourable mode in which he had accomplished his challenge; and, -afterwards, the Burgundian nobles vied with each other in praising a -cavalier who had shown the unprecedented daring of fighting with his vizor -raised. The Duke also entertained him in his palace; and, in admiration of -his bravery, made him so many rich presents, that the expences of his -journey were amply reimbursed. He soon afterwards mounted his good steed, -and left Arras on his return to his own country; and beguiled the long and -lonely way by recollections of the past, and dreams of future glory.[209] - -[Sidenote: Extinction of Spanish chivalry.] - -The remainder of the history of Spanish chivalry, namely, its decline, may -be shortly told. All its martial forms were destroyed by the iron yoke of -the house of Austria; and so perfectly, that, in the state of things which -succeeded the warfare of the shield and the lance, the Spanish infantry -took the lead, and was the most skilful in Europe. At the battle of -Ravenna, in the year 1512, they defeated the chivalry of France, and -proved the excellence of the new system of warfare. Something, however, of -that excellence must be attributed to the spirit of ancient knighthood; -for it borrowed the principles of its discipline from ancient times. - -In one respect the chivalry of Spain resembled the general chivalry of -Europe in its decline; for, at the introduction of the art of printing -into the Peninsula, the old romances were the first subjects of the press, -as works most agreeable to national taste. Although Spanish poetry was now -but a faint copy of the Italian muse, yet the spirit of the antique song -occasionally breathed, in wild and fitful notes, the heroism and loves of -other times. The point of honour was long preserved as the gem of the -Spanish character; and chivalric gallantry continued intense and -imaginative, for Arabian literature left impressions on the Spanish mind -which the Inquisition could not efface; and thus, while in other -countries of Europe woman was gradually despoiled of those divine -perfections with which the fine and gallant spirit of chivalry had -invested her, and moved among mortals as formed of mortal nature, yet, in -the imagination of the grave, the musing Spaniard, she was preserved in -her proud pre-eminence, and was still the object of his heart's idolatry. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - -PROGRESS OF CHIVALRY IN GERMANY AND ITALY. - - _Chivalry did not affect the public History of Germany ... Its - Influence on Imperial Manners ... Intolerance and Cruelty of German - Knights ... Their Harshness to their Squires ... Avarice of the - Germans ... Little Influence of German Chivalry ... A remarkable - Exception to this ... A Female Tournament ... Maximilian, the only - chivalric Emperor of Germany ... Joust between him and a French Knight - ... Edict of Frederic III. destroyed Chivalry ..._ CHIVALRY IN - ITALY:--_Lombards carried Chivalry thither ... Stories of chivalric - Gallantry ... But little martial Chivalry in Italy ... Condottieri ... - Chivalry in the North ... Italians excellent Armourers but bad Knights - ... Chivalry in the South ... Curious Circumstances attending - Knighthood at Naples ... Mode of creating Knights in Italy generally - ... Political Use of Knighthood ... Chivalric Literature ... Chivalric - Sports._ - - -[Sidenote: Chivalry did not affect the public history of Germany.] - -Chivalry may be considered either in a political or a military aspect, -either as influencing the destinies of nations, or affecting the mode and -circumstances of war. In Germany it offers to us no circumstances of the -former class. Germany was connected with Italy more than with any other -country of Europe during the middle ages. The wars of the emperors for the -kingdom of Italy did not proceed from any principles or feelings that can -be termed chivalric; nor can any ingenuity torture the fierce contests -between the popes and the emperors into knightly encounters. The chivalry -of Germany seldom appeared in generous rivalry with that of any other -country; and in circumstances which leave no doubt of the issue, if the -chivalry of England or France had been engaged, the Imperial knights -quailed before partially-disciplined militia. In Italy the power of Milan -was more dreaded than that of the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa; and he -subdued the northern states rather by drawing their cities to his side, -which were jealous of the Milanese authority, than by the force of his -chivalry. A few years afterwards the cities of Lombardy formed a league -against him; and when the question of Italian independence was debated in -arms, the militia of the cities triumphed over the flower of German -chivalry in the battle of Legnano. Nor could Germany ever afterwards -thoroughly re-establish her power. Many political circumstances and moral -reasons prevented it; but the weakness of her military arm was the chief -and prevailing cause. - -The Germans invented nothing in chivalry, and borrowed nothing from the -superior institutions of other countries. At the commencement of the -fifteenth century the inferiority of their chivalry was plainly displayed. -The German cuirassiers, with whom the Emperor Robert descended into Italy, -could not cope with the condottieri of Jacopo Verme, who protected the -states of Gian Galeazzo Visconti. It was found that the horses of the -Germans were not so well trained as those of the Italians, and the armour -of the knights was heavy and unwieldy; and thus the bigoted attachment of -the Germans to ancient customs saved Italy from subjugation.[210] The -cuirassiers of Germany were equally impotent against the hardy peasantry -of Switzerland. - -[Sidenote: Its influence on imperial manners.] - -Though not in the public history, yet in what may be called the manners, -of the empire, there was one great chivalric feature. The dignity of -service was strikingly displayed. The proudest nobles were the servants of -the Emperor, his butler, his falconer, his marshal, his chamberlain; and, -insensibly, as every student of German history knows, the principal -officers of state usurped from the other nobles the right of electing the -Emperor. - -[Sidenote: Intolerance and cruelty of German knights.] - -Chivalry was chiefly known in Germany as the embodying of a ferocious -spirit of religious persecution. The nation, therefore, embarked in the -crusades to the Holy Land with fierceness, unchecked by chivalric -gallantry, and recklessly poured out its best blood in the chace of a -phantom. Prussia, and other countries at the north of Germany, were tardy -in embracing Christianity; and the sword became the instrument of -conversion. The Teutonic knights were particularly active in this pious -work, when the Mamlouk Tartars had driven them from Palestine. In other -countries, the defence of the church, and hostilities against infidels, -though considered as knightly duties, were not protruded beyond other -obligations: but in Germany, so prominently were they placed, that a -cavalier used to hold himself bound, by his general oath of chivalry, to -prepare for battle the moment of a war being declared, either against -infidels or heretics.[211] - -The German knight differed in character from the knight of other -countries, though his education was similar. The course of that education -is detailed in one of the most interesting German poems, the Das -Heldenbuch, or Book of Heroes. - - "The princes young, were taught to protect all ladies fair, - Priests they bad them honour, and to the mass repair; - All holy Christian lore were they taught, I plight: - Hughdietrick and his noble queen caused priests to guide them right. - - Bechtung taught them knightly games; on the warhorse firm to sit; - To leap, and to defend them; rightly the mark to hit; - Cunningly to give the blow, and to throw the lance afar: - Thence the victory they gain'd, in many a bloody war. - - Right before their breasts to bear the weighty shield, - In battle and in tournament quaintly the sword to wield; - Strongly to lace the helmets on, when call'd to wage the fight, - All to the royal brothers, Bechtung taught aright. - - He taught them o'er the plain far to hurl the weighty rock; - Mighty was their strength, and fearful was the shock: - When o'er the plain resounded the heavy stone aloud, - Six furlongs threw beyond the rest Wolfdieterick the Proud."[212] - -[Sidenote: Cruelty of knights to their squires.] - -Though the education of the squire in Germany resembled the education of -the squire in other countries, yet his state was not equally happy. The -duties of the German youth were painful; and, though menial, as, indeed, -were many of the duties of all squires, yet they were ungraced by those -softening circumstances of manners which distinguished chivalric nurture -in France and England.[213] The squires, too, were more frequently persons -of humble birth than of gentle condition; and knighthood, therefore, was -not always the reward of their toils. The knights were cruel and severe to -their young attendants. It happened once, and the circumstance illustrates -the general state of manners, that when a knight was in the midst of a -baronial revelling, three of his squires rushed into the hall, with the -wild action of fear, and stood trembling before him. He coldly demanded -where were the rest. As soon as their fear allowed them to speak, they -said that their whole band had been fighting with his enemies, and that -eight of them had fallen. Totally unmoved by the fate of his brave and -devoted young friends, and thinking only of the rigidness of discipline, -he answered, "You are rightly served: who bade you ride without my -orders?"[214] Well, indeed, then, may we say, with the old German -authority for this story, that the man who hath held the office of squire -has learnt what it is to feel the depths of pain and ignominy. - -No country was more desolated by private war in the middle ages than -Germany; and chivalry, instead of ameliorating the mode of warfare, -acquired a character of wildness from the perpetual scene of horror.[215] - -[Sidenote: Avarice of the Germans.] - -There was no Bertrand du Guesclin, no Black Prince, no Manny, no Chandos, -in Germany: there was a rudeness about the knighthood of the Teutonic -cavaliers different from its state in other nations. The humanities, which -it was the principle of Christian chivalry to throw over the rugged front -of war, were but little felt in Germany, though Germany was the very -cradle of chivalry. I need not repeat the cruelties which were inflicted -upon Richard Coeur de Lion, during his return from the Holy Land. Two -centuries afterwards, when chivalry was in its high and palmy state in -other countries, the Germans continued uncourteous knights. They were a -high and proud people, never admitting foreign cavaliers to companionship -and brotherhood. But avarice was their most detestable quality, and -effectually extinguished all sentiments of honour. "When a German hath -taken a prisoner," says Froissart, "he putteth him into irons, and into -hard prison, without any pity, to make him pay the greater finance and -ransom."[216] On the probability arising of a war between Germany and -France, the French counsellors dissuaded their King, Charles V., from -thinking of engaging in it in person, on account of the character of the -enemy. It was said, if the King went into Germany, there would be but -little chance of his returning. "When they (the Germans) shall know that -the King and all the great nobles of France are entered into their -country, they will then assemble all together; and, by their better -knowledge of the land, they may do us great damage; for they are a -covetous people, above all other. They have no pity if they have the upper -hand; and they demean themselves with cruelty to their prisoners: they -put them to sundry pains, to compel them to make their ransoms the -greater; and if they have a lord, or a great man, for their captive, they -make great joy thereof, and will convey him into Bohemia, Austria, or -Saxony, and keep him in some uninhabitable castle. They are people worse -than Saracens or paynims; for their excessive covetousness quencheth the -knowledge of honour."[217] - -[Sidenote: Little influence of German chivalry.] - -As the corrective of the violences of feudal licentiousness, no where was -chivalry more required, and no where was it less known than in Germany. It -is not possible to exaggerate the enormities of the nobility, and, I fear, -of the clergy, during all that long tract of time which is called the age -of chivalry. Each castle was a den of thieves; and an archbishop thought -he had a fair revenue before him, when he built his fortress on the -junction of four roads.[218] To preserve the people from the rapaciousness -and cruelty of these noble and clerical robbers, knights-errant sometimes -scoured the plain; but this mode of corrective was very imperfectly -applied. It was in the cities and towns, which were protected by the -Emperors, that the oppressed and injured people found refuge. While the -German historians seldom mention the protecting influence of -knight-errantry, they constantly represent the benefit of towns, and press -the fact upon the readers, that it was the tyranny of the nobles which -occasioned their growth. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries there -were confederacies among towns, and confederacies among the nobility: the -former associations were formed in order to repel the aggressions of the -latter. This is a feature in German history totally unknown to other -countries of the great republic of Europe, and distinct from all chivalric -origin or chivalric effects. - -[Sidenote: A remarkable exception to this.] - -Except in the occasional adventurousness of knights-errant, chivalry was -but once concerned in repressing the evils of the time, and interwoven -with the interesting circumstances of that occasion is one of the most -amusing stories in all the long annals of knighthood. The citizens, in -conveying their merchandizes from one place to another, suffered -dreadfully from the rapine of the barons; and finding the weapons used by -common people were an insufficient protection, they wisely and boldly -armed themselves in the manner of their enemies. They wielded the lance -and sword, rode the heavy war-horse, practised tournaments and other -martial games, and even attended tournaments in castles and courts; -assuming for the occasion the armorial distinctions of noble families who -were distant from the scene. So much did this state of citizenship -resemble that of knighthood, that all the castles on the Rhine were not -inhabited by barons and knights only. - -[Sidenote: A female tournament.] - -In the fourteenth century, a band of bold and wealthy burghers established -themselves with their wives and children in one of the largest of these -fortresses, as a barrier against the maraudings of the nobility. They -became so powerful, and their deportment was so chivalric, that some of -the neighbouring knights formed alliances with them. A potent baron -harassed them in various ways; and after various battles, each party was -willing that words, and not the sword, should terminate the war. They -accordingly met on a spot of border-land, and, after arranging the -immediate subject of dispute, they embraced as brothers in chivalry. While -these citizen-knights were absent, the women, who remained behind, -joyfully assembled on a sunny plain, which spread itself before the -castle. They walked up and down, each lady praising the martial qualities -of her lord. As the discourse proceeded, they became inspired with that -heroic courage which they were commending, till at length they ordered the -war-horses to be brought out with armour and weapons, resolving to hold a -tournament. They were soon mounted and armed, and they took the names of -their husbands. There was a maiden among them, and as modesty forbad her -to take the name of any man of her own station in life, she chose the -title of a neighbouring duke. She performed the martial exercises with -such strength and adroitness, that most of the married women were cast by -her from their saddles, and paid dearly, by their wounds, for their -temerity and adventurousness. They then left the plain, and such of them -as were injured retired to their chambers, strictly charging the servants -and pages to make no disclosure of what had passed. When the knights -returned, and found the horses covered with foam and dust, and few ladies -to greet them, they enquired the cause of this unwonted appearance. For a -while no answer could be gained; but at length they terrified a boy into a -detail of the story. They laughed right merrily at the folly of their -wives; and when, soon afterwards, they met some of the Rhenish knights at -a festival, they made the hall echo with the tale, and it was soon bruited -over all Germany. The duke, under whose name the honours of the tournament -had been won, was surprised and pleased with the heroism of the maiden. He -sought her out, gave her rich presents, not only in money, but a war-steed -and a gentle palfrey, and united her in honourable marriage to a wealthy -burgher.[219] - -[Sidenote: Maximilian the only chivalric emperor of Germany.] - -In the character of the emperors of Germany, as seen in their public -lives, little of the chivalric nature can be marked. The Fredericks and -the Othos more nearly resemble our Norman Williams, than our Plantagenet -Edwards. It is singular that the only chivalric emperor in Germany was the -Prince in whose reign German chivalry expired. Maximilian I. was educated -in the strictest discipline of chivalry. All his youthful studies and -occupations had relation to his chivalric deportment; and German writers -have been fond of remarking, that while he was a mere child, he and -another boy were wont to ride on men's backs, and fight with wooden swords -in imitation of a joust.[220] - -[Sidenote: Joust between him and a French knight.] - -He was afterwards a very gallant cavalier. When in the year 1495, he was -holding his states at Worms, a French knight, named Claude de Batre, -arrived at the city, and proclaimed by his herald that he was ready to -meet in combat any German knight who was willing to stake life, limb, or -liberty, or contend for any knightly distinction in a personal encounter. -Among the nobles and knights that were present, no one seemed willing to -accept the challenge; for, besides the report of the Frenchman's gigantic -strength, fame had armed him with supernatural and satanic powers. The -courageous Maximilian could not endure to see the German chivalry braved -and bearded by a stranger, and he sent a herald with his own shield, -ornamented with the arms of Austria and Burgundy, to lay it alongside that -of the Frenchman. The Emperor and the knight then agreed that on the -morning of the tenth day from that time they would appear in public, -armed, and fight to the utterance. The person of the conquered was to -remain at the victor's disposal. The joust was regarded as a matter of -more interest and importance than the public affairs which the Diet was -assembled to arrange. On the appointed morning all the brave, and all the -fair of Germany, met round the splendid lists which the Emperor had -erected for the purpose. The herald's trumpet centered the attention of -the spectators,--its second flourish hushed every murmur,--and when its -third and loudest blast sounded, Maximilian and Claude de Batre pricked -forwards at speed through opposite gates into the lists, and opposed lance -to lance. Their weapons splintered, and they drew their swords. The fight -was long and obstinate; but the skill of the French knight only served to -exalt the heroism of the Emperor: for, finally, Maximilian disarmed his -antagonist, and proved the excellence of the German chivalry.[221] - -[Sidenote: Edicts of Frederick III. destroyed chivalry.] - -It was Frederic III., the father of Maximilian, who gave the first blow to -the ancient chivalry of Germany. He passed an edict allowing citizens to -receive knighthood; a permission which tarnished the splendour of the -order, and disgusted the old cavaliers.[222] This measure was a fatal one; -for Germany above all other countries had been jealous of the pure -nobility of its knighthood. Knighthood was more the adjunct of rank than -the reward of merit; and the Germans were more solicitous to examine the -quarters of a shield than the martial deserts of the bearer, more desirous -to mark his ancestors' deeds than his own. The edict of Frederic destroyed -the pride of chivalry. Knighthood was then conferred on boys who were -scarcely able to perform the duties of squires, and on children at the -baptismal font. But, in truth, the destruction of knighthood in Germany -was no real evil. Chivalry had not been a perfect defence of the empire, -as the Austrians and Swabians had found in their contests with the -Hungarians. - -On one occasion, in particular, during the thirteenth century, the knights -and squires of Germany were sorely galled on the plains of Hungary by the -arrows of the enemy, and vainly wished for a close and personal encounter. -An Austrian archer advised the chivalry with whom he served to retreat, -and draw the Hungarians far from their homes. This counsel the knights and -squires, from pride and suspicion of the man's fidelity, rejected; but the -danger pressed, the showers of arrows became thicker and more frequent, -and the Austrian and Swabian horses being but partially barded, were -either slain or rendered unmanageable. Each knight watched the countenance -of his companion, to read in it hope or advice, till at length one of them -exclaimed, "Let us send a messenger to these dastardly foes inviting them -to peace, or to a manly and chivalric contest, for honour and love of -ladies." A squire was dispatched, but was shot by an Hungarian arrow. The -Austrian leader then called to his side a well-experienced knight, and -bade him ride to the Hungarian General, and invoke him by his chivalry to -terminate this unknightly conflict. The old warrior replied, that if he -were to carry such a message, the Hungarian would infallibly answer, that -he was not such a fool as to place his unharnessed men in a level and -equal line against the mail-clad chivalry of Austria; and that if the -Austrians would doff their armour, the Hungarians would fight them hand to -hand. - -The danger became more and more imminent, and the Germans had no hope of -escape; for they could not expect, as if they had been fighting with the -chivalry of France, that a surrender of their horses and arms, and an -honourable treaty for their own persons' ransom, would satisfy the foe. -Finally, they were compelled to yield at discretion; and it is interesting -to observe, that the Austrian archer, whose counsel had been despised, and -who it appears might have saved himself if he would, remained at his -station, and nobly shared the fate of his lords. Instead of meeting with -any knightly courtesy, the whole were led away into Hungary, and pined out -their days in prison.[223] - -Many other instances of the inefficacy of the German chivalry might be -adduced, but the truth is so apparent on every page of the history of -Germany, that no particular instances are necessary. Other circumstances -contributed to its fall. The privileges of knighthood had been found -inconvenient by the emperors. In the field of battle the cavaliers often -claimed an independence which was detrimental to imperial authority. -Maximilian I., therefore, introduced mercenaries into his army. Such of -them as were natives of other countries brought with them every -well-practised species of war, and raised the German military power to a -level with that of the other nations of Europe. The inadequacy of the -German chivalry, to the present times was therefore so apparent, that no -person wished to see the spirit of knighthood revived. Chivalry ceased to -be a national characteristic, and its badges and honours passed into the -court to become the signs of imperial favour.[224] - - * * * * * - -We will now cross the Alps into - - -ITALY. - -[Sidenote: Lombards carried chivalry into Italy.] - -We shall ascend sufficiently high into the antiquities of nations, if we -observe that the system of manners from which chivalry sprang was brought -by the Lombards from Germany into the north of Italy. With them in their -new, as it had been in their original, seats, the title to bear arms was a -distinction conferred by the state, and not a subject of private will and -choice. A son did not presume to sit at the same table with his father. -For the instruction of youth in military affairs there were public -spectacles on Sundays, and on festivals, in imitation of a knightly mêlée. -A town or city was divided into two parts, each having its defenders. The -mock battles were either general or between small parties, the weapons -were made of wood, the helmets were safely padded, and the young warriors -displayed splendid banners adorned with fanciful cognisances.[225] The -amusement of hawking, which distinguished the Gothic from the Latin and -most southern tribes, was common with the Lombards[226]: but more than all -the rest, a tone of chivalric gallantry was given to the Italians, even by -these long-bearded barbarians. - -[Sidenote: Stories of chivalric gallantry.] - -Antharis, one of the Lombard kings, sought in marriage Theudelinda, a -daughter of the King of Bavaria; and not wishing to judge through -another's eyes, he disguised himself as a private man, and accompanied his -ambassadors to the Bavarian court. After the conditions of the marriage -had been discussed and the ceremonies arranged, the disguised prince -stepped before the crowd, and, saluting the King, declared that he was the -personal friend of Antharis, who wished to receive from him a description -of the lady's charms. Theudelinda accordingly appeared, and the first -glance assured Antharis of her being worthy of his love. He did not betray -his rank to the assembly; but not altogether able to conceal his joy, he -touched the hand of the royal damsel as she presented him a cup of wine; -and the matrons about the court, excellent judges of signs of passion, -whispered their assurance that such an act of bold familiarity could never -have been committed by a mere public or personal representative of -Antharis.[227] - - * * * * * - -For several centuries chivalry shed but few and transient gleams of light -over the gloomy waste of Italian history, and I can only select one event -which paints in beautiful colours the spirit of romantic gallantry. The -wife of Lothaire, King of Italy from the year 945 to 948, was Adelais, a -princess of the house of Burgundy. Lothaire was deposed, perhaps murdered -by his minister, Berenger; and the usurper persecuted, with the cruelty of -fear, Adelais, who has been described by monkish chroniclers, and chivalry -will not contradict the character, as being young and beautiful. He -confined her in a subterraneous dungeon; and, as if personal insult was -his best security, he deprived her of her jewels and her royal apparel. A -female servant was her only companion during four months of confinement, -wherein she was made to endure every mortification which a noble mind can -be exposed to. Her wretched condition was at length discovered by a -priest, named Martin, who had not in the retirement of a cloister lost the -sympathies of humanity. He immediately employed himself to effect her -rescue, and, unseen by her jealous keepers, he worked an aperture through -the earth and walls sufficient to admit a slender female form to pass. He -conveyed male habiliments into the dungeon, to deceive the eyes of her -jailors, and, apparelled in them, Adelais and her attendant made their -escape. They were met at the entrance of the aperture by their faithful -monk, who fled with them to the most probable place of safety, a wood near -the lake Benacus. The wants of nature were furnished to them by a poor man -who gained a precarious livelihood by fishing in the lake. Recovered from -their fatigue and alarm, Martin left the wood to provide for his fair -friend some surer place of safety. He went to the Bishop of Reggio, who, -though a humane and well-purposed man, was unable to oppose the might of -Berenger. Still the matter was not hopeless, for he remembered that there -was dwelling in the impregnable fortress of Canossa a virtuous and -adventurous knight. To him, therefore, Martin addressed himself, and Azzo -listened to his complaint. He and a chosen band of cavaliers donned their -harness, and, repairing to the lake Benacus, conducted thence the -persecuted Adelais to the fortress of Canossa. And this was well and -chivalrously achieved, for virtue was protected; and in affording this -protection, Azzo defied the power of the King of Italy. The subsequent -fate of Adelais it falls not within my province to detail. The student of -Italian history knows that she married Otho the Great, Emperor of Germany, -and that this marriage was a main cause of uniting the sovereignties of -Germany and Italy.[228] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: But little martial chivalry in Italy.] - -[Sidenote: Condottieri.] - -The growth and developement of chivalry in subsequent times were checked -by political circumstances. Of them the chief was the formation of the -republics in the north of Italy during the twelfth century. The power of -the feudal nobility was far less than in any other country, and the nobles -were the humble allies of the towns.[229] The citizens trusted rather to -the security of their fortifications than their own strength in the field, -for their infantry could not resist the charges of Italian cavalry; and, -except such nobles as were in alliance with them, their force consisted of -infantry. The superiority of the chivalric array of the various lords and -feudal princes of Italy to the militia of the cities[230] was one great -cause of that great political revolution,--the change of the republics -into tyrannies. The power of knights over armed burghers having been -experienced, and the towns not possessing in sufficient numbers a force of -cavalry, the practice arose of hiring the service of bodies of lancers, -who were commonly gentlemen of small fortune but of great pretensions, and -who found war the readiest way of gratifying their proud and luxurious -desires. In the fourteenth century another great change occurred in the -military affairs of Italy. I shall lay it before my readers in the lucid -diction of the English historian of that country. "The successive -expeditions of Henry VII., of Louis of Bavaria, and of John of Bohemia, -had filled Italy with numerous bands of German cavalry, who, on the -retirement of their sovereigns, were easily tempted to remain in a rich -and beautiful country, where their services were eagerly demanded, and -extravagantly paid. The revolution in the military art, which in the -preceding century established the resistless superiority of a mounted -gens-d'armerie over the burgher infantry, had habituated every state to -confide its security to bodies of mercenary cavalry; and the Lombard -tyrants in particular, who founded their power upon these forces, were -quick in discovering the advantage of employing foreign adventurers, who -were connected with their disaffected subjects by no ties of country or -community of language. Their example was soon universally followed, native -cavalry fell into strange disrepute; and the Italians, without having been -conquered in the field, unaccountably surrendered the decision of their -quarrels and the superiority in courage and military skill, to mercenaries -of other countries. When this custom of employing foreign troops was once -introduced, new swarms of adventurers were continually attracted from -beyond the Alps to reap the rich harvest of pay and booty which were -spread before them. In a country so perpetually agitated by wars among its -numerous states, they found constant occupation, and, what they loved -more, unbridled licence. Ranging themselves under the standards of chosen -leaders--the condottieri, or captains of mercenary bands,--they passed in -bodies of various strength from one service to another, as their terms of -engagement expired, or the temptation of higher pay invited; their -chieftains and themselves alike indifferent to the cause which they -supported; alike faithless, rapacious, and insolent. Upon every trifling -disgust they were ready to go over to the enemy: their avarice and -treachery were rarely proof against seduction; and, though their regular -pay was five or six times greater in the money of the age than that of -modern armies, they exacted a large gratuity for every success. As they -were usually opposed by troops of the same description, whom they regarded -rather as comrades than enemies, they fought with little earnestness, and -designedly protracted their languid operations to ensure the continuance -of their emoluments. But while they occasioned each other little loss, -they afflicted the country which was the theatre of contest with every -horror of warfare: they pillaged, they burnt, they violated, and -massacred with devilish ferocity."[231] - -Gradually these foreign condottieri, when not engaged in the service of -any particular power, levied war like independent sovereigns; and Italy -had fresh reason to repent the jealousy which had made her distrust her -own sons. They fought with tenfold more fury now that the contest was no -longer carried on by one troop of condottieri against another, but against -the Italians themselves, to whom no tie of nature bound them; and so far -was any cavaleresque generosity from mitigating the horrors of their wars, -that one adventurer, Werner was his name, and Germany his country, -declared, by an inscription which was blazoned on his corslet, that he was -"the enemy of God, of pity, and of mercy." But the power of these foreign -condottieri was not perpetual. Nature rose to vindicate her rights; and -there were many daring spirits among the Italians, who, if not emulous of -the fame, were jealous of the dominion of strangers. The company of Saint -George, founded by Alberico de Barbiano, a marauding chief of Romagna, was -the school of Italian generals. In the fifteenth century, the force of -every state was led by an Italian, if not a native citizen; and when the -Emperor Robert crossed the Alps with the gens-d'armerie of Germany, the -Milanese, headed by Jacopo del Verme, encountered him near Brescia, and -overthrew all his chivalry. - -[Sidenote: Chivalry in the north of Italy.] - -In northern Italy no knightlike humanities softened the vindictiveness of -the Italian mind. Warriors never admitted prisoners to ransom. The annals -of their contests are destitute of those graceful courtesies which shed -such a beautiful lustre over the contests of England and France. No -cavalier ever thought of combating for his lady's sake, and a lady's -favour was never blended with his heraldic insignia. There were no regular -defiances to war as in other countries: honour, that animating principle -of chivalry, was not known; the object of the conquest was regarded to the -exclusion of fame and military distinction. Stratagems were as common as -open and glorious battle; and private injuries were revenged by -assassination and not by the fair and manly joust à l'outrance: and yet -when a man pledged his word for the performance of any act, and wished his -sincerity to be believed, he always swore by the parola di cavaliere, e -non di cortigiano; so general and forcible was the acknowledgment of -chivalry's moral superiority. I know nothing in the history of the middle -ages more dark with crime than the wars of the Italians,--nothing that -displays by contrast more beautifully the graces of chivalry; and yet the -Italian condottieri were brave to the very height of valour. Before them -the German chivalry quailed, as it had formerly done before the militia of -the towns. - -[Sidenote: Italians excellent armourers, but bad knights.] - -In the deep feelings and ardent and susceptible imaginations of the -Italians, chivalry, it might seem, could have raised her fairest triumph; -but chivalry had no fellowship with a mercenary spirit, and sordid gain -was the only motive of the Italian soldiers. Their acute and intelligent -minds preceded most other people in military inventions. To them, in -particular, is to be attributed the introduction of the long and pointed -sword, against which the hauberk, or coat of mail, was no protection. They -took the lead in giving the tone to military costume: they were the most -ingenious people of Europe during the middle ages; and their superior -skill in the mechanical arts was every where acknowledged. The reader of -English history may remember, that in the reign of Richard II. the Earl of -Derby, afterwards Henry IV., sent to Milan for his armour, on account of -his approaching combat with Thomas, Duke of Norfolk. Sir Galeas, Duke of -Milan, not only gave the messenger the best in his collection, but allowed -four Milanese armourers to accompany him to England, in order that the -Earl might be properly and completely accomplished. The Milanese armour -preserved its reputation even in times when other countries had acquired -some skill in the mechanical arts. In 1481 the Duke of Brittany purchased -various cuirasses at Milan; and in the accounts of jousts and tournaments -frequent mention is made of the superior temper and beauty of Italian -harness.[232] - - * * * * * - -[Sidenote: Chivalry in the south of Italy.] - -In the south of Italy chivalry had a longer and brighter reign. Some of -its customs were introduced by the Lombards when they established their -kingdom at Beneventum; and others were planted by the Normans, that people -of chivalric adventurousness. Knighthood was an order of the state of high -consideration, and much coveted; but its glories were sometimes tarnished -by the admission of unworthy members; and, in the year 1252, the Emperor -Frederic II. was obliged to issue a decree, at Naples, forbidding any one -to receive it who was not of gentle birth. - -The most complete impression, however, of the chivalric character, on the -minds of the Italians, was made by the house of Anjou, when Charles and -his Frenchmen conquered Naples in 1266. The south of Italy seems to have -been far less advanced in civilisation than the commercial towns of the -north; but the Angevine monarchs made Naples one blaze of splendid luxury. -Nothing had been seen in Italy so brilliant as the cavalcade of Charles. -The golden collars of the French lords,--the surcoats and pennons, and -plumed steeds of the knights,--the carriage of the Queen, covered with -blue velvet, and ornamented with golden lilies,--surpassed in magnificence -all former shows.[233] The entry of Charles was a festival; and on that -occasion the honour of knighthood was conferred on all persons who -solicited it. The kings of the house of Anjou pretended to revive the -regulations of Frederic II.; but they soon relaxed them, and gave the -military girdle to the commonalty who could not prove that their -forefathers had been knights. - -[Sidenote: Curious circumstances attending knighthood at Naples.] - -When a person was invested at Naples, the bishop, or other ecclesiastic -who assisted at the inauguration, not only commanded the recipient to -defend the church, and regard the usual obligations of chivalry, but he -exhorted him not to rise in arms against the King from any motive, or -under any circumstances. This curious clause was added to the exhortation: -"If you should be disloyal to your sovereign, to him who is going to make -you a knight, you ought first to return him the girdle with which you are -immediately to be honoured; and then you may make war against him, and -none will reproach you with treachery; otherwise, you will be reputed -infamous, and worthy of death." An instance of the fear of this imputation -of treachery occurred when the Princes of Besignano and Melfi, the Duke of -Atri, and the Count of Maddolini, returned to Louis XII., King of France, -the collar of St. Michael, (with which he had honoured them,) when -Ferdinand the Catholic took possession of the kingdom.[234] - -Knighthood was much solicited, on account of its privileges, as well as of -its titular distinction. It exempted the fortunate wearer from the payment -of taxes, and gave him the power of enjoying the royal and noble amusement -of the chase. But the Angevine monarchs were so prodigal in granting the -honour of knighthood, that it ceased to be a distinction; and in the reign -of the last princes of that house the order had degenerated into a vain -and empty title. - -[Sidenote: Mode of creating knights in Italy generally.] - -Such was the general state of chivalry in northern and southern Italy; but -there were some circumstances common to every part of the peninsula. The -nobility invested each other with festive and religious ceremonies, with -the bath[235], the watching of arms, and the sacred and military shows, or -with a simple stroke of a sword, and the exhortation, "Sii un valoroso -cavaliere," two ancient knights buckling on his golden spurs. In the year -1294, Azzo, Marquis of Este, was knighted by Gerard, Lord of Camino, at a -public solemnity held at Ferrara. Cane, Lord of Verona, in 1328, gave the -honour of knighthood to thirty-eight young nobles, and presented them with -golden belts, and beautiful war-horses.[236] In Italy there was the usual -array of knights and squires, of cavalieri and scudieri; but I can find no -mention of pages distinct from the squires, and attending their lords; -except, indeed, they were the domicelli, or donzelli, who, however, are -supposed by Muratori to have been the squires of noble rank. All the -armour-bearers of the knights were not noble or of gentle birth, or we -should not very often meet, in the Italian annalists of the middle ages, -the expression "honourable squires." - -In the fourteenth century knights had four titles, agreeably to the -various modes of their creation:--Cavalieri Bagnati, or Knights of the -Bath, who were made with the grandest ceremonies, and supposed, from their -immersion, to be freed from all vice and impurity; the Cavalieri di -Corredo, or those who were invested with a deep-green dress, and a golden -garland; the Cavalieri di Scudo, or those who were created either by -people or nobility; and the Cavalieri d'Arme were those who were made -either before or during battle.[237] - -Many orders of knighthood were known in Italy: some (but their history is -not interesting) were peculiar to it; and others, such as the order of the -knights of Saint John and of the Temple, had their preceptories and -commanderies in that country. And, to enlarge upon a circumstance alluded -to in another place, it is curious to notice the dexterity with which -chivalry accommodated itself to the manners and usages of any particular -society. The commercial cities in the north of Italy vied in power with, -and were superior in wealth to, the feudal nobility. Chivalry was esteemed -as a graceful decoration by every class of men, and by none with more -ardour than by new families, whom opulence had raised into civic -consideration. The strictness of the principles of knighthood opposed -their investiture; but those principles, were made to give way; and -commercial pride was satisfied with the concession of aristocratical -haughtiness, that the _sons_ of men in trade might become brothers of the -orders of chivalry. - -[Sidenote: Political use of knighthood.] - -The decoration of simple knighthood, however, was given indiscriminately -without regard to birth or station. Every city assumed the power of -bestowing it; and after a great battle it was showered with indiscriminate -profusion upon those who had displayed their courage, whether they were -armed burghers or condottieri. And this was a wise measure of the Italian -cities: for there was always an obligation expressed or implied on the -part of knights of fidelity to the person from whom they received the -honour.[238] It is amusing to observe, that, in the year 1378, a -Florentine mob paused in its work of murder and rapine to play with the -graceful ensigns of chivalry; and, in imitation of the power of the city, -they insisted on investing their favourites with knighthood. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric literature.] - -Chivalry had, perhaps, greater influence on the literature and manners of -the Italians than on their military usages. Wandering minstrels from -France and Spain chaunted in the streets of Italy tales of warriors' deeds -and lady-love, particularly the stories of Roland and Oliver, the paladins -of Charlemagne, who were also the subject of song and recitation, even by -the stage-players on the earliest theatre at Milan.[239] Much of the -popular literature of Italy consisted of romances; and the chief topics of -them were the exploits both in arms and amours of Charlemagne and his -paladins: though on one occasion Buovo d'Antina, a hero of chivalry, who -fought and loved prior to the time of those heroes, was the theme of -Tuscan verse. The wars of Charlemagne and his paladins with the Saracens -were afterwards sung by the nobler muse of Pulci and Boiardo, and then by -Ariosto, who, not confining himself to the common stores of romantic -fiction, has borrowed as freely from the tales regarding Arthur and the -British and Armoric knights as from those relating to Charlemagne and the -peers of France, and has thrown over the whole the graceful mantle of -Oriental sorcery. The chivalric duties of converting the heathens, of -adoring the ladies, of fighting in the cause of heaven and woman, were -thus presented to the minds of the Italians; and the Homer of Ferrara -roused the courage, or softened into love or pity, the hearts of knights -and ladies, by singing the wars and loves of days which his poetry -rendered bright and golden. - -[Sidenote: Chivalric sports.] - -These were the literary amusements of Italy; the subjects of recitation in -the baronial hall, and of solitary perusal in the lady's bower: with these -works the Italians nourished their imaginations; and a chivalric taste was -diffused over the manners of public and private life. The amusement of -hawking, which, as we have seen, the fathers of chivalric Italy had -introduced, was indulged in at every court; and the Ferrarese princes were -generally attended in the field by a hundred falconers, so proud and -magnificent was their display. Every great event was celebrated by a -tournament or a triumphal show. Dante speaks of the tournament as the -familiar amusement of the fourteenth century. - - ----"e vidi gir gualdane, - Ferir torniamenti, e correr giostra." - Inferno, c. 22. - -So early as the year 1166, on occasion of the interview between Frederic -Barbarossa and Pope Alexander at Venice, chivalric and civic pomp -celebrated their friendship. Two centuries afterwards, the recovery of -Cyprus presented a fair opportunity for military display. Knights flocked -to Venice from England, France, and every country of the West, and -manifested their prowess in the elegant, yet perilous, encounter of the -tournament. There was a pageant, or grand triumphal show, of a splendid -procession of knights cased in steel, and adorned with the favours of the -ladies. The scene-painter and the mechanist combined their talents to give -an allegorical representation of the Christian's victory over Islamism: -the knights moved amidst the scenic decorations, and by their gallant -bearing swelled with noble pride the hearts of the spectators. - -The sports of chivalry were so elegant and graceful that we might have -supposed the refined Italians would have embraced them in all their -circumstances. But the arena of the Coliseum, so admirably adapted for a -tournament, was used for Moorish games. The matrons and virgins of Rome, -arrayed in all their bravery, were seated in its ample galleries, and -beheld, not a gallant and hurtless encounter between two parties of -knights with lances of courtesy, but a succession of sanguinary conflicts -between cavaliers and bulls. Only one solitary circumstance gave an air -of chivalry to the scene, and prevents us from mingling the bull-feast of -the Coliseum, on the 1st of September, 1332, with the horrid spectacles of -classic times. Each knight wore a device, and fancied himself informed by -the spirit of chivalry, and the presence of the ladies. "I burn under the -ashes," was the motto of him who had never told his passion. "I adore -Lavinia, or Lucretia," was written on the shield of the knight who wished -to be thought the servant of love, and yet dared not avow the real name of -his mistress.[240] - - - - -CHAP. VII. - -ON THE MERITS AND EFFECTS OF CHIVALRY. - - -We are now arrived at that part of our subject where we may say with the -poet, - - "The knights are dust, - And their good swords are rust: - Their souls are with the saints, we trust." - -With Italy the historical tracing ceases of that system of principles -which for so many centuries formed or influenced the character of Europe. -Its rude beginnings may be marked in the patriarchal manners which -preceded every known frame of artificial life, and have been shaped and -modified by the legislator and the moralist. The ties of fraternity or -companionship in arms, respect to elders, devotion to women, military -education and military investiture, were the few and simple elements of -chivalry, and in other times would have formed the foundation of other -systems of manners. But a new and mighty spirit was now influencing the -world, and bending to its purposes every principle and affection. -Christianity, with its sanctities and humanities, gave a form and -character to chivalry. He who was invested with the military belt was no -longer the mere soldier of ambition and rapine, but he was taught to couch -his lance for objects of defence and protection, rather than for those of -hostility. He was the friend of the distressed, of widows and orphans, and -of all who suffered from tyranny and oppression. The doctrine of Christian -benevolence, that all who name the name of Christ are brothers, gave -beauty and grace to the principles of fraternity, which were the Gothic -inheritance of knights, and therefore the wars of the middle ages were -distinguished for their humanities. A cavalier was kind and courteous to -his prisoner, because he saw in him a brother; and while the system of -ancient manners would have limited this feeling to people of one nation, a -knight did not bound his humanity by country or soil, for Christian -chivalry was spread over most parts of Europe, and formed mankind into one -band, one order of men. From the same principle all the courtesies of -private life were communicated to strangers; and gentleness of manners, -and readiness of service, expanded from a private distinction into an -universal character. Since, by the Christian religion, woman was restored -to the rank in the moral world which nature had originally assigned her, -the feelings of respect for the sex, which were entertained in the early -and unsophisticated state of Europe, were heightened by the new sanctions -of piety. It was a principle, as well as a feeling and a love, to guard -and cherish woman; and many of the amenities of chivalry proceeded from -her mild influence and example. - -The patriarchal system of manners, shaped and sanctioned by Christianity, -formed the fabric of chivalry; and romance, with its many-coloured hues, -gave it light and beauty. The early ages of Europe gaily moved in all the -wildness and vigour of youth; imagination freshened and heightened every -pleasure; the world was a vision, and life a dream. The common and -palpable value of an object was never looked at, but every thing was -viewed in its connection with fancy and sentiment. Prudence and -calculation were not suffered to check noble aspirations: army after army -traversed countries, and crossed the sea to the Holy Land, reckless of -pain or danger: duties were not cautiously regarded with a view to limit -the performance of them; for every principle was not only practised with -zeal, but the same fervid wish to do well lent it new obligations. From -these feelings proceeded all the graceful refinements, all the romance of -chivalry: knighthood itself became a pledge for virtue; and as into the -proud and lofty imagination of a true cavalier nothing base could enter, -he did not hesitate to confide in the word of his brother of chivalry, on -his pledging his honour to the performance of any particular action. There -was no legal or other positive punishment consequent on the violation of -his word; and, therefore, the matter being left to imagination and -feeling, the contempt of his fellow-knights could be the only result of -recreancy. The knight looked to fame as one of the guerdons of his toils: -this value of the opinions of others taught him to dread shame and -disgrace; and thus that fine sense of morality, that voluntary submission -to its maxims which we call honour, became a part of knighthood. - -The genius of chivalry was personal, inasmuch as each knight, when not -following the banner of his sovereign, was in himself an independent -being, acting from his own sense of virtue, and not deriving counsel from, -or sharing opprobrium with, others. This independence of action exalted -his character; and, nourished by that pride and energy of soul which -belong to man in an early state of society, all the higher and sterner -qualities of the mind,--dignity, uncompromising fidelity to obligations, -self-denial, and generousness, both of sentiment and conduct,--became the -virtues of chivalry. - -All the religious devotion of a cavalier to woman existed in his mind, -independently of, or superadded to, his oath of knighthood. She was not -merely the object of his protection, but of his respect and idolatry. His -love was the noble homage of strength to beauty. Something supernaturally -powerful had been ascribed to her by the fathers of modern Europe; and -this appeal to the imagination was not lost. In some ages and countries it -reigned in all its religious force; in others it was refined into -gentleness and courtesy: but every where, and at every time, the firmest -confidence in woman's truth accompanied it, or supplied its stead; and the -opinion of her virtue, which this feeling implied, had a corresponding -influence on his own manners. - -The triumph of chivalry over all preceding systems of opinions was -complete, when imagination refined the fierceness of passion into generous -and gentle affection,--a refinement so perfect and beautiful, that -subsequent times, with all their vaunted improvements in letters and -civilisation, are obliged to revert their eyes to the by-gone days of the -shield and the lance for the most pleasing and graceful pictures of -lady-love. - -From these elements, and by means of these principles, sprang the fair and -goodly system of chivalry, which extended itself, as we have seen, over -most of the states of Europe, blending with the strongest passions and -dearest affections of the heart, influencing the manners of private life, -and often determining the character of political events. In England and -France its power was most marked and decided; in Spain it was curiously -blended with Oriental feelings; Germany was not much softened by its -impressions; and in Italy the bitterness of private war admitted but few -of its graces. It is difficult to define the precise period of its -duration, for it rose in the mists and gloom of barbarism; and the moment -of its setting was not regarded, for other lights were then playing on the -moral horizon, and fixing the attention of the world. In the part, -entirely historical, of the present work, the reader must have remarked, -that sometimes the decay of chivalry was gradual, and not apparently -occasioned by external means; while in other countries its extinction was -manifestly hastened by causes which sprang not from any seeds of weakness -in itself. But, viewing the subject in its great and leading bearings, it -may be observed, that chivalry was coeval with the middle ages of Europe, -and that its power ceased when new systems of warfare were matured, when -the revival of letters was complete and general, and the reformation of -religion gave a new subject for the passions and imagination. - -This attempt to describe a history of chivalry has proved, at least, that -chivalry was no dream of poets and romancers, and that the feudal system -was not the only form of real life during the middle ages. Sismondi, in -his work on the Literature of the South, contends that chivalry was an -ideal world. He then admits, that sometimes the virtues of chivalry were -not entirely poetical fictions, but that they existed in the minds of the -people, without, however, producing any effect on their lives. His reasons -for his opinions are, that it is impossible to distinguish the countries -where chivalry prevailed; that it is represented to us as remote both in -time and place; and while one class of authors give accounts of the -general corruption of their age, writers of after times refer to those -very days, and adorn them with every virtue and grace. - -Now, much of this reasoning is erroneous. That past ages should be praised -at the expence of the present is no uncommon a circumstance, whether in -morals or poetry. We have proved that the countries where chivalry -prevailed are clearly distinguishable, and the degree of its influence -can likewise be marked. M. Sismondi does not argue as if he had been aware -that there ever had existed such a writer as Froissart; who does not refer -to old times for his pictures of arms and amours, but describes the -chivalric character of his own age. - -Notwithstanding the light and beauty which chivalry cast over the world, -the system has been more frequently condemned than praised. The objectors -have rested their opinion on a sentence, said to be witty, of an old -English author, that errant knights were arrant knaves, or on a few -passages of reprehension which are scattered through the works of -middle-age literature. Sainte Palaye has founded his condemnation of -chivalry upon the remark of Pierre de Blois, a writer of the twelfth -century, that the horses of knights groan under the burden, not of -weapons, but of wine; not with lances, but cheeses; not with swords, but -with bottles; not with spears, but with spits.[241] Not many years -afterwards, John of Salisbury also says, that some knights appear to think -that martial glory consists in shining in elegant dress, and attaching -their silken garments so tightly to their body, that they may seem part of -their flesh. When they ride on their ambling palfreys they think -themselves so many Apollos. If they should unite for a martial chevisance, -their camp will resemble that of Thais, rather than that of Hannibal. -Every one is most courageous in the banqueting hall, but in the battle he -desires to be last. They would rather shoot their arrows at an enemy than -meet him hand to hand. If they return home unwounded, they sing -triumphantly of their battles, and declare that a thousand deaths hovered -over them. The first places at supper are awarded to them. Their feasts -are splendid, and engrossed by self-indulgence: they avoid labour and -exercise like a dog or a snake. All the dangers and difficulties of -chivalry they resign to those who serve them, and in the mean time they so -richly gild their shields, and adorn their camps, that every one of them -looks not a scholar but a chieftain of war.[242] - -All this splenetic declamation involves charges of coxcombry, luxury, and -cowardice. That knights were often guilty of the first offence is probable -enough, for all their minute attention to the form and fashion of armour -could not but attach their minds too strongly to the effect of their -personal appearance. Graced also with the scarf of his sovereign-mistress, -the knight well might caracole his gallant steed with an air of -self-complacency: but a censure on such matters comes with little -propriety from monks, who, according to Chaucer, were wont to tie their -beads under their chin with a true lover's knot. - -The personal indulgence of the knights was not the luxury of the -cloister,--idle, gross, and selfish,--but it was the high and rich -joviality of gay and ardent souls. They were boon or good companions in -the hall, as well as in the battle-field. If their potations were deep, -they surely were not dull; for the wine-cup was crowned and quaffed to the -honour of beauty; and minstrelsy, with its sweetest melodies, threw an air -of sentiment over the scene. How long their repasts lasted history has not -related: but we have seen, in the life of that great and mighty English -knight, Sir Walter Manny, that when the trumpet sounded to horse, -cavaliers overthrew, in gay disorder, every festival-appliance, in their -impatience to don their harness, and mount their war-steeds; and we also -saw that a cup of rich Gascon wine softened the pride and anger of Sir -John Chandos, and, awakening in him the feelings of chivalric generosity, -impelled him to succour the Earl of Pembroke. In sooth, at the festivals -of cavaliers all the noble feelings of chivalry were displayed. In those -hours of dilatation of the heart, no appeal was made in vain to the -principles of knighthood. - -Even so late as the year 1462, when the sun of chivalry was nearly set, at -a high festival which the Duke of Burgundy gave, at Brussels, to the lords -and ladies of the country, two heralds entered the hall, introducing a -stranger, who declared that he brought with him letters of credence from -the noble lady his mistress. The letters were then delivered by him to the -officer of the Duke, who read them aloud. Their purport was, that the lady -complained of a certain powerful neighbour, who had threatened to -dispossess her of her lands, unless she could find some knight that, -within a year, would successfully defend her against him in single combat. -The stranger then demanded a boon of the Duke; and His Grace, like a true -son of chivalry, accorded it, without previously requiring its nature. The -request was, that he should procure for the lady three knights, to be -immediately trained to arms; that out of these three the lady should be -permitted to choose her champion. Then, and not before, she would disclose -her name. As soon as the stranger concluded, a burst of joyful approval -rang through the hall. Three knights (and the famous Bastard of Burgundy -was of the number) immediately declared themselves candidates for the -honour of defending the unknown fair. Their prowess was acknowledged by -all the cavaliers present, and they affixed their seals to the -articles.[243] - -Except the knights were actually engaged in foreign countries, on martial -chevisance, all the festivals, particularly those which succeeded the -graceful pastime of the tournament, were frequented by dames and damsels, -whose presence calling on the knights to discharge the offices of high -courtesy, chased away the god of wine. The games of chess and tables, or -the dance, succeeded; while the worthy monks, Pierre of Blois, and John of -Salisbury, having no such rich delights in their refectory, were compelled -to continue their carousals. - -How gay and imaginative were the scenes of life when chivalry threw over -them her magic robe! At a ball in Naples, Signor Galeazzo of Mantua was -honoured with the hand of the Queen Joanna. The dance being concluded, and -the Queen reseated on her throne, the gallant knight knelt before her, -and, confessing his inability with language adequately to thank her for -the honour she had done him, he vowed that he would wander through the -world, and perform chivalric duties, till he had conquered two cavaliers, -whom he would conduct into her presence, and leave at her disposal. The -Queen was pleased and flattered by this mark of homage, and assured him -that she wished him joy in accomplishing a vow which was so agreeable to -the customs of knighthood. The knight travelled, the knight conquered; -and, at the end of a year, he presented to the Queen two cavaliers. The -Queen received them; but, instead of exercising the power of a conqueror, -she graciously gave them their liberty, recommending them, before their -departure, to view the curiosities of the rich city of Naples. They did -so; and when they appeared before the Queen to thank her for her kindness, -she made them many noble presents, and they then departed, seeking -adventures, and publishing the munificence and courtesy of Joanna.[244] - -But the charge of cowardice which the monks brought against the knights is -the most vain and foolish of all their accusations, and throws a strong -shade of contempt and suspicion on the rest. If they had said that -chivalric daring often ran wild into rashness, we could readily enough -credit the possibility of the fact; but nothing could be more absurd than -to charge with cowardice men who, from the dauntlessness of their minds, -and the hardy firmness of their bodies, had been invested with the -military belt. - -The reason of all this vituperative declamation against chivalry may be -gathered from a very curious passage in a writer during the reign of -Stephen. "The bishops, the bishops themselves, I blush to affirm it, yet -not all, but many, (and he particularises the bishops of Winchester, -Lincoln, and Chester,) bound in iron, and completely furnished with arms, -were accustomed to mount war-horses with the perverters of their country, -to participate in their prey; to expose to bonds and torture the knights -whom they took in the chance of war, or whom they met full of money; and -while they themselves were the head and cause of so much wickedness and -enormity, they ascribed it to their knights."[245] Hence, then, it appears -that many of the bishops were robbers, and that they charged their own -offences on the heads of the chivalry. The remark of the writer on the -cruelty of the bishops to their prisoners is extremely curious, -considering it in opposition to the general demeanour of knights to those -whom the fortune of war threw into their hands. But these wars and -jealousies between the knighthood and the priesthood, while they account -for all the accusations which one class were perpetually making against -the other, compel us to despise their mutual criminations. - -Nothing more, perhaps, need be said to deface the pictures of the knightly -character as drawn by Pierre de Blois and John of Salisbury; and they -should not have met with so much attention from me if they had not always -formed the van of every attack upon chivalry. But there is one passage in -Dr. Henry's History of England so closely applicable to the present part -of my subject, that I cannot forbear from inserting it. "It would not be -safe," observes that judicious historian, "to form our notions of the -national character of the people of England from the pictures which are -drawn of it by some of the monkish historians. The monk of Malmsbury, in -particular, who wrote the life of Edward II., paints his countrymen and -contemporaries in the blackest colours. 'What advantage,' says he, 'do we -reap from all our modern pride and insolence? In our days the lowest, -poorest wretch, who is not worth a halfpenny, despises his superiors, and -is not afraid to return them curse for curse. But this, you say, is owing -to their rusticity. Let us see, then, the behaviour of those who think -themselves polite and learned. Where do you meet with more abuse and -insolence than at court? There, every one swelling with pride and rancour, -scorns to cast a look on his inferiors, disdains his equals, and proudly -rivals his superiors. The squire endeavours to outshine the knight, the -knight the baron, the baron the earl, the earl the king, in dress and -magnificence. Their estates being insufficient to support this -extravagance, they have recourse to the most oppressive acts, plundering -their neighbours and stripping their dependents almost naked, without -sparing even the priests of God. I may be censured for my too great -boldness, if I give an ill character of my own countrymen and kindred; but -if I may be permitted to speak the truth, the English exceed all other -nations in the three vices of pride, perjury, and dishonesty. You will -find great numbers of this nation in all the countries washed by the Greek -sea; and it is commonly reported that they are infamous over all these -countries for their deceitful callings.' But, we must remember, (as Dr. -Henry comments on this passage,) that this picture was drawn by a _peevish -monk_, in very unhappy times, when faction raged with the greatest fury, -both in the court and country." - -It would not alter the nature of chivalry, or detract any thing from its -merits, if many instances were to be adduced of the recreancy of knights, -of their want of liberality, courtesy, or any other chivalric qualities; -for nothing is more unjust than to condemn any system for actions which -are hostile to its very spirit and principles. One fair way of judging it, -is to examine its natural tendencies. A character of mildness must have -been formed wherever the principles of chivalry were acknowledged. A great -object of the order was protection; and therefore a kind and gentle regard -to the afflictions and misfortunes of others tempered the fierceness of -the warrior. In many points chivalry was only a copy of the Christian -religion; and as that religion is divine, and admirably adapted to improve -and perfect our moral nature, so the same merit cannot in fairness be -denied to any of its forms and modifications. Chivalry embraced much of -the beautiful morality of Christianity,--its spirit of kindness and -gentleness; and men were called upon to practise the laws of mercy and -humanity by all the ties which can bind the heart and conscience; by the -sanctions of religion, the love of fame, by a powerful and lofty sense of -honour. On the other hand, the Christianity of the time was not the pure -light of the Gospel, for it breathed war and homicide; and hence the page -of history, faithful to its trust, has sometimes painted the knights -amidst the gloomy horrors of the crusades ruthlessly trampling on the -enemies of the cross, and at other times generously sparing their -prostrate Christian foes, and gaily caracoling about the lists of the -tournament. - -But these are not the only means of showing the general beneficial nature -of the institutions of chivalry. The character of modern Europe is the -result of the slow and silent growth of ages informed with various and -opposite elements. The impress of the Romans is not entirely effaced; and -two thousand years have not destroyed all the superstitions of our Pagan -ancestors. We must refer to past ages for the origin of many of those -features of modern society which distinguish the character of Europe from -that of the ancient world, and of the most polished states of Asia. We -boast our generousness in battle, the bold display of our animosity, and -our hatred of treachery and the secret meditations of revenge. To what -cause can these qualities be assigned? Not to any opinions which for the -last few hundred years have been infused into our character, for there is -no resemblance between those qualities and any such opinions; but they can -be traced back to those days of ancient Europe when the knight was quick -to strike, and generous to forgive; and when he would present harness and -arms to his foe rather than that the battle should be unfairly and -unequally fought. This spirit, though not the form, of the chivalric times -has survived to ours, and forms one of our graces and distinctions. The -middle ages, as we have shown, were not entirely ages of feudal power; for -the consequence of the personal nobility of chivalry was felt and -acknowledged. The qualities of knighthood tempered and softened all -classes of society, and worth was the passport to distinction. Thus -chivalry effected more than letters could accomplish in the ancient world; -for it gave rise to the personal merit which in the knight, and in his -successor, the gentleman of the present day, checks the pride of birth and -the presumption of wealth. - -But it is in the polish of modern society that the graces of chivalry are -most pleasingly displayed. The knight was charmed into courtesy by the -gentle influence of woman, and the air of mildness which she diffused has -never died away. While such things exist, can we altogether assent to the -opinion of a celebrated author, that "the age of chivalry is gone?" Many -of its forms and modes have disappeared; fixed governments and wise laws -have removed the necessity for, and quenched the spirit of, -knight-errantry and romance; and, happily for the world, the torch of -religious persecution has long since sunk into the ashes. But chivalric -imagination still waves its magic wand over us. We love to link our names -with the heroic times of Europe; and our armorial shields and crests -confess the pleasing illusions of chivalry. The modern orders of military -merit (palpable copies of some of the forms of middle-age distinctions) -constitute the cheap defence of nations, and keep alive the personal -nobility of knighthood. We wage our wars not with the cruelty of Romans, -but with the gallantry of cavaliers; for the same principle is in -influence now which of old inspired courage while it mitigated ferocity. -Courtesy of manners, that elegant drapery of chivalry, still robes our -social life; and liberality of sentiment distinguishes the gentleman, as -in days of yore it was wont to distinguish the knight. - - - - -INDEX. - - - _Accolade_, meaning of the, I. 53. note. - - _Adelais_, tale of her imprisonment, rescue by an adventurous knight, - and subsequent marriage, II. 322. - - _Albigenses_, romance of, I. 48. note. - - _Alcantara_, order of, its principles, and its comparative rank with - other Spanish orders, I. 353. - - _Alfonso_, story of his chivalric bearing, II. 258. - - _Allegories_, fantastic, made on knights and their armour, I. 108. 110. - - _Amys and Amylion_, Romance of, I. 121. - - _Anglo-Saxons_, state of chivalry among, I. 6. 9. 11. 383. - - _Antharis_, a Lombard king, story of his romantic gallantry, II. 321. - - _Arabian horses_, their repute in chivalric times, I. 111. - - _Arabic_, Spanish historians, account of, II. 242. note. - - _Archers_, excellence of English, II. 12. - Fine passage from Halidon Hill expressive of, II. 13. note. - An English archer in the days of Edward III., 14. - Importance of at battles of Cressy and Poictiers, 15. - - _Argonautes_, order of, purpose of its institution, I. 358. - - _Aristotle_, lay of, I. 215. - - _Armorial bearings_, historical and philosophical sketch of the - principles of, I. 86, 87. 89. - - _Armour_, beauty of ancient, I. 65. - Value of enquiries into the minutiæ of, I. 94. - Uncertainty of the subject, I. 95. - Its general features, I. 99, &c. - Golden armour, 102. - - _Array_, general nature of chivalric, I. 118. - - _Arthur_, his knightly honour, I. 132. note. - Discovery of his remains at Glastonbury, account of, I. 375. - His court the school of chivalric virtue, 376. - His generosity to his knights, 376. note. - See _Round Table_. - - _Athenæus_, his singular testimony to a state of chivalry, I. 6. - - _Auberoch_, beleagured by the French, and chivalrously relieved by the - English, II. 31. - - _Audley_, Sir James, interesting story of his heroic achievements and of - his generosity, II. 43. - - _Axe_, the battle, I. 67. - Description of King Richard's, 68. note. - - - B. - - _Bachelor_, various meanings of the word, I. 19. 45. - - _Bacinet_, I. 91. - - _Baked meats_, fondness of people for them in the olden time, I. 191. - and note. - - _Ball_, the, after a tournament, I. 284. - - _Band_, Spanish order of the, objects of the order, I. 367. - Interesting, as descriptive of the state of Spanish manners, ib. - Its fine chivalry to woman, I. 369. - - _Banneret_, qualification of a knight, I. 16. - His privileges, 17. - See _Chandos_. - - _Bannockburn_, battle of, I. 407. - - _Barriers_, description of, I. 124. note. - Singular battles at the, I. 124. 127. - - _Bath_, order of, ceremonies used at the ancient creation of knights of, - II. 150. 91, &c. - Modern ceremonies, I. 364. - Absurdity of our heralds' dogmatic positiveness regarding the æra of - the order's foundation, II. 91. note. - - _Batre_, Claude de, a French knight. His joust with Maximilian I. of - Germany, II. 315. - - _Bauldrick_, description of the, I. 73. - - _Bayard_, the chivalric, his early years, II. 217. - Enters the service of the kings of France, 218. - His valiancy, ib. - His humanity, 219. - His gallantry, ib. - Holds a tournament in honour of the ladies, 220. - His death, 222. - - _Beauty_, knights fought to assert the superiority of their mistress's - beauty, I. 209. - The practice apparently absurd, but reason why it should not be too - severely censured, II. 211. - - _Black Prince_, his conduct at Limoges, I. 132. - His courtesy, II. 11. 16. - His liberality, II. 45. - His deportment to Peter the Cruel, II. 185. - Not a favorite with the nobility in the English possessions in France, - II. 191. - His cruelty to Du Guesclin, ib. - - _Blois_, Charles of, his contention with Jane de Mountfort for the duchy - of Brittany, I. 239. - - _Blue_, the colour of constancy in days of chivalry, I. 275. note. - See _Stocking_. - - _Bonaparte_, his generousness to a descendant of Du Guesclin, II. 203. - - _Bonnelance_, Sir John, his remarkable courtesy to the ladies, I. 199. - - _Boucmell_, John, his joust with an English squire, I. 294. - - _Bourbon_, singular mode by which a Duke of, gained a fortress, I. 59. - - ----, order of, account of, I. 371. - - _Boucicant_, Marshal, his outrageous reverence for women, I. 223. note. - His joust at St. Ingelbertes, near Calais, 303, &c. - - _Bovines_, importance of squires at the battle of, I. 47. - - _Break-across_, to, meaning of the phrase, I. 278, 279. note. - - _Britomart_, the perfection of chivalric heroines, I. 253. - - _Brittany_, revered for its chivalric fame, II. 174. - - _Bruce_, Robert, his chivalric humanity, II. 69. - - _Burgundy_, Bastard of, his joust with Lord Scales, I. 314. - His skill in other jousts, II. 214. - - ----, court of, splendour of its tournaments, II. 213. - The most chivalric country in Europe during middle of fifteenth - century, ib. - Chivalric circumstance at the court of, II. 351. - - - C. - - _Calais_, stories regarding, II. 17-21. - - _Calatrava_, order of, its origin and history, I. 349. - - _Calaynos_, the Moor, praised by the Spaniards, II. 234. - - _Carlisle_, Sir Anthony Harclay, Earl of, ceremonies of his degradation - from knighthood, I. 62-64. - - _Carpet-knights_, meaning of the term, II. 156. - - _Carpio_, Bernardo del, account of, II. 243. - - _Cavalry_, the principal arm of military power during the middle ages, - I. 2. - - _Caxton_, his lamentation over the decline of chivalry, II. 99. - His exaggeration of the evil, 102. - - _Celts_, humility of Celtic youths, I. 6. - - _Cervantes_, curious error made by, I. 20. - Censures the chivalric custom of making vows, 129. note. - Satirises chivalric contempt of bodily pain, 368. note. - Ridicules the vigil of arms, I. 49. note. - and the pride of knights, I. 393. note. - Accuracy of his pictures, II. 297. - - _Cesena_, noble defence of, by Marzia degl' Ubaldini, I. 249. - - _Chandos_, Sir John, story with the Earl of Oxenford, I. 38. - History of his heroism, II. 46. - Gallantry, 47. - Tenacious of his armorial bearings, ib. - Exploits at Auray, 49. - Tries to dissuade the Black Prince from the Spanish war, 50. - Ceremonies on his becoming a knight-banneret, ib. - His remarkable generousness, 52. - His death before the bridge of Lusac, 60, &c. - General grief thereat, 63. - - _Character_, bluntness of the old English, shown at the creation of - knights of the Bath, II. 165. - - _Charity_, a great chivalric virtue, instance of, I. 161. - - _Charter-house_, the, founded by Sir Walter Manny, II. 42. and note. - - _Charlemagne_, state of chivalry in his time, I. 10. - His expedition into Spain, II. 244. - - _Chargny_, Lord of, a famous jouster, II. 298. - His passage of arms near Dijon, I. 328. - - _Cherbury_, Edward Herbert, Lord of, memoir of him, II. 138. - Chivalric fame of his family, ib. - His vanity, 140-145. - Made a knight of the Bath, 141. - His curious adventures in France, 142. - The disgusting vanity of his infidelity, 147. - His general character, 148. - His inferiority to the heroes of the reign of Edward III., 149. - - _Chess_, the high favour of this game in days of chivalry, I. 163. - A story of a knight's love of chess, 164. - - _Chivalry_, general oath of, I. 50. - Form used in Scotland, II. 70. - Exhortations to perform chivalric obligations, I. 51, 52. - Beauty of chivalric costume, I. 65. - First ages of, interesting to the reason, but not pleasing to the - fancy, I. 1. - Difference between feudal and moral chivalry, I. 3. - Origin of, ib. - Nature of, 2. - Modified by Christianity, 9, 13. - Early ceremonies of inauguration, 4. 11, 12. - Personal nobility of, not to be confounded with feudal territorial - nobility, 16. - Morals of chivalric times unjustly censured, 229. - Real state of them, ib. &c. - Peculiar fineness of chivalric feeling, 277. note. - Declined in France before the common use of gunpowder, II. 213. - Recapitulation of the circumstances which gave birth to, 341. - Its general nature, 342. - Exact time of its influence difficult to mark, 346. - Its merits, 348. - Its effects, 358. - Application of chivalric honours to men in civil stations, 155. - Connected with feudalism, I. 384. - A compulsory honour in England, 386. - - _Christianity_, its improvements on Gothic chivalry, I. 10. - - _Cid_, the, his birth, II. 246. - His early ferocious heroism, ib. - His singular marriage, 247. - Enters the service of King Ferdinand, 249. - His chivalric gallantry, ib. - Ceremony of his being knighted, 251. - Death of the King ib. - Becomes the knight of Sancho, King of Castile, and his campeador, 252. - Mixture of evil and good in his character, ib. - Supports the King in his injustice, 253. - His romantic heroism, ib. - His virtuous boldness, 256. - His second marriage, 260. - Is banished from the court of Alfonso, the brother of Sancho, 261.; - but recalled ib. - Is banished again, 263. - Story of his unchivalric meanness, ib. - His history in exile, 264. - His nobleness and generosity, 267. - Is recalled, 269. - Captures Toledo, 270.; - and Valentia, 271. - Unjust conduct to the Moors, 274. - Marriage of his daughters, 276. - His death, 284.; - and character, 285. - - _Claremont_, the Lord of, his dispute with Sir John Chandos regarding - armorial cognisances, II. 47. - - _Clary_, the Lord of, singular story of the censure on him by the court - of France for want of courtesy to Sir Peter Courtenay, I. 154-157. - - _Clergy_, the weapons they used in battle, I. 68. - A gallant fighting priest promoted to an archdeaconry, II. 80. - Often turned knights, I. 350. - - _Clermont_, council of, sanctions chivalry, I. 12. - - _Clifford_, Nicholas, his joust with John Boucmell, I. 294, &c. - - _Cloth of gold_, chivalric circumstances at the field of, II. 111. - - _Cochetel_, battle of, II. 178. - - _Cognisances_, I. 87. - - _Coliseum_, Moorish and chivalric sports in, II. 329. - Inferiority of the old Roman games in, to those of chivalry, I. 260. - - _Colombe_, Ernalton of Sainte, bravery of him and his esquire, I. 46. - - _Companions_ in arms, nature of such an union, I. 118-123. - - _Conde_, D. José Antonio, value of his searches into Arabic Spanish - historians, II. 242. note. - - _Constancy_, a greater virtue in chivalric times than in the present - day, I. 206. - Spenser's exhortation to, 207. - - _Constantine_, fabulous order of, I. 374. - - _Conversation_ of knights, its subjects, I. 175. - - _Courage_ of the knight, I. 124-130. - - _Courtenay_, Sir Peter, his adventures in France, I. 154, &c. - - _Courtesy_, a knightly virtue, I. 160. - Courtesy of a dragon, 161. note. - At tournaments, 268. - - _Cousines_, dame des belle, her reproof of a young page for his not - being in love, I. 32. - - _Crawford_, Sir David de Lindsay, Earl of, his joust with Lord Wells, - I. 290. - - _Cross_, every military order had its, I. 362. - Wretched taste in concealing the cross of the order of the Bath by a - star, ib. - - _Cyclas_, I. 85. - - _Cyneheard_, his story, I. 5. - - - D. - - _Dagger_ of mercy, description of it, I. 92. - Story of its use, 93. - - _Dambreticourt_, Lord Eustace, his chivalry inspired by the lady - Isabella, I. 204. - His valour at the battle of Poictiers, II. 44. - - _Dames_ and _Damsels_. See _Lady_. - - _Degradation_, ceremonies of, I. 60. - - _Derby_, Earl of, the sort of death he desired, I. 147. - - _Devices_, what they were, I. 78. - Worn in tournaments, 272-275. - - _Discipline_, chivalric array not inconsistent with feudal discipline, - I. 145. - - _Douglas_, story of the perilous castle of, I. 205. - Generousness of the good Lord James of, I. 206, 402. - His character, ib. note. - The Douglas of the sixteenth century, II. 67. - Wins the pennon of Hotspur, 77. - His heroism and noble death, 80. - Archibald, at Shrewsbury, ib. - - _Dress_ of ladies in chivalric times, I. 185. - Importance of modesty of, 186. - - _Dub_, meaning of the word, I. 53. note. - - _Dynadan_, Sir, a merry knight of the Round Table, his pretended dislike - of women, I. 196. note. - - - E. - - _Edward I._, his chivalric character, I. 395. - A chivalric anecdote of, I. 142. - - _Edward II._, state of chivalry in his reign, I. 402. 409. - - _Edward III._, state of armour in his time, I. 97. 100. - Chivalry in his reign, II. 4, &c. - - _Eloisa_, the Lady, a heroine of chivalry, I. 235. - - _England_, antiquity of the sarcasm of its not being the country of - original invention, II. 48. note. - The melancholy of its mirth curiously noticed, ib. - - _Errantry_, facts relating to the knight-errantry of the middle ages, - I. 140. 145. - English knights-errant, 225. - General facts and usages, 226, &c. - - - F. - - _Falconry._ See _Hawking_. - - _Falcons_, placed on perches above knights at chivalric entertainments, - I. 281. - - _Father in chivalry_, the respect which a knight bore to the cavalier - that knighted him, I. 54. - - _Festivals_, description of chivalric, I. 176. 379. - At tournaments, 281. - - _Fidelity_ to obligations, a great virtue in knights, I. 151. - - _Flodden_, chivalric circumstances at battle of, II. 121. - - _Flowers_, Romance of, remarks on, I. 315. note. - - _Forget-me-not_, romantic story of this flower: joust concerning it, - I. 315. - - _France_, state of, after the death of Du Guesclin, II. 203. - Chivalry in baronial castles, II. 169. - Knighthood given to improper persons, 211. - Extinction of chivalry in, 226. - Ridiculous imitation of chivalry by the profligate soldiers of a - profligate king, 228. - - _Francis I._, his chivalric qualities, II. 223. - Circumstances which disgraced his chivalry, 224. - Knighted by Bayard, 225. - - _Fraternity_, origin and history of the spirit of, I. 4. - Encouraged by the institutions of Arthur, 379. - - _Froissart_, character of his history, _Preface_. - - _Frojaz_, Don Rodrigo, a Spanish knight, chivalric mode of his death, - I. 71. - - _Furs_, fondness of people in the middle ages for them, I. 49. 85. - note. - - - G. - - _Gallantry_, its origin, I. 7-9. - Absurdity of antiquarians respecting, 175. note. - - _Garter_, order of the, objects of, I. 360. - Its resemblance to a religious order, 361. - Reasons of its being established, 360.; II. 4. - Commonly ascribed origin a vulgar fable, 6. - Meaning of the motto, 7. - The collar, 8. - - _Gawain_, Sir, a knight of Arthur's Round Table, character of, I. 378. - - _Generousness_ of knights, high estimation of this quality, I. 153. - Instances, 153-157. - - _Gennet_, order of the, I. 374. - - _George_, Saint, the person that was understood by this name, II. 9. - - _Germans_, superior virtue of German women owned by Tacitus, I. 7. - Instances of this virtue, 7, 8. - Political chivalry had no influence in Germany, II. 303. - German knights quailed before undisciplined troops, 304. - When and where tournaments were held, I. 262. - Heraldic pride of the, 263. note. - Singular matter regarding the, 265. note. - Inferiority of to Italian condottieri, 305. - Intolerance and cruelty of German knights, 306. - Their education, 307. - Cruelty to their squires, 308. - Their avarice, 310. - Little influence of German chivalry, 311. - Singular exception, 312. - Destruction of chivalry, 317. - - _Gonfanon_, what it was, I. 67. - - _Gonsalez_, Count Fernan de, a fabulous hero of Spanish chivalry, - II. 245. - - _Gordon_, Adam, his chivalry, I. 56. - - _Graville_, Sir William, loses a fortress out of his love for - chess-playing, I. 165. - - _Green-field_, knights of the Fair Lady in the, story of their - chevisance, I. 223. - - _Gueldres_, Duke of, story of his regard for knightly honour, I. 138. - - _Guesclin_, Bertrand du, his birth, II. 174. - Became a cavalier in opposition to paternal wishes, 175. - His knightly conduct at Rennes, ib. - Amusing interview with the Duke of Lancaster, 177. - His gallant bearing at Cochetel, and the consequent recovery of the - fame of the French arms, 178. - Taken prisoner at Aurai, 180. - Redeemed, 182. - His chivalry in Spain, 184, &c. - Taken prisoner again, 189. - Treated with cruelty by the Black Prince, 191. - Ransomed, 209. - Made Constable of France, 194. - Recovers the power of the French monarchy, ib. - His companionship in arms with Olivier de Clisson, 195. - His death before Randan, 199. - Character, 201. - - - H. - - _Harald_, the valiant, account of, I. 9. - - _Hawking_, a knowledge of, a necessary part of a knight's education, - I. 29. - A great chivalric amusement, 161. - - _Hawkwood_, Sir John, story of his origin, and allusions to his - battles, I. 23. - - _Helmets_, I. 88. - Various sorts of, I. 89. - - _Hennebon_, noble defence of, by the Countess of Mountfort, I. 242-246. - - _Henry I._ and _II._, state of chivalry in their respective reigns, 387. - 389. 395. - - _Henry II._, of France, killed in a tournament, account of the - circumstances, II. 226. and note. - - _Henry_, Prince, son of James I., his love of chivalric exercises, II. - 137. - - _Henry IV._, chivalric parley between him and the Duke of Orleans, II. - 83. - His unchivalric deportment at Shrewsbury, 88. - - _Henry V._, his love of chivalry, II. 85. 96. - His chivalric modesty, 98. - - _Henry VIII._, account of his tournaments, II. 104, &c. - - _Heroines_, nature of female heroism in days of chivalry, and stories - of, I. 234, &c. - - _Hita_, Genez Perez de, nature of his volume on the fall of Grenada, II. - 288. note. - - _Homildon Hill_, interesting knightly story regarding battle at, I. 55. - - _Honour_, curious story of knightly, I. 138. - The knights' pursuit of, I. 144. - See, too, 277. note. - - _Horn_, King, romance of, I. 27. - - _Horse_ of the knight, I. 111. - What horses were preferred, 112. - The famous horse of the Cid, ib. II. 287. - Armour of the horse, I. 114. - Always very splendidly adorned, 115. - - _Horsemanship_, care with which knights were trained to, I. 44. - - _Hotspur_ fights with the Douglas, II. 77. - His gallant deportment at Otterbourn, 79. - And at Shrewsbury, 87. - - _Humanities_ of chivalric war, I. 129. 135. - - _Humility_, a knightly virtue, I. 158. - - _Hunting_, young squires instructed in the art of, I. 29. - A part of the amusements of chivalry, 161. - - _Huntingdon_, Sir John Holland, Earl of, his skill in jousting, I. 307. - - - I. - - _Inauguration_, ceremony of, into knighthood, when and where performed, - I. 50. - Its circumstances, 50-54. - - _Ingelbertes_, Saint, joust at, I. 302-314. - - _Ipomydon_, romance of, I. 28. - - _Isabella_, the Lady, a heroine of chivalry, I. 235. - - _Italian_ armour, excellence of, I. 105.; - II. 293. note, 330. - - _Italy_, but little martial chivalry in, II. 324. - Chivalric education, 321. - Changes of the military art in, 325. - Chivalry in the north of, 329. - Esteem in which the word of knighthood was held, ib. - Chivalry in the south of, 331. - Mode of creating knights in, 334. - Religious and military orders in, 335. - Political use of knighthood, 336. - Folly of an Italian mob regarding knighthood, ib. - School of Italian Generals, 328. - Chivalric sports in, 338. - - _Ivanhoe_, errors of the author of, regarding Anglo-Saxon and Norman - chivalry, I. 383. note; - and concerning the Knights Templars, 387. note; - and also concerning the nature and names of chivalric sports, 327. - - - J. - - _James_, Saint, his popularity in Spain, I. 345. note; II. 230. - Order of, I. 344. - - _James II._, of Arragon, gallantry of one of his decrees, II. 289. - - _James IV._, of Scotland, chivalric and romantic circumstances of his - life, II. 118-124. - - _Jealousy_, no part of chivalric love, I. 207. - - _Joanna_ of Naples, a chivalric anecdote regarding, II. 352. - - _Joust_, nature of the, to the utterance, I. 289. - For love of ladies, 291. - Various, à l'outrance, 289-297. - A plaisance, 297, &c. - Romance of, 324.; II. 215. - Use of jousts, I. 330. - - - K. - - _Knights_, their privileges, I. 17. - Expensive equipment of, necessary to the dignity, 16. - Preparations for knighthood, 48. - His war-cry and escutcheon, 18. - Qualifications, 19. - Gentle birth not regarded when valour conspicuous, 22. - By whom created, ib. - (_For his education, see Squire and Page._) - Often turned priests, I. 14. - Associations of, in defence of the ladies, 223-225. - Stipendiary knights in England, 385. - No resemblance between and the equites of Rome, 14. - Made in the battle-field, and in mines, 56-59. - Knight of honour, description of, 267. - English wore golden collars, II. 8. - Anxiety to receive the order from great characters, 55. and note. - No knights made on compulsion, after the days of Charles I., 158. - Degradation of, in the reign of James I., 157. - - _Knot_, order of the, I. 358. - - _Knowles_, Sir Robert, remarkable story of the heroism of one of his - knights, I. 124. - - - L. - - _Lady_ in chivalry, character of, I. 182. 256. - Her courtesy, ib. - Education, 183. - Amusements, 190. - Deportment, 185. - What ladies could create knights, 252. - Singular blending of the heroic and the tender feelings in her - character, 253. - Not made prisoner in war, 227. - Judge in the tournament, 267. 283. - Her favours worn by her knights, 272. 275. and note. - - _Lahire_, the singular prayer of this knight, I. 147. - - _Lance_, the chief weapon of the knight, I. 66. - The staff made from the ash-tree, ib. - - _Langurant_, Lord of, bravery of, and of his squire, I. 46. and note. - Another story, 93. - - _Largess_, distributed at ceremonial of inauguration, I. 54. - At tournaments, 284. - - _Launcelot_, generous modesty of this knight, I. 159. - Singular proof of his high reputation, 55. note. - Beautiful lamentation over his dead body, 377. - - _Lee_, Sir Henry, his gallantry, II. 132. - - _Legnano_, battle of, II. 304. - - _Liberality_, a great virtue in chivalry, I. 157. - - _Liegois_, their battle with the French chivalry, II. 204. - - _Lists_, description of the, I. 266. - - _London_, citizens of, their taste for chivalric amusements, II. 11. - - _Lords_, House of, errors of its committees, I. 15. note. - - _Lorrys_, Sir Launcelet de, a gallant knight, killed in a joust for love - of his lady, I. 292. - - _Love_, peculiarities of chivalric, I. 212. 217-222. 194, &c. - Perfection and purity of chivalric, II. 345. - Quick-sightedness of courtly matrons regarding signs of, II. 322. - - _Louis_, Saint, his barbarous intolerance, I. 148. - - _Loyes_, Sir, of Spain, his cruelty, I. 151. - - - M. - - _Mail-armour_, various descriptions of, I. 78-81. - Mail and plate, 82. - Mail worn in all ages of chivalry, 84. - - _Manny_, Sir Walter, succours the Countess of Mountfort, I. 245. - His bravery at Calais, II. 18. - An amorous knight, 27. - His kindness to two brother-knights, 29. - His joyous adventurousness, 30. - Other feats, 31, &c. - His filial piety, 34. - Gentleness of his disposition, 38. - His high rank in England, 39. - His sageness, 40. - His liberality, 41. - Founds the Charter-house, 42. - - _March_, Countess of, story of her chivalric heroism in defending the - castle of Dunbar, I. 237. - - _Marche_, Thomas de la, his duel with John de Visconti, II. - - _Martel_, nature of that weapon, I. 68. - - _Marzia_, degl' Ubaldini, story of her heroic deportment at Cesena, I. - 249. - - _Maule_, its qualities, I. 68. - Not a perfectly chivalric weapon, 72. - - _Maximilian_ the only Emperor of Germany of a chivalric character, II. - 315. - His joust with a French knight, ib. - - _Medicine_, knowlege of, possessed by dames and damsels, I. 186. - Faith of knights in medicines administered by women, 187. - - _Medici_, Lorenzo de, won a prize at a tournament, I. 267. - - _Men-at-arms_, manner of their fighting, and description of their - armour, I. 107. - - _Mercenaries_, their use in the French army, II. 209. - - _Mercy_, order of our Lady of, reason of the establishing of the, I. - 354. - - _Merlo_, Sir John, a Spanish knight, account of his jousting in - Burgundy, II. 297-300. - - _Meyrick_, Dr., character of his critical inquiry into ancient armour, - I. 79. note, 101. note, 114. note. - - _Michael_ of the Wing, purposes of the establishing of this order, I. - 356. - - _Milan_, Sir Galeas, Duke of, his courtesy to the Earl of Derby, II. - 330. - - _Milanese_ armour, excellence of. See _Italian_ armour. - - _Missals_, the merits of, decided by battle, II. 288. - - _Minstrels_, description of them and their art in connection with - chivalry, I. 166, &c. - Their chivalric importance in Italy, II. 327. - - _Molai_, Jacques de, appoints a successor to his authority over the - Templars, I. 140. - - _Montferrand_, Regnaud de, the romantic excess of his love for chivalric - honours, I. 59. - - _Montglaive_, Guerin de, I. 30. - - _Montpensier_, Henry de Bourbon, his death in a tournament, II. 226. - - _Mountfort_, Jane de, tale of her heroism, I. 239. - - _Music_, ladies in chivalry were taught, I. 183, 184. - - - N. - - _Naples_, chivalry at, II. 331. - Ceremonies of chivalric inauguration in, 332. - - _Navaret_, battle of, II. 189. - - _Nobility_, education of English, in the sixteenth century, II. 115. - - _Normans_, nature of their chivalry, I. 383. - Plant chivalry in Italy, II. 331. - - - O. - - _Oak_, in Navarre, order of, I. 374. - - _Obedience_, dignity of, I. 6. - - _Olympic_ games, their inferiority to the games of chivalry, I. 259. - - _Orbigo_, account of a singular passage of arms at, II. 292-296. - - _Orders_, the religious, their general principles, I. 333. - Qualifications for them, 336. - Use of the religious, 337. - Military orders, ib. - Dormant orders, 366. - Singular titles of, 371. - - _Ordonnance_, companies of, established by Charles VII., their - unchivalric nature, II. 209. - - _Orleans_, Duke of, his satire on the heaviness of English armour, I. - 91. - - _Orris_, Michael de, the romantic and chivalric nature of his love, I. - 322. - - _Ostrich_ feathers, whether originally a crest or a device of the Black - Prince, I. 101, &c. - - _Otterbourn_, description of that chivalric battle, II. 76, &c. - - _Oxenford_, Earl of, amusing story of his absurd pride, I. 36. - - _Oxford_, Edward Vere, Earl of, his coxcombry and romantic gallantry, - II. 150. - - - P. - - _Page_, the first gradation in chivalry, I. 30. - At what age a boy became one, ib. - His duties, 31. - Personal service, ib. - Taught love, religion, and war, 32. - His martial exercises, 35. - (See _Saintré_.) - Combats of pages, II. 208. - State of English pages during the sixteenth century, 149. - - _Palaye_, Sainte, character of his Memoirs of ancient Chivalry, Preface. - - _Paleaz_, Martin, a Spanish knight, his story, II. 271. - - _Passage_ of arms, what it was, I. 327. - Error of the author of Ivanhoe concerning, ib. note. - Description of one in Burgundy, 328.; - and at Orbigo, in Spain, II. 292. - - _Patriotism_, not necessarily a knightly virtue, I. 139. - But encouraged by the religious and military orders, 335, 336. - - _Peacock_, festival and vow of the, I. 177. - Mode of dressing the, 178. note. - - _Pelayo_, his history, II. 242. - - _Pembroke_, Earl, stories of, II. 33. 52-58. - - _Penitents_ of love, a singular set of fanatics in France, I. 211. - - _Pennon_, the streamer at end of a lance, I. 66. - - _Perceval_, Mr. George, excellence of his history of Italy, _Preface_. - Cited, I. 102. note. II. 218. 325. note. 326-328. - - _Percy._ See _Hotspur_. - - _Perfumes_, fondness of people in the middle ages for, I. 194. note. - - _Philippa_, Queen, her heroism, I. 236. - - _Plate-armour_, description of, I. 83. - Its inconveniences I. 84. 102. note. - - _Peter_ the Cruel, his history, II. 181, &c. - - _Politeness_ of knights in battle, I. 135. - - _Pride_ of knights ridiculed by Cervantes, I. 393. - - _Prisoners_, when made by knights, delivered to the squires, I. 41. - Curious pride of knights concerning, 138. - Ladies were never made prisoners, 227. - - _Pursuivant_ of love, the favourite title of a knight, I. 202. - - _Pye_, Lord Saint, his skill in jousting, I. 309, &c. - - - Q. - - _Quinones_, Sueno de, account of his holding a passage of arms at - Orbigo, in Spain, II. 292. - - _Quintain_, nature of that amusement, I. 44. - - - R. - - _Ramsey_, William de, the chivalric nature of his death, I. 147. - - _Ransoming_, the general principles of, in chivalric times, I. 136. - - _Rapier_, an Italian weapon, II. 135. - Fighting with it supersedes the sword and buckler, ib. - - _Religion_, nature of the knight's, I. 146. 150. - Brevity of his devotions, ib. - Curious instance of it, 147. - The chivalric glory of a man being shriven in his helmet, ib. - Intolerance of the knight, 148. - His ferocity against Pagans and Saracens, ib. - His idle impiety at a tournament, 266. - Maintained opinions by the sword, 349. - - _Rienzi_, Cola di, instance of his coxcombry, II. 335. note. - - _Richard_ I., description of his battle-axe, I. 69. - His chivalric character, 391. - - _Rivers_, mystery of, meaning of the phrase, I. 29. - - _Romance_ of chivalry displayed in the tournament, I. 266. - Great estimation of romances in chivalric times, I. 174. - Beneficial effects of, on chivalry, II. 170. - Their popularity in England during the sixteenth century, 100. - Effects on Italy, 337. - - _Roncesvalles_, chivalric march through the valley of, by the soldiers - of the Black Prince, II. 189. - Question regarding battles in, at the time of Charlemagne, 244. - - _Round Table_, when and where held in England, II. 3. - Number of knights attached to the fabulous, I. 376. note. - - _Roy_, Raynolde du, a good jouster, chivalric reason for it, I. 312. - - _Rybamount_, courtesy of Edward III. to Lord Eustace of, II. 19. - - - S. - - _Sageness_, meaning of this old word, I. 129. - - _Saintré_, Jean de, curious account of the education in love of this - knight, I. 32. - - _Scales_, Anthony Woodville, Lord, his joust with the Bastard of - Burgundy, I. 314. - - _Scarf_, ladies', on the knight, I. 85. 89. 101. - - _Scotland_, form of chivalric oath in, II. 70. - Chivalric circumstances, 71. - Frenchmen's opinions of Scotsmen's chivalry, 73. - Reasons for Englishmen's dislike of wars in, 75. - Courtesies between English and Scottish knights, 75. - See _James_ IV. - - _Shield_, sentiments of honour connected with the, I. 77. - Its various shapes, 78. - - _Sidney_, Sir Philip, his chivalric character, II. 126. - His Arcadia, 127. - Circumstances of his life, 128. - Remarkable grief at his death, 129. - Uncommon kindness of the Sidney family, ib., and note. - His description of the nature of chivalric courage, I. 130. note. - His apology for ladies studying surgery, I. 188. - - _Sir_, its title in chivalry, I. 31. - - _Skottowe_, Mr., excellence of his work on Shakspeare, I. 209. note. - - _Smithfield_, anciently the principal tilting ground in London, I. 269. - Used for other purposes, note, ib. - Its state in the sixteenth century evidence of the degeneracy of - chivalry, II. 136. note. - - _Spain_, religious orders in, account of, I. 344. - General nature of Spanish chivalry, II. 230. - Religion and heroism, ib. - Gallantry, 231. 289. - Curious blending of Spanish and Oriental manners, 232. - Beneficial effects from the union of Moors and Spaniards, 233. - Religious toleration in Spain, 235. - Loves and friendships of Moors and Christians, ib. - Peculiarities of Spanish chivalry, 236. - Forms of knighthood, 237. - Various classes of knights, 238. - Spanish knights travel to distant countries, asserting the beauty of - Spanish maidens, 296. - Extinction of Spanish chivalry, 301. - The knight's idolatry of women outlives this extinction, 302. - Spanish poetry, 241. - Story of Spanish manners 271. 277. - State of Spanish chivalry after the death of the Cid, II. 287. - - _Spenser_, his Fairy Queen supports chivalry, II. 126. - Object of the poem, ib. - Poem cited, passim. - - _Spices_, fondness of knights for them, I. 169. note. 282. - - _Spurs_, buckling them on, a part of chivalric inauguration ceremonies, - I. 53. - Suspended in churches as memorials of victory and honour, II. 305. - note. - - _Squire_, his personal and chivalric duties, I. 35, 36. 39. - Never sat at the same table with knights, 36. - Story of a high-spirited squire, 37. - His dress, 39. - Various sorts of squires, 40. - Spenser's picture of one, ib. - His duties in battle, 41. - Carried the pennon of a knight, ib. - His gallantry, 41. 45. - His martial exercises, 43. - Undertook military expeditions, 45. - His services in the battle-field, 41. 46. - Nature of his armour, 107. - Story of the boldness of a, I. 128. - English squires wore silver collars, II. 8. - See _Bovines_. - - _Squirehood_, the third class of the general order of chivalry, I. 23. - Of whom it was formed, 24. - - _Stephen_, his courtesy to Matilda, I. 153. - Important effects of chivalry in his reign, I. 389. - - _Stocking_, order of the, I. 379. - Origin of the phrase Blue Stocking, 380. - This contemptuous expression no longer applicable to Englishwomen, - 381. - - _Stothard_, Mrs. Charles, her Tour in Normandy cited, I. 241. note. - - _Surcoats_, their materials and purposes, I. 85. - Of the military orders, 86. - - _Surgery_, knowledge of, possessed by ladies in chivalric times, I. 188. - - _Surry_, Earl of, incorrectness of the common tale regarding, II. 114. - - _Swinton_, Sir John, his fine heroism, I. 56. - Another story of the heroism of a, 128. - - _Sword_, girding of it on the knight a part of the chivalric - inauguration ceremonies, I. 11. 63. - The favourite weapon of the knight, I. 70. - Swords had names and mottoes; the cross hilt; the handle contained the - knight's seal; Spanish swords, 70-77. - Story of the Cid's favourite swords, II. 279. - - - T. - - _Tabard_, description of, I. 85. - - _Templars_, Knights, extravagance of their ascetism, I. 324. note. - Errors of the author of Waverley regarding, 337. note. - The valiancy of the, 338. - Succession of Grand Masters from the persecution to the present time, - 340, &c. - Present state of, 342. - Their importance in Spain, 241. - - _Thistle_, order of the, I. 363. - Its absurd pretensions to antiquity, ib. - - _Thomson_, Anthony Todd, value of his botanical lectures, I. 315. note. - - _Tournaments_, superiority of, to Grecian games, I. 259. - Origin of, 260. - Objects, 261., and notes. - Qualifications for tourneying, 263. 265. 272. - Who tourneyed, 264. - Ceremonies of the, ib. - Procession to the, 268. - Nature of tourneying weapons, 270. - The preparation, 273. - The encounter, 274. - English regulations concerning, 279. note. - Opposed by the Popes, 286. note. - Their frequency in the reign of Edward III., II. 2. - Time of their death in England, 137. - Female tournament in Germany, 314. - - _Tristrem_, Romance of, I. 26. - - - V. - - _Valet_, the common title of the page, I. 35. - - _Vargas_, Garcia Perez de, a splendid exemplar of Spanish chivalry. - Story of his romantic gallantry, II. 289. - - _Vigil_ of arms a necessary preliminary to knighthood, I. 49. - - _Vilain_, Sir John, anecdote of his remarkable prowess, I. 69. - - _Virtue_, degree of, expected in a knight, I. 149. - - _Visconti_, John de, his duel with Thomas de la Marche, II. 22. - - _Vows_, knightly, courage incited by, I. 127. - Fantastic, ib., &c. 322. - - - W. - - _Wallop_, Sir John, his men break lances for ladies' love, II. 117. - - _Warwick_, an earl of, a famous jouster, I. 301. - - _Wells_, Lord, his joust with Sir David de Lindsay, first Earl of - Crawford, I. 290. - - _Werner_, fiendlike ferocity and impiety of, II. 328. - - _William Rufus_, authors wrong, in calling him a chivalric king, I. 391. - But he promoted the growth of chivalry in England, I. 387. - - _Wines_, dislike entertained by the Englishmen of old for the wines of - Spain, I. 143. - Wines drank in chivalric times, 193. and note. - Wines and spices, 169. note. - - _Woods_, mystery of, I. 29. - - _Worcester_, John, Earl of, Constable. His regulations regarding - tournaments in England, I. 279. note. - - _Wordsworth_, his beautiful description of the occupations and life of a - minstrel, I. 171. - - - X. - - _Ximena_, a Spanish maiden, story of her voluntary marriage with her - father's murderer, II. 247. - - - Z. - - _Zamora_, story of that town and the Cid of Spain, II. 254. - - -THE END. - - - LONDON: - Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode, - New-Street-Square. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Warton (History of English Poetry, vol. i. p. 118. note, 8vo.) notices -a passage in Piers Plowman, which shows how the reigning passion for -chivalry infected the ideas and expressions of the writers of this period. -The poet is describing the crucifixion, and speaking of the person who -pierced our Saviour's side with a spear. This person our author calls _a -knight_, and says, that he came forth _with his spear in hand and justed -with Jesus_. Afterwards, for doing so base an act as that of wounding a -dead body, he is pronounced a disgrace to _knighthood_, and our _champion -chevaler chyese knight_ is ordered to yield himself recreant. fol. 88. b. -So, too, in the Morte d'Arthur, Joseph of Arimathea is called the gentle -knight that took down Jesus from the cross. - -[2] Warton, vol. ii. p. 86. - -[3] Barnes's Edward III., p. 564. - -[4] Leland, Collect. vol. ii. p. 476. - -[5] Arthur went to his mete with many other kings. And there were all the -knights of the Round Table except those that were prisoners, or slain at a -recounter, thenne at the high feast evermore they should be fulfilled the -hole nombre of an hundred and fifty, for then was the Round Table fully -accomplished. Morte d'Arthur. The tale of Sir Gauth of Orkeney, c. 1. And -see Vol. I. of this work, page 376. - -[6] Walsingham, sub anno 1344. Ashmole on the Order of the Garter, cap. v. -s. 2. - -[7] Preface to the Black Book of the Order of the Garter. - -[8] Walsingham, p. 164. Froissart, c. 100. - -[9] Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. iii. part 1. p. 139. -As the story of Lady Salisbury's garter is fabulous, we must resort to -some other conjectures for an explanation of the famous motto of the -order, and the one cited in the text is extremely ingenious and plausible. -With much less appearance of truth, Ashmole fancies that Edward by this -motto retorted shame and defiance upon him that should dare to think ill -of so just an enterprise as he had undertaken for the recovery of his -lawful right to the French crown (whose arms he had lately assumed); and -that the magnanimity of those knights whom he had chosen into this order -was such as would enable him to maintain that quarrel against all who -durst think ill of it. Ashmole's Order of the Garter, p. 184. There never -was a knight more fond of impresses, mottoes, and devices, than King -Edward III. He not only stamped them upon his own armour and that of his -horse, but on his apparel, beds, and household furniture. "It is as it -is," was one of these mottoes. Another was:-- - - "Ha! ha! the white swan, - By God's soul I am thy man." - -[10] Gibbon is the chief supporter of the last hypothesis, In his text -(vol. iv. c. 23.) he states positively, that "the infamous George of -Cappadocia has been transformed into the renowned St. George of England, -the patron of arms, of chivalry, and the Garter." In a note, however, he -observes that this transformation is not given as absolutely certain, but -as extremely probable. Few people read this note, and, perhaps, Gibbon did -not intend they should. He wished to strike their attention by the -sentence in his text, and he satisfied his conscience for literary honesty -by writing the modification at the bottom of the page. - -[11] Froissart, c. 213. - -[12] Barnes, p. 444. - -[13] Knyghton. Chron. col. 2615. - -[14] Stow's Chronicle. - -[15] - - ----"these gallant yeomen, - England's peculiar and appropriate sons, - Known in no other land. Each boasts his hearth - And field as free as the best lord his barony, - Owing subjection to no human vassalage, - Save to their king and law. Hence are they resolute, - Leading the van on every day of battle, - As men who know the blessings they defend. - Hence are they frank and generous in peace, - As men who have their portion in its plenty. - No other kingdom shows such worth and happiness - Veil'd in such low estate."-- - Halidon Hill, act ii. sc. 2. - -[16] This national characteristic is alluded to in Latimer's sermons, -folio 69:--a work not of very good promise for such matters. - -[17] Hair cut short. - -[18] Chaucer, Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, line 101, &c. &c. - -[19] Froissart, c. 131. - -[20] Froissart, c. 163. - -[21] Ibid. cc. 168. 174. - -[22] Froissart, cc. 150. 152. "Messire Eustace vous estes le chevalier au -monde, que veisse oncques plus vaillamment assailer ses ennemis, ne son -corps deffendre: ny ne me trouvay oncques en bataille ou je veisse, qui -taint me donnast affaire, corps à corps, que vous avez huy fait. Si vous -en donne le pris, et aussi sur tous les chevaliers de ma cour, par droit -sentence. Adonc print le roy son chappelet, qu'il portoit sur son chef -(qui estoit bon et riche) et le meit sur le chef de Monseigneur Eustace; -et dit Monseigneur Eustace, je vous donne ce chappelet pour le mieux -combattant de la jouence, de ceux de dedans et de dehors: et vous pui que -vous le portez ceste année pour l'amour de moi. Je say bien que vous estes -gai et amoureux, et que volontiers vous vous trouvez entre dames et -damoiselles. Si dites, par tout la ou vous irez, que je le vous ay donné. -Si vous quitte vostre prison, et vous en pouvez partir demain, s'il vous -plaist." - -[23] Froissart, cc. 133. 146. - -[24] Barnes's History of Edward III. p. 452, &c. - -[25] There was a Lord of Manny, as well as Sir Walter, at Edward's court. -The lord was a distinguished person, for he was among the bishops, earls, -and barons, who accompanied Edward to France, upon his doing homage for -the duchy of Guienne. St. Palaye has confounded the lord and the knight, -and made but one of them. He overlooked the hundred and second chapter of -Froissart, wherein the baron and the knight are separately and distinctly -mentioned. There was also another Manny, called the courageous Manny. He -was knighted by Sir Eustace Dambreticourt before a battle, and after -fighting most valiantly he was left for dead in the field. Froissart shall -tell the remainder of the story. "After this discomfiture, and that all -the Frenchmen were departed, the courageous Manny being sore hurt and near -dead, lift up his head a little, and saw nothing about him but dead men -lying on the ground round about him. Then he rose as well as he might, and -sat down, and saw well how he was not far from the fortress of Nogent, -which was English; then he did so much, sometimes creeping, sometimes -resting, that he came to the foot of the tower of Nogent; then he made -tokens to them within, showing how he was one of their companions; then -certain came down the tower to him, and bare him into the fortress, and -dressed his wounds, and there he governed himself so well that he was -healed." Froissart, c. 199. - -[26] Froissart, c. 19. - -[27] Froissart, cc. 24. 26. - -[28] Appendix, No. xxiv., to Anstis's History of the Knighthood of the -Bath. - -[29] "Mais il dit à aucuns de ses plus privés, qu'il avoit promis en -Angleterre devant les dames et seigneurs, qu'il seroit le premier qui -entreroit en France, et prendroit chastle ou forte ville, et y feroit -aucunes appertises d'armes," c. 36. - -[30] Froissart, c. 36. - -[31] Quand Messire Gautier veit ce, il dit, j'amais ne soye salué de -madame et chere amie, se je réntre en chastel n'en forteresse, jusques à -tant que j'aye l'un de ces venans verse. Froissart, c. 82. - -[32] Froissart, c. 82. - -[33] See Vol. I. p. 151. - -[34] Froissart, c. 87. - -[35] Vol. i. p. 246. ante. - -[36] Froissart, c. 103. Le Comte D'Erby dit, Qui merci prie merci doit -avoir. This sentence, I suppose has escaped the notice of writers who have -represented the sole amusement of knights to have consisted in cutting the -throats of common people. - -[37] Froissart, c. 107. - -[38] This is Lord Berners' rendering of the passage. The phrase "par un -sien clerc" had crept into some editions of Froissart; and Mr. Johnes's -translation is, "Sir Walter caused the inscription to be read to him by a -clerk." This, perhaps, was necessary, as the inscription was in Latin, for -heroes have not been famous for their clerkship. But the inference which -some writers have drawn, that he could not read at all, is perfectly -unwarrantable. - -[39] Froissart, c. 110. - -[40] Froissart, c. 135 - -[41] Froissart, c. 146. - -[42] She was the Lady Margaret, daughter and heiress of Thomas -Plantagenet, surnamed of Brotherton, Earl of Norfolk, and uncle to Edward -III. - -[43] Dugdale. - -[44] The reader may, reasonably enough, enquire who could have been the -vendor? I cannot tell him: I can only copy Stow in these matters. - -[45] Stow's London, book 4. c. 3. Maitland's History of London, p. 661. -This was the state of the Charter House till the suppression of the -monasteries, in the reign of Henry VIII. Its annual value was 642_l._ It -was given to Sir Thomas Audley, speaker of the House of Commons, with -whose only daughter it went, by marriage, to Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, and -from him, by descent, to Thomas, Earl of Suffolk. In the time of James I. -it was purchased by that "right phoenix of charity," Thomas Sutton, -citizen and girdler, for the large sum of 13,000_l._; and he converted the -buildings and gardens into an hospital for the relief of aged men, -education of youth, and maintaining the service of God. - -[46] Froissart, 286. - -[47] See vol. i. p. 204. - -[48] Ashmole's History of the Garter, c. 26. s. 3. Froissart, cc. 142. -147. - -[49] Dugdale, Baronage, i. 503. - -[50] Authorities in Ashmole, p. 702. - -[51] Froissart, c. 125. See the first volume of this work, page 228. - -[52] Froissart, c. 161. Monseigneur Jehan de Clermont dit, Chandos, ce -sont bien les parolles de vos Anglois, qui ne savent adviser riens de -nouvel; mais quant, qu'ils voyent, leur est bel. This is a very curious -proof of the antiquity of the common remark that Englishmen are a -borrowing and improving people, and not famous for originality of -invention. It might be contended, but not in this place, that we are both. -And here I will transcribe another sentence of Froissart, more -characteristic and true. "Les Anglois, selon leur coutume se divertirent -moult tristement." - -[53] Froissart, c. 226. - -[54] Froissart, c. 237. - -[55] Froissart, cc. 265, 266. - -[56] Froissart, c. 270. - -[57] Froissart, liv. ii. c. 82. - -[58] 4 Plac. Parl. iii. 5. - -[59] Thomas of Elmham, p. 72. His general expression, tapestries -representing the ancient victories of England, I presume chiefly meant -those of Edward III. - -[60] The tales of chivalry had for their prologue some lines expressive of -war and love; but in a grander strain the poetical biographer of the Bruce -sings:-- - - "Ah! freedome is a noble thing; - Freedome makes men to have liking; - Freedome all solace to men gives; - He lives at ease, that freely lives. - A noble heart may have none ease, - Nor ellys[A] nought that may him please, - If freedome fail: for free liking - Is _yearned_[B] o'er all other thing. - Na he that aye has lived free - May not know well the property, - The anger, _na_ the wretched doom - That is coupled to foul thraldom. - But, if he had essayed it, - Then all _perquer_[C] he should it wit, - And should think freedom more to prize - Than all the gold in world that is. - Thus contrary things ever more - Discoverings of the tother are." - The Bruce, line 225, &c. - - [A] nor else. - - [B] eagerly desired. - - [C] perfectly. - -[61] haste. - -[62] laundress. - -[63] child-bed. - -[64] stop. - -[65] pity. - -[66] pitched. - -[67] moved. - -[68] laundress. - -[69] Selden's Titles of Honour, and Pinkerton's History of Scotland, on -the authority of a book which I have not been able to meet with, called -"Certain Matters composed together." Edinb. 1597. 4to. - -[70] Henry's History of England, vol. iii. p. 80. 4to. - -[71] Border History of England and Scotland, p. 91. - -[72] Border History, p. 143. - -[73] Nisbet's Heraldry, i. 7. - -[74] Knyghton, col. 2580. - -[75] This amusing opinion of the French knights should be given in the -original language. "Adonc eurent plusieurs chevaliers et escuyers de -France passage: et retournerent en Flandres, ou là ou ils pouvoyent -arriver, tous affamés, sans monture, et sans armeures: et Escoce -maudissoyent, et le heure qu'ils y avoyent entré: et disoyent qu'oncques -si duc voyage ne fut: et qu'ils voudroyent que le roi de France -s'accordast aux Anglois, un an ou deux, et puis allast en Escoce, pour -tout destruire, car oncques si mauvaises gens ne verint: n'y ne trouverent -si faux et se traistres, ne de si petite congnuissance." Vol. ii. c. 174. - -[76] The Scotch knights procured horse-shoes and harness ready made from -Flanders. Froissart, vol. ii. c. 3. Lord Berners' translation. - -[77] Froissart, vol. ii. c. 142. - -[78] "Henry Percy," says Holingshed, "was surnamed, for his often -pricking, Henry Hotspur, as one that seldom times rested, if there were -any service to be done abroad." History of Scotland, p. 240. - -[79] The gallantry of this fighting priest was afterwards rewarded by the -gift of the archdeaconry of Aberdeen. - -[80] He was afterwards ransomed; and, according to Camden, Pounouny -castle, in Scotland, was built out of the ransom money. - -[81] Walsingham, (p. 366.) says, that the Earl of Dunbar came in and -turned the scale in favor of the Scots. Nothing of this is mentioned by -Froissart, who had his account of the battle from the Douglas family, at -whose castle he resided some time. If it be said that their account was -probably a prejudiced one, the same objection may be raised against that -of Walsingham. The Douglas' always spoke of their victory with true -chivalric modesty; for they declared that it was the consequence of the -exhausted state of the English after the march from Newcastle. - -[82] Froissart, vol. ii. c. 146. Buchanan, lib. 9. p. 173, &c. - -[83] Monstrelet, vol. i. c. 9, &c. Rymer, Foedera, vol. viii. p. 310, 311. - -[84] This Archibald Douglas, Earl of Galloway, called the Grim, was an -illegitimate son of a good Sir James Douglas, and the successor in the -earldom of Douglas to the Earl James who fell at Otterbourn. Archibald had -been taken prisoner by Hotspur at the battle of Holmedon Hill; and Percy -agreed, that if he would fight with him as valiantly against Henry IV. as -he had fought during that battle, he would give him his liberty free of -ransom-money. Douglas, as a soldier and an enemy of the English king, had -no objection to these terms, and therefore he fought at the battle of -Shrewsbury. Buchanan, book 10. - -[85] Well, indeed, might the Scottish knight say, - - "Another king! they grow like Hydras' heads: - I am the Douglas, fatal to all those - That wear these colours on them." - Shakspeare, Henry IV, Part I. act v. scene 4. - -[86] Otterbourne, p. 239. 244. Walsingham, p. 410, &c. Hall, folio 22. I -mean not to say, however, that his conduct was without precedent, for at -the great battle of Poictiers nineteen French knights were arrayed like -King John. - -[87] Camden has marked the commencement of this custom in the reign of -Henry IV., and he has been followed by all our writers on heraldry and -titles of honor, except Anstis, who endeavours to trace it to the reign of -Edward I. Anstis mistook the matter entirely. Undoubtedly many instances -may be met with in earlier times when knights were created with the full -ceremonies of oblation of the sword at the altar, of bathing, &c.; and in -strictness all knights should have been created in that manner. Whenever -Anstis met with a knight inaugurated in that way, he called him a knight -of the Bath. Now the question is, at what time was the first royal -marriage, royal christening, or other festivity, when knights were -made?--made, not exactly for military objects, not in consequence of -feudal tenure, but in honour of the event which they were celebrating. -Knights of the Bath were knights of peace, knights of compliment and -courtesy. Camden's opinion was founded on the following passage in -Froissart: "The vigil before the coronation (of Henry IV.) was on the -evening of Saturday; on that occasion, and at that time, there watched all -the esquires who were the next morning to be created knights, to the -number of forty-six. Each of them had his esquire attending him, a -separate chamber, and a separate bath, where the rites of bathing were -that night performed. On the day following, the Duke of Lancaster (Henry -IV.), at the time of celebrating mass, created them knights, giving them -long green coats, the sleeves whereof were cut straight, and furred with -minever, and with great hoods or chaperons furred in the same manner, and -after the fashion used by prelates. And every one of these knights, on his -left shoulder, had a double cordon or string of white silk, to which white -tassels were pendent." Now there is nothing in this passage which can lead -the mind to think that the coronation of Henry IV. was the first occasion -when knights of the Bath were created; and, therefore, our writers on -heraldry and titles of honor are not justified in the positiveness with -which they always head their dissertations on knighthood of the Bath with -the year 1399. - -[88] That the shoulder-knot of the knights of the Bath was worn only for a -time, and on the principle of chivalry which induced men to place chains -round their legs until they had performed some deeds of arms, I learn from -Upton, a writer of great reputation in heraldic matters, who lived in the -days of Henry VI. See his treatise De Re Militari, p. 10., quoted in the -Appendix to Anstis's History of the Knighthood of the Bath. - -[89] Thus Chaucer: - - "A custom is unto these nobles all, - A bride shall not eaten in the hall, - Till days four, other three at the least - Ypassed be, then let her go to feast." - -[90] MS. Norfolc. in Off. Arm. n. 15. See Anstis's Appendix to his History -of the Knighthood of the Bath, p. 24. - -[91] - - "For to obeie without variaunce - My lordes byddyng fully and plesaunce - Whiche hath desire, sothly for to seyn - Of verray knyghthood, to remember agayn - The worthyness, gif I shall not lye, - And the prowesse of olde chivalries." - Lydgate, War of Troy. - -[92] Henry V. Act ii. Chorus. - -[93] He was kind and courteous to them immediately after the battle, and -indeed as long as their deportment merited his friendship. The Duke of -Orleans and four other Princes of the blood royal were taken prisoners at -the battle of Agincourt, and for a while lived on their parole. But when -they forfeited the titles of knights and gentlemen, by endeavouring to -deceive and betray Henry while he was negotiating with the parties that -distracted France, he then removed them to close confinement in Pontefract -castle; nor did they obtain their liberty for many years. A great outcry -has been raised against Henry for his conduct in this instance,--for his -not showing a chivalric deportment to men who had forfeited their honour. - -[94] Thus the Chorus in Shakspeare's Henry V. addresses the audience: - - "So let him land, - And solemnly, see him set on to London. - So swift a pace hath thought, that even now - You may imagine him upon Blackheath. - When that his lords desire him, to have borne - His bruised helmet and his bended sword, - Before him through the city: he forbids it, - Being free from vainness and self-glorious pride; - Giving full trophy, signal, and ostent, - Quite from himself, to God." - -[95] Caxton, of the Order of Chivalry or Knyghthood. - -[96] Ibid. - -[97] Comines, vol. i. p. 31. - -[98] Sir Tristrem, Scott's edition, Fytte first. st. 2. - -[99] Rymer's Foedera. - -[100] Warton pleasantly observes, that had Henry never murdered his wives, -his politeness to the fair sex would remain unimpeached. - -[101] Holingshed, p. 805, 806, &c. Henry's passion for disguising himself -was singular, and carried him beyond the bounds of chivalric decorum. -"Once on a time the King in person, accompanied by the Earls of Essex, -Wiltshire, and other noblemen, to the number of twelve, came suddenly in -the morning into the Queen's chamber, all apparelled in short coats of -Kentish kendall, with hoods on their heads, and hose of the same, every -one of them carrying his bow and arrow, and a sword and a buckler, like -outlaws, or Robin Hood's men. Whereat the Queen, the ladies, and all other -there were abashed, as well for the strange sight, as also for their -sudden coming,--and after certain dances and pastimes made, they -departed." Holingshed p. 805. - -[102] Holingshed, p. 815. - -[103] Holingshed, p. 807, 808. - -[104] Holingshed, p. 85, &c. - -[105] Shakspeare, Henry VIII. Act i. scene 1. - -[106] Dr. Nott, in his life of Lord Surrey, prefixed to the works of His -Lordship and Sir Thomas Wyatt, has by the evidence of facts completely -overthrown this pleasing tale. - -[107] These curious particulars are to be gathered, as Dr. Nott remarks, -from the following passage in Hardynge's Chronicle. - - "And as lords' sons been set, at four year age, - At school to learn the doctrine of letture; - And after six to have them in language - And sit at meet, seemly in all nurture: - At ten and twelve to revel is their cure, - To dance and sing, and speak of gentleness: - At fourteen year they shall to field I sure, - At hunt the deer, and catch at hardiness. - - "For deer to hunt and slay, and see them bleed - An hardiment giveth to his courage. - And also in his wit he giveth heed, - Imagining to take them at advantage. - At sixteen year to warry and to wage, - To joust and ride and castles to assail, - To skirmish als, and make sicker scurage, - And set his watch for peril nocturnal. - - "And every day his armour to essay, - In feats of arms with some of his meynie; - His might to prove, and what that he do may - If that he were in such a jeopardy - Of war befall, that by necessity - He might algates with weapons him defend. - Thus should he learn in his priority - His weapons all, in armes to dispend." - -See to the same effect, the Paston letters, vol. iii. 34, 35, &c. - -[108] This curious circumstance is mentioned in a journal of Sir John -Wallop's expedition, which Dr. Nott dug out of the State-Paper Office. The -whole passage is amusing. - -"July 31. Wallop advances to Bettune. Passing by Terouenne, he attempts to -draw out the garrison of that place, but fails. The French defeated in a -skirmish. Wallop says, that he sent a letter to the commandant of -Terouenne, an old acquaintance, that if he had any gentlemen under his -charge, who would break a staff for their ladies' sake, he would appoint -six gentlemen to meet them. The challenge is accepted, and the conditions -are fixed. Mr. Howard, Peter Carew, Markham, Shelly of Calais, with his -own two men, Cawverly and Hall, are the English appellants. They all -acquit themselves gallantly at the jousts. Hall, at his first course, did -break his staff galliardly, in the midst of the Frenchman's cuirass. -Markham stroke another on his head-piece, and had like to have overthrown -him. Peter Carew stroke his very well, and had one broken on him. Cawverly -was reported to have made the fairest course; but by the evil running of -the Frenchman's horse, which fled out of the course, he was struck under -the arm, and run through the body into the back, and taken into the town -where he was well treated. I wish to God, said Wallop, the next kinsman I -had, not being my brother, had excused him." - -[109] Pinkerton's History of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 85, &c. - -[110] Drummond, 140, &c. Buchanan, xiii. 25. - - "For the fair Queen of France - Sent him a turquois ring and glove, - And charged him, as her knight and love, - For her to break a lance; - And strike three strokes with Scottish brand, - And march three miles on Southron land, - And bid the banners of his band - In English breezes dance. - And thus, for France's Queen he drest - His manly limbs in mailed vest." - Marmion, canto v. - -[111] He was afterwards Duke of Norfolk, and great grandfather of the Earl -of Surrey, who was mentioned by me in p. 114. ante. - -[112] It has been generally thought that James, forgetting both his own -wife and the Queen of France, lost much time at Ford, in making love to a -Lady Heron, while his natural son, the Archbishop of St. Andrew's, was the -paramour of Miss Heron the daughter. Dr. Lingard (History of England, vol. -vi. p. 31. n.) seems inclined to doubt this tale, because James had only -six days to take three castles and a fair lady's heart. What time was -absolutely necessary for these sieges and assaults, the learned Doctor has -not stated. However, to speak seriously, the story has no foundation in -truth; and it only arose from the beauty of Lady Heron, and the reputed -gallantry of the Scottish King. - -[113] Henry's History of Great Britain, book vi. ch. 1. part ii. s. 1. - -[114] Pitscottie, p. 116, &c. - -[115] Pinkerton, book xii. - -[116] So reported in the conversation of Ben Jonson and Drummond of -Hawthornden. - -[117] Thomson's Seasons. Summer, l. 1511. - -[118] The Arcadia was popular so late as the days of Charles I., as may be -learned from a passage in the work of a snarling satirist, who wanted to -make women mere square-elbowed family drudges. "Let them learn plain works -of all kind, so they take heed of too open seaming. Instead of songs and -musick, let them learn cookerie and laundrie; and instead of reading Sir -Philip Sydney's Arcadia, let them read the Grounds of Good Huswifery. I -like not a female poetess at any hand." Powell's Tom of all Trades, p. 47. - -[119] This was the honourable distinction of the Sidney family in general, -as we learn from Ben Jonson's lines on Penshurst. - - "Whose liberal board doth flow - With all that hospitality doth know! - Where comes no guest but is allow'd to eat, - Without his fear, and of thy Lord's own meat. - Where the same beer and bread, and self-same wine, - That is His Lordship's, shall be also mine." - Gifford's Ben Jonson, vol. viii. p. 254. - -The practice of making a distinction at the table by means of a -salt-cellar was very proper in early times, when the servants as well as -the master of a family with his wife and children dined at one long table. -It became odious, however, when a baron made this mark of servility -separate his gentle from his noble friends. This was feudal pride, whereas -chivalric courtesy would rather have placed the guests in generous -equality about a round table. - -[120] Spenser, _Colin Clout's come Home again_. - -[121] Nicholls's Progresses of Queen Elizabeth, vol. iii. p. 41, &c. - -[122] Puttenham, Arte of English Poesie, book ii. c. 9. & 19. - -[123] Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, p. 271. This passage brings to mind a -corresponding one in Wilson's Arte of Rhetoricke, printed in 1553. "If -there be any old tale or strange history, well and wittily applied to some -man living, all men love to hear it. As if one were called Arthur, some -good fellow that were well acquainted with King Arthur's book, and the -knights of his Round Table, would want no matter to make good sport, and -for a need would dub him knight of the Round Table, or else prove him to -be one of his kin, or else (which were much) prove him to be Arthur -himself." - -[124] "The Two angry Women of Abingdon." The sword and buckler fighting -was the degeneracy of the ancient chivalry; and Smithfield, which had -shone as the chief tilting ground of London, was in the sixteenth century, -according to Stow, "called Ruffians' Hall," by reason it was the usual -place of frays and common fighting, during the time that sword and -bucklers were in use. "When every _serving-man_, from the base to the -best, carried a _buckler_ at his back, which hung by the hilt or pommel of -his sword." Alas, for the honor of chivalry! - -[125] Wilson's Life of James, p. 52. - -[126] Ben Jonson, Masque of Prince Henry's Barriers. - -[127] G. Wither. Prince Henry's Obsequies. El. 31. - -[128] Life of Edward Lord Herbert, written by himself, p. 16. - -[129] Life, p. 46. - -[130] Life, &c. p. 63. Sir Edward was very much annoyed at Paris by a -Monsieur Balagny, who enjoyed more attention of the ladies than he did. -They used one after another to invite him to sit near them, and when one -lady had his company awhile, another would say, "You have enjoyed him long -enough, I must have him now." The reason of all this favour was, that he -had killed eight or nine men in single fight, p. 70. This was the -degeneracy of chivalry with a vengeance. - -[131] Life, p. 60. - -[132] Act i. scene 1. of the play whose title I shall transcribe: "The New -Inn: or, the Light Heart; a Comedy. As it was never acted, but most -negligently played by some, the KING'S SERVANTS; and more squeamishly -beheld and censured by others, the KING'S SUBJECTS, 1629. Now at last set -at liberty to the Readers, His MAJESTY'S Servants and Subjects, to be -judg'd of, 1631." - -[133] Dugdale, Origines Juridiciales. c. 39. Serjeants at law were not -knighted till the reign of Henry VIII. c. 51. - -[134] Ferne's Blazon of Gentry, p. 100. See too Camden's Britannia "on the -degrees in England," p. 234. - -[135] Thus Lord Bacon says, "There be now for martial encouragement some -degrees and orders of chivalry, which nevertheless are conferred -promiscuously on soldiers, and no soldiers," &c. Essays on the true -Greatness of Kingdoms. - -[136] Fletcher, Fair Maid of the Inn, act i. scene 1. - -[137] Rymer's Foedera, vol. xv. p. 497. - -[138] British Museum, Cottonian MSS. Nero. c. ix. folio 168. The -assumption of dignity by the squire-governors, in order to get greater -largesses, is amusing enough: but no knights of other lands were present -to chastise them for their insolence. - -[139] Du Cange, Gloss. ad Script. Med. Oevi. in verb. Milites Regis. - -[140] Du Chesne. Hist. Franc. Script. vol. ii. p. 148. The assertion, -however, is not strictly correct; for so early as the fourth century -Armorica had been colonised from Wales. Argentré, Hist. de la Bretagne, p. -2. A connection ever since subsisted between Armorica and this island; and -when the Britons were oppressed, they repaired to the Continent for -refuge. - -[141] Velly, Hist. de la France, vol. v. p. 132-136. - -[142] Velly, Hist. de la France, vol. v. p. 313, &c. - -[143] D'Argentré, Histoire de Bretagne, livre vii. c. 15. Paris, 1618. - -[144] Froissart, c. 230. - -[145] Mémoires de Du Guesclin, vol. iv. c. 16. The mode by which the Queen -came by her death was never certainly known. One common story was, that -she had been murdered by a party of Jews employed by the King, and hence -he was considered a patron of Judaism itself. - -[146] This is Froissart's story, c. 231., and far more natural than the -account in the Mémoires de Du Guesclin (which Mr. Turner has placed in the -text of his History of England). The memoir-writer gives a long -melo-dramatic story of Peter's application to the Prince--of his tears and -sobs, and other expressions of grief. The tale goes on to relate, that -when the Prince was won to espouse his cause, his Princess, who was at her -toilette, was much displeased, that he should have been imposed upon by a -man so criminal as the Spanish King. Edward, fancying his martial -prerogative infringed, exclaimed, "I see that she wants me to be always at -her side. But a Prince who wishes to immortalize his name must _seek_ -occasions to signalise himself in war, and must by his victories obtain -reward among posterity. By St. George, I _will_ restore Spain to its right -inheritor." Mr. Turner says, "That although this account is given by an -enemy, yet as the circumstances correspond with the known character of -Edward, they seem entitled to our belief." History of England, vol. ii. p. -178. Now, for my part, I do not believe one word of the pretty stories of -the tears and the toilette. The Mémoires of Du Guesclin are a good -authority for the life of their hero; but Froissart is the historian of -the other side of the question, and the hero of his tale (if sometimes he -loses historic dignity in the partiality of biography) is Edward. -Froissart was acquainted with every circumstance that happened in the -English army, and his account of the matter is far more rational than that -of Du Guesclin's historian. It is expressive of the character of Edward -and his times. Here we see the gentle knight yielding the place of honour -to his friend, and the lady of the knight treating the guests sweetly and -graciously. The toilette-scene is altogether omitted; and even if it had -been inserted in the Chronicle I should, reject it as false, for it was -not characteristic of Edward's noble mindedness to speak to his Princess -with petulance and ill humour. - -[147] Froissart, liv. i. c. 231, 232. - -[148] Froissart, c. 232. - -[149] The Memoirs of Du Guesclin and Froissart, and a few passages in -Mariana, have furnished this account of the Spanish war. In the general -outline I have been anticipated by the popular historians of England; but -I have introduced a great many circumstances essential to my subject, and, -which did not come within the scope of their design. - -[150] Froissart, book i. c. 233. - -[151] Memoires de Du Guesclin, p. 255, &c. - -[152] D'Argentré, Histoire de Bretagne, liv. vii. c. 15. - -[153] Labineau, Hist. de Bretagne, vol. ii. p. 538. The treaty itself is -so curious, that a life of Du Guesclin would be imperfect without it. "A -tous ceux que ces lettres verront, Bertrand du Guesclin, Duc de Mouline, -Connestable de France, et Olivier, Seigneur de Clisson, salut. Sçavoir -faisons que pour nourrir bonne paix et amour perpetuellement entre nous et -nos hoirs, nous avons promises, jurées et accordées entre nous les choses -qui s'ensuivint. C'est à savoir que nous Bertrand du Guesclin voulons -estre alliez, et nous allions à toujours à vous Messire Olivier, Seigneur -de Clisson contre tous ceulx qui pevent vivre et mourir, exceptez le Roy -de France, ses freres, le Vicomte de Rohan, et nos autres seigneurs de qui -nous tenons terre: et vous promettons aidier et conforter de tout nostre -pouvoir toutesfois que mestier en aurez, et vous nous en requerrez. Item, -que ou cas que nul autre seigneur de quelque estat ou condition qu'il -soit, à qui vous seriez tenu de foy et hommage, excepte le Roy de France, -vous voudroit desheriter par puissance, et vous faire guerre en corps, en -honneur, et en biens, nous vous promettons aidier, defendre, et secourir -de tout nostre pooir, se vous nous en requerrez. Item, voulons et -consentons que de tous et quelconques proufitz et droitz, qui nous -pourront venir, et echoir dorenavant, tant de prisonniers pris de guerre -par nous ou nos gens, dont le proufitz nous pourroit appartenir, comme de -pais raençonné vous aiez la moitié entierement. Item, au cas que nous -sçaurions aucune chose qui vous peust porter aucune dommage ou blasme, -nous vous le ferons sçavoir et vous en accointerons le plutost que nous -pourrons. Item, garderons vostre corps à nostre pooir, comme nostre frere. -Et nous Olivier, Seigneur de Clisson, voulons estre alliez, et nous -allions à toujours à vous Messire Bertrand du Guesclin dessus nommé, -contre tous ceulx qui pevent vivre et mourir exceptez le Roy de France, -ses freres, le Vicomte de Rohan, et nos autres seigneurs de qui nous -tenons terre, et vous promettons aidier et conforter de tout nostre pooir -toutefois que mestier en aurez et vous nous en requerrez. Item, que au cas -que nul autre seigneur de quel que estat ou condition qu'il soit, à qui -vous seriez tenu de foi, ou hommage, excepté le Roy de France, vous -voudroit desheriter par puissance, et vous faire guerre en corps, en -honneur ou en biens, nous vous promettons aidier, defendre, et secourir de -tout nostre pooir, si vous nous en requerrez. Item, voulons et consentons -que de tous ou quelconques proufitz et droitz qui nous pourront venir et -echoir dorenavant, tant de prisonniers pris de guerre par nous, ou nos -gens, dont le proufit nous pourroit appartenir, comme de pais raençonne, -vous aiez la moitié entierement. Item, au cas que nous sçaurions aucune -chose qui vous peust porter dommage aucun ou blasme, nous vous la ferons -sçavoir, et vous en accointerons le plutost que nous pourrons. Item, -garderons vostre corps à nostre pooir comme nostre frere. Toutes -lesquelles choses dessusdites, et chacune d'icelles, nous Bertrand et -Olivier dessus nommée avons promises, accordées et jurées, promettons -accordons et jurons sur les saintz evangiles de Dieu corporellement -touchiez par nous, et chascun de nous, et par les foys et sermens de nos -corps bailliez l'un à l'autre tenir, garder, enteriner et accomplir l'un à -l'autre, sans faire, ne venir en contre par nous, ne les nostres, ou de -l'un de nous, et les tenir fermes et agreables à tous jours. En temoing -desquelles choses nous avons fait mettre nos seaulz à ces presentes -lettres, lesquelles nous avons fait doubler. Donné à Pontoison, le 24 jour -d'Octobre l'an de grace mille trois cens soixante et dix." - -[154] Argentré, viii. 3, 4. - -[155] Voltaire says, that Bertrand du Guesclin was the first person over -whom a funeral oration was delivered, and who was interred in the church -destined for the tombs of the kings of France. He adds, "Son corps fut -porté avec les mêmes cérémonies que ceux des souverains; quatre princes du -sang le suivaient; ses chevaux selon la coutume du temps, furent -présentées dans l'église à l'évèque que officiait, et qui les bénit en -leur imposant les mains. Les détails sont peu importants; ils font -connoitre l'esprit de chevalerie. L'attention que s'attiraient les grands -chevaliers célèbres par leurs faits d'armes s'étendait sur les chevaux qui -avoient combattre sans eux." Essai sur les Moeurs, c. 78. - -[156] Anselme in his Palais de l'Honneur, gives an amusing account of the -chivalric rules for sepulchral monuments. They were better observed in -France than in any other country, and even there they were not very -scrupulously attended to. "They are," however, as Gough remarks, -(Sepulchral Antiquities, vol. i. p. cxvii.) "a curious specimen of -monumental punctilio. Knights and gentlemen might not be represented by -their coats of arms, unless they had lost their lives in some battle, -single combat, or rencontre with the prince himself, or in his service, -unless they died and were buried within their own manors or lordships; and -then to show that they died a natural death in their beds, they were -represented with their coat of armour ungirded, without a helmet, -bareheaded, their eyes closed, their feet resting against the back of a -greyhound, and without any sword. Those who died on the day of battle, or -in any mortal rencontre, on the victorious side, were to be represented -with a drawn sword in their right hand, and a shield in their left, their -helmet on, which some think ought to be closed, and the visor let down, in -token that they fell fighting against their enemies, having their coat of -arms girded over their arms, and at their feet a lion. Those who died in -prison, or before they had paid their ransom, were represented on their -tombs without spurs or helmet, without coat of arms or swords, only the -scabbard girded to, and hanging at their sides. Those who fell in battle -or rencontre on the side of the conquered were to be represented without -coats of arms, the sword at the side and in the scabbard, the visor raised -and open, their hands joined on their breasts, and their feet resting -against the back of a dead and overthrown lion. The child of a governor, -or commander in chief, if born in a besieged city, or in the army, however -young he died, was represented on his tomb, armed at all points, his head -on his helmet, and clad in a coat of mail of his size at the time of his -death. The military man, who at the close of his life took on him a -religious habit and died in it, was represented completely armed, his -sword by his side on the lower part; and on the upper the habit of the -order he had assumed, and under his feet the shield of his arms. The -gentleman who has been conquered and slain in the lists, in a combat of -honour, ought to be placed on his tomb, armed at all points, his -battle-axe lying by him, his left arm crossed over the right. The -gentleman victorious in the lists was exhibited on his tomb, armed at all -points, his battle-axe in his arms, his right arm crossed over the left." - -[157] Argentré, Hist. de Bretagne, liv. viii. Velly in an. and Memoires de -Du Guesclin, ad fin. - -[158] - - "Jamais, _disoit il_, je ne serai aimé ne conveis (bienvenu) - Ainçois serai des dames très toujours éconduits, - Car biensçais que je suis bien laid et malfettis, - Mais puis que je suis laid, être veux bien hardis." - Vie du Connetable du Guesclin. - -[159] Chastelet, Hist. de Du Guesclin, p. 33. There were no children of -either of these marriages. Du Guesclin, however, left a son, _par amours_. -The last male heir of this family died in the year 1783, an officer in the -French army. In the time of Napoleon, a Madame de Gîvres asserted and -proved her descent from the Constable, and Bonaparte granted her a pension -of 6000 franks a year. - -[160] Monstrelet, vol. ii. c. 3. The battle between the Burgundians and -Dauphinois, in August, 1421, was fought with similar cruelty. Vol. v. c. -62. - -[161] All these curious particulars of ancient manners are contained in -the Histoire de Jeanne d'Arc, of M. Le Brun des Charmettes. - -[162] Daniel, Histoire de la Milice Francaise, liv. iv. c. 1. Monstrelet, -vol. viii. c. 46. Velly, tome v. p. 394. - -[163] Boutillier, La Somme rurale, compillée par lui, p. 671. Abbeville, -1486. - -[164] Memoires d'Olivier de la Marche, vol. ix. c. 2. of the Collection -des Memoires relatifs à l'Histoire de la France. - -[165] Perceval's History of Italy, vol. ii. c. 8. - -[166] The old French, in which this dialogue was held, is exceedingly -interesting and expressive. "Monseigneur de Bayard, mon amy, voicy la -premiere maison ou avez esté nourry, ce vous seroit grand honte si ne vous -y faisiez congnoistre, aussi bien qu'avez fait ailleurs. _Le bon chevalier -respondit_, Madame, vous savez, bien que des ma jeunesse vous ay aymée, -prisée et honorée, et si vous tiens à si saige et bien enseigné, que ne -voulez mal à personne, et encores a moy moings que à un autre. Dites moy, -s'il vous plaist que voulez vous que je face pour donner plaiser à Madame -ma bonne maistresse, à vous sur toutes, et au reste de la bonne et belle -compaignée qui est ceans. _La dame de Fleuxas lui dit alors._ Il me -semble, Monseigneur de Bayard, mais que je ne vous ennuye point, que ferez -foit bien de faire quelque tournoy en ceste ville, pour l'honneur de -Madame qui vous en scaura très bon gré. Vous avez ici alentour force de -vos compaignons gentils-hommes François et autres gentils-hommes de ces -pays, lesquels s'y trouveront de bon coeur, et j'en suis asseurée. -Vrayment, _dit le bon chevalier_, puis que le voulez il sera faist. Vous -estes la dame en ce monde qui a premierement acquis mon coeur à son -service, par le moyen de vostre bonne grace. Je suis asseuré que je n'en -auray jamais que la bouche et les mains, car de vous requirir d'autre -chose je perdrois ma peine, aussi sur mon ame j'aymerois mieulx mourir que -vous presser de deshonneur. Bien vous prie que me veuillez donner un de -vos manchons. Car j'en ay à besongner. La dame qui ne savoit qu'il en -vouloit faire le lui bailla, et il le meit en la manche de son pourpoint, -sans faire autre bruit." Memoires, vol. xiv. p. 397. - -[167] The Memoires of Bayard, by one of his secretaries, have furnished me -with the chief facts in this account of Bayard. A very excellent English -translation of them has been lately published in two vols. post 8vo. The -Memoires Du Bellay (Paris, 1573,) have supplied some deficiencies in the -narration of the loyal serviteur. - -[168] Memoires de Bayard, in the great collection of French Memoires, vol. -xv. p. 458. "Et puis après par maniere de jeu, cria haultement l'espée en -la main dextre: tu es bien heureuse d'avoir aujourdhui à un si vertueux et -puissant roy donné l'ordre de chevalerie. Certes ma bonne espée, vous -serez moult bien reliques gardée et sur toutes autres honorée. Et ne vous -porteray jamais, si ce n'est contre Turcs, Sarrasins, ou Maures, et puis -feit deux faults, et après remeit au fourreau son espée." This sword has -been lost. - -[169] This mode of receiving knighthood had, however, been stealing into a -custom for some time. The earliest instance I have ever met with was in -the case of an infant son of Charles VI. (A. D. 1371,) who was knighted by -Du Guesclin, a cavalier who, one would think, was sufficiently jealous of -the honour of chivalry. After the ceremonies of baptism, Du Guesclin drew -his sword, and putting it naked into the hand of the naked child, (nudo -tradidit ensem nudum,) said to him, "Sire, I give you this sword, and put -it into your hand; and pray God that he will give you such a noble heart -that you may prove as true a knight as any of your illustrious ancestors." -So, too, Monstrelet, in his account of the events in the year 1433, says, -that the Duchess of Burgundy was delivered of a son at Dijon, who was -knighted at the font. Vol. vii. p. 147. - -[170] Part of Segar's account of this tournament is too interesting to be -omitted. "At the fourth course, by marvellous misadventure, the King -became hurt with a splinter of the adversary's lance, which pierced his -eye so deep, as thereby his brain was much bruised. Thus was the nuptial -feast disturbed, and joy converted to sorrow. Such is the state of worldly -things: gladness is ever followed by sadness, and pleasure accompanied by -pain. The rest of the troop who were ready to run were with that accident -marvellously amazed, and not knowing what to do, every man let fall his -lance, and cursed such triumphs. Some pressed to carry his person home, -and others (as touched to the heart) shut their eyes from seeing a -spectacle so miserable. The ladies likewise and gentlewomen of the court -turned their faces from beholding, and closed their eyes with tears. To -conclude, the whole number of courtiers were stricken with sorrow not -explicable. The citizens, also, and, generally, all the subjects of that -kingdom, were perplexed to see the tragical event of that disastrous -triumph, which was intended to congratulate a new peace and an honourable -alliance. The form and face of the city were thus converted from exceeding -joy to unspeakable sorrow: some held up their hands to heaven, others made -haste to the churches, and every one, with abundance of sighs and sobs, -cried out, beseeching God to grant the King recovery; as if every man's -well doing had thereon depended. Then the physicians and surgeons, not -only of France but of the Low Countries, came thither to show their skill, -using all art and endeavour that might be; but the splinters of the lance -had pierced the King's eye so deeply, as the tenderness of the place could -not suffer it to be taken out nor seen (the brain also being pierced), no -means there were to cure the wound. The King, therefore, tormented with -extreme pain, fell into a burning fever, whereof at the end of eleven days -he died. In all which time he did never weep, nor speak any word that -might be imputed to pusillanimity; but most magnanimously took leave of -life. Only this he said, that seeing he was destined to die in arms, he -would have been much better contented to have lost his life in the field -than in those domestic pastimes." Segar, of Honour, lib. iii. c. 40. - -[171] Warton justly observes that this apotheosis of chivalry, in the -person of their own apostle, must have ever afterwards contributed to -exaggerate the characteristical romantic heroism of the Spaniards, by -which it was occasioned, and to propagate through succeeding ages a -stronger veneration for that species of military enthusiasm to which they -were naturally devoted. Warton, Diss. on the Gesta Romanorum. - -[172] Painters are as good witnesses for manners as romance writers; and -in Murphy's Arabian Antiquities of Spain there is an engraving from a -picture in the Alhamra, representing a martial game, wherein both Moors -and Christians contended. - -[173] Froissart, vol. ii. c. 44. - -[174] Calaynos, however, went out of fashion, not for want of merit in the -hero, but by reason of the form of the verse in which he was celebrated. -Thus the phrase, _Este no vale las coplas de Calainos_, passed into a -proverb. Sarmiento, Memorias para la Historias de la Poesia, y Poetas -Espanoles, p. 228. - -[175] - - Caballeros Granadinos - Aunque Moros, hijos d'algo. - -[176] For proofs of this circumstance, I must again refer the reader to -the engravings in Murphy's Arabian Antiquities of Spain. - -[177] Pur su ley, pur su Sennor natural, pur su terra. Partidas, cited by -Selden, Titles of Honour, part ii. cap. 4. - -[178] Partidas, l. ii. tit. 21. lib. 36. tit. 2, &c. - -[179] Selden, Titles of Honour, part ii. c. 4. - -[180] Tomich, Conquestas de los Reyes de Aragon e los Comtes de Barcelona, -1534, folio 23. - -[181] Our English translators of ancient Spanish poetry need not think, as -they are inclined to do, that they are worshiping a shade in Pelayo. The -Arabian History of Spain by Ahmadu-bn Muhammadi-bn Musa Abu Bakr Arrazy, a -writer of the fourth century of the Hegira, attests his existence in the -manner stated in the text. This author, whose name I will not again -attempt to transcribe, is one of the authorities of Mr. Shakspeare, whose -able dissertation on the History of the Arabs in Spain accompanies -Murphy's splendid work on the architecture of that country. Great -expectations have always been entertained of the illustrations of -Arabic-Spanish history which the Escurial manuscripts could furnish. The -work of Casiri encouraged the most ardent hopes of a successful result of -more patient enquiry; and nothing could promise better than the -circumstance that his very learned and intelligent successor in the -librarianship, D. José Antonio Conde, was engaged in the work. The results -of his labours were published at Madrid in 1820 and 1821. I have not been -able to meet with a copy of his work in the original Spanish, but I have -found it mixed up with other matter in a French book, entitled "Histoire -de la Domination des Arabes et des Maures en Espagne, et en Portugal, -depuis l'Invasion de ces Peuples jusqu'a leur Expulsion définitive; -redigée sur l'Histoire traduite de l'Arabe en Espagnol de M. J. Conde. Par -M. de Marlés." 3 vols. 8vo. Paris. 1825. From the preface of M. de Marlés -it appears that D. Conde's book is entirely the tale of the Arabic -historians, and not the judicious result of a critical comparison between -these writers and the Spanish chroniclers. M. de Marlés has endeavoured to -supply the deficiency, and to write a history of Spain from Mariana and -others on the one hand, and D. Conde's Arabians on the other. He has -entirely failed; for a more feeble work was never written. Much of the -fault rests with his authorities; for his history is only another proof, -of what we possessed a thousand instances before, that sufficient -materials do not exist for the compilation of a good and complete Spanish -history. The insufficiency of D. Conde's book to all real historical -purposes appears in every page. Something, indeed, has been gained on the -subject of the Moorish civil wars and dissentions, but such details are -without interest. Little or nothing has been added to our stores on the -subject of Pelayo, Charlemagne's invasion, the Cid, or the conclusion of -the Moorish history; all points whereon information is so much wanted. -These remarks apply only to Conde's researches into the political and -civil history of Spain while under the dominion of the Moors, and not to -his enquiries into the literary history of the Arabs. - -[182] Chronicle, i. 20. - -[183] Chronicle, i. 1. - -[184] The circumstances about this marriage are so contradictory to modern -usages, that the whole story has been regarded as a fable. Abundant -evidence, however, of the marriage exists; and as that competent judge of -Spanish manners, Mr. Southey, observes, "The circumstances of the marriage -are not to be disbelieved for their singularity: had such circumstances -appeared incredible or repugnant to common feeling, they would not have -been invented;--whether they be true or false, they are equally -characteristic of the state of manners." - -[185] Chronicle, i. 13. - -[186] Chronicle, ii. 1. - -[187] Chronicle, ii. 17. - -[188] These last few words are judiciously placed in the Chronicle of the -Cid by Mr. Southey. They are not contained in the ancient chronicles and -ballads, but they are referred to by some, and implied in all. - -[189] Chronicle, iii. 10, 11. - -[190] Chronicle, iii. 13-16. - -[191] Chronicle, iii. 17-22. Müller, in his Dissertation on the Cid, -speaks as positively that the money was repaid, as if the receipt in full -for all demands, authenticated by the city of Burgos, were lying on his -table. There is no evidence of the repayment in the ancient writers; and -when we consider that the Jews were always treated in Spain far worse than -the Musulmans, we cannot conclude that the Cid would consider men whom he -had cheated as entitled to justice. - -[192] I borrow from Mr. Frere's translation of part of the Cid. - -[193] Chronicle, iv. 1-11. - -[194] Chronicle, iv. 14-17. - -[195] Chronicle, v. 17-20. - -[196] Chronicle, vi. 29. The old Spanish writers observe that the Cid knew -how to make a good knight, as a good groom knows how to make a good horse. - -[197] Chronicle, vii. 19. Ximena was like the famous Oriana in Amadis of -Gaul, who was always affrayed at military preparations. - -[198] He had let it grow out of respect to Alfonso; and he intended it -should be a matter of admiration both with Moors and Christians. Poema del -Cid, v. 1230, &c. - -[199] Chronicle, books 9 and 10. Every reader of Spanish history knows how -fiercely the story of the Infantes has been discussed. I shall not burden -my pages with a statement of the arguments, but I think that the balance -is very much in favour of the truth of the story. Mr. Southey's remark is -judicious. "The conduct of the Infantes of Carrion is certainly -improbable. There are instances enough of such cruelty, but none of such -folly. Yet nothing can be so improbable as that such a story should be -invented and related so soon after their death; of persons who had really -existed, and were of such rank: and that it should be accredited and -repeated by all the historians who lived nearest the time." - -[200] Hallam's Middle Ages, iii. 482. 2d edit. - -[201] The world has generally been acquainted with the fall of Grenada by -the work of Genez Perez de Hita, which was translated into French, and -acquired popularity when Florian made it the foundation of his Gonsalvo de -Cordova. There is very little historical truth in the volume, and the -value of the pictures of manners it contains has been much overrated: -those pictures, moreover, are Moorish rather than chivalric, and therefore -not of service to the present work. - -[202] Warton on the Gesta Romanorum, in the first volume of his History of -English Poetry. - -[203] De Marca, Marca Hispanica, p. 1428. - -[204] Con razon (dize) nos quitais las armas del linage, pues las ponemos -à tan graves peligros, y traucos: vos las mereceis mejor, que como mas -recatado, les teneis mejor guardados. - - Mariana, Hist. de Espana, xiii. 7. - -[205] Mariana, xiii. 7. This last story of Garcia Perez de Vargas is the -subject of a beautiful ballad, which Mr. Lockhart has translated. The -stanzas regarding the scarf are particularly pleasing. - - "He look'd around, and saw the scarf, for still the Moors were near, - And they had pick'd it from the sward, and loop'd it on a spear. - 'These Moors,' quoth Garci Perez, 'uncourteous Moors they be-- - Now, by my soul, the scarf they stole, yet durst not question me! - - "'Now reach once more my helmet.' The esquire said him nay, - 'For a silken string why should you fling, perchance, your life away?' - --'I had it from my lady,' quoth Garci, 'long ago, - And never Moor that scarf, be sure, in proud Seville shall show.'-- - - "But when the Moslems saw him, they stood in firm array: - --He rode among their armed throng, he rode right furiously. - --'Stand, stand, ye thieves and robbers, lay down my lady's pledge,' - He cried, and ever as he cried, they felt his faulchion's edge. - - "That day when the lord of Vargas came to the camp alone, - The scarf, his lady's largess, around his breast was thrown: - Bare was his head, his sword was red, and from his pommel strung - Seven turbans green, sore hack'd I ween, before Garci Perez hung." - Lockhart's Ancient Spanish Ballads, p. 75. - -[206] This is another and singular proof of the generally acknowledged -excellence of Italian armour. - -[207] Libro del paso honroso, defendido por el excelente caballero Sueno -de Quinones, copilado de un libro antiquo de mano, por Juan de Pineda. -1588. Reprinted, Madrid, 1783. - -[208] Paston, Letters, vol. i. p. 6. - -[209] Monstrelet, vol. vii. c. 82. - -[210] Sismondi. Hist. des Rep. Ital. vii. 439. The Germans were more -observant of the forms than of the spirit of chivalry. The reader -remembers that the spur, the golden spur, was the great mark of -knighthood; and every ancient church in this country, or a copy of its -antique monumental effigies, will inform him of the custom of placing a -spur over or upon a knight's tomb. This was also a custom among the -Germans, who, besides, reposited spurs in churches, when age, infirmity, -or other causes, unnerved the arm of the knight: moreover, they reposited -spurs in churches as memorials of victory. In the fourteenth century five -hundred pair of them, which had been taken in a victory over the French, -were hung round the walls of the church at Gröningen. Ritterzeit und -Ritterwesen, p. 212. - -[211] Olaus. Hist. Septent. lib. xiv. c. 7. - -[212] Illustrations of Northern Antiquities, from the Teutonic and -Scandinavian Romances, p. 76. - -[213] Ritterzeit und Ritterwesen, vol. i. p. 59. - -[214] Ritterzeit und Ritterwesen, vol. i. p. 60. - -[215] Ibid. p. 71. - -[216] Froissart, vol. i. c. 433. - -[217] Froissart, liv. ii. c. 125. - -[218] Schmidt, iv. 492. - -[219] Ritterzeit und Ritterwesen, p. 108. - -[220] Ibid. vol. i. p. 7. - -[221] Ritterzeit und Ritterwesen, vol. ii. p. 61. - -[222] Ibid. vol. ii. p. 272. - -[223] Ottokar v. Hornek, c. 268, &c. in his Annals of Austria. - -[224] Ritterzeit und Ritterwesen, vol. ii. last chapter. - -[225] Muratori, Dissert. 29. - -[226] Ibid. 23. - -[227] Giannone, lib. i. - -[228] Muratori, Annali d'Italia, vol. v. part 2. p. 171, &c. Even the -Modenese librarian throws aside his dust and parchments, and warms himself -into a humanised being at this story; while Sismondi passes it over with -frigid indifference. - -[229] Muratori, Dissert. 49. - -[230] See in the twenty-seventh Dissertation of Muratori (Della Milizia de -secoli rozzi in Italia) for a minute account of the armour of these -different classes. I observe that Mr. Perceval, in his History of Italy, -vol. i. p. 197., holds a different opinion from that which I have -expressed in the text. Instead of thinking that the change in the military -art formed one of the causes which hastened the overthrow of the Lombard -liberties, he contends that, perhaps, it might be more correctly numbered -among the circumstances which, after that overthrow had been accomplished, -perpetuated the work of slavery. - -[231] Perceval's History of Italy, vol. i. chap. 5. part 1. - -[232] Monstrelet, vol. xi. p. 328. - -[233] Muratori, Dissert. 23. Muratori describes from a contemporary -chronicle the entrance of Charles. The carriage of the Queen seems to have -excited great astonishment, as carriages were in those days seldom used by -ladies, and seldomer by men. - -[234] Giannone, Istoria Civile di Napoli, lib. xx. c. 3. s. 1. - -[235] When that political coxcomb, Cola de Rienzi, thought fit to be -knighted, he would not bathe in the ordinary way, but made use of the vase -wherein, according to tradition, Constantine had been baptised. Vita di -Cola Rienzi, c. 25. - -[236] Muratori, Dissert. 29. 53. - -[237] Sacchetti, Novelle, c. 153. - -[238] Muratori, Dissert. 53. Thus, when Hildebrand Guatasca, in 1260, was -made a knight at the expence of the city of Arezzo, he swore fidelity to -his lord, or, as grammarians would have it, his lady, the good city that -had knighted him. - -[239] Muratori, Dissert. vol. ii. c. 29. p. 16. - -[240] Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, vol. xii. p. 535. - -[241] Non ferro sed vino; non lanceis sed caseis; non ensibus sed utribus; -non hastibus sed verubus onerantur. - -[242] Polycraticus, p. 181. - -[243] Lansdowne Manuscripts, British Museum, No. 285. Article 41. The -manuscript breaks off here; but the result of the joust is of no -importance to my argument. - -[244] Brantome, Oeuvres, les Vies des Dames illustres, vol. i. p. 410, &c. -Brantome relates this story on the authority of an old-Italian book on -Duels, written by one Paris de Puteo. - -[245] Gesta Stephan. p. 962., cited in Turner's England, vol. i. p. 461. -8vo. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Chivalry, Volume II (of -2), by Charles Mills - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF CHIVALRY, VOL II *** - -***** This file should be named 40022-8.txt or 40022-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/0/0/2/40022/ - -Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive.) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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